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"content": "\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007779 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/early-childhood-education-and-care\">Early childhood\u003c/a> educators still have one of the lowest-paying jobs in the nation despite unprecedented public funding to help programs that teach and care for young kids recover from the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2024/\">according to a new study released Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low hourly pay puts these workers, who are disproportionately women of color, in the bottom three percent of occupations. Although their wages increased slightly from an average of $11.65 per hour in 2019 to $13.07 per hour in 2022, their wage growth lags behind fast food workers and retail workers, the study by UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the median wage for early educators was slightly higher than the national average at $15.66 per hour, but the study’s authors say that’s still below the state’s living wage of $19.97 for a single adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said unprecedented public funding, particularly from the federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), helped keep the early education and child care system from collapsing, but didn’t do enough to sustain its workers long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system has always been fragile even before COVID-19 brought it to its knees,” said Lea Austin, executive director of the center and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have long described child care as \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0355\">an example of a broken market\u003c/a> because of a number of issues: child care costs more than what most families can afford, and yet child care programs, which operate on razor-thin margins, can’t afford to raise wages without raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12004431 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240910-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who provide early care and education services have long subsidized the cost by the poverty-level wages that are paid to them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low wages lead to high staff turnover and shortages in the system, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study highlighted state and local programs designed to bolster their systems, including California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">first-in-the-nation retirement fund\u003c/a> for home-based child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, a child care provider tapped into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988490/under-sf-mayors-plan-more-middle-income-families-would-qualify-for-subsidized-child-care\">local funding to pay its early educators\u003c/a> between $28 to $45 per hour, depending on their qualifications, and it used federal pandemic aid money to pay workers another $100 per day in hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing the benefits of these investments,” said Yohana Quiroz, director of the Felton Institute’s early care and education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing a significant retention rate that we have not seen in the past,” she said. She said that 30 out of 100 early educator jobs remain open at the start of each school year, but this fall, she only had four vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local funding alone can’t support the high cost of providing child care in an expensive city like San Francisco, Quiroz said, adding that she relies on a combination of federal, state and local funds to run her program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States like Utah and Mississippi used COVID-19 relief funds to boost early educators’ pay, but their support stopped when those funds dried up last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs helped stabilize the workforce in those states and showed that public investments to support them could lead to more abundant and affordable child care, said Caitlin McLean, the report’s lead author and director of the center’s multistate and international programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical time for national, state and local leaders to step up, not back, for these skilled educators whose support is so crucial for children, families and the economy,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/early-childhood-education-and-care\">Early childhood\u003c/a> educators still have one of the lowest-paying jobs in the nation despite unprecedented public funding to help programs that teach and care for young kids recover from the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2024/\">according to a new study released Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low hourly pay puts these workers, who are disproportionately women of color, in the bottom three percent of occupations. Although their wages increased slightly from an average of $11.65 per hour in 2019 to $13.07 per hour in 2022, their wage growth lags behind fast food workers and retail workers, the study by UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the median wage for early educators was slightly higher than the national average at $15.66 per hour, but the study’s authors say that’s still below the state’s living wage of $19.97 for a single adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said unprecedented public funding, particularly from the federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), helped keep the early education and child care system from collapsing, but didn’t do enough to sustain its workers long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system has always been fragile even before COVID-19 brought it to its knees,” said Lea Austin, executive director of the center and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have long described child care as \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0355\">an example of a broken market\u003c/a> because of a number of issues: child care costs more than what most families can afford, and yet child care programs, which operate on razor-thin margins, can’t afford to raise wages without raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who provide early care and education services have long subsidized the cost by the poverty-level wages that are paid to them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low wages lead to high staff turnover and shortages in the system, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study highlighted state and local programs designed to bolster their systems, including California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">first-in-the-nation retirement fund\u003c/a> for home-based child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, a child care provider tapped into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988490/under-sf-mayors-plan-more-middle-income-families-would-qualify-for-subsidized-child-care\">local funding to pay its early educators\u003c/a> between $28 to $45 per hour, depending on their qualifications, and it used federal pandemic aid money to pay workers another $100 per day in hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing the benefits of these investments,” said Yohana Quiroz, director of the Felton Institute’s early care and education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing a significant retention rate that we have not seen in the past,” she said. She said that 30 out of 100 early educator jobs remain open at the start of each school year, but this fall, she only had four vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local funding alone can’t support the high cost of providing child care in an expensive city like San Francisco, Quiroz said, adding that she relies on a combination of federal, state and local funds to run her program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States like Utah and Mississippi used COVID-19 relief funds to boost early educators’ pay, but their support stopped when those funds dried up last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs helped stabilize the workforce in those states and showed that public investments to support them could lead to more abundant and affordable child care, said Caitlin McLean, the report’s lead author and director of the center’s multistate and international programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical time for national, state and local leaders to step up, not back, for these skilled educators whose support is so crucial for children, families and the economy,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SFUSDStudentsGetty-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-frontline-workers-who-help-people-on-streets-in-shelters-call-for-fair-pay",
"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007119 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "UCSF campus social workers who serve non-hospitalized individuals in streets, shelters, and outpatient clinics earn approximately one-third less than their counterparts at the university's large medical centers. This pay disparity has left many feeling discouraged and undervalued.",
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"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Supreme Court justices on Monday declined to hear an appeal from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\">Lyft\u003c/a> that sought to block California state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision — or lack thereof — let stand a California appeals court ruling from 2023 that allowed the state lawsuits to proceed because state officials never agreed to be bound by employer arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Court of Appeal basically said, look, these state agencies, they get to go into court, and they have the authority to undertake enforcement actions to enforce the law,” said Cheryl Sabnis, who practices employer-side labor law in San Francisco for Vedder Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a private dispute necessarily between an individual and a company where you would definitely see a motion to compel arbitration. You know, often those are granted. This is a very different animal,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Here’s what you need to know:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta and Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower sued the ride-hailing companies for the “misclassification of drivers as independent contractors” rather than as employees. The suit sought money “for unpaid wages and penalties owed to workers which will be distributed to all drivers who worked for Uber or Lyft during the time period covered by the lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit continued even after voters approved Proposition 22 in 2020 to uphold the authority of companies to classify drivers as independent contractors. Uber, Lyft and DoorDash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back the ballot measure, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The initiative was in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg\" alt='A white bumpersticker with the word \"Uber\" written on it on a car bumper.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Uber sticker is seen on a car on Aug. 20, 2020 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its ruling last year, the state appeals court in San Francisco said California officials were not suing on behalf of drivers so much as enforcing state labor laws. “The public officials who brought these actions do not derive their authority from individual drivers but from their independent statutory authority to bring civil enforcement actions,” \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/in-re-uber-techs-wage-hour-cases\">Justice Jon Streeter wrote\u003c/a> for the California Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the state Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal. Uber and Lyft then asked the U.S. Supreme Court to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office applauded the high court’s move on Monday. “We’re pleased by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case, allowing the case to proceed in the California Superior Court,” the office said in a statement, adding that it “remains committed to defending the rights of California workers to receive the benefits and protections to which they are legally entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Driving the story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have been locked in a years-long battle with the state of California over how to classify gig workers. In their\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/uber-technologies-inc-v-california/\"> appeal to the Supreme Court, lawyers for Uber\u003c/a> and Lyft, joined by a coalition of California employers, contended that the Federal Arbitration Act overrides state laws and blocks state lawsuits seeking money for employees who already agreed to arbitrate claims as individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007450 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27783_GettyImages-461843616-qut-1180x782.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-1130.html\">provided no explanatio\u003c/a>n along with its determination not to hear appeals from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\"> Uber\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\"> Lyft\u003c/a> asking to block state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers. That kicks the case back to state courts, but it means there’s a continuing lack of clarity, according to UC Santa Cruz sociology professor Steve McKay, who directs the university’s Center for Labor and Community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we have a system where employers pay for a lot of the benefits, who’s covered and how? And that’s actually falling more and more to the state to provide that then if employers aren’t doing it,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of money at stake, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re an independent contractor, you’re not covered by worker protections such as wage and hour laws, anti-discrimination laws, and laws providing the ability for collective bargaining. If you’re a contractor, you don’t receive unemployment benefits. When you’re temporarily jobless, you don’t get worker’s comp if you’re injured, and you’re responsible for paying all the payroll tax,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The company take\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the justices struck down part of California state law that\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-1573_8p6h.pdf\"> authorized private attorneys to sue\u003c/a> on behalf of a group of employees, even though they had agreed to be bound by individual arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theane Evangelis, counsel for Uber, wrote in a statement to KQED, “While the Supreme Court did not take this opportunity to weigh in now, it should do so in the future, holding once again that the FAA preempts state efforts to undermine arbitration agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is also important to note that the Supreme Court is still considering our constitutional challenge to AB5,” she continued. “As we explained in detail in our complaint in that case — and to which a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit unanimously agreed — in enacting AB5, the California legislature unfairly targeted my clients out of animus rather than reason. We’re asking the U.S. Supreme Court to grant review and give us our day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. Supreme Court justices on Monday declined to hear an appeal from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\">Lyft\u003c/a> that sought to block California state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision — or lack thereof — let stand a California appeals court ruling from 2023 that allowed the state lawsuits to proceed because state officials never agreed to be bound by employer arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Court of Appeal basically said, look, these state agencies, they get to go into court, and they have the authority to undertake enforcement actions to enforce the law,” said Cheryl Sabnis, who practices employer-side labor law in San Francisco for Vedder Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a private dispute necessarily between an individual and a company where you would definitely see a motion to compel arbitration. You know, often those are granted. This is a very different animal,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Here’s what you need to know:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta and Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower sued the ride-hailing companies for the “misclassification of drivers as independent contractors” rather than as employees. The suit sought money “for unpaid wages and penalties owed to workers which will be distributed to all drivers who worked for Uber or Lyft during the time period covered by the lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit continued even after voters approved Proposition 22 in 2020 to uphold the authority of companies to classify drivers as independent contractors. Uber, Lyft and DoorDash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back the ballot measure, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The initiative was in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg\" alt='A white bumpersticker with the word \"Uber\" written on it on a car bumper.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Uber sticker is seen on a car on Aug. 20, 2020 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its ruling last year, the state appeals court in San Francisco said California officials were not suing on behalf of drivers so much as enforcing state labor laws. “The public officials who brought these actions do not derive their authority from individual drivers but from their independent statutory authority to bring civil enforcement actions,” \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/in-re-uber-techs-wage-hour-cases\">Justice Jon Streeter wrote\u003c/a> for the California Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the state Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal. Uber and Lyft then asked the U.S. Supreme Court to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office applauded the high court’s move on Monday. “We’re pleased by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case, allowing the case to proceed in the California Superior Court,” the office said in a statement, adding that it “remains committed to defending the rights of California workers to receive the benefits and protections to which they are legally entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Driving the story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have been locked in a years-long battle with the state of California over how to classify gig workers. In their\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/uber-technologies-inc-v-california/\"> appeal to the Supreme Court, lawyers for Uber\u003c/a> and Lyft, joined by a coalition of California employers, contended that the Federal Arbitration Act overrides state laws and blocks state lawsuits seeking money for employees who already agreed to arbitrate claims as individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-1130.html\">provided no explanatio\u003c/a>n along with its determination not to hear appeals from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\"> Uber\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\"> Lyft\u003c/a> asking to block state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers. That kicks the case back to state courts, but it means there’s a continuing lack of clarity, according to UC Santa Cruz sociology professor Steve McKay, who directs the university’s Center for Labor and Community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we have a system where employers pay for a lot of the benefits, who’s covered and how? And that’s actually falling more and more to the state to provide that then if employers aren’t doing it,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of money at stake, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re an independent contractor, you’re not covered by worker protections such as wage and hour laws, anti-discrimination laws, and laws providing the ability for collective bargaining. If you’re a contractor, you don’t receive unemployment benefits. When you’re temporarily jobless, you don’t get worker’s comp if you’re injured, and you’re responsible for paying all the payroll tax,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The company take\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the justices struck down part of California state law that\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-1573_8p6h.pdf\"> authorized private attorneys to sue\u003c/a> on behalf of a group of employees, even though they had agreed to be bound by individual arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theane Evangelis, counsel for Uber, wrote in a statement to KQED, “While the Supreme Court did not take this opportunity to weigh in now, it should do so in the future, holding once again that the FAA preempts state efforts to undermine arbitration agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is also important to note that the Supreme Court is still considering our constitutional challenge to AB5,” she continued. “As we explained in detail in our complaint in that case — and to which a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit unanimously agreed — in enacting AB5, the California legislature unfairly targeted my clients out of animus rather than reason. We’re asking the U.S. Supreme Court to grant review and give us our day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The North Bay-based organic food company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amys-kitchen\">Amy’s Kitchen\u003c/a> will lay off 311 employees — nearly 15% of its workforce — just months after the end of a two-year boycott over unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the company’s Petaluma headquarters, Santa Rosa plant and remote workers will be affected. Amy’s said in a statement that the decision was based on “industry headwinds” to “rebalance the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yesterday’s decision was difficult and we are saddened to have to say goodbye to some of our valued team members,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy’s said it will provide severance packages and mental health resources to all laid-off employees. The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/industrynews/amys-kitchen-layoffs-reorganization/\">told the \u003cem>North Bay Business Journal\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that managers, clerical staff and assembly line workers are all affected and that layoffs will be staggered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely the outcome that, if we could have avoided, we would have. It’s heartbreaking and sad,” Amy’s President, Paul Schiefer, told the Business Journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers assemble frozen meals at Amy’s Kitchen in Santa Rosa in 2022. California heat protections for indoor workers include guidelines for those who must wear full-body clothing. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy’s Kitchen is known for its organic and family-owned approach to soups and frozen meals. Founded in 1987, the company boasts on its website that it was organic “before organic was a thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Amy’s laid off a similar number of employees after abruptly closing its San José facility amid a union organizing drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11990197 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298939246-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That came months after a fierce two-year boycott began over working conditions and alleged union-busting practices. The boycott, led by the food justice nonprofit Food Empowerment Project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990197/there-is-such-optimism-activists-workers-welcome-deal-ending-boycott-of-amys-kitchen-products\">ended in June\u003c/a> after Amy’s agreed to a number of improvements for workers, from increased wages to bilingual service representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements followed eight months of negotiations between Amy’s and the Food Empowerment Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who love their job. They just want to be treated with respect and paid a living wage,” Food Empowerment Project founder Lauren Ornelas previously told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the boycott ended, Schiefer said in a statement published on the FEP website that closing the San Jose plant was “a difficult decision in response to a challenging economic climate following the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have learned valuable lessons from this experience and are committed to improvement going forward,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The North Bay-based organic food company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amys-kitchen\">Amy’s Kitchen\u003c/a> will lay off 311 employees — nearly 15% of its workforce — just months after the end of a two-year boycott over unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the company’s Petaluma headquarters, Santa Rosa plant and remote workers will be affected. Amy’s said in a statement that the decision was based on “industry headwinds” to “rebalance the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yesterday’s decision was difficult and we are saddened to have to say goodbye to some of our valued team members,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy’s said it will provide severance packages and mental health resources to all laid-off employees. The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/industrynews/amys-kitchen-layoffs-reorganization/\">told the \u003cem>North Bay Business Journal\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that managers, clerical staff and assembly line workers are all affected and that layoffs will be staggered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely the outcome that, if we could have avoided, we would have. It’s heartbreaking and sad,” Amy’s President, Paul Schiefer, told the Business Journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers assemble frozen meals at Amy’s Kitchen in Santa Rosa in 2022. California heat protections for indoor workers include guidelines for those who must wear full-body clothing. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy’s Kitchen is known for its organic and family-owned approach to soups and frozen meals. Founded in 1987, the company boasts on its website that it was organic “before organic was a thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Amy’s laid off a similar number of employees after abruptly closing its San José facility amid a union organizing drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That came months after a fierce two-year boycott began over working conditions and alleged union-busting practices. The boycott, led by the food justice nonprofit Food Empowerment Project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990197/there-is-such-optimism-activists-workers-welcome-deal-ending-boycott-of-amys-kitchen-products\">ended in June\u003c/a> after Amy’s agreed to a number of improvements for workers, from increased wages to bilingual service representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements followed eight months of negotiations between Amy’s and the Food Empowerment Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who love their job. They just want to be treated with respect and paid a living wage,” Food Empowerment Project founder Lauren Ornelas previously told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the boycott ended, Schiefer said in a statement published on the FEP website that closing the San Jose plant was “a difficult decision in response to a challenging economic climate following the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have learned valuable lessons from this experience and are committed to improvement going forward,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006820 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-35-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001133 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/FastFoodWorkersGetty1-1020x712.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, KQED labor correspondent Farida Jhabvala Romero breaks down Prop. 32, which would raise the statewide minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1869781659&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:03] So I was at the grocery store the other day, and I couldn’t believe my eyes when I saw that the jar of mayo that I needed to get was….wait for it…$9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] You are not imagining it. Food prices, among other things, are getting more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:22] And as you know, California is already an expensive state to live in. So when you add up rent, gas, and groceries, things get real, real fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:35] Prop 32 proposes one way to help Californians keep up with the rising cost of everyday life by raising the state’s minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:47] But some worry doing this will only make things more expensive than they already are. And when it comes to fights about the minimum wage, we’ve heard that argument before. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:02] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] The push for livable wages in California is not new, and it’s usually driven by workers and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] But the effort to get prop 32 on the ballot has a much more unusual beginning. We’ll get into that and more on prop 32 right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:39] Today we’re diving deep into prop 32. The minimum wage increase. Here’s how it’ll look on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:48] Prop 32 raises minimum wage as follows. For employers with 26 or more employees to $17 immediately $18 on January 1st, 2025 for employers with 25 or fewer employees to $17 on January 1st, 2025. $18 on January 1st, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:12] Today, we hit up KQED labor correspondent for Farida Jhabvala Romero to help us understand what prop 32 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:22] Farida, California, I feel like, is no stranger to fights around raising the minimum wage. We’ve kind of seen these debates before, but remind us what exactly those debates have look like over the years and where we stand right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, we know that over the last decade, the state’s minimum wage has doubled from $8 an hour to 16, which is what we have now. The last big jump came through a bill approved by the legislature and signed by then governor Jerry Brown in 2016. Another thing is that we’ve passed state laws that increase the minimum wage for some industries, like fast food. So now half a million fast food workers in the state are making at least $20 an hour since April. Dozens of local cities and counties have also passed their own higher minimum wage. In L.A., it’s $17.28. In San Francisco, it’s more than $18 an hour. And then in Emeryville, here in the Bay area, it has one of the highest wage floors in the country, actually, at $19.36 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] So, I mean, Farida, we know that a lot of folks have pushed to raise the minimum wage in California. Like unions in particular, many Democratic lawmakers, the governor as well. But how did prop 32 get on the ballot? Did it come from the same groups who’ve been pushing for this in the past?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:03] Well, prop 32 has a sort of unusual story because the main financial backer for it is a guy called Joe Sanberg, who grew up in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:15] When you raise wages for your workers, they do better for your company. They have more money to spend in their communities, which creates more economic prosperity for local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] He’s an investor and also an anti-poverty advocate. He spent more than $10 million of his own money to help this measure qualify for the ballot. He says he’s not making any money out of this ad, that he wants to use his resources to help fellow Californians because of his own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:44] I grew up in working class family. My mom raised me by herself. We lost our home to foreclosure when I was a teenager. I saw firsthand how hard it is for a single mom to raise kids in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:56] The main supporters intended to qualify for the ballot in 2022, but they missed a key deadline, and so it was basically delayed for voters to this election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:10] Can you break down just a little bit more exactly for you to what proposition 32 would do? Because as you said, the the statewide minimum wage is $16 an hour, but it’s also higher in some cities in certain industries. So what kind of change would prop 32 make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] Yeah. So prop 32 would not impact the higher minimum wages set by cities, counties or the industry specific, minimum wages that the state has approved for fast food or the health care industry. What it would do is it would raise the minimum wage to at least $18 an hour. By 2026, bigger businesses with more than 25 employees would have to do it faster by 2025, and that employers with 25 or fewer workers would start paying $17 an hour next year, and then 18 in 2026. And then from then on, the minimum wage would adjust annually tied to inflation. So those are smaller increases that are expected. And then it’s important to note that the minimum wage in the state is already set to keep going up. And without this proposition passing, it will likely be around $17 an hour in 2026, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. The backers of prop 32 estimate that around 2 million people would directly benefit from the race, especially outside big metro areas. You know, like outside the San Francisco Bay area around L.A., San Diego. And we’re talking about the lowest paid workers in the state. So those are often cashiers, retail salespeople, farm workers, home health and personal personal care aides and other workers. The workers that we’re talking about live mostly in the Central Valley and other rural areas of the state, in the northern part of the state. And that’s actually something that proponents point out is that these are workers that are also often not unionized. So they, you know, they really need this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:30] And Farida, who is lining up behind prop 32 and really coming out in support of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] So supporters include some some unions. One of them is Unite Here local 11. They represent thousands of workers in hotels, sports arenas, restaurants. Then there’s the Service Employees International Union, which has many large unions in California, and they’ve endorsed prop 32. You know, they represent people who would definitely benefit from this. And then the other big supporter is One Fair Wage, which is a group that advocates for employers to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:09] I know so many workers who work in restaurants in San Francisco and live in Tracy in Stockton, and they go home once a week. They live in their cars during the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:17] Saru Jayaraman directs One Fair Wage. I mean, they make the basic argument that this is a critical time, because we already know that $16 an hour is not enough to afford the basics in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:36] I think the initiative Is critical because the legislature this time has not acted the way it should have. It should have passed a higher minimum wage already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] And so they see this proposition as a critical first step. She feels like there hasn’t been more mobilization, you know, and noise from unions, on this in part because many of the workers who directly benefit are not unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:09:03] The overwhelming majority of minimum wage workers rely on the legislature to give them a raise. And when they don’t get it to the legislature, the only mechanism they then have is at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] But, you know, other proponents like Joe Sanberg, the main financial backer for prop 32, also told me that it would have been impossible to qualify the measure for the ballot without union volunteers and without union support. Now that we just have weeks before the election, the coalition of proponents will be more active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:42] And who’s coming out on the no side on this, Frida. And what’s the argument there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:48] Opponents are mostly business groups. We’re talking about the California Restaurant Association, the California Chamber of Commerce. Some of the arguments against prop 32 are very similar to those against the fast food minimum wage I was telling you about when that was being considered. And it’s basically that, you know, employers will need to cut work hours and jobs or raise prices to be able to afford the higher payroll costs. And they say it’s bad timing also because Californians are already, reeling from a super high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:32] $2 doesn’t sound like a lot, but when you factor that over thousands of employees, it gets to be a big amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:39] I spoke with Ron Fong, who’s president and CEO of the California Grocers Association. They represent large chains like Whole Foods and Costco and then a lot smaller, you know, grocery retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] Especially for grocery stores. Grocery stores operate on a very low, net margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:58] And he says this proposition will likely make these businesses increase prices because it would affect their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] The only way we can recapture that is by raising prices. And, you know, that’s been proven time and time again is the number one concern amongst, you know, U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:18] And, I mean, we’ve heard that argument before, right, Farida? I mean, it’s a it’s a pretty common one when it comes to debates around, raising wages for workers. But what do we actually know about. that and whether or not it’s it’s true — and that actually does happen when wages for workers are increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] So I spoke with a couple of economists who do research on minimum wage and follow these debates. They told me that minimum wage increases to the levels that we’ve had so far, you know, which are gradual, relatively small increases. They don’t really have a big impact on jobs. So they’re not the big job killers that, business groups, sometimes, you know, fear. Also, they have a very small impact on prices. You know, one of the impacts might be that the prices end up going, higher, but it’s a relatively small increase as well. California, you know, is the first state to implement a minimum wage for fast food workers of $20 an hour. And so that’s been in effect since April. So we’ve had a couple of months of some data on jobs. You know, a lot of people have a lot of complaints, you know, a lot of business owners saying that they’ve had to work, cut work hours, or cut jobs in and raise some prices. But if you look at the overall data and talk to economists, they’ll tell you, that they haven’t seen a huge impact yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:55] Let’s talk about the money being spent on the yes and no sides here. Frida. Has there been much campaign spending on either side of this proposition?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:13:06] So most of the campaign spending was done to qualify the measure for the ballot. And so that was, you know, before because like I was telling you, there were aiming to put that in the 2022 election ballot. There’s the Working Hero Action for the Living Wage Act, which has reported contributions of almost $11 million, and that’s, backed mostly by Joe Sanberg. Then there’s the Kevin De Leon believing in a better California ballot measure committee, and they’ve, reported contributions of almost $600,000. And then in the opposition side, there’s Californians Against Job Losses and Higher Prices. No, on prop 32. They, have reported contributions of $65,000. I spoke with Joe Sanberg recently and he said there’s going to be a lot more movement now, especially to try to convince younger voters who are more likely to support this proposition. There was a recent Public Policy Institute of California survey that showed likely voters were really divided on prop 32, with just 50% saying they would support it. But their biggest levels of support came among renters and then people making less than $40,000 a year, and also younger voters. Joe Sandberg believes that, you know, with Vice President Kamala Harris entering the race for the white House, that that will attract a lot more voters to the ballot box. And, they will support this proposition. But we’ll we’ll see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:59] Well, for you to thank you so much for breaking this down for us. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] Thank you. Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:08] In summary, a vote yes on prop 32 would raise the state minimum wage floor to $18 an hour in 2026. After that, it would go up each year based on how fast prices are rising. A vote no means the state minimum wage would likely be at $17 an hour in 2026, and would go up based on prices after that. And that’s it for proposition 32. If this episode helped you out, do me a favor and tell just one friend about Prop Fest because good friends help their friends vote smart. Just send them to kqed.org/prop fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Prop Fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Ericka Cruz Guevara, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana de Almeida Amaral and me, Olivia Ellen Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:14] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:20] Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining member of KQED. Learn more at KQED.org/Donate. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:34] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on proposition 33, which asks, Should California remove statewide rent control limits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:46] We’ll talk to you then.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, KQED labor correspondent Farida Jhabvala Romero breaks down Prop. 32, which would raise the statewide minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1869781659&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:03] So I was at the grocery store the other day, and I couldn’t believe my eyes when I saw that the jar of mayo that I needed to get was….wait for it…$9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] You are not imagining it. Food prices, among other things, are getting more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:22] And as you know, California is already an expensive state to live in. So when you add up rent, gas, and groceries, things get real, real fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:35] Prop 32 proposes one way to help Californians keep up with the rising cost of everyday life by raising the state’s minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:47] But some worry doing this will only make things more expensive than they already are. And when it comes to fights about the minimum wage, we’ve heard that argument before. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:02] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] The push for livable wages in California is not new, and it’s usually driven by workers and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] But the effort to get prop 32 on the ballot has a much more unusual beginning. We’ll get into that and more on prop 32 right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:39] Today we’re diving deep into prop 32. The minimum wage increase. Here’s how it’ll look on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:48] Prop 32 raises minimum wage as follows. For employers with 26 or more employees to $17 immediately $18 on January 1st, 2025 for employers with 25 or fewer employees to $17 on January 1st, 2025. $18 on January 1st, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:12] Today, we hit up KQED labor correspondent for Farida Jhabvala Romero to help us understand what prop 32 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:22] Farida, California, I feel like, is no stranger to fights around raising the minimum wage. We’ve kind of seen these debates before, but remind us what exactly those debates have look like over the years and where we stand right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, we know that over the last decade, the state’s minimum wage has doubled from $8 an hour to 16, which is what we have now. The last big jump came through a bill approved by the legislature and signed by then governor Jerry Brown in 2016. Another thing is that we’ve passed state laws that increase the minimum wage for some industries, like fast food. So now half a million fast food workers in the state are making at least $20 an hour since April. Dozens of local cities and counties have also passed their own higher minimum wage. In L.A., it’s $17.28. In San Francisco, it’s more than $18 an hour. And then in Emeryville, here in the Bay area, it has one of the highest wage floors in the country, actually, at $19.36 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] So, I mean, Farida, we know that a lot of folks have pushed to raise the minimum wage in California. Like unions in particular, many Democratic lawmakers, the governor as well. But how did prop 32 get on the ballot? Did it come from the same groups who’ve been pushing for this in the past?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:03] Well, prop 32 has a sort of unusual story because the main financial backer for it is a guy called Joe Sanberg, who grew up in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:15] When you raise wages for your workers, they do better for your company. They have more money to spend in their communities, which creates more economic prosperity for local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] He’s an investor and also an anti-poverty advocate. He spent more than $10 million of his own money to help this measure qualify for the ballot. He says he’s not making any money out of this ad, that he wants to use his resources to help fellow Californians because of his own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:44] I grew up in working class family. My mom raised me by herself. We lost our home to foreclosure when I was a teenager. I saw firsthand how hard it is for a single mom to raise kids in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:56] The main supporters intended to qualify for the ballot in 2022, but they missed a key deadline, and so it was basically delayed for voters to this election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:10] Can you break down just a little bit more exactly for you to what proposition 32 would do? Because as you said, the the statewide minimum wage is $16 an hour, but it’s also higher in some cities in certain industries. So what kind of change would prop 32 make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] Yeah. So prop 32 would not impact the higher minimum wages set by cities, counties or the industry specific, minimum wages that the state has approved for fast food or the health care industry. What it would do is it would raise the minimum wage to at least $18 an hour. By 2026, bigger businesses with more than 25 employees would have to do it faster by 2025, and that employers with 25 or fewer workers would start paying $17 an hour next year, and then 18 in 2026. And then from then on, the minimum wage would adjust annually tied to inflation. So those are smaller increases that are expected. And then it’s important to note that the minimum wage in the state is already set to keep going up. And without this proposition passing, it will likely be around $17 an hour in 2026, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. The backers of prop 32 estimate that around 2 million people would directly benefit from the race, especially outside big metro areas. You know, like outside the San Francisco Bay area around L.A., San Diego. And we’re talking about the lowest paid workers in the state. So those are often cashiers, retail salespeople, farm workers, home health and personal personal care aides and other workers. The workers that we’re talking about live mostly in the Central Valley and other rural areas of the state, in the northern part of the state. And that’s actually something that proponents point out is that these are workers that are also often not unionized. So they, you know, they really need this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:30] And Farida, who is lining up behind prop 32 and really coming out in support of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] So supporters include some some unions. One of them is Unite Here local 11. They represent thousands of workers in hotels, sports arenas, restaurants. Then there’s the Service Employees International Union, which has many large unions in California, and they’ve endorsed prop 32. You know, they represent people who would definitely benefit from this. And then the other big supporter is One Fair Wage, which is a group that advocates for employers to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:09] I know so many workers who work in restaurants in San Francisco and live in Tracy in Stockton, and they go home once a week. They live in their cars during the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:17] Saru Jayaraman directs One Fair Wage. I mean, they make the basic argument that this is a critical time, because we already know that $16 an hour is not enough to afford the basics in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:36] I think the initiative Is critical because the legislature this time has not acted the way it should have. It should have passed a higher minimum wage already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] And so they see this proposition as a critical first step. She feels like there hasn’t been more mobilization, you know, and noise from unions, on this in part because many of the workers who directly benefit are not unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:09:03] The overwhelming majority of minimum wage workers rely on the legislature to give them a raise. And when they don’t get it to the legislature, the only mechanism they then have is at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] But, you know, other proponents like Joe Sanberg, the main financial backer for prop 32, also told me that it would have been impossible to qualify the measure for the ballot without union volunteers and without union support. Now that we just have weeks before the election, the coalition of proponents will be more active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:42] And who’s coming out on the no side on this, Frida. And what’s the argument there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:48] Opponents are mostly business groups. We’re talking about the California Restaurant Association, the California Chamber of Commerce. Some of the arguments against prop 32 are very similar to those against the fast food minimum wage I was telling you about when that was being considered. And it’s basically that, you know, employers will need to cut work hours and jobs or raise prices to be able to afford the higher payroll costs. And they say it’s bad timing also because Californians are already, reeling from a super high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:32] $2 doesn’t sound like a lot, but when you factor that over thousands of employees, it gets to be a big amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:39] I spoke with Ron Fong, who’s president and CEO of the California Grocers Association. They represent large chains like Whole Foods and Costco and then a lot smaller, you know, grocery retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] Especially for grocery stores. Grocery stores operate on a very low, net margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:58] And he says this proposition will likely make these businesses increase prices because it would affect their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] The only way we can recapture that is by raising prices. And, you know, that’s been proven time and time again is the number one concern amongst, you know, U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:18] And, I mean, we’ve heard that argument before, right, Farida? I mean, it’s a it’s a pretty common one when it comes to debates around, raising wages for workers. But what do we actually know about. that and whether or not it’s it’s true — and that actually does happen when wages for workers are increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] So I spoke with a couple of economists who do research on minimum wage and follow these debates. They told me that minimum wage increases to the levels that we’ve had so far, you know, which are gradual, relatively small increases. They don’t really have a big impact on jobs. So they’re not the big job killers that, business groups, sometimes, you know, fear. Also, they have a very small impact on prices. You know, one of the impacts might be that the prices end up going, higher, but it’s a relatively small increase as well. California, you know, is the first state to implement a minimum wage for fast food workers of $20 an hour. And so that’s been in effect since April. So we’ve had a couple of months of some data on jobs. You know, a lot of people have a lot of complaints, you know, a lot of business owners saying that they’ve had to work, cut work hours, or cut jobs in and raise some prices. But if you look at the overall data and talk to economists, they’ll tell you, that they haven’t seen a huge impact yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:55] Let’s talk about the money being spent on the yes and no sides here. Frida. Has there been much campaign spending on either side of this proposition?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:13:06] So most of the campaign spending was done to qualify the measure for the ballot. And so that was, you know, before because like I was telling you, there were aiming to put that in the 2022 election ballot. There’s the Working Hero Action for the Living Wage Act, which has reported contributions of almost $11 million, and that’s, backed mostly by Joe Sanberg. Then there’s the Kevin De Leon believing in a better California ballot measure committee, and they’ve, reported contributions of almost $600,000. And then in the opposition side, there’s Californians Against Job Losses and Higher Prices. No, on prop 32. They, have reported contributions of $65,000. I spoke with Joe Sanberg recently and he said there’s going to be a lot more movement now, especially to try to convince younger voters who are more likely to support this proposition. There was a recent Public Policy Institute of California survey that showed likely voters were really divided on prop 32, with just 50% saying they would support it. But their biggest levels of support came among renters and then people making less than $40,000 a year, and also younger voters. Joe Sandberg believes that, you know, with Vice President Kamala Harris entering the race for the white House, that that will attract a lot more voters to the ballot box. And, they will support this proposition. But we’ll we’ll see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:59] Well, for you to thank you so much for breaking this down for us. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] Thank you. Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:08] In summary, a vote yes on prop 32 would raise the state minimum wage floor to $18 an hour in 2026. After that, it would go up each year based on how fast prices are rising. A vote no means the state minimum wage would likely be at $17 an hour in 2026, and would go up based on prices after that. And that’s it for proposition 32. If this episode helped you out, do me a favor and tell just one friend about Prop Fest because good friends help their friends vote smart. Just send them to kqed.org/prop fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Prop Fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Ericka Cruz Guevara, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana de Almeida Amaral and me, Olivia Ellen Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:14] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:20] Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining member of KQED. Learn more at KQED.org/Donate. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:34] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on proposition 33, which asks, Should California remove statewide rent control limits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jacob San Miguel said he had frequent nosebleeds from working 12-hour shifts in clouds of fiberglass dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His coworker, Jimmie Arnold III, went to the emergency room several times after waking up at night struggling to breathe. He said it was because air contaminants on the job activated his asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are among the roughly 100 workers striking over wages and safety concerns at a drywall manufacturing plant in Antioch owned by Georgia-Pacific, one of the world’s top manufacturers of paper, tissue and building products. Employees interviewed by KQED said the company has failed to fix health hazards at the facility, ignoring worker complaints for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific is owned by Koch Industries, the second-largest private company in the U.S., according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/largest-private-companies/#:~:text=RANK,14\">\u003cem>Forbes\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Koch Industries has an estimated annual revenue of about $125 billion. The employees at the Antioch plant said they often had difficulty breathing, chronic coughs and severe lightheadedness, including from the smell of known carcinogens and other chemicals hanging thick in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, most of them in their 20s, said insufficient ventilation at the Minaker Road facility causes them to routinely inhale fiberglass dust, formaldehyde and other toxins released from materials used to make drywall, which is also known as gypsum. They worry about long-term exposure to chemicals such as formaldehyde, which has been linked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/risk-prevention/chemicals/formaldehyde.html#:~:text=The%20US%20Occupational%20Safety%20and,only%20occur%20over%2015%20minutes.\">throat cancers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“By the end of your shift, you can barely breathe through your nose,” said Fernando Tapia, 21, who works at the start of the drywall line. “Your nose is clogged up. You are constantly coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other workers said ventilation fans at the facility are often broken or nonexistent, while machines constantly kick up dust and worsen the indoor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fan that we have, they barely fixed it like a couple of weeks ago. But realistically, it’s not circulating any fresh air inside,” Tapia said while coworkers stood behind him at the picket line last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company provides surgical masks that don’t filter tiny particles or N95 masks that quickly clog up, they said. Both kinds of masks are also hard to wear while doing strenuous physical labor with goggles on, so some prefer not to wear the masks at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Employee Jacob San Miguel (right) speaks with fellow members of the International Longshore & Warehouse Workers Union Local 6 (ILWU) during a strike at the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California law mandates employers to monitor for fibrous glass, formaldehyde and other airborne contaminants if it’s reasonable to suspect employees are exposed to concentrations higher than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5155.html\">permissible levels\u003c/a>. If so, businesses must take steps to reduce and prevent workers’ exposure to those chemicals, preferably through local exhaust ventilation, which is considered more efficient than masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Georgia-Pacific, which has more than 30,000 employees at 150 facilities in the U.S., declined to provide information on air monitoring at the Antioch Gypsum plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Georgia-Pacific works to act with proper regard for the rights of others, especially regarding safety and the environment, and we fully comply with all local, state, and federal laws and regulations,” Nicole Linton, external communications manager for the company, said in a statement. “Safety is our company’s top priority. We strive for continuous improvement in our key safety processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Georgia-Pacific facilities across the U.S. have been cited for dozens of violations, most of which are considered serious, according to Occupational Safety and Health Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.search?establishment=Georgia%20Pacific&state=all&officetype=all&office=all&sitezip=100000&startmonth=09&startday=24&startyear=2014&endmonth=09&endday=24&endyear=2019&p_case=all&p_start=20&p_finish=40&p_sort=12&p_desc=DESC&p_direction=Prev&p_show=20&p_violations_exist=yes\">records\u003c/a>. At least three employees have died on the job after falling 85 feet, getting sucked into machinery and drowning in a pulper tub. Others suffered amputations, second- and third-degree burns, skull and leg fractures, and other injuries that required hospitalization, according to OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workplace safety regulators issued initial penalties of nearly $567,000 against the company between September 2014 and September 2024. Georgia-Pacific agreed to pay $376,000 after reaching settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrett Brown, who was a field inspector with Cal/OSHA for 18 years, said the citations indicate the company has a weak safety program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure they would deny it. But if you had a strong safety program, you would not have fatalities, multiple amputations and falls,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck carrying drywall departs the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the Antioch facility, some workers said they hadn’t received the required training on how to protect themselves from fiberglass particles and some of the dry chemicals they handle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give me any mask or anything like that. They didn’t tell me how bad the fiberglass was going to be. And there’s nights I’m waking up, I’m wheezing,” said Arnold, 26, who has worked at the plant for three years. “Not only is it unfair wages, but we have a lot of chemicals at the plant that are unsafe to our bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11969846,news_11956246,news_11992304\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific has brought dozens of workers from Nevada, Texas and other states to continue operating at a reduced capacity since the strike began on Sept. 16, said Pedro de Sá, a business agent with International Longshore & Warehouse Union Local 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company and the union, which represents 85 production and shipping workers at the facility, have been negotiating a contract since May, including recently with the help of a federal mediator. Before the strike, Georgia-Pacific’s last offer included a wage raise of 12% over four years, which workers rejected as insufficient due, in part, to inflation and job health hazards, de Sá said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, this is about fairness,” he said. “It’s a sacrifice. These workers made a stand being like, ‘We will make the sacrifice to make sure that we get where we deserve.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Miguel, 27, said he’s ready to hold out for as long as needed because the company had not addressed workers’ safety complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years that we’ve worked here, we start to feel it on our bodies,” San Miguel, a machine operator, said. “It accumulates in the air. You see the air sparkle and the dust particles getting picked up. It’s just stuff we’ve been talking about over many years, and even the people before us have complained about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Sá said he facilitated a call with the workers and Cal/OSHA on Sept. 17 to file a complaint about unsafe working conditions. It’s unlikely the agency would inspect the Antioch facility during a labor strike, according to Brown, the retired inspector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jacob San Miguel said he had frequent nosebleeds from working 12-hour shifts in clouds of fiberglass dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His coworker, Jimmie Arnold III, went to the emergency room several times after waking up at night struggling to breathe. He said it was because air contaminants on the job activated his asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are among the roughly 100 workers striking over wages and safety concerns at a drywall manufacturing plant in Antioch owned by Georgia-Pacific, one of the world’s top manufacturers of paper, tissue and building products. Employees interviewed by KQED said the company has failed to fix health hazards at the facility, ignoring worker complaints for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific is owned by Koch Industries, the second-largest private company in the U.S., according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/largest-private-companies/#:~:text=RANK,14\">\u003cem>Forbes\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Koch Industries has an estimated annual revenue of about $125 billion. The employees at the Antioch plant said they often had difficulty breathing, chronic coughs and severe lightheadedness, including from the smell of known carcinogens and other chemicals hanging thick in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, most of them in their 20s, said insufficient ventilation at the Minaker Road facility causes them to routinely inhale fiberglass dust, formaldehyde and other toxins released from materials used to make drywall, which is also known as gypsum. They worry about long-term exposure to chemicals such as formaldehyde, which has been linked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/risk-prevention/chemicals/formaldehyde.html#:~:text=The%20US%20Occupational%20Safety%20and,only%20occur%20over%2015%20minutes.\">throat cancers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“By the end of your shift, you can barely breathe through your nose,” said Fernando Tapia, 21, who works at the start of the drywall line. “Your nose is clogged up. You are constantly coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other workers said ventilation fans at the facility are often broken or nonexistent, while machines constantly kick up dust and worsen the indoor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fan that we have, they barely fixed it like a couple of weeks ago. But realistically, it’s not circulating any fresh air inside,” Tapia said while coworkers stood behind him at the picket line last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company provides surgical masks that don’t filter tiny particles or N95 masks that quickly clog up, they said. Both kinds of masks are also hard to wear while doing strenuous physical labor with goggles on, so some prefer not to wear the masks at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Employee Jacob San Miguel (right) speaks with fellow members of the International Longshore & Warehouse Workers Union Local 6 (ILWU) during a strike at the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California law mandates employers to monitor for fibrous glass, formaldehyde and other airborne contaminants if it’s reasonable to suspect employees are exposed to concentrations higher than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5155.html\">permissible levels\u003c/a>. If so, businesses must take steps to reduce and prevent workers’ exposure to those chemicals, preferably through local exhaust ventilation, which is considered more efficient than masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Georgia-Pacific, which has more than 30,000 employees at 150 facilities in the U.S., declined to provide information on air monitoring at the Antioch Gypsum plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Georgia-Pacific works to act with proper regard for the rights of others, especially regarding safety and the environment, and we fully comply with all local, state, and federal laws and regulations,” Nicole Linton, external communications manager for the company, said in a statement. “Safety is our company’s top priority. We strive for continuous improvement in our key safety processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Georgia-Pacific facilities across the U.S. have been cited for dozens of violations, most of which are considered serious, according to Occupational Safety and Health Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.search?establishment=Georgia%20Pacific&state=all&officetype=all&office=all&sitezip=100000&startmonth=09&startday=24&startyear=2014&endmonth=09&endday=24&endyear=2019&p_case=all&p_start=20&p_finish=40&p_sort=12&p_desc=DESC&p_direction=Prev&p_show=20&p_violations_exist=yes\">records\u003c/a>. At least three employees have died on the job after falling 85 feet, getting sucked into machinery and drowning in a pulper tub. Others suffered amputations, second- and third-degree burns, skull and leg fractures, and other injuries that required hospitalization, according to OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workplace safety regulators issued initial penalties of nearly $567,000 against the company between September 2014 and September 2024. Georgia-Pacific agreed to pay $376,000 after reaching settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrett Brown, who was a field inspector with Cal/OSHA for 18 years, said the citations indicate the company has a weak safety program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure they would deny it. But if you had a strong safety program, you would not have fatalities, multiple amputations and falls,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck carrying drywall departs the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the Antioch facility, some workers said they hadn’t received the required training on how to protect themselves from fiberglass particles and some of the dry chemicals they handle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give me any mask or anything like that. They didn’t tell me how bad the fiberglass was going to be. And there’s nights I’m waking up, I’m wheezing,” said Arnold, 26, who has worked at the plant for three years. “Not only is it unfair wages, but we have a lot of chemicals at the plant that are unsafe to our bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific has brought dozens of workers from Nevada, Texas and other states to continue operating at a reduced capacity since the strike began on Sept. 16, said Pedro de Sá, a business agent with International Longshore & Warehouse Union Local 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company and the union, which represents 85 production and shipping workers at the facility, have been negotiating a contract since May, including recently with the help of a federal mediator. Before the strike, Georgia-Pacific’s last offer included a wage raise of 12% over four years, which workers rejected as insufficient due, in part, to inflation and job health hazards, de Sá said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, this is about fairness,” he said. “It’s a sacrifice. These workers made a stand being like, ‘We will make the sacrifice to make sure that we get where we deserve.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Miguel, 27, said he’s ready to hold out for as long as needed because the company had not addressed workers’ safety complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years that we’ve worked here, we start to feel it on our bodies,” San Miguel, a machine operator, said. “It accumulates in the air. You see the air sparkle and the dust particles getting picked up. It’s just stuff we’ve been talking about over many years, and even the people before us have complained about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Sá said he facilitated a call with the workers and Cal/OSHA on Sept. 17 to file a complaint about unsafe working conditions. It’s unlikely the agency would inspect the Antioch facility during a labor strike, according to Brown, the retired inspector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Data Shows American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Into US Than Migrants",
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"headTitle": "Data Shows American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Into US Than Migrants | KQED",
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"content": "\u003ch2>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, September 25, 2024…\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Mexican drug cartels are recruiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\">San Diegans\u003c/a> to smuggle fentanyl into the United States. Prosecutors are worried about teenagers getting caught up in the cross-border drug trade.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">signed a bill\u003c/a> that will remove debt owed to a medical office or hospital from Californian’s credit reports.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Invitation Homes, a massive corporate landlord, has agreed to pay $48 million to settle a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-Complaint-signed-final.pdf\">lawsuit \u003c/a>with the Federal Trades Commission. The FTC alleges Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, and withheld security deposits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hotel workers in Hawaii’s largest resort are joining thousands of others striking hotels in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors Say American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Across Border Than Migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea that more border walls and tougher enforcement on illegal immigration will stop illegal drugs from getting into the United States has become a common political talking point, especially in an election-year. But cartels rarely use migrants crossing illegally to smuggle fentanyl. Instead, they use people who cross the border through official ports of entry without raising suspicion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\"> KPBS reporter Gustavo Solis found\u003c/a> that cartels are often times recruiting young, low-income people, in need of cash. Often times, that’s high school or college student. And then sometimes, people are unknowingly bringing drugs like Fentanyl across the border. According to data from The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/drug_poisoning_mortality/drug_poisoning.htm\">over ten thousand Californians are dying\u003c/a> from drug overdoses every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/08/medical-debt-credit-score/\">\u003cb>Medical Debt Will Soon Be Scrubbed From CA Credit Reports.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting January 1st 2025, debt owed to a medical office or hospital will no longer appear on Californian’s credit reports. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by Senators Monique Limón and Josh Becker, was signed into law on Tuesday by governor Gavin Newsom. Medical debt can lower credit scores, making it more difficult to negotiate a loan or mortgage. The legislation was backed by Attorney General Rob Bonta, as well as consumer advocacy groups. Under the This law will not cover, or scrub, debt from medical credit cards. The federal government has also announced plans to create legislation to remove medical debt from credit reports, but there timing is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporate Landlord to Pay FTC $48 Million to Settle Lawsuit\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest corporate landlords in the country \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-StipulatedOrder-fully-executed-final_0.pdf\">has agreed\u003c/a> to pay $48 million to settle a lawsuit filed by the Federal Trade Commission. The lawsuit alleged Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, withheld security deposits, and failed to inspect homes before tenants moved in. Invitation Homes is the country’s largest landlord for single family homes, with nearly 12,000 SRO’s in California alone. As part of the settlement, the company has agreed to change it’s security deposit practices and advertise accurate rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotel Workers in Hawaii Join Strike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two thousand unionized Hotel workers walked off the job yesterday at Hawaii’s largest resort, Hilton Hawaiian Village Waikiki Beach Resort. They are joining thousands of others that are currently striking at hotels here in California. The workers are calling for higher wages, more manageable workloads and a reversal of cuts implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as limited daily room cleaning. UNITE HERE, the labor union representing these hotel workers, say they will strike until they get new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Data Shows American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Into US Than Migrants | KQED",
"description": "Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, September 25, 2024… Mexican drug cartels are recruiting San Diegans to smuggle fentanyl into the United States. Prosecutors are worried about teenagers getting caught up in the cross-border drug trade. Gavin Newsom signed a bill that will remove debt owed to a medical office or hospital from Californian’s credit reports. Invitation Homes, a massive corporate landlord, has agreed to pay $48 million to settle a lawsuit with the Federal Trades Commission. The FTC alleges Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, and withheld security deposits. Hotel workers in Hawaii’s largest resort are joining",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, September 25, 2024…\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Mexican drug cartels are recruiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\">San Diegans\u003c/a> to smuggle fentanyl into the United States. Prosecutors are worried about teenagers getting caught up in the cross-border drug trade.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">signed a bill\u003c/a> that will remove debt owed to a medical office or hospital from Californian’s credit reports.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Invitation Homes, a massive corporate landlord, has agreed to pay $48 million to settle a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-Complaint-signed-final.pdf\">lawsuit \u003c/a>with the Federal Trades Commission. The FTC alleges Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, and withheld security deposits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hotel workers in Hawaii’s largest resort are joining thousands of others striking hotels in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors Say American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Across Border Than Migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea that more border walls and tougher enforcement on illegal immigration will stop illegal drugs from getting into the United States has become a common political talking point, especially in an election-year. But cartels rarely use migrants crossing illegally to smuggle fentanyl. Instead, they use people who cross the border through official ports of entry without raising suspicion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\"> KPBS reporter Gustavo Solis found\u003c/a> that cartels are often times recruiting young, low-income people, in need of cash. Often times, that’s high school or college student. And then sometimes, people are unknowingly bringing drugs like Fentanyl across the border. According to data from The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/drug_poisoning_mortality/drug_poisoning.htm\">over ten thousand Californians are dying\u003c/a> from drug overdoses every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/08/medical-debt-credit-score/\">\u003cb>Medical Debt Will Soon Be Scrubbed From CA Credit Reports.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting January 1st 2025, debt owed to a medical office or hospital will no longer appear on Californian’s credit reports. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by Senators Monique Limón and Josh Becker, was signed into law on Tuesday by governor Gavin Newsom. Medical debt can lower credit scores, making it more difficult to negotiate a loan or mortgage. The legislation was backed by Attorney General Rob Bonta, as well as consumer advocacy groups. Under the This law will not cover, or scrub, debt from medical credit cards. The federal government has also announced plans to create legislation to remove medical debt from credit reports, but there timing is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporate Landlord to Pay FTC $48 Million to Settle Lawsuit\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest corporate landlords in the country \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-StipulatedOrder-fully-executed-final_0.pdf\">has agreed\u003c/a> to pay $48 million to settle a lawsuit filed by the Federal Trade Commission. The lawsuit alleged Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, withheld security deposits, and failed to inspect homes before tenants moved in. Invitation Homes is the country’s largest landlord for single family homes, with nearly 12,000 SRO’s in California alone. As part of the settlement, the company has agreed to change it’s security deposit practices and advertise accurate rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotel Workers in Hawaii Join Strike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two thousand unionized Hotel workers walked off the job yesterday at Hawaii’s largest resort, Hilton Hawaiian Village Waikiki Beach Resort. They are joining thousands of others that are currently striking at hotels here in California. The workers are calling for higher wages, more manageable workloads and a reversal of cuts implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as limited daily room cleaning. UNITE HERE, the labor union representing these hotel workers, say they will strike until they get new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 1,500 hotel workers are on strike in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a>, marking the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002682/strikes-start-at-top-hotel-chains-as-housekeepers-seek-higher-wages-and-daily-room-cleaning-work\">second major hospitality walkout this month\u003c/a> as labor organizers push for higher wages and protest understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the UNITE HERE Local 2 union representing bellhops, housekeepers, cooks and other hotel employees, started Sunday after months of challenging negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton San Francisco Union Square and the Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s previous contract with the hotels expired on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 40 workers marched in front of the Hilton on Monday morning, protesting high workloads and wages that don’t match the Bay Area’s high cost of living, as well as a need for affordable healthcare and pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel is not offering us a fair contract,” said Genevieve Obando, a housekeeper at the Hilton. “We want to see an improvement in our salary and to keep our insurance since insurance is very expensive. We are trying to fight for our rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">2,000 UNITE HERE hotel workers across the Bay Area\u003c/a> went on strike over Labor Day weekend, demanding higher wages and a reversal of pandemic-era service and staffing cuts in one of the largest national hotel workers’ walkouts since 2018. That walkout lasted three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/quality-of-life/2024/09/18/san-diego-city-council-throws-support-behind-striking-hilton-bayfront-hotel-workers\">700 employees are also currently on strike\u003c/a> at the Hilton Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005989\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 1,500 hotel workers in San Francisco are on strike, marking the Bay Area’s second major hospitality walkout this month. Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, which represents bellhops, housekeepers, and cooks, the strike began Sunday after months of tough negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton Union Square, and Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s contract expired on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the pandemic caused major disruptions to the hospitality industry, hotels and travel seem to be bouncing back. Although hotels haven’t quite reached pre-pandemic levels of occupancy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/news/hotels-will-pay-historic-wages-generate-record-level-tax-revenue-2024\">hoteliers can expect higher rates than last year\u003c/a>, according to data collected by the American Hotel and Lodging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade organization also projected California’s hotels will pay employees a record of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/sites/default/files/Oxford.Wages_.and_.Salaries.pdf\">$15.3 billion in wages, salaries and other compensation\u003c/a> in 2024, up from $14.7 billion in 2023 and $13.3 billion in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members, hotel representatives and experts agree that the picture of post-pandemic recovery is more complicated. Wages have been growing slower than inflation, said Ken Jacobs, co-chair of the UC Berkeley Center for Labor, meaning hotel workers’ pay has less buying power than it did previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers strike outside of the Hilton’s Union Square location in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Jacobs added, “companies significantly cut the number of workers, which created a big increase in workload for other employees. As people come back to hotels, the workloads remain much greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has implications for the health and safety of hotel employees, said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about respect,” Tapia said. “We’re fighting for our members who are at home, who no longer have full-time work, and also our members who are currently working and having to do double or triple the amount of work because their coworkers are not here to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005037 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177834356485-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Hilton San Francisco Union Square said in a statement that the hotel is “committed to negotiating in good faith to reach fair and reasonable agreements that are beneficial to both our valued Team Members and to our hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lewin, the general manager of the Grand Hyatt, told KQED that business is not likely to make a full recovery for the next three to five years. He cited a lack of conventions in the area, a decrease in Asian tourists, and less business locally as fewer people commute to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “less than savory light” cast upon San Francisco’s reputation in recent years hasn’t helped either, he said. Despite those challenges, he said the company remains committed to negotiating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain ready to be at the table tomorrow,” Lewin said. “Our goal is a mutually satisfactory resolution and a contract that lasts for the next three to five years. And we’re ready to do that whenever the noise stops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union pointed out that Salesforce just held its annual Dreamforce conference — attended by 45,000 people — and that employees waited until it was over to strike. Now that the conference has ended, workers like Janet Wong, a housekeeper at the Hilton, said they will not return to work until better benefits are on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our last three-day strike was very strong. That’s why I’m not going to the table for bargaining, Wong said from the picket line. “That’s why we continue. We need to get our benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They may be joined by thousands of hotel workers across the U.S. who have authorized strikes at Hilton, Hyatt, Marriott and Omni hotel properties where contract negotiations remain unresolved. Over 10,000 workers in Baltimore, Boston, Honolulu, Kauai, New Haven, San Diego, San Francisco, San José, San Mateo County and Seattle have already gone on strike, and strikes have also been authorized in Oakland and Sacramento, according to a union press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/gilarezada\">Gilare Zada\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 1,500 hotel workers are on strike in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a>, marking the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002682/strikes-start-at-top-hotel-chains-as-housekeepers-seek-higher-wages-and-daily-room-cleaning-work\">second major hospitality walkout this month\u003c/a> as labor organizers push for higher wages and protest understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the UNITE HERE Local 2 union representing bellhops, housekeepers, cooks and other hotel employees, started Sunday after months of challenging negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton San Francisco Union Square and the Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s previous contract with the hotels expired on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 40 workers marched in front of the Hilton on Monday morning, protesting high workloads and wages that don’t match the Bay Area’s high cost of living, as well as a need for affordable healthcare and pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel is not offering us a fair contract,” said Genevieve Obando, a housekeeper at the Hilton. “We want to see an improvement in our salary and to keep our insurance since insurance is very expensive. We are trying to fight for our rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">2,000 UNITE HERE hotel workers across the Bay Area\u003c/a> went on strike over Labor Day weekend, demanding higher wages and a reversal of pandemic-era service and staffing cuts in one of the largest national hotel workers’ walkouts since 2018. That walkout lasted three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/quality-of-life/2024/09/18/san-diego-city-council-throws-support-behind-striking-hilton-bayfront-hotel-workers\">700 employees are also currently on strike\u003c/a> at the Hilton Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005989\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 1,500 hotel workers in San Francisco are on strike, marking the Bay Area’s second major hospitality walkout this month. Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, which represents bellhops, housekeepers, and cooks, the strike began Sunday after months of tough negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton Union Square, and Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s contract expired on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the pandemic caused major disruptions to the hospitality industry, hotels and travel seem to be bouncing back. Although hotels haven’t quite reached pre-pandemic levels of occupancy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/news/hotels-will-pay-historic-wages-generate-record-level-tax-revenue-2024\">hoteliers can expect higher rates than last year\u003c/a>, according to data collected by the American Hotel and Lodging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade organization also projected California’s hotels will pay employees a record of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/sites/default/files/Oxford.Wages_.and_.Salaries.pdf\">$15.3 billion in wages, salaries and other compensation\u003c/a> in 2024, up from $14.7 billion in 2023 and $13.3 billion in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members, hotel representatives and experts agree that the picture of post-pandemic recovery is more complicated. Wages have been growing slower than inflation, said Ken Jacobs, co-chair of the UC Berkeley Center for Labor, meaning hotel workers’ pay has less buying power than it did previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers strike outside of the Hilton’s Union Square location in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Jacobs added, “companies significantly cut the number of workers, which created a big increase in workload for other employees. As people come back to hotels, the workloads remain much greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has implications for the health and safety of hotel employees, said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about respect,” Tapia said. “We’re fighting for our members who are at home, who no longer have full-time work, and also our members who are currently working and having to do double or triple the amount of work because their coworkers are not here to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Hilton San Francisco Union Square said in a statement that the hotel is “committed to negotiating in good faith to reach fair and reasonable agreements that are beneficial to both our valued Team Members and to our hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lewin, the general manager of the Grand Hyatt, told KQED that business is not likely to make a full recovery for the next three to five years. He cited a lack of conventions in the area, a decrease in Asian tourists, and less business locally as fewer people commute to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “less than savory light” cast upon San Francisco’s reputation in recent years hasn’t helped either, he said. Despite those challenges, he said the company remains committed to negotiating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain ready to be at the table tomorrow,” Lewin said. “Our goal is a mutually satisfactory resolution and a contract that lasts for the next three to five years. And we’re ready to do that whenever the noise stops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union pointed out that Salesforce just held its annual Dreamforce conference — attended by 45,000 people — and that employees waited until it was over to strike. Now that the conference has ended, workers like Janet Wong, a housekeeper at the Hilton, said they will not return to work until better benefits are on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our last three-day strike was very strong. That’s why I’m not going to the table for bargaining, Wong said from the picket line. “That’s why we continue. We need to get our benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They may be joined by thousands of hotel workers across the U.S. who have authorized strikes at Hilton, Hyatt, Marriott and Omni hotel properties where contract negotiations remain unresolved. Over 10,000 workers in Baltimore, Boston, Honolulu, Kauai, New Haven, San Diego, San Francisco, San José, San Mateo County and Seattle have already gone on strike, and strikes have also been authorized in Oakland and Sacramento, according to a union press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/gilarezada\">Gilare Zada\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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"info": "",
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"tech-nation": {
"id": "tech-nation",
"title": "Tech Nation Radio Podcast",
"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"ted-radio-hour": {
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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