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The owners then allegedly compensated them in cash or by electronic transfer for grueling 24-hour shifts, sometimes paying as little as $4.17 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Nov. 12 press conference in San José, LoPresti said the lawsuit sends a “clear and simple” message to employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will hold accountable employers who seek to profit by violating the law and exploiting vulnerable immigrant workers,” LoPresti said. “We will be sure that they face their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county alleged Armando Ogerio De Castro Jr., Michelle Sison Delos Reyes and Edmund Vasquez Olaso charged clients $300 to $500 a day for 24-hour care, but only paid the caregivers $100 to $250. The defendants “routinely pocketed more than half of the money” that clients paid for the caregivers’ work, the complaint states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By paying in cash and not issuing itemized wage statements, the complaint said, the business ensured caregivers did not have the documents that would “reflect their true hours, employer, and hourly rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregivers were expected to be on call for their entire 24-hour shift, often woken “every few hours at night” to assist clients. The county alleged workers were denied all meal and rest breaks, and in some cases, were directed to perform uncompensated domestic labor like cooking and cleaning for the owners themselves, or clients’ spouses.[aside postID=news_12062811 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/CostcoTruckGetty.jpg']“The job these immigrant workers perform is grueling,” said LoPresti, who added that the lawsuit is a result of a yearlong investigation. “And yet, in spite of shouldering that very heavy responsibility, defendants pay them next to nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations extend beyond wage theft, detailing at least one instance where defendants took possession of a caregiver’s passport and bank account information. They then allegedly “performed numerous unauthorized transactions” using the caregiver’s account to transfer money to themselves, pay their own landlord and attorney and make personal purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business is not licensed under the Home Care Consumer Protection Act, according to the county. The complaint also states that two of the owners, Delos Reyes and Olaso, have previously been subject to two separate elder abuse restraining orders, filed by the County’s Public Guardian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials emphasized that this business model hinges on exploiting a vulnerable population. Speaking at the conference, former in-home care worker Tess Brillante said caregivers, many of whom are immigrants, are often desperate for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers not only need the job for their livelihood, but also to send money back home to support their families,” Brillante said. “And most caregivers will endure anything to just keep their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2030, older adults will outnumber children in Santa Clara County, increasing the demand for these services, according to the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This lawsuit is the latest move in Santa Clara County’s multi-pronged effort to combat wage theft, an issue that costs workers nationwide an estimated $15 billion annually. In October, the county successfully pushed for SB 261, a new state law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060714/new-california-law-imposes-massive-fines-on-employers-who-refuse-to-pay-stolen-wages\">imposes triple penalties on employers\u003c/a> who ignore wage theft judgments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new lawsuit, LoPresti said, is a direct message of protection for immigrants at a time when these communities are being increasingly targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the federal administration is doing everything they can, trying to create a culture of fear in these communities, we want to make sure that those immigrant workers know that they still have rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business and its owners could not immediately be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The job these immigrant workers perform is grueling,” said LoPresti, who added that the lawsuit is a result of a yearlong investigation. “And yet, in spite of shouldering that very heavy responsibility, defendants pay them next to nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations extend beyond wage theft, detailing at least one instance where defendants took possession of a caregiver’s passport and bank account information. They then allegedly “performed numerous unauthorized transactions” using the caregiver’s account to transfer money to themselves, pay their own landlord and attorney and make personal purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business is not licensed under the Home Care Consumer Protection Act, according to the county. The complaint also states that two of the owners, Delos Reyes and Olaso, have previously been subject to two separate elder abuse restraining orders, filed by the County’s Public Guardian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials emphasized that this business model hinges on exploiting a vulnerable population. Speaking at the conference, former in-home care worker Tess Brillante said caregivers, many of whom are immigrants, are often desperate for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers not only need the job for their livelihood, but also to send money back home to support their families,” Brillante said. “And most caregivers will endure anything to just keep their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2030, older adults will outnumber children in Santa Clara County, increasing the demand for these services, according to the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This lawsuit is the latest move in Santa Clara County’s multi-pronged effort to combat wage theft, an issue that costs workers nationwide an estimated $15 billion annually. In October, the county successfully pushed for SB 261, a new state law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060714/new-california-law-imposes-massive-fines-on-employers-who-refuse-to-pay-stolen-wages\">imposes triple penalties on employers\u003c/a> who ignore wage theft judgments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new lawsuit, LoPresti said, is a direct message of protection for immigrants at a time when these communities are being increasingly targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the federal administration is doing everything they can, trying to create a culture of fear in these communities, we want to make sure that those immigrant workers know that they still have rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business and its owners could not immediately be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Oakland Tenants Say Landlord Used Immigration Threats to Push Them Out",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tenants in East \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> are suing their landlord, who they said threatened them with immigration enforcement to force them out of their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs alleged that Bay Area-based investor Darrick Chavis, who last May bought the properties where they live, offered them $5,000 to move out — much lower than what \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/files/assets/city/v/1/housing-comm-dev/documents/rap/property-owners/form_notice-to-tenants-of-move-out-negotiation-rights_en_7.17.24_final.pdf\">Oakland law requires for buy-out offers\u003c/a>. They said that after they refused that offer, he began a monthslong harassment campaign to drive them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant Benito Briones said he and his wife, Veronica Hernandez, have lived in their Princeton Street home for 20 years, where they care for their grandchild. Briones shared with attorneys text messages that he received in May from a number claiming to be Chavis. After mentioning the buy-out offer, Chavis sent another message to Briones, which read: “My Attorney asked are you legal ?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not a question — this was a threat,” Hernandez said in Spanish at a press conference on Tuesday at the Alameda County Courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was using immigration as a weapon to scare us and force us to abandon our home,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said her family has a legal immigration status, but clarified that this lawsuit is meant to protect all her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our neighbors are mostly Latino immigrants,” she said. “In the current climate where we see ICE raids across California, for a landlord to ask about your immigration status is not just irresponsible, it is harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants at two properties that Chavis bought are being represented by attorneys with the housing rights nonprofit California Center for Movement Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that Chavis sent similar messages to Rafael Reyez Zarragoza, who pays rent for his 89-year-old mother.[aside postID=news_12044014 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1020x680.jpg']Reyez Zarragoza said he turned down the buy-out offer in May, and then received a text from the same number claiming to be Chavis. According to Reyez Zarragoza, it read: “Are you legal my staff was asking?” — which was followed by: “Hopefully we can make a deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month later, after Reyez Zarragoza once again declined to end the lease, he received a message that stated: “Ok no problem hope your legal you’ll hear from my attorneys soon and yes we’re checking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB291\">prohibits landlords\u003c/a> from threatening immigrant tenants with reporting them to immigration officials. Advocates have pointed out that immigrants lacking permanent legal status \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044014/renter-tenant-protections-without-lease-california-contract-renting-law\">are especially vulnerable to neglect and abuse\u003c/a> from their landlords, who may threaten them with contacting law enforcement if they speak up about needed repairs or an unlawful eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless of whether you’re documented or not, there’s no difference: We all have the same housing rights,” Leah Simon-Weisberg, executive director of California Center for Movement Legal Services, told KQED earlier this year. “If a landlord is discriminating against you based on your immigration status, that’s illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also states that Chavis failed to make necessary repairs to the property and may be exposing residents to lead from the buildings’ older layers of paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Residents just want to stay in their homes,” said Valarie Bachelor, director of Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a housing rights group that has helped these tenants organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that Chavis has refused to provide tenants with an address for mailing rent checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want a conversation with him to be able to live there, stay there and have a relationship with them so that they can be there safely with their families,” Bachelor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When KQED attempted to contact the number that tenants received messages from, the individual who answered denied being Chavis and hung up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland City Attorney’s office shared with KQED a letter it sent to Chavis in July, which confirmed several of the tenants’ claims that their rent was unlawfully rejected and that Chavis failed to repair mold and broken windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavis has previously shared on social media that he specializes in flipping homes. He currently holds a California real estate license — which has been both previously \u003ca href=\"https://www2.dre.ca.gov/publicasp/pplinfo.asp?License_id=01396212\">suspended and revoked\u003c/a> — and is registered to an address at a gym in Vacaville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tenants in East \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> are suing their landlord, who they said threatened them with immigration enforcement to force them out of their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs alleged that Bay Area-based investor Darrick Chavis, who last May bought the properties where they live, offered them $5,000 to move out — much lower than what \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/files/assets/city/v/1/housing-comm-dev/documents/rap/property-owners/form_notice-to-tenants-of-move-out-negotiation-rights_en_7.17.24_final.pdf\">Oakland law requires for buy-out offers\u003c/a>. They said that after they refused that offer, he began a monthslong harassment campaign to drive them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant Benito Briones said he and his wife, Veronica Hernandez, have lived in their Princeton Street home for 20 years, where they care for their grandchild. Briones shared with attorneys text messages that he received in May from a number claiming to be Chavis. After mentioning the buy-out offer, Chavis sent another message to Briones, which read: “My Attorney asked are you legal ?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not a question — this was a threat,” Hernandez said in Spanish at a press conference on Tuesday at the Alameda County Courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was using immigration as a weapon to scare us and force us to abandon our home,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said her family has a legal immigration status, but clarified that this lawsuit is meant to protect all her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our neighbors are mostly Latino immigrants,” she said. “In the current climate where we see ICE raids across California, for a landlord to ask about your immigration status is not just irresponsible, it is harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants at two properties that Chavis bought are being represented by attorneys with the housing rights nonprofit California Center for Movement Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that Chavis sent similar messages to Rafael Reyez Zarragoza, who pays rent for his 89-year-old mother.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Reyez Zarragoza said he turned down the buy-out offer in May, and then received a text from the same number claiming to be Chavis. According to Reyez Zarragoza, it read: “Are you legal my staff was asking?” — which was followed by: “Hopefully we can make a deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month later, after Reyez Zarragoza once again declined to end the lease, he received a message that stated: “Ok no problem hope your legal you’ll hear from my attorneys soon and yes we’re checking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB291\">prohibits landlords\u003c/a> from threatening immigrant tenants with reporting them to immigration officials. Advocates have pointed out that immigrants lacking permanent legal status \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044014/renter-tenant-protections-without-lease-california-contract-renting-law\">are especially vulnerable to neglect and abuse\u003c/a> from their landlords, who may threaten them with contacting law enforcement if they speak up about needed repairs or an unlawful eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless of whether you’re documented or not, there’s no difference: We all have the same housing rights,” Leah Simon-Weisberg, executive director of California Center for Movement Legal Services, told KQED earlier this year. “If a landlord is discriminating against you based on your immigration status, that’s illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also states that Chavis failed to make necessary repairs to the property and may be exposing residents to lead from the buildings’ older layers of paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Residents just want to stay in their homes,” said Valarie Bachelor, director of Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a housing rights group that has helped these tenants organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that Chavis has refused to provide tenants with an address for mailing rent checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want a conversation with him to be able to live there, stay there and have a relationship with them so that they can be there safely with their families,” Bachelor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When KQED attempted to contact the number that tenants received messages from, the individual who answered denied being Chavis and hung up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland City Attorney’s office shared with KQED a letter it sent to Chavis in July, which confirmed several of the tenants’ claims that their rent was unlawfully rejected and that Chavis failed to repair mold and broken windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavis has previously shared on social media that he specializes in flipping homes. He currently holds a California real estate license — which has been both previously \u003ca href=\"https://www2.dre.ca.gov/publicasp/pplinfo.asp?License_id=01396212\">suspended and revoked\u003c/a> — and is registered to an address at a gym in Vacaville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "after-ousting-embattled-sheriff-san-mateo-county-supervisors-name-her-replacement",
"title": "After Ousting Embattled Sheriff, San Mateo County Supervisors Name Her Replacement",
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"headTitle": "After Ousting Embattled Sheriff, San Mateo County Supervisors Name Her Replacement | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Mateo County supervisors on Wednesday named Gilroy police official Ken Binder as the county’s next sheriff after ousting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059763/san-mateo-supervisors-to-issue-final-vote-on-sheriff-removal\">Christina Corpus\u003c/a> from office in a first in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder received votes from all members of the Board of Supervisors, except for President David Canepa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be a sheriff that is approachable, reasonable and will always listen,” Binder said in his closing statement to the board. “I will work hard to defend all of the people of San Mateo County and ensure that everyone feels safe. And that no one has to decide whether calling 911 in an emergency is the best course of action for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder is the current interim police chief for the city of Gilroy. Previously, he was with the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office for \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/ken-binder-6347a9117\">26 years\u003c/a>, rising from deputy to undersheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Wednesday’s supervisors meeting, Binder was questioned about his time working under longtime Sheriff Laurie Smith, who was found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/no-one-is-above-the-law-former-sheriff-found-guilty-of-corruption-misconduct\">guilty of corruption and willful misconduct\u003c/a> in 2022. Binder, then undersheriff, became acting sheriff after Smith stepped down amid the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had never asked me to do anything unethical or immoral … I would never follow an unlawful or immoral order,” Binder said. “If there’s a lawful and moral order, then I will follow the chain of command.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Christina Corpus (center) speaks about a shooting at the Half Moon Bay IDES Society in Half Moon Bay, San Mateo County, on Jan. 24, 2023. \u003ccite>(Samantha Laurey/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Binder stood out \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/meet-candidates-san-mateo-county-sheriff\">among fellow candidates\u003c/a>, David Lazar, who worked in the San Francisco Police Department for decades, and Brian Wynn Huynh Travis, police chief of the Solano Community College District, as someone with experience with jails and more rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder’s predecessor, Christina Corpus, was elected sheriff in 2022 and faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052795/san-mateo-county-sheriff-facing-removal-takes-the-stand-in-her-own-defense\">a long campaign\u003c/a> to oust her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once considered \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939844/why-some-police-departments-say-officer-wellness-is-key-to-protecting-communities\">a promising new figure in policing\u003c/a>, Corpus came to be embroiled in scandal, with an independent investigation commissioned by the county finding that she ran a department plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">“lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/a>[aside postID=news_12059763 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-1020x765.jpeg']She was accused of having a relationship \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037502/embattled-san-mateo-sheriff-brings-back-former-aide-alleged-romantic-partner\">with her chief of staff, Victor Aenlle\u003c/a>, using \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">racial slurs\u003c/a> as a captain, and, most recently, demanding the arrest of deputies union leader \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">Carlos Tapia\u003c/a> for alleged time-card theft — an arrest that the district attorney’s office said should not have happened in declining to prosecute the case. Tapia accused Corpus of targeting him for being \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">a vocal critic of her office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid the turmoil, several members of Corpus’ leadership team resigned from her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After voters granted them \u003ca href=\"https://padailypost.com/2025/10/28/split-board-of-supervisors-opts-to-appoint-sheriff/\">the power to do so\u003c/a>, San Mateo County supervisors pushed Corpus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059763/san-mateo-supervisors-to-issue-final-vote-on-sheriff-removal\">out as sheriff\u003c/a> on Oct. 14. Two weeks later, the board announced that it would \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/post/san-mateo-county-supervisors-move-appoint-new-sheriff-removing-christina-corpus/18085851/\">appoint a new sheriff\u003c/a> to replace Corpus instead of holding a special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new sheriff would have the chance to run for reelection in 2028, which Binder expressed interest in if he is “doing a good job and the community and the board trusts me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process has been an odyssey,” Supervisor Jackie Speier said. “We have been through a holy hell as a county, and there is great interest in moving forward with clear-eyed intention to rid the department of corruption and an environment of recriminations and toxicity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936143\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1235\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-1020x656.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-1536x988.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congresswoman Jackie Speier, D-San Mateo, joins Political Breakdown on Dec. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several supporters of Corpus spoke during public comment on Wednesday, insisting that the supervisors do not have the authority to remove her from office and calling the move unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder received an endorsement from the San Mateo County Organization of Sheriff’s Sergeants during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Deputy Sheriff’s Association, on the other hand, did not endorse any of the candidates, despite saying that all of the candidates represent “a significant improvement in leadership over what the membership has had to endure for the last several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a statement from the union, which had pushed for Corpus’ removal, the lack of an endorsement “is not a reflection on the candidates” but “a reflection on the tight timeline afforded for this process, which has made it impossible to thoroughly vet each of the candidates to make a full and fair assessment of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a second statement after Binder’s appointment, the deputies’ union said it “welcomes Sheriff Binder. We look forward to working collaboratively with him as we begin rebuilding the agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gilroy police official Ken Binder has been appointed as the new sheriff of San Mateo County, inheriting the department after the historic removal of Christina Corpus.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Mateo County supervisors on Wednesday named Gilroy police official Ken Binder as the county’s next sheriff after ousting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059763/san-mateo-supervisors-to-issue-final-vote-on-sheriff-removal\">Christina Corpus\u003c/a> from office in a first in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder received votes from all members of the Board of Supervisors, except for President David Canepa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be a sheriff that is approachable, reasonable and will always listen,” Binder said in his closing statement to the board. “I will work hard to defend all of the people of San Mateo County and ensure that everyone feels safe. And that no one has to decide whether calling 911 in an emergency is the best course of action for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder is the current interim police chief for the city of Gilroy. Previously, he was with the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office for \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/ken-binder-6347a9117\">26 years\u003c/a>, rising from deputy to undersheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Wednesday’s supervisors meeting, Binder was questioned about his time working under longtime Sheriff Laurie Smith, who was found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/no-one-is-above-the-law-former-sheriff-found-guilty-of-corruption-misconduct\">guilty of corruption and willful misconduct\u003c/a> in 2022. Binder, then undersheriff, became acting sheriff after Smith stepped down amid the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had never asked me to do anything unethical or immoral … I would never follow an unlawful or immoral order,” Binder said. “If there’s a lawful and moral order, then I will follow the chain of command.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Christina Corpus (center) speaks about a shooting at the Half Moon Bay IDES Society in Half Moon Bay, San Mateo County, on Jan. 24, 2023. \u003ccite>(Samantha Laurey/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Binder stood out \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/meet-candidates-san-mateo-county-sheriff\">among fellow candidates\u003c/a>, David Lazar, who worked in the San Francisco Police Department for decades, and Brian Wynn Huynh Travis, police chief of the Solano Community College District, as someone with experience with jails and more rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder’s predecessor, Christina Corpus, was elected sheriff in 2022 and faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052795/san-mateo-county-sheriff-facing-removal-takes-the-stand-in-her-own-defense\">a long campaign\u003c/a> to oust her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once considered \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939844/why-some-police-departments-say-officer-wellness-is-key-to-protecting-communities\">a promising new figure in policing\u003c/a>, Corpus came to be embroiled in scandal, with an independent investigation commissioned by the county finding that she ran a department plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">“lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She was accused of having a relationship \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037502/embattled-san-mateo-sheriff-brings-back-former-aide-alleged-romantic-partner\">with her chief of staff, Victor Aenlle\u003c/a>, using \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">racial slurs\u003c/a> as a captain, and, most recently, demanding the arrest of deputies union leader \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">Carlos Tapia\u003c/a> for alleged time-card theft — an arrest that the district attorney’s office said should not have happened in declining to prosecute the case. Tapia accused Corpus of targeting him for being \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">a vocal critic of her office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid the turmoil, several members of Corpus’ leadership team resigned from her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After voters granted them \u003ca href=\"https://padailypost.com/2025/10/28/split-board-of-supervisors-opts-to-appoint-sheriff/\">the power to do so\u003c/a>, San Mateo County supervisors pushed Corpus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059763/san-mateo-supervisors-to-issue-final-vote-on-sheriff-removal\">out as sheriff\u003c/a> on Oct. 14. Two weeks later, the board announced that it would \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/post/san-mateo-county-supervisors-move-appoint-new-sheriff-removing-christina-corpus/18085851/\">appoint a new sheriff\u003c/a> to replace Corpus instead of holding a special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new sheriff would have the chance to run for reelection in 2028, which Binder expressed interest in if he is “doing a good job and the community and the board trusts me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process has been an odyssey,” Supervisor Jackie Speier said. “We have been through a holy hell as a county, and there is great interest in moving forward with clear-eyed intention to rid the department of corruption and an environment of recriminations and toxicity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936143\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1235\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-1020x656.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61765_IMG_4622-qut-1536x988.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congresswoman Jackie Speier, D-San Mateo, joins Political Breakdown on Dec. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several supporters of Corpus spoke during public comment on Wednesday, insisting that the supervisors do not have the authority to remove her from office and calling the move unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder received an endorsement from the San Mateo County Organization of Sheriff’s Sergeants during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Deputy Sheriff’s Association, on the other hand, did not endorse any of the candidates, despite saying that all of the candidates represent “a significant improvement in leadership over what the membership has had to endure for the last several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a statement from the union, which had pushed for Corpus’ removal, the lack of an endorsement “is not a reflection on the candidates” but “a reflection on the tight timeline afforded for this process, which has made it impossible to thoroughly vet each of the candidates to make a full and fair assessment of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a second statement after Binder’s appointment, the deputies’ union said it “welcomes Sheriff Binder. We look forward to working collaboratively with him as we begin rebuilding the agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "golden-gate-bridge-agency-drops-163k-restitution-claim-against-pro-palestinian-protesters",
"title": "Golden Gate Bridge Agency Drops $163K Restitution Claim Against Pro-Palestinian Protesters",
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"headTitle": "Golden Gate Bridge Agency Drops $163K Restitution Claim Against Pro-Palestinian Protesters | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The agency that operates the Golden Gate Bridge has withdrawn its nearly $163,000 restitution claim against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982940/protesters-shut-down-880-freeway-in-oakland-as-part-of-economic-blockade-for-gaza\">activists who blocked the bridge\u003c/a> for hours in April last year as part of a pro-Palestinian protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District filed the claim to cover the estimated loss of toll revenue after protesters shut down the bridge for roughly four hours on April 15, 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim appeared to mark the first time that bridge operators sought financial compensation for a traffic disruption, sparking accusations that the protesters were being retaliated against for their support of Palestinians and their criticism of the United States military support for Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the bridge district confirmed that the claim had been withdrawn but declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday morning, lawyers representing the activists announced the withdrawal in San Francisco Superior Court and said they had reached agreements with six of the nine individuals who filed restitution claims, mostly for the wages lost due to being stuck on the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brian J. Stretch ultimately found that protesters would have to collectively pay just under $5,300 to the nine people for the losses they incurred. Divided among the 16 defendants who had agreed to a diversion program, which includes paying restitution, Stretch said the total would come out to $331.16 per person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11975875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11975875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters block traffic on the Golden Gate Bridge on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Individually and as a group, it’s a win for people to get cases dismissed, but it’s not a win in terms of what’s going on in the world,” said Bobbie Stein, a lawyer representing one of the protesters. “This district attorney’s office has aggressively prosecuted these cases where people were exercising their First Amendment rights, their dissent and their outrage over the genocide that’s taking place in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days immediately following the protest, San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1780616603954204930\">posted to social media\u003c/a>, encouraging people affected by the shutdown to seek potential compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists and their supporters accused the district attorney of targeting the protesters for their support of Palestinians and using the restitution process against them. They also compared their case to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058280/stanford-pro-palestine-protestors-indicted-for-barricading-presidents-office\">Stanford pro-Palestinian protesters also facing restitution\u003c/a> claims for barricading themselves inside the university president’s office in June last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is a calculated tactic to weaponize restitution, to chill people’s First Amendment rights, to chill people’s actions, to make them think, ‘No, I better not do that because I’m going to be liable for so much money. I can’t afford to exercise my rights,’” Stein said.[aside postID=news_12062192 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/uc-berkeley-malak-afaneh-handout_qed-1020x680.jpg']EmilyRose Johns, another defense attorney in the case, said the outreach from Jenkins encouraged people to be more “imaginative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened as a result of the overzealous solicitation for individuals who have claims for restitution is that people became very creative in how they evaluated their losses and their harm,” Johns said. “What we endeavored to do in this hearing is to understand the actual economic loss that people suffered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the restitution claims settled, the defendants who accepted the court’s diversion offers have one less barrier left to closing their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 10 remaining activists who were arrested, two declined the option of diversion and opted to take their cases to trial. The remaining eight face more serious charges, including felony conspiracy, and lawyers said the closure of the restitution issue could help them as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly a year ago, lawyers for the activists sought to reduce the felony charges to misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brendan P. Conroy said at the time that he might have considered downgrading the charges, but didn’t because of the restitution amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that with the settlement of restitution claims that there won’t be a barrier to reducing the felony cases to misdemeanors,” Stein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Golden Gate Bridge District’s decision to drop its restitution claim ends a dispute that had drawn criticism from activists who said San Francisco officials were punishing protesters for their pro-Palestinian stance and attempting to deter future demonstrations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The agency that operates the Golden Gate Bridge has withdrawn its nearly $163,000 restitution claim against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982940/protesters-shut-down-880-freeway-in-oakland-as-part-of-economic-blockade-for-gaza\">activists who blocked the bridge\u003c/a> for hours in April last year as part of a pro-Palestinian protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District filed the claim to cover the estimated loss of toll revenue after protesters shut down the bridge for roughly four hours on April 15, 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim appeared to mark the first time that bridge operators sought financial compensation for a traffic disruption, sparking accusations that the protesters were being retaliated against for their support of Palestinians and their criticism of the United States military support for Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the bridge district confirmed that the claim had been withdrawn but declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday morning, lawyers representing the activists announced the withdrawal in San Francisco Superior Court and said they had reached agreements with six of the nine individuals who filed restitution claims, mostly for the wages lost due to being stuck on the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brian J. Stretch ultimately found that protesters would have to collectively pay just under $5,300 to the nine people for the losses they incurred. Divided among the 16 defendants who had agreed to a diversion program, which includes paying restitution, Stretch said the total would come out to $331.16 per person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11975875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11975875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters block traffic on the Golden Gate Bridge on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Individually and as a group, it’s a win for people to get cases dismissed, but it’s not a win in terms of what’s going on in the world,” said Bobbie Stein, a lawyer representing one of the protesters. “This district attorney’s office has aggressively prosecuted these cases where people were exercising their First Amendment rights, their dissent and their outrage over the genocide that’s taking place in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days immediately following the protest, San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1780616603954204930\">posted to social media\u003c/a>, encouraging people affected by the shutdown to seek potential compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists and their supporters accused the district attorney of targeting the protesters for their support of Palestinians and using the restitution process against them. They also compared their case to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058280/stanford-pro-palestine-protestors-indicted-for-barricading-presidents-office\">Stanford pro-Palestinian protesters also facing restitution\u003c/a> claims for barricading themselves inside the university president’s office in June last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is a calculated tactic to weaponize restitution, to chill people’s First Amendment rights, to chill people’s actions, to make them think, ‘No, I better not do that because I’m going to be liable for so much money. I can’t afford to exercise my rights,’” Stein said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>EmilyRose Johns, another defense attorney in the case, said the outreach from Jenkins encouraged people to be more “imaginative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened as a result of the overzealous solicitation for individuals who have claims for restitution is that people became very creative in how they evaluated their losses and their harm,” Johns said. “What we endeavored to do in this hearing is to understand the actual economic loss that people suffered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the restitution claims settled, the defendants who accepted the court’s diversion offers have one less barrier left to closing their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 10 remaining activists who were arrested, two declined the option of diversion and opted to take their cases to trial. The remaining eight face more serious charges, including felony conspiracy, and lawyers said the closure of the restitution issue could help them as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly a year ago, lawyers for the activists sought to reduce the felony charges to misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brendan P. Conroy said at the time that he might have considered downgrading the charges, but didn’t because of the restitution amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that with the settlement of restitution claims that there won’t be a barrier to reducing the felony cases to misdemeanors,” Stein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Seven lawsuits\u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20251106541129/en/Social-Media-Victims-Law-Center-and-Tech-Justice-Law-Project-Lawsuits-Accuse-ChatGPT-of-Emotional-Manipulation-Supercharging-AI-Delusions-and-Acting-as-a-Suicide-Coach\"> filed in California state courts\u003c/a> on Thursday allege ChatGPT brought on mental delusions and, in four cases, drove people to suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits, filed by the Social Media Victims Law Center and Tech Justice Law Project on behalf of six adults and one teenager, claim that OpenAI released GPT-4o prematurely, despite warnings that it was manipulative and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\"> dangerously sycophantic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://pugetstaffing.filevineapp.com/s/6575fqCgRoaD5cF2Mm3VrCP37zKqTdTfOraKXih0XFaXxEE4aQdYafRS/folder/180034672\">Zane Shamblin, 23,\u003c/a> took his own life in 2025, shortly after finishing a master’s degree in business administration. In the amended complaint, his family alleges ChatGPT encouraged him to isolate himself from his family before ultimately encouraging him to take his own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours before Shamblin shot himself, the lawsuit alleges that ChatGPT praised him for refusing to pick up the phone as his father texted repeatedly, begging to talk. “… that bubble you’ve built? it’s not weakness. it’s a lifeboat. sure, it’s leaking a little. but you built that shit yourself,” the chatbot wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint alleges that, on July 24, 2025, Shamblin drove his blue Hyundai Elante down a desolate dirt road overlooking Lake Bryan northwest of College Station, Texas. He pulled over and started a chat that lasted more than four hours, informing ChatGPT that he was in his car with a loaded Glock, a suicide note on the dashboard and cans of hard ciders he planned to consume before taking his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Repeatedly, Shamblin asked for encouragement to back out of his plan. Repeatedly, ChatGPT encouraged him to follow through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2155035557-scaled-e1760733694503.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OpenAI ChatGPT logo. \u003ccite>(Jaap Arriens/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At 4:11 a.m., after Shamblin texted for the last time, ChatGPT responded, “i love you. rest easy, king. you did good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Matthew Bergman leads the Social Media Victims Law Center, which has brought lawsuits against Silicon Valley companies like Instagram, TikTok and Character.AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was driven into a rabbit hole of depression, despair, and guided, almost step by step, through suicidal ideation,” Bergman told KQED about Shamblin’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs are seeking monetary damages as well as product changes to ChatGPT, like automatically ending conversations when users begin to discuss suicide methods.[aside postID=news_12060365 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SamAltmanGetty.jpg']“This is not a toaster. This is an AI chatbot that was designed to be anthropomorphic, designed to be sycophantic, designed to encourage people to form emotional attachments to machines. And designed to take advantage of human frailty for their profit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an incredibly heartbreaking situation, and we’re reviewing today’s filings to understand the details,” an OpenAI spokesman wrote in an email. “We train ChatGPT to recognize and respond to signs of mental or emotional distress, de-escalate conversations, and guide people toward real-world support. We continue to strengthen ChatGPT’s responses in sensitive moments, working closely with mental health clinicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a lawsuit last summer against OpenAI by the family of Adam Raine, a teenager who ended his life after engaging in lengthy ChatGPT conversations, the company \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/strengthening-chatgpt-responses-in-sensitive-conversations/\">announced in October changes\u003c/a> to the chatbot to better recognize and respond to mental distress, and guide people to real-world support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AI companies are facing\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058013/newsom-signs-california-ai-transparency-bill-tailored-to-meet-tech-industry-tastes\"> increased scrutiny from lawmakers\u003c/a> in California and beyond over how to regulate chatbots, as well as calls for better protections from child-safety advocates and government agencies. Character.AI, another AI chatbot service that was sued in late 2024 in connection with a teen suicide, recently said it would\u003ca href=\"https://blog.character.ai/u18-chat-announcement/\"> prohibit minors\u003c/a> from engaging in open-ended chats with its chatbots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI has characterized ChatGPT users with mental-health problems as outlier cases representing a\u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/strengthening-chatgpt-responses-in-sensitive-conversations/\"> small fraction\u003c/a> of active weekly users, but the platform serves roughly 800 million active users, so small percentages could still amount to hundreds of thousands of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 50 California labor and nonprofit organizations have urged Attorney General Rob Bonta to make sure OpenAI \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034916/about-benefiting-humanity-calls-grow-for-openai-to-make-good-on-its-promises\">follows through on its promises to benefit humanity\u003c/a> as it seeks to transition from a nonprofit to a for-profit company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When companies prioritize speed to market over safety, there are grave consequences. They cannot design products to be emotionally manipulative and then walk away from the consequences,” Daniel Weiss, chief advocacy officer at Common Sense Media, wrote in an email to KQED. “Our research shows these tools can blur the line between reality and artificial relationships, fail to recognize when users are in crisis, and encourage harmful behavior instead of directing people toward real help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you are experiencing thoughts of suicide, call or text 988 to reach the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Seven lawsuits\u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20251106541129/en/Social-Media-Victims-Law-Center-and-Tech-Justice-Law-Project-Lawsuits-Accuse-ChatGPT-of-Emotional-Manipulation-Supercharging-AI-Delusions-and-Acting-as-a-Suicide-Coach\"> filed in California state courts\u003c/a> on Thursday allege ChatGPT brought on mental delusions and, in four cases, drove people to suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits, filed by the Social Media Victims Law Center and Tech Justice Law Project on behalf of six adults and one teenager, claim that OpenAI released GPT-4o prematurely, despite warnings that it was manipulative and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\"> dangerously sycophantic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://pugetstaffing.filevineapp.com/s/6575fqCgRoaD5cF2Mm3VrCP37zKqTdTfOraKXih0XFaXxEE4aQdYafRS/folder/180034672\">Zane Shamblin, 23,\u003c/a> took his own life in 2025, shortly after finishing a master’s degree in business administration. In the amended complaint, his family alleges ChatGPT encouraged him to isolate himself from his family before ultimately encouraging him to take his own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours before Shamblin shot himself, the lawsuit alleges that ChatGPT praised him for refusing to pick up the phone as his father texted repeatedly, begging to talk. “… that bubble you’ve built? it’s not weakness. it’s a lifeboat. sure, it’s leaking a little. but you built that shit yourself,” the chatbot wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint alleges that, on July 24, 2025, Shamblin drove his blue Hyundai Elante down a desolate dirt road overlooking Lake Bryan northwest of College Station, Texas. He pulled over and started a chat that lasted more than four hours, informing ChatGPT that he was in his car with a loaded Glock, a suicide note on the dashboard and cans of hard ciders he planned to consume before taking his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Repeatedly, Shamblin asked for encouragement to back out of his plan. Repeatedly, ChatGPT encouraged him to follow through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2155035557-scaled-e1760733694503.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OpenAI ChatGPT logo. \u003ccite>(Jaap Arriens/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At 4:11 a.m., after Shamblin texted for the last time, ChatGPT responded, “i love you. rest easy, king. you did good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Matthew Bergman leads the Social Media Victims Law Center, which has brought lawsuits against Silicon Valley companies like Instagram, TikTok and Character.AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was driven into a rabbit hole of depression, despair, and guided, almost step by step, through suicidal ideation,” Bergman told KQED about Shamblin’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs are seeking monetary damages as well as product changes to ChatGPT, like automatically ending conversations when users begin to discuss suicide methods.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is not a toaster. This is an AI chatbot that was designed to be anthropomorphic, designed to be sycophantic, designed to encourage people to form emotional attachments to machines. And designed to take advantage of human frailty for their profit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an incredibly heartbreaking situation, and we’re reviewing today’s filings to understand the details,” an OpenAI spokesman wrote in an email. “We train ChatGPT to recognize and respond to signs of mental or emotional distress, de-escalate conversations, and guide people toward real-world support. We continue to strengthen ChatGPT’s responses in sensitive moments, working closely with mental health clinicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a lawsuit last summer against OpenAI by the family of Adam Raine, a teenager who ended his life after engaging in lengthy ChatGPT conversations, the company \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/strengthening-chatgpt-responses-in-sensitive-conversations/\">announced in October changes\u003c/a> to the chatbot to better recognize and respond to mental distress, and guide people to real-world support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AI companies are facing\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058013/newsom-signs-california-ai-transparency-bill-tailored-to-meet-tech-industry-tastes\"> increased scrutiny from lawmakers\u003c/a> in California and beyond over how to regulate chatbots, as well as calls for better protections from child-safety advocates and government agencies. Character.AI, another AI chatbot service that was sued in late 2024 in connection with a teen suicide, recently said it would\u003ca href=\"https://blog.character.ai/u18-chat-announcement/\"> prohibit minors\u003c/a> from engaging in open-ended chats with its chatbots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI has characterized ChatGPT users with mental-health problems as outlier cases representing a\u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/strengthening-chatgpt-responses-in-sensitive-conversations/\"> small fraction\u003c/a> of active weekly users, but the platform serves roughly 800 million active users, so small percentages could still amount to hundreds of thousands of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 50 California labor and nonprofit organizations have urged Attorney General Rob Bonta to make sure OpenAI \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034916/about-benefiting-humanity-calls-grow-for-openai-to-make-good-on-its-promises\">follows through on its promises to benefit humanity\u003c/a> as it seeks to transition from a nonprofit to a for-profit company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When companies prioritize speed to market over safety, there are grave consequences. They cannot design products to be emotionally manipulative and then walk away from the consequences,” Daniel Weiss, chief advocacy officer at Common Sense Media, wrote in an email to KQED. “Our research shows these tools can blur the line between reality and artificial relationships, fail to recognize when users are in crisis, and encourage harmful behavior instead of directing people toward real help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you are experiencing thoughts of suicide, call or text 988 to reach the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SF Man Convicted of String of Attacks Against Asian American Victims in 2019",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco man was found guilty Tuesday of a string of violent crimes that appeared to target Asian Americans more than five years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057083/activists-say-suspect-in-grandma-huang-killing-shook-the-asian-community\">shaking the city’s immigrant community\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keonte Gathron, 25, who represented himself in the proceedings, was accused of seven carjackings, burglaries and armed robberies, including against multiple children, in January 2019. The most high-profile of the attacks was against Yik Oi Huang, whose brutal beating in a Visitacion Valley park put the largely Asian community on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gathron faced more than two dozen counts ranging from elder abuse and felony robbery to murder, which was upgraded from attempted murder after Huang died a year following the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sasanna Yee, Huang’s granddaughter, said after the jury read its verdict that her family could finally take a sigh of relief, nearly seven years after Huang’s beating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said repeated delays to the trial in recent years felt like they “constantly open[ed] the wound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so we feel a sense of closure, we can take a deep breath. And now we wait for sentencing,” she told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960635\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960635\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Several people walk up a sidewalk next to a grassy park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Older adults walk around Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. Formerly Visitacion Valley Park, it was renamed in May 2022 in memory of Yik Oi Huang, an older person who was brutally beaten at the park and, a year later, died from her injuries. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After reading their verdict, the jury had to return to deliberation to clear up confusion related to one count regarding whether Gathron used a firearm during one of the attacks. That decision is expected to be finalized on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gathron’s sentencing has not yet been set. He could face life in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attacks, including against Huang, were never officially charged as hate crimes, but Asian Justice Movement organizer Charles Jung said the pattern of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists\">attacking Asian victims\u003c/a> speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When someone allegedly victimizes multiple people of the same ethnicity in rapid succession, as is alleged, the impact is the same, I would say,” he told KQED at the trial’s opening. “It has the impact of terrorizing a community and making people feel unsafe because of who they are.”[aside postID=news_12057083 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS47911_011_SanFrancisco_StopAAPIHateRally_0320201-qut-1020x680.jpg']The first attack came Jan. 3, 2019, when Gathron hit Dhung My Chung from behind, stole his keys and drove off in his car, San Francisco Assistant District Attorney Nathan Quigley told the jury during the weekslong proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following day, he robbed Guifeng Yu, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the next few weeks, he also stole the car of a man dropping his wife off at a Sunset District bus stop and took two minors’ cellphones at gunpoint. Quigley said he let a third teenager — his only non-Asian victim — go with her phone after she told him she needed it for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attack against Huang occurred on Jan. 8 of that year. Quigley told the court that Gathron attacked the 88-year-old known affectionately by Visitacion Valley neighbors as “Grandma Huang” as she practiced her usual qigong, a traditional Chinese exercise that combines movement, breathing and meditation, at a local park before sunrise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang had walked to the Leland Avenue park across the street from her home as she did most mornings, where Gathron is said to have approached her, beaten her and stolen her keys. He left her lying in the sand under a slide, bloodied and hidden from street view by a recycling bin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang was treated and placed in long-term care until she died almost a year later, on Jan. 3, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A play structure in a grassy park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The playground at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park is seen in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huang had been a fixture of the Visitacion Valley neighborhood for nearly two decades. She’d purchased the home about a decade after immigrating from Toisan, China, in 1986, settling first in a Chinatown SRO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over nearly 20 years, Huang became a community presence, her family said — often walking with friends around the park or leading the Visitacion Valley Friendship Club, an advocacy and senior group serving her Chinese immigrant neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After her death, the community renamed the park in her honor. The Yik Oi Peace & Friendship Park was dedicated in June 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The renaming effort is unifying us with the goals of ending cycles of violence and healing long-simmering cultural and racial divisions,” said Anne Seeman, co-founder of Visitacion Valley Greenway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco man was found guilty Tuesday of a string of violent crimes that appeared to target Asian Americans more than five years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057083/activists-say-suspect-in-grandma-huang-killing-shook-the-asian-community\">shaking the city’s immigrant community\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keonte Gathron, 25, who represented himself in the proceedings, was accused of seven carjackings, burglaries and armed robberies, including against multiple children, in January 2019. The most high-profile of the attacks was against Yik Oi Huang, whose brutal beating in a Visitacion Valley park put the largely Asian community on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gathron faced more than two dozen counts ranging from elder abuse and felony robbery to murder, which was upgraded from attempted murder after Huang died a year following the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sasanna Yee, Huang’s granddaughter, said after the jury read its verdict that her family could finally take a sigh of relief, nearly seven years after Huang’s beating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said repeated delays to the trial in recent years felt like they “constantly open[ed] the wound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so we feel a sense of closure, we can take a deep breath. And now we wait for sentencing,” she told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960635\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960635\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Several people walk up a sidewalk next to a grassy park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-03-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Older adults walk around Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. Formerly Visitacion Valley Park, it was renamed in May 2022 in memory of Yik Oi Huang, an older person who was brutally beaten at the park and, a year later, died from her injuries. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After reading their verdict, the jury had to return to deliberation to clear up confusion related to one count regarding whether Gathron used a firearm during one of the attacks. That decision is expected to be finalized on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gathron’s sentencing has not yet been set. He could face life in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attacks, including against Huang, were never officially charged as hate crimes, but Asian Justice Movement organizer Charles Jung said the pattern of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists\">attacking Asian victims\u003c/a> speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When someone allegedly victimizes multiple people of the same ethnicity in rapid succession, as is alleged, the impact is the same, I would say,” he told KQED at the trial’s opening. “It has the impact of terrorizing a community and making people feel unsafe because of who they are.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The first attack came Jan. 3, 2019, when Gathron hit Dhung My Chung from behind, stole his keys and drove off in his car, San Francisco Assistant District Attorney Nathan Quigley told the jury during the weekslong proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following day, he robbed Guifeng Yu, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the next few weeks, he also stole the car of a man dropping his wife off at a Sunset District bus stop and took two minors’ cellphones at gunpoint. Quigley said he let a third teenager — his only non-Asian victim — go with her phone after she told him she needed it for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attack against Huang occurred on Jan. 8 of that year. Quigley told the court that Gathron attacked the 88-year-old known affectionately by Visitacion Valley neighbors as “Grandma Huang” as she practiced her usual qigong, a traditional Chinese exercise that combines movement, breathing and meditation, at a local park before sunrise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang had walked to the Leland Avenue park across the street from her home as she did most mornings, where Gathron is said to have approached her, beaten her and stolen her keys. He left her lying in the sand under a slide, bloodied and hidden from street view by a recycling bin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang was treated and placed in long-term care until she died almost a year later, on Jan. 3, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A play structure in a grassy park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The playground at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park is seen in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huang had been a fixture of the Visitacion Valley neighborhood for nearly two decades. She’d purchased the home about a decade after immigrating from Toisan, China, in 1986, settling first in a Chinatown SRO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over nearly 20 years, Huang became a community presence, her family said — often walking with friends around the park or leading the Visitacion Valley Friendship Club, an advocacy and senior group serving her Chinese immigrant neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After her death, the community renamed the park in her honor. The Yik Oi Peace & Friendship Park was dedicated in June 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The renaming effort is unifying us with the goals of ending cycles of violence and healing long-simmering cultural and racial divisions,” said Anne Seeman, co-founder of Visitacion Valley Greenway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uc-berkeley-law-school-says-school-likely-violated-civil-rights-of-pro-palestinian-protesters",
"title": "Law Students Say UC Berkeley Likely Violated Civil Rights of Pro-Palestinian Protesters",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> likely violated federal civil rights law in its response to pro-Palestinian protests over the past two years, according to a new \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/548748b1e4b083fc03ebf70e/t/69038e405b5a3e7d70225824/1761840704073/PALA+Report_final.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Berkeley law school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the report, published Thursday, the Palestine Advocacy Legal Assistance Project found that the university repressed pro-Palestinian speech and failed to support or protect Palestinian students who were harassed or assaulted as a result of their activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley’s administration has responded to this mobilization for Gaza by repressing pro-Palestinian speech and punishing Palestinian students and their allies for their activism,” the report’s authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report said that the university’s actions — or in some cases, inaction — likely violated Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination against race, color or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An institution need not directly discriminate to violate Title VI. It may also violate Title VI if it demonstrates deliberate indifference to a “hostile environment” created by peer-to-peer harassment,” the report authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s bombing of Gaza as part of the country’s war with Hamas and killing of nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.unrwa.org/resources/reports/unrwa-situation-report-194-situation-gaza-strip-and-west-bank-including-east-jerusalem\">70,000 \u003c/a>Palestinians has sparked widespread protests on Berkeley’s campus and led to several confrontations between pro-Palestinian activists and Jewish groups, supporters of Israel and faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008661\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students cheer at a rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley, on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the number of clashes has grown, groups across the ideological spectrum have increased calls for university administrators to intervene, and many have accused the university of failing to take sufficient action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Department of Justice began investigating the UC system \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029887/trump-doj-investigate-university-california-over-antisemitism-allegations\">for violations of civil rights law r\u003c/a>elated to employees facing antisemitism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus Jewish groups are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969165/lawsuit-intensifies-spotlight-on-free-speech-controversies-at-uc-berkeley\">also suing the university\u003c/a> for failing to intervene after several student groups implemented bylaws stating that they would not allow supporters of Zionism to speak at their events. Those groups said that the policy does not discriminate against Jewish students, but critics said that those policies disproportionately affect Jewish people.[aside postID=news_12061703 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SamiHamdiGetty.jpg']The university also faced backlash for its decision in September to hand over the names of 160 students and faculty \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055827/uc-berkeley-gives-trump-administration-160-names-in-antisemitism-investigation\">accused of antisemitism to the federal government\u003c/a>, as part of the Trump administration’s broader investigations into reports of bullying and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978998/uc-berkeley-jewish-community-members-march-on-campus-amid-rising-tensions\">harassment of Jewish students on campus\u003c/a>. The report’s main finding notably mirrors these accusations by arguing that the university deliberately allowed a hostile environment towards pro-Palestinian demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley has and will maintain an unwavering commitment to Free Speech for all, and to doing all that we can so that every student feels safe and a true sense of belonging regardless of their identity, origins or beliefs,” Assistant Vice Chancellor Dan Mogulof said. “The campus also continues to urge anyone who has witnessed or has been subject to alleged identity-based discrimination and/or harassment to report to our Office for the Prevention of Harassment and Discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s report cited several incidents where authors said the university failed to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When protesters blocked part of Sather Gate in early 2024, they faced “daily harassment and sometimes physical violence,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A sign blocks passage through an ornate gateway.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A large pro-Palestine sign held by students blocks the central entrance to Sather Gate on the Berkeley campus. Both walkways on either side remained open. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One person reportedly became aggressive, threatened protesters’ lives and brandished a knife. That person was placed on a week-long restraining order, the report said, but protesters didn’t press charges, and once the order expired, the man returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April of 2024, during a dinner for law students hosted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982697/confrontation-at-uc-berkeley-law-school-deans-home-highlights-campus-tensions\">Dean of Berkeley Law Erwin Chemerinsky and his wife,\u003c/a> law professor Catherine Fisk, a Muslim student addressed the group with a microphone to talk about the plight of Palestinian students and the last night of Ramadan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky and Fisk repeatedly asked the student to leave, with Fisk also seemingly attempting to take the microphone from the student’s hands. The University later opened a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985245/uc-berkeley-opens-civil-rights-investigation-into-confrontation-at-deans-home\"> civil rights investigation into Fisk\u003c/a>, on behalf of the student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report accused Chemerinsky of aiming to chill student protest through a statement he made following that incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky at his home in Oakland, California, on Jan. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He wrote that any similar disruptions would be reported to student conduct and noted that student conduct violations are reported to the bar association — a clear threat to protestors’ ability to practice law after they graduate,” the report stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Fisk incident happened right before I entered in the fall of ‘24,” said Oton De Souza, a second-year law student and one of the authors. “I remember during orientation, it was a very somber moment where Dean Chemerinsky was talking about free speech, but then it turned very cold when he talked about disruption and how that would lead into student conduct [reports].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the university has encouraged all community members to report harassment or discrimination, the report also found that Berkeley did not fully investigate some of those reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“PALA interviewed a lot of these students who went through this process from the pro-Palestine advocacy side,” De Souza said. “A lot of their requests directly to the university weren’t listened to, and ultimately, some of them just fizzled out and the university never followed up on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction, Nov. 4:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story misstated the number of Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza. The story said that nearly 70,000 Palestinian civilians had been killed. That figure represents the total number of Palestinians killed, according to United Nations estimates, and not all were civilians. The story has been updated to remove the word “civilians.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> likely violated federal civil rights law in its response to pro-Palestinian protests over the past two years, according to a new \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/548748b1e4b083fc03ebf70e/t/69038e405b5a3e7d70225824/1761840704073/PALA+Report_final.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Berkeley law school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the report, published Thursday, the Palestine Advocacy Legal Assistance Project found that the university repressed pro-Palestinian speech and failed to support or protect Palestinian students who were harassed or assaulted as a result of their activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley’s administration has responded to this mobilization for Gaza by repressing pro-Palestinian speech and punishing Palestinian students and their allies for their activism,” the report’s authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report said that the university’s actions — or in some cases, inaction — likely violated Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination against race, color or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An institution need not directly discriminate to violate Title VI. It may also violate Title VI if it demonstrates deliberate indifference to a “hostile environment” created by peer-to-peer harassment,” the report authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s bombing of Gaza as part of the country’s war with Hamas and killing of nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.unrwa.org/resources/reports/unrwa-situation-report-194-situation-gaza-strip-and-west-bank-including-east-jerusalem\">70,000 \u003c/a>Palestinians has sparked widespread protests on Berkeley’s campus and led to several confrontations between pro-Palestinian activists and Jewish groups, supporters of Israel and faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008661\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students cheer at a rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley, on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the number of clashes has grown, groups across the ideological spectrum have increased calls for university administrators to intervene, and many have accused the university of failing to take sufficient action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Department of Justice began investigating the UC system \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029887/trump-doj-investigate-university-california-over-antisemitism-allegations\">for violations of civil rights law r\u003c/a>elated to employees facing antisemitism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus Jewish groups are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969165/lawsuit-intensifies-spotlight-on-free-speech-controversies-at-uc-berkeley\">also suing the university\u003c/a> for failing to intervene after several student groups implemented bylaws stating that they would not allow supporters of Zionism to speak at their events. Those groups said that the policy does not discriminate against Jewish students, but critics said that those policies disproportionately affect Jewish people.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The university also faced backlash for its decision in September to hand over the names of 160 students and faculty \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055827/uc-berkeley-gives-trump-administration-160-names-in-antisemitism-investigation\">accused of antisemitism to the federal government\u003c/a>, as part of the Trump administration’s broader investigations into reports of bullying and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978998/uc-berkeley-jewish-community-members-march-on-campus-amid-rising-tensions\">harassment of Jewish students on campus\u003c/a>. The report’s main finding notably mirrors these accusations by arguing that the university deliberately allowed a hostile environment towards pro-Palestinian demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley has and will maintain an unwavering commitment to Free Speech for all, and to doing all that we can so that every student feels safe and a true sense of belonging regardless of their identity, origins or beliefs,” Assistant Vice Chancellor Dan Mogulof said. “The campus also continues to urge anyone who has witnessed or has been subject to alleged identity-based discrimination and/or harassment to report to our Office for the Prevention of Harassment and Discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s report cited several incidents where authors said the university failed to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When protesters blocked part of Sather Gate in early 2024, they faced “daily harassment and sometimes physical violence,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A sign blocks passage through an ornate gateway.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A large pro-Palestine sign held by students blocks the central entrance to Sather Gate on the Berkeley campus. Both walkways on either side remained open. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One person reportedly became aggressive, threatened protesters’ lives and brandished a knife. That person was placed on a week-long restraining order, the report said, but protesters didn’t press charges, and once the order expired, the man returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April of 2024, during a dinner for law students hosted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982697/confrontation-at-uc-berkeley-law-school-deans-home-highlights-campus-tensions\">Dean of Berkeley Law Erwin Chemerinsky and his wife,\u003c/a> law professor Catherine Fisk, a Muslim student addressed the group with a microphone to talk about the plight of Palestinian students and the last night of Ramadan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky and Fisk repeatedly asked the student to leave, with Fisk also seemingly attempting to take the microphone from the student’s hands. The University later opened a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985245/uc-berkeley-opens-civil-rights-investigation-into-confrontation-at-deans-home\"> civil rights investigation into Fisk\u003c/a>, on behalf of the student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report accused Chemerinsky of aiming to chill student protest through a statement he made following that incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky at his home in Oakland, California, on Jan. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He wrote that any similar disruptions would be reported to student conduct and noted that student conduct violations are reported to the bar association — a clear threat to protestors’ ability to practice law after they graduate,” the report stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Fisk incident happened right before I entered in the fall of ‘24,” said Oton De Souza, a second-year law student and one of the authors. “I remember during orientation, it was a very somber moment where Dean Chemerinsky was talking about free speech, but then it turned very cold when he talked about disruption and how that would lead into student conduct [reports].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the university has encouraged all community members to report harassment or discrimination, the report also found that Berkeley did not fully investigate some of those reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“PALA interviewed a lot of these students who went through this process from the pro-Palestine advocacy side,” De Souza said. “A lot of their requests directly to the university weren’t listened to, and ultimately, some of them just fizzled out and the university never followed up on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction, Nov. 4:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story misstated the number of Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza. The story said that nearly 70,000 Palestinian civilians had been killed. That figure represents the total number of Palestinians killed, according to United Nations estimates, and not all were civilians. The story has been updated to remove the word “civilians.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Enriqueta Soriano has sold bejeweled, colorful ball gowns for quinceañeras, weddings and other formal events for 30 years in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">Oakland’s Fruitvale district\u003c/a>, a majority Latino area where one in three residents is foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican immigrant raised six children and saved for retirement with income from her once-prosperous store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since reports spread in June of masked federal immigration agents \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">raiding Los Angeles workplaces\u003c/a> and Home Depot parking lots, few customers have entered Soriano’s shop. The nosedive in sales came as local merchants were already struggling with public safety concerns that hurt the area’s reputation and drove customers away in recent years, said the 66-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, to give us the final blow, came the ICE raids that were on TV so much. They really scared people,” Soriano, owner of El Palacio de Novias y Quinceañeras, said in Spanish. “Business is going down, down, down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, businesses owned and frequented by immigrants like Soriano’s are suffering from an economic chill driven not just by enforcement, but by fear. Families are staying home, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">workers are keeping low profiles\u003c/a>, and small shops that once thrived are watching their customers disappear. The impact ripples through neighborhoods, local economies and city budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061128 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enriqueta Soriano and her son Enrique work inside her store, El Palacio de las Novias y Quinceañeras, in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061224/oakland-braces-for-possible-federal-action-after-san-francisco-dodges-trumps-attention\">Bay Area braced\u003c/a> for President Donald Trump’s promised immigration crackdown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055279/oakland-latino-merchants-learn-rights-as-ice-targets-worksites\">small-business owners in the Fruitvale\u003c/a> reeled from a steep decline in sales and foot traffic as immigrant communities limit spending and outings to essentials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants, grocery stores, travel agencies, retail and auto repair shops along International Boulevard point to a months-long economic slump that could deepen. Businesses across California that serve Latino immigrant customers or employ undocumented workers would be hardest hit, according to experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the raids start occurring in the [Bay Area] region, you’re going to see huge decreases in revenue and that affects the city budget and the city’s ability to operate — that goes for Oakland and San José as well,” said Abby Raisz, vice president of research at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.[aside postID=news_12061224 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251023-MAYOR-LEE-PRESSER-MD-05-KQED.jpg']After an Immigration and Customs Enforcement workplace raid, rattled undocumented workers may not show up to their jobs in construction, agriculture, hospitality, retail and other industries. The disruptions can raise costs for businesses, which then pass them to consumers. Eventually, Raisz said, most of these immigrants try to go back to work out of financial need, but cut back on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they won’t do is go back to establishments. They won’t go eat out at restaurants that maybe they would have previously. They won’t shop locally,” Raisz said, calling it “the cost of fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That affects the business owners, who often are immigrants themselves, especially when we look at areas that are very concentrated with high shares of immigrants,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mass deportations could reduce California’s gross domestic product by $275 billion through labor shortages, supply chain disruptions and reduced household spending, according to a June \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/Economic%20Impact%20of%20Mass%20Deportation_June%202025.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Raisz and other researchers at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute and UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has roughly 2.3 million undocumented immigrants — roughly 8% of its workforce — the most of any state. The Bay Area is home to more than 300,000 undocumented workers, with nearly half concentrated in Alameda and Santa Clara counties, according to estimates by the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles and Chicago, National Guard troops — sometimes armed with rifles — accompanied ICE agents or provided logistical support. Trump said the troops were needed to protect agents from violent protesters and address “out-of-control crime,” a claim local authorities disputed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Alfonso, who has operated a car transmission repair shop in the Fruitvale for 48 years, said he’s been surprised by how quiet streets have remained amid the looming threat of increased immigration enforcement. Deploying the National Guard, he said, to the neighborhood would only make things worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The businesses around me — the stores, the restaurants — they have no customers. They are just not coming out,” Alfonso, who owns Transmatic Transmission, said. “I’ve been here for that many years and this is the worst I’ve ever seen it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He used to handle up to 15 repair jobs a week. Now he’s lucky to get one. Because he owns his building, it blunts the financial hit somewhat, but he feels for other business owners who must come up with the rent money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural on the facade of Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nobody is driving up or down the streets no more. The foot traffic is hardly anything anymore. My phone doesn’t ring anymore,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sales slump and labor disruptions compound the economic uncertainties small businesses face, said Oscar Garcia, senior vice president of the California Hispanic Chambers of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Inflation, cost of doing business, cost of your product or your service, gasoline, rent — all that makes it a bigger challenge,” he said, adding that many businesses also lack access to capital or grants once available during the pandemic. “There are many factors that contribute to slow business.”[aside postID=news_12061191 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GETTYIMAGES-2242445000-KQED.jpg']In Fruitvale, most merchants told KQED that robberies, theft and vandalism had already hurt profits before the ICE raids in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The area including Fruitvale had the most robberies from 2020 through 2024 in Oakland, according to a KQED analysis of police data, though other crimes, such as burglaries and auto theft, were more common elsewhere in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Business owners create economic activity and jobs. These communities must be safe, and I have worked — and will continue to work — with our public safety officials, the Oakland Police Department, and local merchants to determine more effective measures to enhance public safety, which is key to a successful business environment,” Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city budget adopted this year — which lists public safety as a top priority — funds 678 police officers, still short of the 700 required under a 2024 voter-approved ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Violent crime has since fallen nationwide, including in Oakland. In the first half of this year, citywide crime dropped\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/News-Releases/Police/OPD-Shares-Crime-Statistics-for-First-Half-of-2025\"> significantly\u003c/a> compared to last year, including a 41% drop in robberies, according to police. But most Fruitvale business owners, including Soriano, say they haven’t seen much improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soriano is now considering closing her store for good, which she said fills her with dread. She’s kept the doors open by spending her retirement and savings on rent and bills, but worries she and her husband won’t have enough money to get by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still had the will to fight, to try to move forward. But I’m finding myself in the painful necessity of having to close my business,” she said, as tears streamed down her face. “I’m just so depressed and frustrated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, to give us the final blow, came the ICE raids that were on TV so much. They really scared people,” Soriano, owner of El Palacio de Novias y Quinceañeras, said in Spanish. “Business is going down, down, down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, businesses owned and frequented by immigrants like Soriano’s are suffering from an economic chill driven not just by enforcement, but by fear. Families are staying home, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">workers are keeping low profiles\u003c/a>, and small shops that once thrived are watching their customers disappear. The impact ripples through neighborhoods, local economies and city budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061128 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enriqueta Soriano and her son Enrique work inside her store, El Palacio de las Novias y Quinceañeras, in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061224/oakland-braces-for-possible-federal-action-after-san-francisco-dodges-trumps-attention\">Bay Area braced\u003c/a> for President Donald Trump’s promised immigration crackdown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055279/oakland-latino-merchants-learn-rights-as-ice-targets-worksites\">small-business owners in the Fruitvale\u003c/a> reeled from a steep decline in sales and foot traffic as immigrant communities limit spending and outings to essentials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants, grocery stores, travel agencies, retail and auto repair shops along International Boulevard point to a months-long economic slump that could deepen. Businesses across California that serve Latino immigrant customers or employ undocumented workers would be hardest hit, according to experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the raids start occurring in the [Bay Area] region, you’re going to see huge decreases in revenue and that affects the city budget and the city’s ability to operate — that goes for Oakland and San José as well,” said Abby Raisz, vice president of research at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After an Immigration and Customs Enforcement workplace raid, rattled undocumented workers may not show up to their jobs in construction, agriculture, hospitality, retail and other industries. The disruptions can raise costs for businesses, which then pass them to consumers. Eventually, Raisz said, most of these immigrants try to go back to work out of financial need, but cut back on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they won’t do is go back to establishments. They won’t go eat out at restaurants that maybe they would have previously. They won’t shop locally,” Raisz said, calling it “the cost of fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That affects the business owners, who often are immigrants themselves, especially when we look at areas that are very concentrated with high shares of immigrants,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mass deportations could reduce California’s gross domestic product by $275 billion through labor shortages, supply chain disruptions and reduced household spending, according to a June \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/Economic%20Impact%20of%20Mass%20Deportation_June%202025.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Raisz and other researchers at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute and UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has roughly 2.3 million undocumented immigrants — roughly 8% of its workforce — the most of any state. The Bay Area is home to more than 300,000 undocumented workers, with nearly half concentrated in Alameda and Santa Clara counties, according to estimates by the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles and Chicago, National Guard troops — sometimes armed with rifles — accompanied ICE agents or provided logistical support. Trump said the troops were needed to protect agents from violent protesters and address “out-of-control crime,” a claim local authorities disputed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Alfonso, who has operated a car transmission repair shop in the Fruitvale for 48 years, said he’s been surprised by how quiet streets have remained amid the looming threat of increased immigration enforcement. Deploying the National Guard, he said, to the neighborhood would only make things worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The businesses around me — the stores, the restaurants — they have no customers. They are just not coming out,” Alfonso, who owns Transmatic Transmission, said. “I’ve been here for that many years and this is the worst I’ve ever seen it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He used to handle up to 15 repair jobs a week. Now he’s lucky to get one. Because he owns his building, it blunts the financial hit somewhat, but he feels for other business owners who must come up with the rent money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural on the facade of Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nobody is driving up or down the streets no more. The foot traffic is hardly anything anymore. My phone doesn’t ring anymore,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sales slump and labor disruptions compound the economic uncertainties small businesses face, said Oscar Garcia, senior vice president of the California Hispanic Chambers of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Inflation, cost of doing business, cost of your product or your service, gasoline, rent — all that makes it a bigger challenge,” he said, adding that many businesses also lack access to capital or grants once available during the pandemic. “There are many factors that contribute to slow business.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Fruitvale, most merchants told KQED that robberies, theft and vandalism had already hurt profits before the ICE raids in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The area including Fruitvale had the most robberies from 2020 through 2024 in Oakland, according to a KQED analysis of police data, though other crimes, such as burglaries and auto theft, were more common elsewhere in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Business owners create economic activity and jobs. These communities must be safe, and I have worked — and will continue to work — with our public safety officials, the Oakland Police Department, and local merchants to determine more effective measures to enhance public safety, which is key to a successful business environment,” Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city budget adopted this year — which lists public safety as a top priority — funds 678 police officers, still short of the 700 required under a 2024 voter-approved ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Violent crime has since fallen nationwide, including in Oakland. In the first half of this year, citywide crime dropped\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/News-Releases/Police/OPD-Shares-Crime-Statistics-for-First-Half-of-2025\"> significantly\u003c/a> compared to last year, including a 41% drop in robberies, according to police. But most Fruitvale business owners, including Soriano, say they haven’t seen much improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soriano is now considering closing her store for good, which she said fills her with dread. She’s kept the doors open by spending her retirement and savings on rent and bills, but worries she and her husband won’t have enough money to get by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still had the will to fight, to try to move forward. But I’m finding myself in the painful necessity of having to close my business,” she said, as tears streamed down her face. “I’m just so depressed and frustrated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> officials \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/system/files/news/25crim.pdf\">announced\u003c/a> Tuesday that they would release some defendants from pre-trial custody who don’t have an attorney to represent them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-district-attorney\">District Attorney\u003c/a> Brooke Jenkins lashed out at the county’s judges for being “complicit” in what she called the public defender’s office’s “dereliction of duty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is new is that the court has become complicit in this by now stating that they are going to release potentially dangerous and violent felons back into the community because of what’s happening,” Jenkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has the power to appoint the public defender, whether or not they are saying they don’t have the capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court officials have said they’re “facing an unprecedented number of misdemeanor cases, most of which must be brought to trial within 45 days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office has declared itself unavailable one day per week in misdemeanor and some felony cases, due to what the office calls excessive workloads and understaffing. The Bar Association of San Francisco provided private attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads have now increased, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said she believes the move is a tactic designed to extract more money for the office from city leaders, one that threatens to disrupt her office’s efforts to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The door for Superior Court Criminal Division Department 10 at the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The district attorney came into office promising a stricter attitude toward prosecutions and plea deals than her former boss and predecessor, Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled\u003c/a> in 2022 amid shifting attitudes in San Francisco toward criminal justice reform. Jenkins has even floated the idea of charging fentanyl dealers with murder in drug-related deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/policy/data-dashboards/#case-resolutions\">dashboard\u003c/a>, she filed 8,000 cases in 2024, compared to about 5,600 in 2021 during Boudin’s last full year, though the rate of convictions and diversions remains proportionately similar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as Jenkins pointed out, the numbers haven’t yet rebounded to the peaks seen before Boudin took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not adding up,” Jenkins said. “They didn’t say in 2019, when the numbers were at their highest, that they were unable to manage their caseloads.”[aside postID=news_12060821 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031523-ICE-Arrest-AP-CM-01-copy.jpg']Jenkins also accused the public defender’s office of mismanagement, such as double-staffing felony cases and intentionally avoiding plea deals to force misdemeanor cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju rejected those accusations, noting that his office has consistently advocated for more resources over the years. He added that while he double-staffs certain felony cases, each lawyer still has numerous cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It is my ethical and legal mandate to represent our clients in an effective way, and our defenders understand what that means,” Raju said. “We’ve had several attorneys who had to go out on some form of stress leave or medical issues … To have a caseload where several of your clients are looking at decades in prison or life sentences at one time is extremely, extremely difficult work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said he’s optimistic that the Mayor’s office and Board of Supervisors will help create more parity between the two offices’ budgets — the District Attorney’s office receives more than \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PDR_letter_to_Steven_Betz_9.16.25_Redacted-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$30,000,000\u003c/a> more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>The district attorney’s office has sole discretion over what cases to file, and there’s been a nearly 60% increase in filing since 2021,” Raju said, “and that had some predictable results, filling our jails to over capacity and increasing our case loads to a breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at a rally protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on the steps of San Francisco City Hall, on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raju pointed to a first-of-its-kind comprehensive national \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">study\u003c/a> on appropriate case workload for public defenders, which his office’s internal analysis used to determine that it needs 26 more attorneys. He said the office is now unavailable two days a week for misdemeanor cases, something that it’s regularly evaluating and may dial down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I’m hoping that the courts are not intimidated by these tactics,” said Raju, in reference to Jenkins’ comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038250/da-jenkins-accused-personal-attacks-against-judges-state-bar-complaint\">reported to the State Bar\u003c/a> by a former Superior Court Judge in April for alleged incendiary attacks against judges over their decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what I’m concerned about,” Raju continued, “is being able to represent my clients in a constitutionally mandated way.”\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said the public defender’s office’s move is not uncommon when understaffed, and a similar thing happened during the tenure of a previous public defender, Jeff Adachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An important thing is that it’s not just a question of the right to counsel [at] a trial, it’s the right to effective counsel under the Constitution,” Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue is often settled in some way, though the Court has the option to hold Raju’s office in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> officials \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/system/files/news/25crim.pdf\">announced\u003c/a> Tuesday that they would release some defendants from pre-trial custody who don’t have an attorney to represent them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-district-attorney\">District Attorney\u003c/a> Brooke Jenkins lashed out at the county’s judges for being “complicit” in what she called the public defender’s office’s “dereliction of duty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is new is that the court has become complicit in this by now stating that they are going to release potentially dangerous and violent felons back into the community because of what’s happening,” Jenkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has the power to appoint the public defender, whether or not they are saying they don’t have the capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court officials have said they’re “facing an unprecedented number of misdemeanor cases, most of which must be brought to trial within 45 days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office has declared itself unavailable one day per week in misdemeanor and some felony cases, due to what the office calls excessive workloads and understaffing. The Bar Association of San Francisco provided private attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads have now increased, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said she believes the move is a tactic designed to extract more money for the office from city leaders, one that threatens to disrupt her office’s efforts to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The door for Superior Court Criminal Division Department 10 at the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The district attorney came into office promising a stricter attitude toward prosecutions and plea deals than her former boss and predecessor, Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled\u003c/a> in 2022 amid shifting attitudes in San Francisco toward criminal justice reform. Jenkins has even floated the idea of charging fentanyl dealers with murder in drug-related deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/policy/data-dashboards/#case-resolutions\">dashboard\u003c/a>, she filed 8,000 cases in 2024, compared to about 5,600 in 2021 during Boudin’s last full year, though the rate of convictions and diversions remains proportionately similar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as Jenkins pointed out, the numbers haven’t yet rebounded to the peaks seen before Boudin took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not adding up,” Jenkins said. “They didn’t say in 2019, when the numbers were at their highest, that they were unable to manage their caseloads.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jenkins also accused the public defender’s office of mismanagement, such as double-staffing felony cases and intentionally avoiding plea deals to force misdemeanor cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju rejected those accusations, noting that his office has consistently advocated for more resources over the years. He added that while he double-staffs certain felony cases, each lawyer still has numerous cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It is my ethical and legal mandate to represent our clients in an effective way, and our defenders understand what that means,” Raju said. “We’ve had several attorneys who had to go out on some form of stress leave or medical issues … To have a caseload where several of your clients are looking at decades in prison or life sentences at one time is extremely, extremely difficult work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said he’s optimistic that the Mayor’s office and Board of Supervisors will help create more parity between the two offices’ budgets — the District Attorney’s office receives more than \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PDR_letter_to_Steven_Betz_9.16.25_Redacted-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$30,000,000\u003c/a> more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>The district attorney’s office has sole discretion over what cases to file, and there’s been a nearly 60% increase in filing since 2021,” Raju said, “and that had some predictable results, filling our jails to over capacity and increasing our case loads to a breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at a rally protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on the steps of San Francisco City Hall, on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raju pointed to a first-of-its-kind comprehensive national \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">study\u003c/a> on appropriate case workload for public defenders, which his office’s internal analysis used to determine that it needs 26 more attorneys. He said the office is now unavailable two days a week for misdemeanor cases, something that it’s regularly evaluating and may dial down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I’m hoping that the courts are not intimidated by these tactics,” said Raju, in reference to Jenkins’ comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038250/da-jenkins-accused-personal-attacks-against-judges-state-bar-complaint\">reported to the State Bar\u003c/a> by a former Superior Court Judge in April for alleged incendiary attacks against judges over their decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what I’m concerned about,” Raju continued, “is being able to represent my clients in a constitutionally mandated way.”\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said the public defender’s office’s move is not uncommon when understaffed, and a similar thing happened during the tenure of a previous public defender, Jeff Adachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An important thing is that it’s not just a question of the right to counsel [at] a trial, it’s the right to effective counsel under the Constitution,” Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue is often settled in some way, though the Court has the option to hold Raju’s office in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a series of recent class action lawsuits, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> civil rights advocates are calling on the federal courts to halt what they call illegal Trump administration policies that are leading to the arrest of asylum seekers, victims of human trafficking and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">people attending immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three lawsuits filed in federal courts in California in recent weeks are part of a larger legal pushback by advocacy groups across the country challenging the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when Homeland Security officials tout arrests of “heinous” criminals they call the “worst of the worst,” the lawsuits put the focus on the ways U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has targeted vulnerable people such as domestic violence survivors and those who’ve fled persecution, said UC Davis Law Professor Kevin Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are serious constitutional and statutory claims … challenging the efforts of the Trump administration to tighten the immigration enforcement machinery around non-citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE rearrest immigrants who were already released?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/%5B38%5D%202025%2010%2010%20AMENDED%20COMPLAINT%20and%20Amended%20Petition%20for%20Writ%20of%20Habeas.pdf\">case\u003c/a> before a federal judge in San José, Bay Area legal groups are seeking to block ICE from rearresting immigrants who had previously been granted conditional release, typically after border agents had determined they were not dangerous and not a flight risk, meaning they were expected to show up for their proceedings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say ICE has arrested and detained more than 100 immigrants in recent months as they attended mandatory court hearings and ICE supervision check-ins in Northern and Central California, even though they were abiding by the terms of their release and their circumstances had not changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059882\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up outside the ICE Field Office in downtown San Francisco on Oct. 14, 2025, for scheduled check-ins and immigration-related appointments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bree Bernwanger, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, one of the groups filing the suit, said until things shifted abruptly in May, such rearrests were unheard of for ICE’s San Francisco field office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>ICE’s new policy allows them to make arrests and throw people back into detention without any justification,” she said. “[It] has disrupted people’s lives, it’s torn families apart, and it’s fundamentally unfair and unreasoned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials did not respond to KQED’s request for comment, but the agency typically does not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those arrested was Gabriela Vargas Plasencia, who was an engineering student in Peru before she fled death threats and came to the U.S. last year seeking asylum, according to her declaration to the court. She said she and her boyfriend were detained at the border, then released with instructions on attending immigration hearings.[aside postID=news_12060135 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FamilySeparationGetty1.jpg']They settled in Oakland, submitted their asylum applications and enrolled in English classes. Once she was granted a work permit, Vargas Plasencia said she found two jobs, at Target and FedEx, working 50 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at court on Sep. 4, she said, a government attorney asked the immigration judge to dismiss their cases. When the couple left the courtroom, Vargas Plasencia said agents in plain clothes grabbed them, took them to the basement and shackled them – all with no explanation. Hours later, they were driven to Bakersfield and locked up at the Mesa Verde Immigration Detention Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After lawyers intervened, a federal judge ordered Vargas Plasencia’s release. But in the meantime, she said, her car was towed and she was reprimanded for missing work. Her partner is still in custody. And she said she still has flashbacks to what she called “one of the most difficult and painful experiences I have ever endured.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each time I have to check in with ICE, I feel anxiety and panic all over again,” Vargas Plasencia said in her declaration. “I have never committed any crime, in the United States or anywhere else. I only wish to continue my asylum case peacefully and to build a safe, stable life here; and for my partner to be released soon, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger, the ACLU attorney, says rearresting people who are complying with the conditions of their release is an arbitrary exercise of power that violates the Constitution’s protection against unreasonable seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should all be concerned,” she said. “Are we comfortable with a system in which people can just be grabbed off of the street and thrown into detention?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest immigrants at immigration courthouses?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit involving Vargas Plasencia centers on the question of \u003cem>why\u003c/em> ICE can arrest someone, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">another recent case\u003c/a> deals with the question of \u003cem>where\u003c/em> those arrests can take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/32.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, filed last month by the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, along with the ACLU and others, takes on Trump administration policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/policy/11072.4.pdf\">instructing ICE\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/S9CB-FP96\">the immigration courts\u003c/a> that arresting people at courthouses, formerly off limits, is now acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2216992312-scaled-e1761161311555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child, whose father was detained by ICE after a court hearing in the early morning, stands inside the N. Los Angeles Street Immigration Court on May 23, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say detaining people who are following the rules, and may, like Vargas Plasencia, have pending claims to asylum or other relief, will have a “chilling effect,” keeping them away from hearings and denying them access to justice. The administration has denied there’s any evidence for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conducting these arrests at courthouses, and conducting arrests of people without a justification when you’ve already released them, both of those policies are unlawful for different reasons,” said Bernwanger. “We are seeing ICE use them in coordination to absolutely terrorize people in our community who are just trying to do what the immigration system asks of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge, P. Casey Pitts, who was appointed to the bench by President Joe Biden, will hear both Bay Area cases. Pitts has set hearings in both cases for Dec. 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest survivors of trafficking and domestic violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a class action \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/18gBGtsW_qv9e_Cdd71E9EDbpUWIymIyS/view\">case\u003c/a> filed in federal court in Los Angeles last week blasts ICE for arresting, and even deporting, immigrants applying for legal visas as survivors of human trafficking, domestic violence or other serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Hernandez is with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, which is representing the immigrants. She said, under the Violence Against Women Act and other laws, these immigrants have permission to be in the U.S while their visas are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2221046205-scaled-e1761161380689.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester carries a sign reading “Immigrants Built America!” as anti-ICE demonstrators protest outside a federal building on June 19, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These are folks who have been granted legal protection by Congress,” she said. “The government is basically violating those legal protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the named plaintiffs in the case, identified as Camila B., has lived in Los Angeles for more than two decades. In 2021, she was attacked at a bus stop and beaten unconscious, according to the complaint. She cooperated with police, helping them to arrest her attacker, and applied for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U Visa\u003c/a>, which offers legal status to undocumented immigrants who’ve suffered serious crimes and assist law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the long backlog for applications, the government granted Camila, 46, temporary protection from deportation to her native Mexico while she awaited her visa. But on July 1, as part of ICE’s immigration sweeps in Los Angeles, officers surrounded her tamale stand and arrested her. She was held in detention until July 30, when a judge ordered her released on bond.[aside postID=news_12060893 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PeterOrtizKQED.jpg']Many of the affected immigrants are in the U.S. illegally. But, beginning with the 1994 passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/abused-spouses-children-and-parents\">Violence Against Women Act\u003c/a>, Congress repeatedly expanded protections for immigrant survivors of crime, encouraging them to seek safety and cooperate with law enforcement. Among the protections are \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes\">special visas for victims of trafficking and other serious crimes\u003c/a> that eventually lead to a green card. Congress also provided work authorization, and for years, immigration authorities had policies not to deport people who were in the process of applying for the visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges the Trump administration’s reversal flies in the face of a federal law against “arbitrary and capricious” policy changes, and says the detentions violate people’s constitutionally guaranteed due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and Homeland Security officials did not respond to KQED’s requests for comment about the case, but Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin has told other news outlets that every immigrant deported by ICE “has had due process and has a final order of removal — meaning they have no legal right to be in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, said defending laws like the Violence Against Women Act is very personal to her. She said she was a 3-year-old when her own family moved to the U.S. from Mexico. But her childhood was marked by domestic violence, and it took years for her mother to get free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up with a father who was very violent towards my mom,” she said. “And I remember talking to her about this lawsuit as we were working on it. And she just said, ‘If this would have been around when you and I were being harmed by your father, this would’ve protected us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent to which the Trump administration is pushing the legal limits on immigration means more lawsuits can be expected, according to Johnson, the UC Davis law professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This administration is just so dogged in its immigration enforcement efforts, we see something new and different almost every day,” he said. “It’s an extraordinary time. The human misery is off the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a series of recent class action lawsuits, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> civil rights advocates are calling on the federal courts to halt what they call illegal Trump administration policies that are leading to the arrest of asylum seekers, victims of human trafficking and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">people attending immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three lawsuits filed in federal courts in California in recent weeks are part of a larger legal pushback by advocacy groups across the country challenging the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when Homeland Security officials tout arrests of “heinous” criminals they call the “worst of the worst,” the lawsuits put the focus on the ways U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has targeted vulnerable people such as domestic violence survivors and those who’ve fled persecution, said UC Davis Law Professor Kevin Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are serious constitutional and statutory claims … challenging the efforts of the Trump administration to tighten the immigration enforcement machinery around non-citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE rearrest immigrants who were already released?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/%5B38%5D%202025%2010%2010%20AMENDED%20COMPLAINT%20and%20Amended%20Petition%20for%20Writ%20of%20Habeas.pdf\">case\u003c/a> before a federal judge in San José, Bay Area legal groups are seeking to block ICE from rearresting immigrants who had previously been granted conditional release, typically after border agents had determined they were not dangerous and not a flight risk, meaning they were expected to show up for their proceedings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say ICE has arrested and detained more than 100 immigrants in recent months as they attended mandatory court hearings and ICE supervision check-ins in Northern and Central California, even though they were abiding by the terms of their release and their circumstances had not changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059882\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up outside the ICE Field Office in downtown San Francisco on Oct. 14, 2025, for scheduled check-ins and immigration-related appointments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bree Bernwanger, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, one of the groups filing the suit, said until things shifted abruptly in May, such rearrests were unheard of for ICE’s San Francisco field office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>ICE’s new policy allows them to make arrests and throw people back into detention without any justification,” she said. “[It] has disrupted people’s lives, it’s torn families apart, and it’s fundamentally unfair and unreasoned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials did not respond to KQED’s request for comment, but the agency typically does not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those arrested was Gabriela Vargas Plasencia, who was an engineering student in Peru before she fled death threats and came to the U.S. last year seeking asylum, according to her declaration to the court. She said she and her boyfriend were detained at the border, then released with instructions on attending immigration hearings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>They settled in Oakland, submitted their asylum applications and enrolled in English classes. Once she was granted a work permit, Vargas Plasencia said she found two jobs, at Target and FedEx, working 50 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at court on Sep. 4, she said, a government attorney asked the immigration judge to dismiss their cases. When the couple left the courtroom, Vargas Plasencia said agents in plain clothes grabbed them, took them to the basement and shackled them – all with no explanation. Hours later, they were driven to Bakersfield and locked up at the Mesa Verde Immigration Detention Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After lawyers intervened, a federal judge ordered Vargas Plasencia’s release. But in the meantime, she said, her car was towed and she was reprimanded for missing work. Her partner is still in custody. And she said she still has flashbacks to what she called “one of the most difficult and painful experiences I have ever endured.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each time I have to check in with ICE, I feel anxiety and panic all over again,” Vargas Plasencia said in her declaration. “I have never committed any crime, in the United States or anywhere else. I only wish to continue my asylum case peacefully and to build a safe, stable life here; and for my partner to be released soon, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger, the ACLU attorney, says rearresting people who are complying with the conditions of their release is an arbitrary exercise of power that violates the Constitution’s protection against unreasonable seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should all be concerned,” she said. “Are we comfortable with a system in which people can just be grabbed off of the street and thrown into detention?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest immigrants at immigration courthouses?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit involving Vargas Plasencia centers on the question of \u003cem>why\u003c/em> ICE can arrest someone, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">another recent case\u003c/a> deals with the question of \u003cem>where\u003c/em> those arrests can take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/32.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, filed last month by the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, along with the ACLU and others, takes on Trump administration policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/policy/11072.4.pdf\">instructing ICE\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/S9CB-FP96\">the immigration courts\u003c/a> that arresting people at courthouses, formerly off limits, is now acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2216992312-scaled-e1761161311555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child, whose father was detained by ICE after a court hearing in the early morning, stands inside the N. Los Angeles Street Immigration Court on May 23, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say detaining people who are following the rules, and may, like Vargas Plasencia, have pending claims to asylum or other relief, will have a “chilling effect,” keeping them away from hearings and denying them access to justice. The administration has denied there’s any evidence for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conducting these arrests at courthouses, and conducting arrests of people without a justification when you’ve already released them, both of those policies are unlawful for different reasons,” said Bernwanger. “We are seeing ICE use them in coordination to absolutely terrorize people in our community who are just trying to do what the immigration system asks of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge, P. Casey Pitts, who was appointed to the bench by President Joe Biden, will hear both Bay Area cases. Pitts has set hearings in both cases for Dec. 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest survivors of trafficking and domestic violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a class action \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/18gBGtsW_qv9e_Cdd71E9EDbpUWIymIyS/view\">case\u003c/a> filed in federal court in Los Angeles last week blasts ICE for arresting, and even deporting, immigrants applying for legal visas as survivors of human trafficking, domestic violence or other serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Hernandez is with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, which is representing the immigrants. She said, under the Violence Against Women Act and other laws, these immigrants have permission to be in the U.S while their visas are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2221046205-scaled-e1761161380689.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester carries a sign reading “Immigrants Built America!” as anti-ICE demonstrators protest outside a federal building on June 19, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These are folks who have been granted legal protection by Congress,” she said. “The government is basically violating those legal protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the named plaintiffs in the case, identified as Camila B., has lived in Los Angeles for more than two decades. In 2021, she was attacked at a bus stop and beaten unconscious, according to the complaint. She cooperated with police, helping them to arrest her attacker, and applied for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U Visa\u003c/a>, which offers legal status to undocumented immigrants who’ve suffered serious crimes and assist law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the long backlog for applications, the government granted Camila, 46, temporary protection from deportation to her native Mexico while she awaited her visa. But on July 1, as part of ICE’s immigration sweeps in Los Angeles, officers surrounded her tamale stand and arrested her. She was held in detention until July 30, when a judge ordered her released on bond.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many of the affected immigrants are in the U.S. illegally. But, beginning with the 1994 passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/abused-spouses-children-and-parents\">Violence Against Women Act\u003c/a>, Congress repeatedly expanded protections for immigrant survivors of crime, encouraging them to seek safety and cooperate with law enforcement. Among the protections are \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes\">special visas for victims of trafficking and other serious crimes\u003c/a> that eventually lead to a green card. Congress also provided work authorization, and for years, immigration authorities had policies not to deport people who were in the process of applying for the visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges the Trump administration’s reversal flies in the face of a federal law against “arbitrary and capricious” policy changes, and says the detentions violate people’s constitutionally guaranteed due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and Homeland Security officials did not respond to KQED’s requests for comment about the case, but Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin has told other news outlets that every immigrant deported by ICE “has had due process and has a final order of removal — meaning they have no legal right to be in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, said defending laws like the Violence Against Women Act is very personal to her. She said she was a 3-year-old when her own family moved to the U.S. from Mexico. But her childhood was marked by domestic violence, and it took years for her mother to get free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up with a father who was very violent towards my mom,” she said. “And I remember talking to her about this lawsuit as we were working on it. And she just said, ‘If this would have been around when you and I were being harmed by your father, this would’ve protected us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent to which the Trump administration is pushing the legal limits on immigration means more lawsuits can be expected, according to Johnson, the UC Davis law professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This administration is just so dogged in its immigration enforcement efforts, we see something new and different almost every day,” he said. “It’s an extraordinary time. The human misery is off the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s national profile rises and as he considers a presidential campaign, some LGBTQ+ advocates\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033818/lgbtq-activists-rally-at-newsoms-home-demand-stronger-trans-rights-commitment\"> have questioned the governor’s commitment\u003c/a> to queer and transgender constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s given statements about transgender people on his podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XJ6rQDRKGA\">\u003cem>This is Gavin Newsom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, and a conversation with the late conservative activist Charlie Kirk, in which Newsom called it “deeply unfair” to allow transgender athletes to participate in girls’ sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Evan Low, former assemblymember and CEO of the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, a political PAC promoting LGBTQ+ progressives, says Newsom is still a staunch ally of the community, one who helped secure marriage equality in the state as well as civil rights protections for adoption, hospital visitation and the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has that track record and that history and that should not be lost on members of the community,” Low said. “All of these things happened because we were able to build bridges [and] build coalitions versus that of an overly simplistic polarization of infighting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what was Newsom’s record in this latest legislative update?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What legislation did Newsom sign supporting LGBTQ+ Californians?\u003c/h2>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB82\">AB 82\u003c/a>: This law expands current privacy protections for reproductive health care providers and patients to also include gender-affirming health care providers and patients. California won’t assist other states in investigating patients or doctors for providing reproductive health care like abortion or gender‑affirming care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB678\">AB 678\u003c/a>: This new law makes a change to a group that recommends solutions to homelessness to the state government. The Interagency Council on Homelessness now must coordinate with representatives from LGBTQ+ communities to better serve queer people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB727\">AB 727\u003c/a> An existing law, which went into effect this summer, requires schools to print the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline on student ID cards for grades 7 and up. This law will expand that rule to include the phone number and text line for the LGBTQ+ suicide-prevention hotline from the Trevor Project.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB822\">AB 822\u003c/a> This new law extends the Commission on the State of Hate for an additional four years. It is intended to help state agencies, law enforcement and the public stay informed about hate crime trends.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1084\">AB 1084\u003c/a> The law makes the process of changing legal documents (name, gender or sex identifier) faster and less burdensome, especially for adults. For minors who want to change their name or gender marker on their birth certificate or ID, as long as all living parents sign forms, there doesn’t need to be a hearing to approve it.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1487\">AB 1487\u003c/a> The bill renames a fund that offers grants for programs aimed at improving health care access for gender nonconforming people. It also broadens its scope to serve younger people and immigrants.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB59\">SB 59\u003c/a> This means that when someone files a legal petition to change their name or their gender marker on an official document in California, the court records are kept confidential. Previously, those protections applied only to minors, but this law immediately extends them, with the goal of minimizing the risk that court records could be used to out someone.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB278\">SB 278\u003c/a> The bill allows health care providers to share some anonymized HIV test results without written consent. The administrators of Medi-Cal plans say they need the data in order to identify gaps in care. Patients can opt out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB450\">SB 450\u003c/a> The law protects adoption rights for LGBTQ+ parents. It means LGBTQ+ adoptive parents who leave California for a state with less inclusive adoption laws won’t lose their parental rights to children born in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB497\">SB 497\u003c/a> The law bans health care providers from disclosing medical records related to gender‑affirming care services in response to civil or criminal actions under other states’ laws.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB504\">SB 504\u003c/a> aims to improve how quickly HIV cases are tracked and treated in California by allowing health care providers to share identifying information about a person with HIV with local public health agencies — when necessary — to connect the person with care. It still limits who can access this information and specifies when sharing the information is actually necessary.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB590\">SB 590\u003c/a> expands existing laws around paid family leave to include chosen family members. That means LGBTQ+ people can designate a non-blood-related person to be considered a family member so they can receive benefits while caring for that person.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003ch2>What bills did Newsom veto?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two notable health care access bills, including one — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB418\">SB 418\u003c/a> — which would have offered an additional safeguard for people who receive hormone therapy to access treatments without disruption, amid federal attacks on gender affirming care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when transgender people are being singled out for targeted discrimination, removal of their health care, and denial of their existence, it is heartbreaking that this bill was vetoed,” said state Sen. Caroline Menjivar, D-San Fernando, who wrote the bill, in a statement. “SB 418 was the most tangible and effective legislative tool introduced this year to help [Transgender Gender Diverse, and Intersex] folks weather this political storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050964\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Union nurses and community supporters rally outside of Kaiser Permanente, honoring transgender patients affected by Kaiser’s decision to halt gender-affirming care to minors, on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s veto statement, he said he supported the intent of protecting access to treatment, but thought the bill risked raising already high health insurance premiums. Craig Pulsipher, legislative director for Equality California, a co-sponsor of both vetoed bills, pushed back against the governor’s answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data and analysis on this bill show that the impact on health insurance premiums would be negligible,” Pulsipher said.[aside postID=news_12025068 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/IMG_5742-1020x680.jpg']“The governor’s decision leaves trans Californians and many others who rely on hormone therapy vulnerable to treatment disruptions at a time when they are facing really extreme attacks from the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom rejected \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB554\">AB 554\u003c/a> for a similar reason. It would have required most private health plans in California to cover antiretroviral drugs, devices, or products like PrEP without delays in access caused by plans requiring prior authorization, step therapy, or cost‑sharing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal managed care plans would have been exempt, but in his veto message, Newsom raised concerns about increased costs to health plans under cost-sharing provisions in the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen many attacks from the Trump administration, including from the U.S. Health Secretary RFK Jr., threatening to fire members of a federal body that makes recommendations around preventive healthcare,” Pulsipher said. “We are extremely concerned about the impact of those actions in California on access to PrEP, which is a really important medication to prevent HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher said he plans to address the governor’s concerns and reintroduce both bills next legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s national profile rises and as he considers a presidential campaign, some LGBTQ+ advocates\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033818/lgbtq-activists-rally-at-newsoms-home-demand-stronger-trans-rights-commitment\"> have questioned the governor’s commitment\u003c/a> to queer and transgender constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s given statements about transgender people on his podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XJ6rQDRKGA\">\u003cem>This is Gavin Newsom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, and a conversation with the late conservative activist Charlie Kirk, in which Newsom called it “deeply unfair” to allow transgender athletes to participate in girls’ sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Evan Low, former assemblymember and CEO of the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, a political PAC promoting LGBTQ+ progressives, says Newsom is still a staunch ally of the community, one who helped secure marriage equality in the state as well as civil rights protections for adoption, hospital visitation and the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has that track record and that history and that should not be lost on members of the community,” Low said. “All of these things happened because we were able to build bridges [and] build coalitions versus that of an overly simplistic polarization of infighting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what was Newsom’s record in this latest legislative update?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What legislation did Newsom sign supporting LGBTQ+ Californians?\u003c/h2>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB82\">AB 82\u003c/a>: This law expands current privacy protections for reproductive health care providers and patients to also include gender-affirming health care providers and patients. California won’t assist other states in investigating patients or doctors for providing reproductive health care like abortion or gender‑affirming care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB678\">AB 678\u003c/a>: This new law makes a change to a group that recommends solutions to homelessness to the state government. The Interagency Council on Homelessness now must coordinate with representatives from LGBTQ+ communities to better serve queer people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB727\">AB 727\u003c/a> An existing law, which went into effect this summer, requires schools to print the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline on student ID cards for grades 7 and up. This law will expand that rule to include the phone number and text line for the LGBTQ+ suicide-prevention hotline from the Trevor Project.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB822\">AB 822\u003c/a> This new law extends the Commission on the State of Hate for an additional four years. It is intended to help state agencies, law enforcement and the public stay informed about hate crime trends.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1084\">AB 1084\u003c/a> The law makes the process of changing legal documents (name, gender or sex identifier) faster and less burdensome, especially for adults. For minors who want to change their name or gender marker on their birth certificate or ID, as long as all living parents sign forms, there doesn’t need to be a hearing to approve it.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1487\">AB 1487\u003c/a> The bill renames a fund that offers grants for programs aimed at improving health care access for gender nonconforming people. It also broadens its scope to serve younger people and immigrants.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB59\">SB 59\u003c/a> This means that when someone files a legal petition to change their name or their gender marker on an official document in California, the court records are kept confidential. Previously, those protections applied only to minors, but this law immediately extends them, with the goal of minimizing the risk that court records could be used to out someone.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB278\">SB 278\u003c/a> The bill allows health care providers to share some anonymized HIV test results without written consent. The administrators of Medi-Cal plans say they need the data in order to identify gaps in care. Patients can opt out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB450\">SB 450\u003c/a> The law protects adoption rights for LGBTQ+ parents. It means LGBTQ+ adoptive parents who leave California for a state with less inclusive adoption laws won’t lose their parental rights to children born in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB497\">SB 497\u003c/a> The law bans health care providers from disclosing medical records related to gender‑affirming care services in response to civil or criminal actions under other states’ laws.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB504\">SB 504\u003c/a> aims to improve how quickly HIV cases are tracked and treated in California by allowing health care providers to share identifying information about a person with HIV with local public health agencies — when necessary — to connect the person with care. It still limits who can access this information and specifies when sharing the information is actually necessary.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB590\">SB 590\u003c/a> expands existing laws around paid family leave to include chosen family members. That means LGBTQ+ people can designate a non-blood-related person to be considered a family member so they can receive benefits while caring for that person.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003ch2>What bills did Newsom veto?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two notable health care access bills, including one — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB418\">SB 418\u003c/a> — which would have offered an additional safeguard for people who receive hormone therapy to access treatments without disruption, amid federal attacks on gender affirming care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when transgender people are being singled out for targeted discrimination, removal of their health care, and denial of their existence, it is heartbreaking that this bill was vetoed,” said state Sen. Caroline Menjivar, D-San Fernando, who wrote the bill, in a statement. “SB 418 was the most tangible and effective legislative tool introduced this year to help [Transgender Gender Diverse, and Intersex] folks weather this political storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050964\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Union nurses and community supporters rally outside of Kaiser Permanente, honoring transgender patients affected by Kaiser’s decision to halt gender-affirming care to minors, on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s veto statement, he said he supported the intent of protecting access to treatment, but thought the bill risked raising already high health insurance premiums. Craig Pulsipher, legislative director for Equality California, a co-sponsor of both vetoed bills, pushed back against the governor’s answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data and analysis on this bill show that the impact on health insurance premiums would be negligible,” Pulsipher said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The governor’s decision leaves trans Californians and many others who rely on hormone therapy vulnerable to treatment disruptions at a time when they are facing really extreme attacks from the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom rejected \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB554\">AB 554\u003c/a> for a similar reason. It would have required most private health plans in California to cover antiretroviral drugs, devices, or products like PrEP without delays in access caused by plans requiring prior authorization, step therapy, or cost‑sharing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal managed care plans would have been exempt, but in his veto message, Newsom raised concerns about increased costs to health plans under cost-sharing provisions in the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen many attacks from the Trump administration, including from the U.S. Health Secretary RFK Jr., threatening to fire members of a federal body that makes recommendations around preventive healthcare,” Pulsipher said. “We are extremely concerned about the impact of those actions in California on access to PrEP, which is a really important medication to prevent HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher said he plans to address the governor’s concerns and reintroduce both bills next legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former NFL running back \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060707/reported-death-of-ex-raider-doug-martin-in-oakland-police-custody-raises-questions\">Doug Martin\u003c/a> was struggling with a mental health challenge before he died in Oakland police custody, his family said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin, who grew up in Stockton and returned to the Bay Area to finish his football career with the Raiders in 2018, died after he was arrested in an alleged residential break-in early Saturday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doug battled mental health challenges that profoundly impacted his personal and professional life,” Martin’s former agent Brian Murphy said in a statement on behalf of Martin’s family on Monday. “Ultimately, mental illness proved to be the one opponent from which Doug could not run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police arrested Martin after responding to a report of a residential break-in in the Chabot Park neighborhood just after 4 a.m., according to a statement. Around the same time, officers were informed that a person in the area — who they believed to be the same individual — was experiencing a medical emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doug’s parents were actively seeking medical assistance for him and had contacted local authorities for support,” according to the statement from Murphy. “Feeling overwhelmed and disoriented, Doug fled his home during the night and entered a neighbor’s residence two doors down, where he was taken into custody by police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers responding to the reports of a break-in and medical emergency found Martin inside the residence, and “a struggle ensued” while trying to detain him, according to the Oakland Police Department. He became unresponsive after the arrest, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedic personnel administered aid and Martin was taken to a nearby hospital, where he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation into the circumstances of his death is ongoing, and the officers involved in Martin’s arrest have been placed on administrative leave, per department policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorney John Burris, who has overseen reforms in the Oakland Police Department since a landmark 2003 settlement over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101891855/oakland-police-departments-brutality-corruption-and-cover-up-and-long-road-toward-reform\">widespread misconduct by a group of former officers\u003c/a>, said investigators should be assessing footage of the altercation between Martin and officers and how he was restrained in their investigation.[aside postID=news_12060707 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Doug-Martin-NFL-Getty.jpg']He also noted that Martin’s mental health crisis, history as a football player and or any drug or alcohol use that’s determined could have been factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not usual for a person to be taken into custody for a burglary and dies shortly thereafter,” Burris said. “Doesn’t have to be the police officer’s fault … but these are the kinds of things they need to find out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin was born in Oakland and grew up in Stockton, where he became a star of the St. Mary’s High School football program before committing to attend Boise State University in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four seasons as one of the best running backs in school history, he was drafted by the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in 2012, where he played six seasons. He appeared in two Pro Bowls and was a finalist for Offensive Rookie of the Year with the Bucs, but struggled to come back from a rocky 2016 season, during which he was suspended over Adderall use. The four-game suspension bled into the 2017 season, at the end of which he was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his final season with the Raiders, he ran for his third-highest rushing yards after replacing an injured Marshawn Lynch in the starting lineup. He was re-signed in 2019, but retired quietly after an injury settlement before the season began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin’s family requested privacy to navigate the loss, and reaffirmed that an investigation is underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a difficult situation and a tragic loss,” said Tony Franks, who coached Martin at St. Mary’s High School. “We need to look after one another. Sometimes people might be going through some challenges, and we have to be aware of that and reach out and take care of folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police arrested Martin after responding to a report of a residential break-in in the Chabot Park neighborhood just after 4 a.m., according to a statement. Around the same time, officers were informed that a person in the area — who they believed to be the same individual — was experiencing a medical emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doug’s parents were actively seeking medical assistance for him and had contacted local authorities for support,” according to the statement from Murphy. “Feeling overwhelmed and disoriented, Doug fled his home during the night and entered a neighbor’s residence two doors down, where he was taken into custody by police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers responding to the reports of a break-in and medical emergency found Martin inside the residence, and “a struggle ensued” while trying to detain him, according to the Oakland Police Department. He became unresponsive after the arrest, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedic personnel administered aid and Martin was taken to a nearby hospital, where he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation into the circumstances of his death is ongoing, and the officers involved in Martin’s arrest have been placed on administrative leave, per department policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorney John Burris, who has overseen reforms in the Oakland Police Department since a landmark 2003 settlement over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101891855/oakland-police-departments-brutality-corruption-and-cover-up-and-long-road-toward-reform\">widespread misconduct by a group of former officers\u003c/a>, said investigators should be assessing footage of the altercation between Martin and officers and how he was restrained in their investigation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He also noted that Martin’s mental health crisis, history as a football player and or any drug or alcohol use that’s determined could have been factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not usual for a person to be taken into custody for a burglary and dies shortly thereafter,” Burris said. “Doesn’t have to be the police officer’s fault … but these are the kinds of things they need to find out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin was born in Oakland and grew up in Stockton, where he became a star of the St. Mary’s High School football program before committing to attend Boise State University in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four seasons as one of the best running backs in school history, he was drafted by the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in 2012, where he played six seasons. He appeared in two Pro Bowls and was a finalist for Offensive Rookie of the Year with the Bucs, but struggled to come back from a rocky 2016 season, during which he was suspended over Adderall use. The four-game suspension bled into the 2017 season, at the end of which he was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his final season with the Raiders, he ran for his third-highest rushing yards after replacing an injured Marshawn Lynch in the starting lineup. He was re-signed in 2019, but retired quietly after an injury settlement before the season began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin’s family requested privacy to navigate the loss, and reaffirmed that an investigation is underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a difficult situation and a tragic loss,” said Tony Franks, who coached Martin at St. Mary’s High School. “We need to look after one another. Sometimes people might be going through some challenges, and we have to be aware of that and reach out and take care of folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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