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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">incoming Trump administration\u003c/a> will likely impact federal workplace enforcement priorities in California and other states and unwind the Biden administration’s efforts to extend employee protections to millions more people in the U.S., according to several experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has long aimed to ensure fair pay and safe working conditions for low-wage earners. The agency’s current leader, Julie Su, a former California labor secretary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984268/us-department-of-labor-hails-expanded-protections-for-h-2a-farmworkers-in-santa-rosa\">has focused resources\u003c/a> to prioritize protecting those who are most vulnerable to exploitation, including the immigrant workforce and migrant children who come to the U.S. without their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law protects workers, regardless of their immigration status. Judy Conti, government affairs director at the National Employment Law Project, a worker advocacy group, expects the Department of Labor’s focus to shift under the administration of a president-elect who campaigned on deporting millions of undocumented immigrants. Tom Homan, Trump’s pick for border czar, plans for immigration agents to conduct \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/latino/4984064-trump-administration-workplace-raids/\">more workplace raids\u003c/a> as part of that crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how hostile they are to immigrant workers and just downright disrespectful and disdainful,” said Conti, who has followed labor enforcement and the low-wage workforce for nearly three decades. “So I think you’ll probably see a big change there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the country’s largest undocumented workforce, with about 1.4 million people primarily working in the construction, agriculture and service industries as of 2022, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/#:~:text=The%20six%20states%20with%20the%20largest%20unauthorized,*%20New%20Jersey%20(475%2C000)%20*%20Illinois%20(400%2C000)\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>. Nationwide, an estimated 8.3 million workers were unauthorized immigrants that year, about 5% of the total workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former president Donald Trump’s pick to lead the Labor Department, which has yet to be announced, will reveal more about the administration’s direction and priorities for the agency. Su, the acting secretary, will lose her job on Jan. 20. Her confirmation to the secretary post was stalled by Republicans in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-800x438.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1020x558.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-160x88.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1536x840.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1920x1050.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers harvest strawberries at a farm in Carlsbad, California, on April 28, 2006. \u003ccite>(Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Su declined a KQED interview request through her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New leadership, especially a more pro-business one, will likely move to rescind or weaken some of the department’s recent regulations facing legal challenges from industry groups. One rule will make an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/explaining-the-department-of-labors-new-overtime-rule-that-will-benefit-4-3-million-workers/\">4.3 million\u003c/a> more salaried employees eligible to \u003ca href=\"https://blog.dol.gov/2024/04/23/what-the-new-overtime-rule-means-for-workers#:~:text=The%20department's%20final%20rule%2C%20which,how%20they'll%20be%20calculated.\">receive extra overtime pay\u003c/a> after it goes fully into effect next year. Another \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">makes it harder\u003c/a> for employers to classify workers as independent contractors, who are often cheaper because they are not covered by minimum wage and workplace safety requirements, among other laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division under President George W. Bush, said the department could also be led with greater sensitivity toward the needs of working Americans because Trump and Vice President-elect JD Vance aggressively courted blue-collar workers during the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that this administration wants to put a thumb in the eye of the working class,” DeCamp said. “If they start having their agencies take actions that are perceived as hurting blue-collar workers, that’ll kind of run contrary to the case that they made for why they should get elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">independent contractor rule\u003c/a>, which went into effect earlier this year, allows labor enforcement actions against Uber, Lyft, Doordash and other companies that successfully fought to remain exempt from California state rules that attempted to require them to classify drivers as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11992506 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman dusts during her shift cleaning houses in Occidental, Calif., on Jan. 23, 2023 \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The regulation could also impact janitorial, domestic service, landscaping, trucking and other businesses in which misclassified workers lose income, said Samantha Sanders, a former policy adviser at the Labor Department’s wage and hour division during the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who are already often facing difficult working conditions and very low pay. And when they are misclassified as independent contractors, they lose out on that even more,” said Sanders, who directs government affairs and advocacy at the liberal Economic Policy Institute. “It’s pretty safe to say that we’re expecting this new administration to be a disaster for workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor investigates employers that cheat and exploit employees, unfairly competing with law-abiding businesses. The agency’s commitment to upholding worker rights has remained steady regardless of what party is in power, DeCamp said. However, the scope of some protections may differ, with Democratic administrations generally applying laws more broadly, DeCamp said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014403 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpDisasterAidAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would not be surprised if a second Trump administration curtailed who qualifies for overtime pay when working more than 40 hours a week and reinstated a previous Trump-era rule that is less strict on which workers qualify as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve already got a rule they like,” DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at the law firm Epstein, Becker, Green, said. “I don’t think they need to go back to square one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, worker protections on the books against wage theft or exploitative child labor are regarded as stronger than federal laws. However, the state agencies tasked with enforcing those rules, such as the California Labor Commissioner’s Office and Cal/OSHA, have struggled with an understaffing crisis for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979626/workers-lost-millions-to-californias-worst-known-wage-thief-and-hes-still-in-business\">blunting their enforcement abilities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has functioned as an important source of relief for thousands of low-income workers in the state each year who were underpaid or suffered other abuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s wage and hour division, charged with enforcing wage, child labor and other statutes, recovered $56.4 million in wages and damages for nearly 20,000 California workers in the last two fiscal years, according to figures provided by a labor department spokesperson. Businesses were assessed an additional $5.4 million in penalties during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About nine in 10 employers agree to settle and pay wages or penalties as a result of an investigation, according to labor department officials, higher than the rate at state labor enforcement agencies in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">incoming Trump administration\u003c/a> will likely impact federal workplace enforcement priorities in California and other states and unwind the Biden administration’s efforts to extend employee protections to millions more people in the U.S., according to several experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has long aimed to ensure fair pay and safe working conditions for low-wage earners. The agency’s current leader, Julie Su, a former California labor secretary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984268/us-department-of-labor-hails-expanded-protections-for-h-2a-farmworkers-in-santa-rosa\">has focused resources\u003c/a> to prioritize protecting those who are most vulnerable to exploitation, including the immigrant workforce and migrant children who come to the U.S. without their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law protects workers, regardless of their immigration status. Judy Conti, government affairs director at the National Employment Law Project, a worker advocacy group, expects the Department of Labor’s focus to shift under the administration of a president-elect who campaigned on deporting millions of undocumented immigrants. Tom Homan, Trump’s pick for border czar, plans for immigration agents to conduct \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/latino/4984064-trump-administration-workplace-raids/\">more workplace raids\u003c/a> as part of that crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how hostile they are to immigrant workers and just downright disrespectful and disdainful,” said Conti, who has followed labor enforcement and the low-wage workforce for nearly three decades. “So I think you’ll probably see a big change there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the country’s largest undocumented workforce, with about 1.4 million people primarily working in the construction, agriculture and service industries as of 2022, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/#:~:text=The%20six%20states%20with%20the%20largest%20unauthorized,*%20New%20Jersey%20(475%2C000)%20*%20Illinois%20(400%2C000)\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>. Nationwide, an estimated 8.3 million workers were unauthorized immigrants that year, about 5% of the total workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former president Donald Trump’s pick to lead the Labor Department, which has yet to be announced, will reveal more about the administration’s direction and priorities for the agency. Su, the acting secretary, will lose her job on Jan. 20. Her confirmation to the secretary post was stalled by Republicans in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-800x438.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1020x558.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-160x88.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1536x840.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1920x1050.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers harvest strawberries at a farm in Carlsbad, California, on April 28, 2006. \u003ccite>(Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Su declined a KQED interview request through her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New leadership, especially a more pro-business one, will likely move to rescind or weaken some of the department’s recent regulations facing legal challenges from industry groups. One rule will make an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/explaining-the-department-of-labors-new-overtime-rule-that-will-benefit-4-3-million-workers/\">4.3 million\u003c/a> more salaried employees eligible to \u003ca href=\"https://blog.dol.gov/2024/04/23/what-the-new-overtime-rule-means-for-workers#:~:text=The%20department's%20final%20rule%2C%20which,how%20they'll%20be%20calculated.\">receive extra overtime pay\u003c/a> after it goes fully into effect next year. Another \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">makes it harder\u003c/a> for employers to classify workers as independent contractors, who are often cheaper because they are not covered by minimum wage and workplace safety requirements, among other laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division under President George W. Bush, said the department could also be led with greater sensitivity toward the needs of working Americans because Trump and Vice President-elect JD Vance aggressively courted blue-collar workers during the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that this administration wants to put a thumb in the eye of the working class,” DeCamp said. “If they start having their agencies take actions that are perceived as hurting blue-collar workers, that’ll kind of run contrary to the case that they made for why they should get elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">independent contractor rule\u003c/a>, which went into effect earlier this year, allows labor enforcement actions against Uber, Lyft, Doordash and other companies that successfully fought to remain exempt from California state rules that attempted to require them to classify drivers as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11992506 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman dusts during her shift cleaning houses in Occidental, Calif., on Jan. 23, 2023 \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The regulation could also impact janitorial, domestic service, landscaping, trucking and other businesses in which misclassified workers lose income, said Samantha Sanders, a former policy adviser at the Labor Department’s wage and hour division during the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who are already often facing difficult working conditions and very low pay. And when they are misclassified as independent contractors, they lose out on that even more,” said Sanders, who directs government affairs and advocacy at the liberal Economic Policy Institute. “It’s pretty safe to say that we’re expecting this new administration to be a disaster for workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor investigates employers that cheat and exploit employees, unfairly competing with law-abiding businesses. The agency’s commitment to upholding worker rights has remained steady regardless of what party is in power, DeCamp said. However, the scope of some protections may differ, with Democratic administrations generally applying laws more broadly, DeCamp said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would not be surprised if a second Trump administration curtailed who qualifies for overtime pay when working more than 40 hours a week and reinstated a previous Trump-era rule that is less strict on which workers qualify as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve already got a rule they like,” DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at the law firm Epstein, Becker, Green, said. “I don’t think they need to go back to square one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, worker protections on the books against wage theft or exploitative child labor are regarded as stronger than federal laws. However, the state agencies tasked with enforcing those rules, such as the California Labor Commissioner’s Office and Cal/OSHA, have struggled with an understaffing crisis for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979626/workers-lost-millions-to-californias-worst-known-wage-thief-and-hes-still-in-business\">blunting their enforcement abilities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has functioned as an important source of relief for thousands of low-income workers in the state each year who were underpaid or suffered other abuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s wage and hour division, charged with enforcing wage, child labor and other statutes, recovered $56.4 million in wages and damages for nearly 20,000 California workers in the last two fiscal years, according to figures provided by a labor department spokesperson. Businesses were assessed an additional $5.4 million in penalties during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About nine in 10 employers agree to settle and pay wages or penalties as a result of an investigation, according to labor department officials, higher than the rate at state labor enforcement agencies in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'It Changed My Life': A Job Training Program Is Helping Central Valley Workers Get 6-Figure Jobs",
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"headTitle": "‘It Changed My Life’: A Job Training Program Is Helping Central Valley Workers Get 6-Figure Jobs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2019, Alexis Rowberry was living in a Fresno County homeless shelter with her two kids, recently out of what she described as an abusive relationship. “We had nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found herself at the Fresno County Department of Social Services, staring at a flier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had something up on the wall about trades,” said Rowberry, now 40. “It wasn’t there the day before, and it wasn’t there the day after. It just happened to be there that day. And I told my [social] worker that I wanted to do this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tried signing up, but she was denied — against policy, she later discovered — because she was a single mother without housing. In desperation, she contacted the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, where a sympathetic secretary helped connect her with an alternative: ValleyBuild, a pre-apprenticeship program that prepares Californians for careers in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That six weeks — it was only six weeks, but it changed my life,” said Rowberry, who has been working as an electrician since graduating the program in late 2019. “It changed my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ValleyBuild was born out of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board in 2011 with the goal of helping economically disadvantaged Californians, including women and people who have had contact with the criminal justice system, enter the state’s growing trades industry and potentially reach the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, after a transportation-focused California senate \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_201720180sb1\">bill\u003c/a> allocated funds to workforce training programs, the state awarded ValleyBuild $1.56 million from the state, which the organization used to expand into 13 more counties across the Central Valley. The program has trained roughly 1,000 people since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Mike Gonzalez in the ValleyBuild program cuts a piece of pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28, 2024. ValleyBuild is a pre-apprenticeship program that helps people in the Central Valley get into the skilled trades and ride the wave of upcoming infrastructure projects. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The construction and trade industry is “a growth sector by all empirical standards” in the Central Valley, said Blake Konczal, executive director of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Data from a board-commissioned study show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/kawodji0vgmt37zc9930r/FRWDB210703-Infrastructure-Report-Creative_PRINT-READY.pdf?rlkey=t9yr5rc9qjuu5vkgqp9bykupx&e=1&st=rxjfks1o&dl=0\">projected (PDF)\u003c/a> $24 billion in public infrastructure expenditures between 2026 and 2031, as compared to about $22 billion between 2020 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t always that way: Construction was historically a “hidden” industry compared to agriculture in the Central Valley, Konczal said. However, in 2010, a regional economic outlook report showed that approved public infrastructure construction would be worth about $40 billion through the next decade. High-speed rail, slated to eventually run from San Francisco to Los Angeles, would add an additional boost; state data \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2024/01/18/news-release-california-high-speed-rail-sparks-billions-in-economic-benefit/\">show\u003c/a> the project has created nearly 12,000 jobs so far, mostly in the Central Valley and mostly union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konczal’s team saw an opportunity for locals, particularly those in precarious economic positions, to ride the wave. Although the region’s poverty rates are on the lower end of California’s spectrum because of housing costs, Central Valley poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_PovertyJTF.pdf\">would be (PDF)\u003c/a> about 14 points higher than it is today without safety net programs, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the worker comes from L.A. or the Bay Area, they might be renting a motel room here with four or five colleagues, and they might be going to Denny’s, but we don’t get the full benefit of keeping that money in our local economy — and the social stability that’s created when hardworking people have access to jobs that allow them to feed their children, buy a house, maybe take a vacation,” Konczal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by five state and regional grants totaling about $16 million, ValleyBuild’s approach is straightforward. Participants are trained in a six to 10-week multi-craft core curriculum, which introduces them to different trades and prepares them for years-long apprenticeships. The potential payoff is big, with California trades offering six-figure incomes with benefits, pensions, and union membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has maintained a 98% graduation rate through its expansion, partly because it tries to “knock out all the barriers in the enrollment,” said Ashley Matthews, senior project coordinator at the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. That includes reimbursing participants for gas mileage or bus services and even expenses such as car repairs or driver’s license application fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent $1.4 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">grant\u003c/a> from the California Department of Industrial Relations has meanwhile allowed ValleyBuild to provide stipends for childcare support, which will “open the doors for more women to even see this as a viable option for them,” Matthews said. Organizations across the state are similarly looking to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/whats-working-tradeswomen/\">increase\u003c/a> the numbers of women in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor Robert Topete shows students in the ValleyBuild program how to measure and cut a pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Outside Fresno, counties included in the 2020 expansion have customized the program for their own needs. In Kern, home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-12/2021-12_Petroleum_Watch_ADA.pdf\">more than a dozen (PDF)\u003c/a> active oil fields, many tradespeople work on heavy industrial sites, said Alissa Reed, executive secretary of the Kern, Inyo, Mono Counties Building and Construction Trades Council. All ValleyBuild pre-apprentices in Kern complete OSHA’s Hazardous Waste and Emergency Response or “HAZWOPER 40,” which teaches them to respond to the release of hazardous material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern program plans to double its annual participants from about 50 to 100 in anticipation of more renewable energy-related jobs over the next decade. However, the county is also closely watching for political shifts — including a potential Trump presidency — that could affect the market for the skilled trades, particularly tax credits, government subsidies and funding for renewable technology, Reed said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005718,news_12005655,news_11975890\"]“If we don’t see the jobs, then we will slow down,” Reed said. Kern has maintained a 100% apprenticeship placement rate for its last two cohorts. “We are not in the business of training people to train them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rowberry, the electrician, entering the trades out of homelessness felt like the last option. Her associate’s degree in accounting had failed to provide more than minimum-wage job opportunities. Before ValleyBuild, she wasn’t even able to attend the welding class she’d signed up for because her car died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, making nearly $40 an hour plus health insurance and a pension, “I don’t worry about if my car breaks down because I can afford to fix it,” Rowberry said. “I’ve got $5,000 in savings, and I’m investing. I never would have imagined being able to do that before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her son’s father join ValleyBuild after he left prison, and he’s now several years into a successful sheet metal apprenticeship. The duo is not a couple, but their careers have helped them to build a strong coparenting relationship, providing their kids access to bigger necessities such as mental health care along with small luxuries like massages or drinks from Dutch Bros Coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it,” Rowberry said. “My daughter stopped and looked at me the other day, and she said, ‘Mom, you know what? I am so proud of you. You have come so far.’ Oh my gosh, we cried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2019, Alexis Rowberry was living in a Fresno County homeless shelter with her two kids, recently out of what she described as an abusive relationship. “We had nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found herself at the Fresno County Department of Social Services, staring at a flier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had something up on the wall about trades,” said Rowberry, now 40. “It wasn’t there the day before, and it wasn’t there the day after. It just happened to be there that day. And I told my [social] worker that I wanted to do this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tried signing up, but she was denied — against policy, she later discovered — because she was a single mother without housing. In desperation, she contacted the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, where a sympathetic secretary helped connect her with an alternative: ValleyBuild, a pre-apprenticeship program that prepares Californians for careers in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That six weeks — it was only six weeks, but it changed my life,” said Rowberry, who has been working as an electrician since graduating the program in late 2019. “It changed my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ValleyBuild was born out of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board in 2011 with the goal of helping economically disadvantaged Californians, including women and people who have had contact with the criminal justice system, enter the state’s growing trades industry and potentially reach the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, after a transportation-focused California senate \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_201720180sb1\">bill\u003c/a> allocated funds to workforce training programs, the state awarded ValleyBuild $1.56 million from the state, which the organization used to expand into 13 more counties across the Central Valley. The program has trained roughly 1,000 people since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Mike Gonzalez in the ValleyBuild program cuts a piece of pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28, 2024. ValleyBuild is a pre-apprenticeship program that helps people in the Central Valley get into the skilled trades and ride the wave of upcoming infrastructure projects. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The construction and trade industry is “a growth sector by all empirical standards” in the Central Valley, said Blake Konczal, executive director of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Data from a board-commissioned study show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/kawodji0vgmt37zc9930r/FRWDB210703-Infrastructure-Report-Creative_PRINT-READY.pdf?rlkey=t9yr5rc9qjuu5vkgqp9bykupx&e=1&st=rxjfks1o&dl=0\">projected (PDF)\u003c/a> $24 billion in public infrastructure expenditures between 2026 and 2031, as compared to about $22 billion between 2020 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t always that way: Construction was historically a “hidden” industry compared to agriculture in the Central Valley, Konczal said. However, in 2010, a regional economic outlook report showed that approved public infrastructure construction would be worth about $40 billion through the next decade. High-speed rail, slated to eventually run from San Francisco to Los Angeles, would add an additional boost; state data \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2024/01/18/news-release-california-high-speed-rail-sparks-billions-in-economic-benefit/\">show\u003c/a> the project has created nearly 12,000 jobs so far, mostly in the Central Valley and mostly union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konczal’s team saw an opportunity for locals, particularly those in precarious economic positions, to ride the wave. Although the region’s poverty rates are on the lower end of California’s spectrum because of housing costs, Central Valley poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_PovertyJTF.pdf\">would be (PDF)\u003c/a> about 14 points higher than it is today without safety net programs, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the worker comes from L.A. or the Bay Area, they might be renting a motel room here with four or five colleagues, and they might be going to Denny’s, but we don’t get the full benefit of keeping that money in our local economy — and the social stability that’s created when hardworking people have access to jobs that allow them to feed their children, buy a house, maybe take a vacation,” Konczal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by five state and regional grants totaling about $16 million, ValleyBuild’s approach is straightforward. Participants are trained in a six to 10-week multi-craft core curriculum, which introduces them to different trades and prepares them for years-long apprenticeships. The potential payoff is big, with California trades offering six-figure incomes with benefits, pensions, and union membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has maintained a 98% graduation rate through its expansion, partly because it tries to “knock out all the barriers in the enrollment,” said Ashley Matthews, senior project coordinator at the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. That includes reimbursing participants for gas mileage or bus services and even expenses such as car repairs or driver’s license application fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent $1.4 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">grant\u003c/a> from the California Department of Industrial Relations has meanwhile allowed ValleyBuild to provide stipends for childcare support, which will “open the doors for more women to even see this as a viable option for them,” Matthews said. Organizations across the state are similarly looking to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/whats-working-tradeswomen/\">increase\u003c/a> the numbers of women in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor Robert Topete shows students in the ValleyBuild program how to measure and cut a pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Outside Fresno, counties included in the 2020 expansion have customized the program for their own needs. In Kern, home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-12/2021-12_Petroleum_Watch_ADA.pdf\">more than a dozen (PDF)\u003c/a> active oil fields, many tradespeople work on heavy industrial sites, said Alissa Reed, executive secretary of the Kern, Inyo, Mono Counties Building and Construction Trades Council. All ValleyBuild pre-apprentices in Kern complete OSHA’s Hazardous Waste and Emergency Response or “HAZWOPER 40,” which teaches them to respond to the release of hazardous material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern program plans to double its annual participants from about 50 to 100 in anticipation of more renewable energy-related jobs over the next decade. However, the county is also closely watching for political shifts — including a potential Trump presidency — that could affect the market for the skilled trades, particularly tax credits, government subsidies and funding for renewable technology, Reed said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If we don’t see the jobs, then we will slow down,” Reed said. Kern has maintained a 100% apprenticeship placement rate for its last two cohorts. “We are not in the business of training people to train them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rowberry, the electrician, entering the trades out of homelessness felt like the last option. Her associate’s degree in accounting had failed to provide more than minimum-wage job opportunities. Before ValleyBuild, she wasn’t even able to attend the welding class she’d signed up for because her car died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, making nearly $40 an hour plus health insurance and a pension, “I don’t worry about if my car breaks down because I can afford to fix it,” Rowberry said. “I’ve got $5,000 in savings, and I’m investing. I never would have imagined being able to do that before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her son’s father join ValleyBuild after he left prison, and he’s now several years into a successful sheet metal apprenticeship. The duo is not a couple, but their careers have helped them to build a strong coparenting relationship, providing their kids access to bigger necessities such as mental health care along with small luxuries like massages or drinks from Dutch Bros Coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it,” Rowberry said. “My daughter stopped and looked at me the other day, and she said, ‘Mom, you know what? I am so proud of you. You have come so far.’ Oh my gosh, we cried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> graduate students have called off a strike planned for Wednesday after reaching a tentative contract agreement with the university, avoiding major disruptions in the final weeks of the academic term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will be the first contract for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951849/stanford-graduate-workers-move-to-unionize-to-improve-working-conditions\">Stanford Graduate Workers Union\u003c/a>, which has been negotiating with the university since last November and represents more than 2,000 master’s students and doctoral candidates who teach or conduct research for the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU leaders announced last week that they would halt work on Tuesday unless an agreement was reached, threatening to disrupt classes and research work similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">weekslong graduate student strike\u003c/a> throughout the University of California school system in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014071/thousands-stanford-grad-students-delay-strike-push-last-minute-deal\">postponed a day\u003c/a> in an attempt at an 11th-hour agreement, then canceled late Tuesday night after the union announced it had reached a tentative deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to get sufficient movement from Stanford to reach a tentative agreement this evening on a complete contract that we can recommend,” the bargaining team said in an email to union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford spokesperson Luisa Rapport confirmed Wednesday that a tentative deal had been reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A tentative agreement came through the dedicated efforts of both bargaining teams and many long hours of discussion at the negotiating table,” she said in a statement. “We thank the members of both bargaining committees for their efforts in reaching this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014213\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford University campus on May 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Union workers have been pushing for higher pay, more comprehensive benefits and guaranteed funding for doctoral students. While the bargaining team said they had made progress on healthcare and immigration support, compensation was a sticking point as the planned strike neared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the bargaining committee recommended the deal, leaders acknowledged that there were some concessions made to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members “are not very happy, specifically with the wage offer,” said Shantanu Nevrekar, one of the union’s bargaining committee members. “And we have not tried to hide the fact that we think that this is not the best offer we could achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12013686 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union had said Stanford’s offer of $53,908 wasn’t sufficient to afford to live in Santa Clara County, where a livable wage is closer to $68,620. It proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative agreement includes a minimum salary of just over $54,000 for graduate students working at least 20 hours a week, with annual wage bumps over the next two academic years to reach $58,460 by fall 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we have a current wage rate that exceeds the rent increases for all of the years of the contract,” Nevrekar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university also agreed to publish on-campus housing costs for the next two academic years, changing its practice of releasing them in the spring for the following academic year. It also committed to continuous five-year funding for Ph.D. students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties also agreed to drop current unfair labor practice charges filed against each other and committed to not filing such charges for the duration of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did have major disagreements, of course,” Nevrekar said, “but both sides were very civil in approaching this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graduate workers will vote on the contract, which must be ratified before Nov. 22 to go into effect. If it does, it will be valid through August 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevrekar said he believes the deal will help undergraduates too. He pointed to a provision covering $1,200 for international students’ visa fees, noting that many undergraduates are international students who also struggle with administrative fees in the visa process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see a very real possibility that this could lead to a ripple effect,” Nevrekar said. “More pressure on Stanford to ensure that it makes the experience of international students and national graduate workers more equitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> graduate students have called off a strike planned for Wednesday after reaching a tentative contract agreement with the university, avoiding major disruptions in the final weeks of the academic term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will be the first contract for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951849/stanford-graduate-workers-move-to-unionize-to-improve-working-conditions\">Stanford Graduate Workers Union\u003c/a>, which has been negotiating with the university since last November and represents more than 2,000 master’s students and doctoral candidates who teach or conduct research for the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU leaders announced last week that they would halt work on Tuesday unless an agreement was reached, threatening to disrupt classes and research work similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">weekslong graduate student strike\u003c/a> throughout the University of California school system in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014071/thousands-stanford-grad-students-delay-strike-push-last-minute-deal\">postponed a day\u003c/a> in an attempt at an 11th-hour agreement, then canceled late Tuesday night after the union announced it had reached a tentative deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to get sufficient movement from Stanford to reach a tentative agreement this evening on a complete contract that we can recommend,” the bargaining team said in an email to union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford spokesperson Luisa Rapport confirmed Wednesday that a tentative deal had been reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A tentative agreement came through the dedicated efforts of both bargaining teams and many long hours of discussion at the negotiating table,” she said in a statement. “We thank the members of both bargaining committees for their efforts in reaching this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014213\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford University campus on May 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Union workers have been pushing for higher pay, more comprehensive benefits and guaranteed funding for doctoral students. While the bargaining team said they had made progress on healthcare and immigration support, compensation was a sticking point as the planned strike neared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the bargaining committee recommended the deal, leaders acknowledged that there were some concessions made to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members “are not very happy, specifically with the wage offer,” said Shantanu Nevrekar, one of the union’s bargaining committee members. “And we have not tried to hide the fact that we think that this is not the best offer we could achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union had said Stanford’s offer of $53,908 wasn’t sufficient to afford to live in Santa Clara County, where a livable wage is closer to $68,620. It proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative agreement includes a minimum salary of just over $54,000 for graduate students working at least 20 hours a week, with annual wage bumps over the next two academic years to reach $58,460 by fall 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we have a current wage rate that exceeds the rent increases for all of the years of the contract,” Nevrekar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university also agreed to publish on-campus housing costs for the next two academic years, changing its practice of releasing them in the spring for the following academic year. It also committed to continuous five-year funding for Ph.D. students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties also agreed to drop current unfair labor practice charges filed against each other and committed to not filing such charges for the duration of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did have major disagreements, of course,” Nevrekar said, “but both sides were very civil in approaching this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graduate workers will vote on the contract, which must be ratified before Nov. 22 to go into effect. If it does, it will be valid through August 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevrekar said he believes the deal will help undergraduates too. He pointed to a provision covering $1,200 for international students’ visa fees, noting that many undergraduates are international students who also struggle with administrative fees in the visa process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see a very real possibility that this could lead to a ripple effect,” Nevrekar said. “More pressure on Stanford to ensure that it makes the experience of international students and national graduate workers more equitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> graduate students planning to strike on Tuesday pushed their walkout back a day amid eleventh-hour negotiations with the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">a weekslong strike\u003c/a> that gripped the University of California system in 2022, the Stanford strike could mean significant disruptions to the current academic term, which is just under a month away from final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stanford Graduate Workers’ Union, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951849/stanford-graduate-workers-move-to-unionize-to-improve-working-conditions\">formed last year\u003c/a> but has not yet approved a contract, is negotiating with the university for higher wages, more comprehensive benefits and guaranteed funding for doctoral students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team cited “sufficient movement,” saying in an email to members on Monday night that it postponed the strike for 24 hours while the two contingents returned to the bargaining table on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not quite there, but we think it is worthwhile to continue bargaining,” the message reads. “We will resume bargaining Tuesday … with an expectation that we will either get it done or move forward with the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union now plans to begin striking Wednesday at 10 a.m., when more than 2,000 graduate students — who lead classes, grade student work and conduct research — could walk off the job, threatening to withhold work until a contract is reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009822 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-overview-1020x768.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A strike will cause massive disruption to the university’s teaching and research missions, should Stanford fail to avert it,” the bargaining team told members last week. “Teaching assistants will cancel their review and discussion sessions, office hours, and labs. Assignments will not be graded. … However, Stanford’s continued refusal to meet the basic needs of its employees leaves thousands of graduate workers with no choice but to walk off the job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to Stanford community members on Monday, Provost Jenny Martinez and Vice Provost for Graduate Education Stacey Bent said, “The university takes seriously our obligation to preserve the continuity of learning and research.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university has worked to listen and engage constructively with the union at the negotiating table and to put forward a competitive contract offer. We continue to seek a timely resolution,” the message continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has been in contract negotiations with the university for a year following its formation in July 2023. SGWU authorized a strike last Wednesday when 94% of members voted against the university’s latest contract offer and 89% agreed to walk off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said last week that it had made progress on securing better benefits, but “Stanford is still refusing to offer a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NQ76sax0xEolsR14ujLw3QnjzCCSlaEe/view\">most recent offer\u003c/a> included a minimum salary of $53,908 a year. The union said that’s not enough to cover the cost of living in Santa Clara County, which it estimates to be $68,620 based on an MIT livable wage calculator. SGWU has proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez and Bent said in a statement on Nov. 7 that the union is demanding a pay increase between 14%–16%, while the university is offering a 12% increase over three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stanford’s offered salary levels … are the highest among our Ivy Plus peers,” the statement said, referring to a group of schools across the country, including the eight Ivy League schools and other elite universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the parties haven’t reached an agreement on compensation, a bargaining tracker published by the union shows that they have made 18 tentative agreements related to union rights, appointments, and health and safety, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU said in a message to members last week that they had also made progress on negotiations for benefits like health care and immigration costs, and getting the university to publish information about rent increases through the years of the contract. Seventy percent of graduate workers live on campus, and the union aims to tie wage increases to the rising cost of living in university housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, sticking points between SGWU and Stanford include guaranteed funding for Ph.D. candidates, which the university already agrees to provide, but the union said it has “failed to honor” on many occasions. The union is also lobbying for access to public transit passes for all students, not just those living off campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said it will be in meetings with staff all day Tuesday in hopes of reaching an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> graduate students planning to strike on Tuesday pushed their walkout back a day amid eleventh-hour negotiations with the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">a weekslong strike\u003c/a> that gripped the University of California system in 2022, the Stanford strike could mean significant disruptions to the current academic term, which is just under a month away from final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stanford Graduate Workers’ Union, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951849/stanford-graduate-workers-move-to-unionize-to-improve-working-conditions\">formed last year\u003c/a> but has not yet approved a contract, is negotiating with the university for higher wages, more comprehensive benefits and guaranteed funding for doctoral students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team cited “sufficient movement,” saying in an email to members on Monday night that it postponed the strike for 24 hours while the two contingents returned to the bargaining table on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not quite there, but we think it is worthwhile to continue bargaining,” the message reads. “We will resume bargaining Tuesday … with an expectation that we will either get it done or move forward with the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union now plans to begin striking Wednesday at 10 a.m., when more than 2,000 graduate students — who lead classes, grade student work and conduct research — could walk off the job, threatening to withhold work until a contract is reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A strike will cause massive disruption to the university’s teaching and research missions, should Stanford fail to avert it,” the bargaining team told members last week. “Teaching assistants will cancel their review and discussion sessions, office hours, and labs. Assignments will not be graded. … However, Stanford’s continued refusal to meet the basic needs of its employees leaves thousands of graduate workers with no choice but to walk off the job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to Stanford community members on Monday, Provost Jenny Martinez and Vice Provost for Graduate Education Stacey Bent said, “The university takes seriously our obligation to preserve the continuity of learning and research.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university has worked to listen and engage constructively with the union at the negotiating table and to put forward a competitive contract offer. We continue to seek a timely resolution,” the message continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has been in contract negotiations with the university for a year following its formation in July 2023. SGWU authorized a strike last Wednesday when 94% of members voted against the university’s latest contract offer and 89% agreed to walk off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said last week that it had made progress on securing better benefits, but “Stanford is still refusing to offer a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NQ76sax0xEolsR14ujLw3QnjzCCSlaEe/view\">most recent offer\u003c/a> included a minimum salary of $53,908 a year. The union said that’s not enough to cover the cost of living in Santa Clara County, which it estimates to be $68,620 based on an MIT livable wage calculator. SGWU has proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez and Bent said in a statement on Nov. 7 that the union is demanding a pay increase between 14%–16%, while the university is offering a 12% increase over three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stanford’s offered salary levels … are the highest among our Ivy Plus peers,” the statement said, referring to a group of schools across the country, including the eight Ivy League schools and other elite universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the parties haven’t reached an agreement on compensation, a bargaining tracker published by the union shows that they have made 18 tentative agreements related to union rights, appointments, and health and safety, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU said in a message to members last week that they had also made progress on negotiations for benefits like health care and immigration costs, and getting the university to publish information about rent increases through the years of the contract. Seventy percent of graduate workers live on campus, and the union aims to tie wage increases to the rising cost of living in university housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, sticking points between SGWU and Stanford include guaranteed funding for Ph.D. candidates, which the university already agrees to provide, but the union said it has “failed to honor” on many occasions. The union is also lobbying for access to public transit passes for all students, not just those living off campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said it will be in meetings with staff all day Tuesday in hopes of reaching an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Empowered Immigrants to Speak Up at Work. Trump Could End Their Protections",
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"headTitle": "California Empowered Immigrants to Speak Up at Work. Trump Could End Their Protections | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 30 years in America, Alejandro Gamez took any job he could as an undocumented worker — at fast food restaurants, factories and car washes and driving trucks, even when conditions were poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no status,” he said. “I had no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after speaking up in 2017 about unpaid wages at an Inglewood car wash, his fortunes changed. As part of a state investigation into that employer’s labor practices, Gamez this year became eligible for four years of protection from deportation — and a temporary work permit that seemed to open doors overnight. The 51-year-old Hawthorne resident said he can apply for better, stable jobs that pay more and provide benefits. He now has a union-represented position in a college kitchen and a Social Security number to build his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” he said in Spanish. “It is giving me many job opportunities, to be better financially and to give a better life to my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opportunities are thanks to a recent federal program that grants temporary legal status to workers involved in certain labor investigations. With some of the nation’s strictest workplace laws but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/workplace-retaliation-california-labor/\">widespread concerns of employer retaliation\u003c/a>, California has issued more than 200 requests to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, asking it to grant legal status to workers who report violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just months after Gamez got his reprieve, the program may be on the chopping block: President-elect Donald Trump and his advisors have\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-mass-deportations-immigration-844f3050ba99552b900ed9f3a1dec22d\"> vowed mass deportations\u003c/a>, a return to workplace immigration raids and the repeal of similar temporary protection programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez’s attorney, Yvonne Medrano, said she’s expecting the program to be axed soon after Trump takes office Jan. 20. Her firm, the Los Angeles-based Bet Tzedek Legal Services, is no longer pursuing new cases under the program after representing workers seeking protections in 15 different workplace investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Removing this protection will return workers to a time when they fear deportation for asking for minimum wage, their paychecks or any other protections they have,” Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid in Duarte on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other immigration attorneys in California had already stopped filing new applications before Election Day. They said they expect Homeland Security to honor the four-year reprieves that the department has already granted, but are uncertain what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a discretionary program,” said Jessie Hahn, senior counsel for labor and employment policy at the National Immigration Law Center, an advocacy group. “We are not anticipating that if Trump were elected he would continue the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Trump campaign spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about his intentions for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has created another group of immigrants who have been granted temporary permission to be in the United States as the chances of a federal immigration overhaul have grown ever slimmer — making their prospects heavily dependent on the see-saw of each presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, one of several Biden administration efforts to boost the enforcement of labor laws, aims to give state investigators easier access to witnesses who may otherwise fear reprisal for making workplace complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s similar to the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">gave work permits\u003c/a> and temporary deportation protections to immigrants who had been brought to the U.S. without authorization as children. About 500,000 residents have that form of legal status, but the program has stopped granting new applications after challenges in the federal courts. Trump tried to rescind the program in his last term; Stephen Miller, a close Trump advisor, said he will do so again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/11/us/politics/trump-2025-immigration-agenda.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> is much narrower — 7,700 workers have benefitted since January 2023. Anyone who’s not a U.S. citizen can apply if they can prove they were working for an employer under investigation. First, a state or federal labor agency must submit a letter to Homeland Security saying they need the cooperation of worker witnesses in each investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those granted deferred action are shielded from deportation and allowed to work legally for four years, but there is no path toward permanent residency. Some recipients see it as a way to earn money legally and get better-paying jobs outside the underground economy. Others said it gives them time — and a much quicker path to a work permit — as their other immigration-related cases wind their way through the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys and advocates say while some applicants are seeking reprieves from active deportation cases, most have been living and working without papers undetected, meaning they’ve come forward to federal immigration authorities for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many of those workers are in California. A Homeland Security spokesperson would not release state-by-state figures, citing “ongoing investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California is an eager participant in the program; Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says it was the first state to file a letter supporting worker protections. The state is home to nearly 1.5 million workers who are undocumented immigrants, making up \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us\">more than 7% of the workforce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such workers are a frequent focus of the state’s labor investigations, and labor advocates say undocumented workers routinely fear both losing their jobs and being reported to immigration authorities for complaining about workplace violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This fear can prevent them from fully cooperating with labor enforcement agencies in reporting and corroborating violations of the law,” Daniel Lopez, spokesperson for the state Labor Commissioner’s Office, said in a statement. “Ultimately, fewer protections undermine workers and impact responsible employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, the office, which investigates wage theft, has sent letters supporting deportation protections in 136 workplace investigations covering potentially hundreds of workers. The Division of Occupational Safety and Health has sent at least 12 letters. The Agricultural Labor Relations Board, which oversees farmworkers’ rights, has sent 10, and the Civil Rights Department, which investigates workplace discrimination complaints, has sent 60, spokespersons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has even paid to help immigrants get work permits. Last year, Newsom announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/07/farmworker-labor-california/\">$4.5 million to pay\u003c/a> for free legal services to help farmworkers who are involved in labor investigations apply for deferred action. The money, allocated through mid-2026, has so far helped screen more than 500 workers for eligibility and 175 apply for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are as many as 800,000 seasonal and year-round farmworkers in California; at least half are believed to be undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural regions have very limited access to immigration legal services,” said Jason Montiel, spokesperson for the Department of Social Services, which administers the grant to five legal aid groups statewide. “Providing farmworkers direct access to immigration legal services when their labor rights are violated increases the likelihood that they will file labor claims and collaborate with labor agencies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokespersons did not respond to an inquiry about what will happen with the state grant program if federal rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Gorney, a supervising attorney with VIDAS Legal Services, which is receiving a state grant, said that she has 12 farmworker clients waiting to be granted deferred action. She had hoped the state would expand the program to include workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are still a lot of workers out there who may qualify but really don’t want to come out of the shadows,” she said the morning after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013974\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits in a dark room\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Gamez in his home in Hawthorne on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gamez’ deferred action was granted in connection with retaliation claims he and his coworkers filed against Century Car Wash in 2018. That year, they had also filed wage theft claims with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. According to state records, they told the office their managers made them show up earlier and leave later than the businesses’ opening hours, but their time-sheets didn’t match all the hours they worked. The car wash’s co-owners denied the claims, and told the state the time-sheets were accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After demanding payment from his managers, Gamez said he was fired, and told to leave in front of customers. According to state records, he and his coworkers won the wage claims in 2021; a state hearing officer ruled Gamez was owed more than $20,000. But the state is still investigating claims the workers were fired and questioned about their immigration status in retaliation for speaking up. Last year at Gamez’ attorney’s request, the Labor Commissioner’s Office sent a letter to Homeland Security to request deportation protection for the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing investigation … is being conducted by our Retaliation Complaint Investigation unit and requires worker cooperation and testimony,” Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, one of Century Car Wash’s owners deferred to the co-owner, who did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez said his deferred action status kept him calm last week as many immigrants feared for their futures under a second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who received the protection remain afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Montoya came to the United States five years ago fleeing “problems in the family,” she said, and found work in the Central Valley’s fields. She had a degree in business administration in her native Mexico, and said she never intended to be an undocumented immigrant. But she had a son, and stayed to raise him in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said she enjoys farm work, despite the hard days on her hands and knees picking and bunching carrots for $3.05 per box. On a good day, when the field conditions are forgiving, she can take home $150 or more, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working for a contractor hired by Grimmway Farms, she said she kept her head down, until one day last September when a coworker, Rosa Sanchez, was struck by a truck and killed in the field next to hers. Montoya said workers had raised concerns about that driver and she believed the accident was preventable. Some of the workers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-03/she-was-killed-in-a-carrot-field-with-her-body-nearby-workers-say-they-were-told-to-keep-picking\">told to keep working\u003c/a> around Sanchez’ body, she said. Stunned, and now knowing what else to do, she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “traumatic,” she said through a translator. “Inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the state’s workplace safety agency issued more than $65,000 of citations against Grimmway, the contractor Esparza Enterprises and another contractor that employed the driver, alleging serious safety violations for allowing employees to work “in close proximity to a Commercial Truck being driven in an unsafe manner,” according to files obtained through a public records request. Federal and state records show the driver was backing up \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1699564.015\">when the truck struck Sanchez\u003c/a>.[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"More Related Stories.\"]The company and its contractors have contested the citations. Esparza did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement, Grimmway spokesperson Dana Brennan wrote the company has strict policies prohibiting retaliation against employees or contractors’ employees who report issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a confidential, anonymous, bilingual hotline where employees can report ethical concerns,” Brennan wrote. “As we have since we first learned of this tragic accident, we are committed to working with authorities throughout their investigation and extend our deepest sympathies to Ms. Sanchez’s family and her co-workers on this grievous loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a potential witness to the accident, Montoya applied for deferred action with the help of the United Farm Workers, and has since become more active with the organization, encouraging coworkers to apply and speaking at a union convention in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the election, she said she’s both relieved she got her work permit this year and fearful that she’s given her information to federal immigration authorities. In the fields, most of the workers were talking about Trump’s victory, “about what will happen with us now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects us from deportation,” she said of the program. “Even so, the fear exists … Whenever he wants, he can take it away.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California wants to protect witnesses in workplace investigations from deportation, but the Biden administration program for undocumented employees is at risk with Donald Trump’s return to the White House.",
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"title": "California Empowered Immigrants to Speak Up at Work. Trump Could End Their Protections | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 30 years in America, Alejandro Gamez took any job he could as an undocumented worker — at fast food restaurants, factories and car washes and driving trucks, even when conditions were poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no status,” he said. “I had no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after speaking up in 2017 about unpaid wages at an Inglewood car wash, his fortunes changed. As part of a state investigation into that employer’s labor practices, Gamez this year became eligible for four years of protection from deportation — and a temporary work permit that seemed to open doors overnight. The 51-year-old Hawthorne resident said he can apply for better, stable jobs that pay more and provide benefits. He now has a union-represented position in a college kitchen and a Social Security number to build his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” he said in Spanish. “It is giving me many job opportunities, to be better financially and to give a better life to my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opportunities are thanks to a recent federal program that grants temporary legal status to workers involved in certain labor investigations. With some of the nation’s strictest workplace laws but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/workplace-retaliation-california-labor/\">widespread concerns of employer retaliation\u003c/a>, California has issued more than 200 requests to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, asking it to grant legal status to workers who report violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just months after Gamez got his reprieve, the program may be on the chopping block: President-elect Donald Trump and his advisors have\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-mass-deportations-immigration-844f3050ba99552b900ed9f3a1dec22d\"> vowed mass deportations\u003c/a>, a return to workplace immigration raids and the repeal of similar temporary protection programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez’s attorney, Yvonne Medrano, said she’s expecting the program to be axed soon after Trump takes office Jan. 20. Her firm, the Los Angeles-based Bet Tzedek Legal Services, is no longer pursuing new cases under the program after representing workers seeking protections in 15 different workplace investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Removing this protection will return workers to a time when they fear deportation for asking for minimum wage, their paychecks or any other protections they have,” Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid in Duarte on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other immigration attorneys in California had already stopped filing new applications before Election Day. They said they expect Homeland Security to honor the four-year reprieves that the department has already granted, but are uncertain what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a discretionary program,” said Jessie Hahn, senior counsel for labor and employment policy at the National Immigration Law Center, an advocacy group. “We are not anticipating that if Trump were elected he would continue the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Trump campaign spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about his intentions for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has created another group of immigrants who have been granted temporary permission to be in the United States as the chances of a federal immigration overhaul have grown ever slimmer — making their prospects heavily dependent on the see-saw of each presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, one of several Biden administration efforts to boost the enforcement of labor laws, aims to give state investigators easier access to witnesses who may otherwise fear reprisal for making workplace complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s similar to the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">gave work permits\u003c/a> and temporary deportation protections to immigrants who had been brought to the U.S. without authorization as children. About 500,000 residents have that form of legal status, but the program has stopped granting new applications after challenges in the federal courts. Trump tried to rescind the program in his last term; Stephen Miller, a close Trump advisor, said he will do so again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/11/us/politics/trump-2025-immigration-agenda.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> is much narrower — 7,700 workers have benefitted since January 2023. Anyone who’s not a U.S. citizen can apply if they can prove they were working for an employer under investigation. First, a state or federal labor agency must submit a letter to Homeland Security saying they need the cooperation of worker witnesses in each investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those granted deferred action are shielded from deportation and allowed to work legally for four years, but there is no path toward permanent residency. Some recipients see it as a way to earn money legally and get better-paying jobs outside the underground economy. Others said it gives them time — and a much quicker path to a work permit — as their other immigration-related cases wind their way through the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys and advocates say while some applicants are seeking reprieves from active deportation cases, most have been living and working without papers undetected, meaning they’ve come forward to federal immigration authorities for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many of those workers are in California. A Homeland Security spokesperson would not release state-by-state figures, citing “ongoing investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California is an eager participant in the program; Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says it was the first state to file a letter supporting worker protections. The state is home to nearly 1.5 million workers who are undocumented immigrants, making up \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us\">more than 7% of the workforce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such workers are a frequent focus of the state’s labor investigations, and labor advocates say undocumented workers routinely fear both losing their jobs and being reported to immigration authorities for complaining about workplace violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This fear can prevent them from fully cooperating with labor enforcement agencies in reporting and corroborating violations of the law,” Daniel Lopez, spokesperson for the state Labor Commissioner’s Office, said in a statement. “Ultimately, fewer protections undermine workers and impact responsible employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, the office, which investigates wage theft, has sent letters supporting deportation protections in 136 workplace investigations covering potentially hundreds of workers. The Division of Occupational Safety and Health has sent at least 12 letters. The Agricultural Labor Relations Board, which oversees farmworkers’ rights, has sent 10, and the Civil Rights Department, which investigates workplace discrimination complaints, has sent 60, spokespersons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has even paid to help immigrants get work permits. Last year, Newsom announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/07/farmworker-labor-california/\">$4.5 million to pay\u003c/a> for free legal services to help farmworkers who are involved in labor investigations apply for deferred action. The money, allocated through mid-2026, has so far helped screen more than 500 workers for eligibility and 175 apply for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are as many as 800,000 seasonal and year-round farmworkers in California; at least half are believed to be undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural regions have very limited access to immigration legal services,” said Jason Montiel, spokesperson for the Department of Social Services, which administers the grant to five legal aid groups statewide. “Providing farmworkers direct access to immigration legal services when their labor rights are violated increases the likelihood that they will file labor claims and collaborate with labor agencies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokespersons did not respond to an inquiry about what will happen with the state grant program if federal rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Gorney, a supervising attorney with VIDAS Legal Services, which is receiving a state grant, said that she has 12 farmworker clients waiting to be granted deferred action. She had hoped the state would expand the program to include workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are still a lot of workers out there who may qualify but really don’t want to come out of the shadows,” she said the morning after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013974\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits in a dark room\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Gamez in his home in Hawthorne on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gamez’ deferred action was granted in connection with retaliation claims he and his coworkers filed against Century Car Wash in 2018. That year, they had also filed wage theft claims with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. According to state records, they told the office their managers made them show up earlier and leave later than the businesses’ opening hours, but their time-sheets didn’t match all the hours they worked. The car wash’s co-owners denied the claims, and told the state the time-sheets were accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After demanding payment from his managers, Gamez said he was fired, and told to leave in front of customers. According to state records, he and his coworkers won the wage claims in 2021; a state hearing officer ruled Gamez was owed more than $20,000. But the state is still investigating claims the workers were fired and questioned about their immigration status in retaliation for speaking up. Last year at Gamez’ attorney’s request, the Labor Commissioner’s Office sent a letter to Homeland Security to request deportation protection for the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing investigation … is being conducted by our Retaliation Complaint Investigation unit and requires worker cooperation and testimony,” Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, one of Century Car Wash’s owners deferred to the co-owner, who did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez said his deferred action status kept him calm last week as many immigrants feared for their futures under a second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who received the protection remain afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Montoya came to the United States five years ago fleeing “problems in the family,” she said, and found work in the Central Valley’s fields. She had a degree in business administration in her native Mexico, and said she never intended to be an undocumented immigrant. But she had a son, and stayed to raise him in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said she enjoys farm work, despite the hard days on her hands and knees picking and bunching carrots for $3.05 per box. On a good day, when the field conditions are forgiving, she can take home $150 or more, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working for a contractor hired by Grimmway Farms, she said she kept her head down, until one day last September when a coworker, Rosa Sanchez, was struck by a truck and killed in the field next to hers. Montoya said workers had raised concerns about that driver and she believed the accident was preventable. Some of the workers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-03/she-was-killed-in-a-carrot-field-with-her-body-nearby-workers-say-they-were-told-to-keep-picking\">told to keep working\u003c/a> around Sanchez’ body, she said. Stunned, and now knowing what else to do, she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “traumatic,” she said through a translator. “Inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the state’s workplace safety agency issued more than $65,000 of citations against Grimmway, the contractor Esparza Enterprises and another contractor that employed the driver, alleging serious safety violations for allowing employees to work “in close proximity to a Commercial Truck being driven in an unsafe manner,” according to files obtained through a public records request. Federal and state records show the driver was backing up \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1699564.015\">when the truck struck Sanchez\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company and its contractors have contested the citations. Esparza did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement, Grimmway spokesperson Dana Brennan wrote the company has strict policies prohibiting retaliation against employees or contractors’ employees who report issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a confidential, anonymous, bilingual hotline where employees can report ethical concerns,” Brennan wrote. “As we have since we first learned of this tragic accident, we are committed to working with authorities throughout their investigation and extend our deepest sympathies to Ms. Sanchez’s family and her co-workers on this grievous loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a potential witness to the accident, Montoya applied for deferred action with the help of the United Farm Workers, and has since become more active with the organization, encouraging coworkers to apply and speaking at a union convention in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the election, she said she’s both relieved she got her work permit this year and fearful that she’s given her information to federal immigration authorities. In the fields, most of the workers were talking about Trump’s victory, “about what will happen with us now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects us from deportation,” she said of the program. “Even so, the fear exists … Whenever he wants, he can take it away.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Sonoma County Voters Reject Measure J in Support of Local Farming",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024\">Follow KQED’s live blog for the latest election updates\u003c/a>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early results in Sonoma County show that voters have rejected Measure J, a closely watched initiative that would have drastically reshaped farming in the historically agricultural county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a watch party in Santa Rosa on Tuesday night, the mood was joyous as Dayna Ghirardelli, the executive director of the Sonoma County Farm Bureau, announced that early voting showed an 85% vote for no on Measure J.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Live 2024 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sonoma,Sonoma County: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/10/Aside-Results-Local-Elections-Sonoma-County-1200x1200-1.png]The party, featuring many more flannels, boots and mesh caps than one usually sees a political event, served Clover milk and Strauss ice cream — two companies whose largest suppliers in Sonoma County would have had to close or downsize had Measure J passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghirardelli told KQED that the results were a resounding message in support of local farms. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see where they may have thought this had to do something with animal welfare, but it has nothing to do with animal welfare,” Ghirardelli said of the measure’s supporters. “Our farmers here take great care of their animals and the land. We are third-party animal welfare certified. We are organic. We do all the things that we need to, to take care of our animals. And I think that unfortunately, with all due respect, they were duped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmers and agricultural interests across the state closely watched Measure J. Had it passed, advocates vowed to place similar measures on the ballot in other California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Coalition to End Factory Farming said the No on J campaign had resorted to “scare tactics and falsehoods.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the opportunity to alleviate animal suffering and move our society in a better direction fell short today, we’ve always known that this will take time and we trust that people are going to get there,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12012874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12012874\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dayna Ghirardelli, Executive Director of the Sonoma County Farm Bureau, speaks at a No on J party at the Flamingo Hotel in Santa Rosa. \u003ccite>(Gabe Meline/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure J would have placed strict limits on the size of individual animal farms, banning any farm that meets the federal definition of a Concentrated Animal Feeding Operation. Advocates, including the animal rights group Direct Action Everywhere, campaigned on the argument that larger animal farms pollute the environment and are more likely to mistreat animals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local farmers, politicians and business groups overwhelmingly opposed the measure, arguing that it would put long-standing family-owned farms out of business, some of which have operated in the county for over 100 years. Opponents also argued that it would have caused exponential job losses, higher food costs and less locally sourced eggs, milk and poultry; and that trucking these into the county would have negated the measure’s environmental goals.[aside label=‘More Election Coverage’ tag=‘election-2024’]Had the measure passed, farms not in compliance would have been fined $10,000 a day. It would have authorized civilian enforcement and tasked the county agricultural commissioner with implementing and managing a job retraining and reentry program for farmworkers who would have lost their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign spending for Measure J was high for Sonoma County, topping $2 million. Much of the contributions came from outside the county, and the majority of funds went to oppose the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The party, featuring many more flannels, boots and mesh caps than one usually sees a political event, served Clover milk and Strauss ice cream — two companies whose largest suppliers in Sonoma County would have had to close or downsize had Measure J passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghirardelli told KQED that the results were a resounding message in support of local farms. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see where they may have thought this had to do something with animal welfare, but it has nothing to do with animal welfare,” Ghirardelli said of the measure’s supporters. “Our farmers here take great care of their animals and the land. We are third-party animal welfare certified. We are organic. We do all the things that we need to, to take care of our animals. And I think that unfortunately, with all due respect, they were duped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmers and agricultural interests across the state closely watched Measure J. Had it passed, advocates vowed to place similar measures on the ballot in other California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Coalition to End Factory Farming said the No on J campaign had resorted to “scare tactics and falsehoods.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the opportunity to alleviate animal suffering and move our society in a better direction fell short today, we’ve always known that this will take time and we trust that people are going to get there,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12012874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12012874\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTION-NIGHT-NO-ON-J-GM-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dayna Ghirardelli, Executive Director of the Sonoma County Farm Bureau, speaks at a No on J party at the Flamingo Hotel in Santa Rosa. \u003ccite>(Gabe Meline/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure J would have placed strict limits on the size of individual animal farms, banning any farm that meets the federal definition of a Concentrated Animal Feeding Operation. Advocates, including the animal rights group Direct Action Everywhere, campaigned on the argument that larger animal farms pollute the environment and are more likely to mistreat animals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local farmers, politicians and business groups overwhelmingly opposed the measure, arguing that it would put long-standing family-owned farms out of business, some of which have operated in the county for over 100 years. Opponents also argued that it would have caused exponential job losses, higher food costs and less locally sourced eggs, milk and poultry; and that trucking these into the county would have negated the measure’s environmental goals.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Had the measure passed, farms not in compliance would have been fined $10,000 a day. It would have authorized civilian enforcement and tasked the county agricultural commissioner with implementing and managing a job retraining and reentry program for farmworkers who would have lost their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign spending for Measure J was high for Sonoma County, topping $2 million. Much of the contributions came from outside the county, and the majority of funds went to oppose the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "thousands-of-uc-san-francisco-workers-are-preparing-to-strike",
"title": "Thousands of UC San Francisco Workers Are Preparing to Strike",
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"content": "\u003cp>Shawn Singh said he feels angry that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hospital emergency room where he works is so understaffed that patients often wait too long to get a bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC San Francisco nurse case manager said he often assesses adults facing heart problems, kidney failure, septic shock and other life-threatening conditions as they lie on gurneys or sit in crowded hallways, denied the dignity of a private space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re in their most vulnerable moments with people walking by them in a hallway — in a public hall receiving care while they wait for a bed upstairs — because there is just not enough staff to be able to plan discharges for patients and make rooms available,” Singh, a 34-year-old San Jose native, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the five years Singh has worked at UCSF, he said hiring and retention problems have worsened, squeezing overworked employees and delaying patient care. The university has largely ignored pleas to improve working conditions, including during current labor contract negotiations that started in June, Singh added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s ready to strike as a last resort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m there to fight for my patients,” he said. “The university is not bargaining with us in good faith. They’re not going to the table with the sense of urgency that we want them to have to be able to hire more staff, retain staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 4,000 health care, research and technical workers at UCSF authorized their union to call a strike over what they say is the university’s failure to bargain in good faith about short staffing and other top concerns. The members’ vote, which concluded Wednesday, passed with 98% support, according to the University Professional and Technical Employees Local 9119, which represents more than 19,000 physician assistants, optometrists, clinical lab scientists and other UC employees statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The threat of a walkout at UCSF comes as 37,000 UC service and patient care workers with a separate union, the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Local 3299, are also preparing for a potential statewide walkout. That strike authorization vote passed with 99% support, AFSCME said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both unions filed unfair labor practice charges with the California Public Employment Relations Board this month, alleging that the university has refused to provide essential job vacancy and financial data needed to assess the extent of staffing crisis and develop solutions in ongoing contract negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges maintain that the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/employee-news/more-wins-for-uc-employees-in-2024/\">third-largest employer\u003c/a> has also acted illegally by announcing it intends to significantly increase employee health care costs, as outlined in an email to staffers, without negotiating over the changes. Health care workers said the move will exacerbate recruitment and retention issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011885\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1156\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-800x462.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-1020x590.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-160x92.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-1536x888.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-1920x1110.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The threat of a walkout at UCSF grew this week as two unions voted to authorize strikes.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 36% of UCSF employees said they felt burned out always or very often on the job, higher than the national health care average of 29%, according to a university staff survey last year. Patients spend an hour longer on average at the UCSF Medical Center emergency department where Singh works, compared to wait times at other large hospitals in the state and nationwide, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.medicare.gov/care-compare/details/hospital/050454/view-all?city=San%20Francisco&state=CA&zipcode=\">Medicare.gov figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heather Hansen, a spokesperson for UC’s Office of the President, said the strike authorization votes by UPTE and AFSCME were disheartening but not surprising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems that no matter what we presented at the table, UPTE’s move towards a strike was a foregone conclusion,” Hansen said in a statement. “We are disappointed and hope UPTE can reconsider its position and continue earnestly bargaining towards a mutually beneficial agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the university’s teams will keep bargaining across the system on proposals that include \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/resources/employment-policies-contracts/negotiation-updates/upte-news/\">salary raises\u003c/a> for UPTE members of 5% in 2025, 3% in 2026 and 3% in 2027. UC has also offered to increase pay for AFSCME workers by 26% over a five-year contract, according to Hansen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the university is working to produce information on vacancy rate and other data “on a rolling basis.” Hansen added that health insurance contribution rates for UPTE-represented employees are under negotiation, with UC \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/labor-news/upte-oct-3-4/\">offering credits\u003c/a> to help offset these costs, though the union considers them insufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bad faith has a clear and legal definition under the Higher Education Employer-Employee Relations Act, and we look forward to the Public Employment Relations Board reviewing and determining the merits of the charge,” Hansen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s response to those charges is due Nov. 27, after the university requested and received an extension, according to Felix De La Torre, general counsel with the California Public Employment Relations Board. If an agency attorney finds enough evidence of an unfair practice by UC, the agency would issue a \u003ca href=\"https://perb.ca.gov/how-to-file-an-unfair-practice-charge/\">complaint\u003c/a> and move the case to a settlement conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007779 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-04-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, short staffing is a common concern for hospital employees due to burnout and turnover, as many employers are generally opposed to investing more in their workforce because of the costs, according to Rebecca Givan, an associate professor of labor studies at Rutgers University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can get away with lower staffing levels, they can increase their revenue,” Givans, who has followed the health care industry for 25 years, said. “And so they would prefer to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The health care industry is very competitive and employers — even those in public and nonprofit institutions — are focused on revenue and minimizing costs. Employers tend to make investments they believe will help them compete for patients, Givans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have to be in that sort of arms race to have flashier buildings and more amenities and better branding and advertising campaigns — and all of those things which aren’t really directly related to patient care,” Givans said. “But that’s the health care economy that we’re in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liz Perlman, executive director at AFSCME Local 3299, said UC is prioritizing raises for top executives and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises#:~:text=University%20of%20California%20chancellors%20will,did%20not%20receive%20salary%20adjustments.\">chancellors\u003c/a> and the construction of new hospitals in San Francisco, Oakland, Sacramento, and elsewhere while keeping facilities dangerously understaffed and paying too little to many frontline staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, we want more care. We want to provide more services,” Perlman said. “But the problem is, if you build buildings but you don’t take care of the people who work inside them, frankly, the buildings are worthless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "More than 4,000 UCSF health care, research and technical employees voted to authorize a strike over short staffing, health care costs and delayed patient care.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shawn Singh said he feels angry that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hospital emergency room where he works is so understaffed that patients often wait too long to get a bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC San Francisco nurse case manager said he often assesses adults facing heart problems, kidney failure, septic shock and other life-threatening conditions as they lie on gurneys or sit in crowded hallways, denied the dignity of a private space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re in their most vulnerable moments with people walking by them in a hallway — in a public hall receiving care while they wait for a bed upstairs — because there is just not enough staff to be able to plan discharges for patients and make rooms available,” Singh, a 34-year-old San Jose native, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the five years Singh has worked at UCSF, he said hiring and retention problems have worsened, squeezing overworked employees and delaying patient care. The university has largely ignored pleas to improve working conditions, including during current labor contract negotiations that started in June, Singh added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s ready to strike as a last resort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m there to fight for my patients,” he said. “The university is not bargaining with us in good faith. They’re not going to the table with the sense of urgency that we want them to have to be able to hire more staff, retain staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 4,000 health care, research and technical workers at UCSF authorized their union to call a strike over what they say is the university’s failure to bargain in good faith about short staffing and other top concerns. The members’ vote, which concluded Wednesday, passed with 98% support, according to the University Professional and Technical Employees Local 9119, which represents more than 19,000 physician assistants, optometrists, clinical lab scientists and other UC employees statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The threat of a walkout at UCSF comes as 37,000 UC service and patient care workers with a separate union, the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Local 3299, are also preparing for a potential statewide walkout. That strike authorization vote passed with 99% support, AFSCME said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both unions filed unfair labor practice charges with the California Public Employment Relations Board this month, alleging that the university has refused to provide essential job vacancy and financial data needed to assess the extent of staffing crisis and develop solutions in ongoing contract negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges maintain that the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/employee-news/more-wins-for-uc-employees-in-2024/\">third-largest employer\u003c/a> has also acted illegally by announcing it intends to significantly increase employee health care costs, as outlined in an email to staffers, without negotiating over the changes. Health care workers said the move will exacerbate recruitment and retention issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011885\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1156\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-800x462.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-1020x590.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-160x92.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-1536x888.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/3050240908_520abecbfb_o_qed-1920x1110.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The threat of a walkout at UCSF grew this week as two unions voted to authorize strikes.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 36% of UCSF employees said they felt burned out always or very often on the job, higher than the national health care average of 29%, according to a university staff survey last year. Patients spend an hour longer on average at the UCSF Medical Center emergency department where Singh works, compared to wait times at other large hospitals in the state and nationwide, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.medicare.gov/care-compare/details/hospital/050454/view-all?city=San%20Francisco&state=CA&zipcode=\">Medicare.gov figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heather Hansen, a spokesperson for UC’s Office of the President, said the strike authorization votes by UPTE and AFSCME were disheartening but not surprising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems that no matter what we presented at the table, UPTE’s move towards a strike was a foregone conclusion,” Hansen said in a statement. “We are disappointed and hope UPTE can reconsider its position and continue earnestly bargaining towards a mutually beneficial agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the university’s teams will keep bargaining across the system on proposals that include \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/resources/employment-policies-contracts/negotiation-updates/upte-news/\">salary raises\u003c/a> for UPTE members of 5% in 2025, 3% in 2026 and 3% in 2027. UC has also offered to increase pay for AFSCME workers by 26% over a five-year contract, according to Hansen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the university is working to produce information on vacancy rate and other data “on a rolling basis.” Hansen added that health insurance contribution rates for UPTE-represented employees are under negotiation, with UC \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/labor-news/upte-oct-3-4/\">offering credits\u003c/a> to help offset these costs, though the union considers them insufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bad faith has a clear and legal definition under the Higher Education Employer-Employee Relations Act, and we look forward to the Public Employment Relations Board reviewing and determining the merits of the charge,” Hansen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s response to those charges is due Nov. 27, after the university requested and received an extension, according to Felix De La Torre, general counsel with the California Public Employment Relations Board. If an agency attorney finds enough evidence of an unfair practice by UC, the agency would issue a \u003ca href=\"https://perb.ca.gov/how-to-file-an-unfair-practice-charge/\">complaint\u003c/a> and move the case to a settlement conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, short staffing is a common concern for hospital employees due to burnout and turnover, as many employers are generally opposed to investing more in their workforce because of the costs, according to Rebecca Givan, an associate professor of labor studies at Rutgers University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can get away with lower staffing levels, they can increase their revenue,” Givans, who has followed the health care industry for 25 years, said. “And so they would prefer to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The health care industry is very competitive and employers — even those in public and nonprofit institutions — are focused on revenue and minimizing costs. Employers tend to make investments they believe will help them compete for patients, Givans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have to be in that sort of arms race to have flashier buildings and more amenities and better branding and advertising campaigns — and all of those things which aren’t really directly related to patient care,” Givans said. “But that’s the health care economy that we’re in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liz Perlman, executive director at AFSCME Local 3299, said UC is prioritizing raises for top executives and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises#:~:text=University%20of%20California%20chancellors%20will,did%20not%20receive%20salary%20adjustments.\">chancellors\u003c/a> and the construction of new hospitals in San Francisco, Oakland, Sacramento, and elsewhere while keeping facilities dangerously understaffed and paying too little to many frontline staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, we want more care. We want to provide more services,” Perlman said. “But the problem is, if you build buildings but you don’t take care of the people who work inside them, frankly, the buildings are worthless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "striking-sf-hotel-workers-to-march-through-downtown-after-weeks-of-picketing",
"title": "More Than 80 Arrested After Striking SF Hotel Workers March Through Downtown",
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"headTitle": "More Than 80 Arrested After Striking SF Hotel Workers March Through Downtown | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 80 people were arrested Wednesday night after striking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel workers marched through downtown to demand their employers invest in staff and reverse pandemic-era service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel workers and their allies held a sit-in on the Powell Street cable car tracks in front of the Westin St. Francis hotel. San Francisco police arrested 85 people for the demonstration, according to a spokesperson for the union representing the workers, Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">a month on the picket line and with no deal in sight\u003c/a>, workers said they felt they had to escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to make pressure on management and the big companies for them to see that we need our contract to be signed,” said Elena Duran, one of the striking workers on the cable car tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran said she and the others on the tracks were prepared to face arrest, and police arrested them one by one, including Duran. Loud cheers erupted as each person was taken to a police bus parked around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 striking workers and their supporters took to the streets outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on O’Farrell Street and marched to the Westin St. Francis, two locations where workers are on strike. Monday marked week six of the picket demanding wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living and arguing that the service cuts have left them overworked when there are surges of guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike includes 2,000 housekeepers, servers, bartenders, cooks, dishwashers, bellhops, doormen and more at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels around Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was short-staffed on a shift and helping one guest, another guest’s bag was stolen right in front of the hotel,” said Jacov Awoke, a doorman at Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 35 years. “I’m on strike because I want my hotel to invest in the city and the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lizzy Tapia (center), president of Unite Here Local 2, sits alongside hotel workers and their allies in front of the Westin St. Francis in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024, during a protest demanding that employers invest in hotel staff and restore guest services. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unite Here said they offered during August negotiations to make their own compensation contingent on future hotel profits. They also offered to forgo most other guaranteed wage increases, but a deal with the hotels remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the hotel is waiting on the union to resume bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that UNITE HERE Local 2 continues to strike while Hyatt remains willing to continue bargaining in good faith,” D’Angelo said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco strikers aren’t alone: 2,000 Hilton workers in Honolulu have maintained a picket line for over a month, while hundreds of workers in Boston reached a tentative deal with Hilton on Tuesday after three weeks on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12011319 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers also ask their employers to take proactive measures to end the “doom loop” and bring foot traffic back to downtown. Additionally, workers are advocating for wage increases, better pensions and employee health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hotel workers love San Francisco and want to help our city recover,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march began at the Hilton near Union Square at 4 p.m. The last time the city’s hotel workers joined the picket line was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\">six years ago\u003c/a>, a strike that lasted two months before workers ratified a new contract with Marriott hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 9:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The strike includes 2,000 San Francisco hotel workers at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels around Union Square. They want hotels to invest in staff and reverse COVID-era service cuts.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 80 people were arrested Wednesday night after striking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel workers marched through downtown to demand their employers invest in staff and reverse pandemic-era service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel workers and their allies held a sit-in on the Powell Street cable car tracks in front of the Westin St. Francis hotel. San Francisco police arrested 85 people for the demonstration, according to a spokesperson for the union representing the workers, Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">a month on the picket line and with no deal in sight\u003c/a>, workers said they felt they had to escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to make pressure on management and the big companies for them to see that we need our contract to be signed,” said Elena Duran, one of the striking workers on the cable car tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran said she and the others on the tracks were prepared to face arrest, and police arrested them one by one, including Duran. Loud cheers erupted as each person was taken to a police bus parked around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 striking workers and their supporters took to the streets outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on O’Farrell Street and marched to the Westin St. Francis, two locations where workers are on strike. Monday marked week six of the picket demanding wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living and arguing that the service cuts have left them overworked when there are surges of guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike includes 2,000 housekeepers, servers, bartenders, cooks, dishwashers, bellhops, doormen and more at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels around Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was short-staffed on a shift and helping one guest, another guest’s bag was stolen right in front of the hotel,” said Jacov Awoke, a doorman at Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 35 years. “I’m on strike because I want my hotel to invest in the city and the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lizzy Tapia (center), president of Unite Here Local 2, sits alongside hotel workers and their allies in front of the Westin St. Francis in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024, during a protest demanding that employers invest in hotel staff and restore guest services. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unite Here said they offered during August negotiations to make their own compensation contingent on future hotel profits. They also offered to forgo most other guaranteed wage increases, but a deal with the hotels remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the hotel is waiting on the union to resume bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that UNITE HERE Local 2 continues to strike while Hyatt remains willing to continue bargaining in good faith,” D’Angelo said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco strikers aren’t alone: 2,000 Hilton workers in Honolulu have maintained a picket line for over a month, while hundreds of workers in Boston reached a tentative deal with Hilton on Tuesday after three weeks on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers also ask their employers to take proactive measures to end the “doom loop” and bring foot traffic back to downtown. Additionally, workers are advocating for wage increases, better pensions and employee health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hotel workers love San Francisco and want to help our city recover,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march began at the Hilton near Union Square at 4 p.m. The last time the city’s hotel workers joined the picket line was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\">six years ago\u003c/a>, a strike that lasted two months before workers ratified a new contract with Marriott hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 9:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As many voters remain anxious about inflation, support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> ballot measure that would gradually raise the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\">minimum wage\u003c/a> statewide appears to be waning, according to new survey data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-october-2024/\">statewide poll\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California found only about 44% of likely voters backed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006890/transcript-prop-32-raises-the-minimum-wage-to-18-an-hour\">Proposition 32\u003c/a>, compared to 50% in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the measure, which would require employers to pay a minimum of $18 an hour by 2026, could help an estimated 2 million working Californians better afford basic necessities. The lowest-paid jobs in the state include farmworkers, home health care aides and cashiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But arguments by business trade groups that employers would be forced to absorb a more expensive payroll by raising prices and cutting jobs — and exacerbate the state’s cost of living — seem to be sticking in the current election climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters are smart and inflation fatigued,” Jot Condie, president and CEO of the California Restaurant Association, said in a statement. “The recent poll showing a majority of voters would vote no on Prop. 32 is encouraging given the devastating impacts it will have on family budgets and on small businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some businesses may struggle temporarily to pay for higher wages, most economic studies show minimum wage raises have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">little to no impact on employment overall\u003c/a>, though they can lead to small price increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California’s fast food industry, where a state law required most employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">pay at least $20 an hour\u003c/a>, researchers at UC Berkeley, \u003ca href=\"https://shift.hks.harvard.edu/early-effects-of-californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-large-wage-increases-with-no-effects-on-hours-scheduling-or-benefits/\">Harvard\u003c/a> and other institutions found no job losses, as opponents in the restaurant industry had warned. Menu prices increased, but only by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> published last month by the UC Berkeley Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign opposed to Proposition 32 has scared some voters, said Saru Jayaraman, president of the nonprofit One Fair Wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the doom and gloom that they predicted turned out to be true,” Jayaraman, who is part of the Yes on 32 campaign, said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">fast food minimum wage increase\u003c/a>. “At some point, we have to realize that this is big business willing to put money into lying to people rather than put money into paying workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 32 passes, large businesses with 26 or more employees must raise their minimum pay immediately to $17 an hour and to $18 by 2025. Smaller employers would have until Jan. 1, 2026, to make the adjustment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS2826_cashregister20120522-e1430162029879.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters aimed to qualify the measure for the ballot in 2022 but missed a key deadline. In the current economic landscape, an $18 hourly wage is woefully insufficient but a step in the right direction, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still hope we can win,” she added. “There are lots of people in California struggling, living in their car, working multiple jobs, who need a raise to feed their family. And we have to keep fighting for more because 18 is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, according to experts. Unemployment remains relatively low. Inflation, which is at a three-year low, is expected to continue decreasing, and consumer spending has been stronger than expected. Still, concerns about consumer prices remain top of mind, and a majority of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2023/\">believe\u003c/a> the state’s economy could experience a downturn in the next year, according to the PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of Democrats said they would vote for Proposition 32 in the most recent PPIC poll, with the highest levels of support in the San Francisco Bay Area. But that’s not enough to overcome opposition by a majority of Republicans and independents elsewhere in the state, said Mark Baldassare, who directs the statewide survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, the non-profit research institution reported that 67% of likely voters said they would \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs-likely-voters-1123.pdf\">back\u003c/a> a policy to raise the hourly minimum to $18, but that hasn’t translated into approval for this particular proposition, Baldassare added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The burden of proof is always on the proponents. It’s the easiest thing for people to say, ‘If I’m not sure, I’m going to vote no,’” he said, adding that about two in three ballot propositions fail. “So the proponents have work to do in this case to get to the majority vote.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As many voters remain anxious about inflation, support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> ballot measure that would gradually raise the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\">minimum wage\u003c/a> statewide appears to be waning, according to new survey data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-october-2024/\">statewide poll\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California found only about 44% of likely voters backed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006890/transcript-prop-32-raises-the-minimum-wage-to-18-an-hour\">Proposition 32\u003c/a>, compared to 50% in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the measure, which would require employers to pay a minimum of $18 an hour by 2026, could help an estimated 2 million working Californians better afford basic necessities. The lowest-paid jobs in the state include farmworkers, home health care aides and cashiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But arguments by business trade groups that employers would be forced to absorb a more expensive payroll by raising prices and cutting jobs — and exacerbate the state’s cost of living — seem to be sticking in the current election climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters are smart and inflation fatigued,” Jot Condie, president and CEO of the California Restaurant Association, said in a statement. “The recent poll showing a majority of voters would vote no on Prop. 32 is encouraging given the devastating impacts it will have on family budgets and on small businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some businesses may struggle temporarily to pay for higher wages, most economic studies show minimum wage raises have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">little to no impact on employment overall\u003c/a>, though they can lead to small price increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California’s fast food industry, where a state law required most employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">pay at least $20 an hour\u003c/a>, researchers at UC Berkeley, \u003ca href=\"https://shift.hks.harvard.edu/early-effects-of-californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-large-wage-increases-with-no-effects-on-hours-scheduling-or-benefits/\">Harvard\u003c/a> and other institutions found no job losses, as opponents in the restaurant industry had warned. Menu prices increased, but only by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> published last month by the UC Berkeley Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign opposed to Proposition 32 has scared some voters, said Saru Jayaraman, president of the nonprofit One Fair Wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the doom and gloom that they predicted turned out to be true,” Jayaraman, who is part of the Yes on 32 campaign, said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">fast food minimum wage increase\u003c/a>. “At some point, we have to realize that this is big business willing to put money into lying to people rather than put money into paying workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 32 passes, large businesses with 26 or more employees must raise their minimum pay immediately to $17 an hour and to $18 by 2025. Smaller employers would have until Jan. 1, 2026, to make the adjustment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters aimed to qualify the measure for the ballot in 2022 but missed a key deadline. In the current economic landscape, an $18 hourly wage is woefully insufficient but a step in the right direction, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still hope we can win,” she added. “There are lots of people in California struggling, living in their car, working multiple jobs, who need a raise to feed their family. And we have to keep fighting for more because 18 is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, according to experts. Unemployment remains relatively low. Inflation, which is at a three-year low, is expected to continue decreasing, and consumer spending has been stronger than expected. Still, concerns about consumer prices remain top of mind, and a majority of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2023/\">believe\u003c/a> the state’s economy could experience a downturn in the next year, according to the PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of Democrats said they would vote for Proposition 32 in the most recent PPIC poll, with the highest levels of support in the San Francisco Bay Area. But that’s not enough to overcome opposition by a majority of Republicans and independents elsewhere in the state, said Mark Baldassare, who directs the statewide survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, the non-profit research institution reported that 67% of likely voters said they would \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs-likely-voters-1123.pdf\">back\u003c/a> a policy to raise the hourly minimum to $18, but that hasn’t translated into approval for this particular proposition, Baldassare added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The burden of proof is always on the proponents. It’s the easiest thing for people to say, ‘If I’m not sure, I’m going to vote no,’” he said, adding that about two in three ballot propositions fail. “So the proponents have work to do in this case to get to the majority vote.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 9:10 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> clerks held a one-day strike on Thursday, shutting down high-profile civil and criminal trials and hearings in the city’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed in purple, dozens of clerks represented by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 rallied on the steps of the Hall of Justice to demand fair contracts, more staffing and an end to delays they say are caused by chronic mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Thompson, a deputy clerk in the court’s criminal division, told KQED that management has refused to negotiate with the clerks’ union. The court has made it impossible for clerks to fulfill their “fundamental obligation to the public, which is to ensure equal and fair access to those seeking redress under the law,” Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009797 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-21-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 9:10 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> clerks held a one-day strike on Thursday, shutting down high-profile civil and criminal trials and hearings in the city’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed in purple, dozens of clerks represented by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 rallied on the steps of the Hall of Justice to demand fair contracts, more staffing and an end to delays they say are caused by chronic mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Thompson, a deputy clerk in the court’s criminal division, told KQED that management has refused to negotiate with the clerks’ union. The court has made it impossible for clerks to fulfill their “fundamental obligation to the public, which is to ensure equal and fair access to those seeking redress under the law,” Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='health']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 100 hotel workers at the Marriott Union Square in San Francisco went on strike on Friday, as employees and labor organizers continue to push for better wages and more affordable health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the hospitality workers’ union UNITE HERE Local 2, follows ongoing labor actions at three other hotels in downtown San Francisco — including the Grand Hyatt, Hilton and Westin St. Francis — where workers represented by the union walked out last month after their contract expired. Additionally, workers at eight other Bay Area hotels not affiliated with Local 2 have also recently authorized strikes, but have not yet walked off the job, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">More than 1,600 hotel workers are striking in San Francisco alone\u003c/a>, along with thousands more at hotels in cities across the country, including Boston, Hawaii, and Seattle, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in San Francisco. We want to keep business here,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2. “These employers are not investing in San Francisco. These owners, these operators, they’re not investing in our city, all the things that make our city great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Union Square on Friday morning, the sounds of chanting strikers could be heard on almost every street corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic slammed the hospitality industry, hotel workers locally and nationwide have complained about severe staffing shortages and insufficient pay and benefits. And even as the tourism industry has slowly begun to rebound, wages for workers are failing to keep up with inflation, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our members can’t afford to live in San Francisco,” Tapia said. “It’s kind of hard to imagine having such an important industry as the tourism industry without members who can actually afford to be here and be a part of the community here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some hotel employees are also concerned about the rising cost of health care. Workers on strike are demanding that hotel management provide employees with more comprehensive and affordable coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to keep the medical benefits because in the future, I want to be a mom, and I want to have insurance for me and my baby, for my safety and for my baby’s safety,” said Claudia Garrido, a phone operator at Marriott Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, Garrido said “is difficult, but we need to do this together.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005938,news_12002682,news_11999702\"]According to Garrido, hotel management has taken a step backward when it comes to providing for employees and protecting their well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pandemic-era staffing cuts have also contributed to the frustration hotel workers are feeling, the union said. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://unitehere.org/press-releases/more-san-francisco-hotel-workers-join-ongoing-u-s-hotel-strikes/\">United Here press release\u003c/a>, staffing per occupied room went down 13% between 2019 and 2022, resulting in significantly heavier workloads for remaining employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Marriott said in an email that the corporation is “available to meet with the local union negotiating committee to reach an agreement that is fair to all parties.” They also noted that the Marriott Union Square is still open to customers and that protocols are in place to ensure that guests are cared for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdul Sheikh, a Marriott employee working in the concierge lounge, said all the workers want is a fair contract. He added that the hotel can only run for so long without its staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to fight very hard, and we’re going to win,” Sheikh said. “There is no other way we’re going to leave … And I’m 100% sure sooner or later they’re going to sign the contract. There’s no other way for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction (Oct. 19): Workers at the eight other Bay Area hotels that are not affiliated with the union have not started their strikes yet, as we originally stated. They have just authorized the strikes.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, the strike is the latest in a series of hotel-worker walkouts across the Bay Area and the U.S., in a demand for higher wages, better benefits and increased staffing as post-pandemic tourism rebounds.",
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"title": "‘We’re Going to Fight’: More than 100 SF Marriott Workers Go on Strike, Joining Other Hotel Walkouts Across City | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 100 hotel workers at the Marriott Union Square in San Francisco went on strike on Friday, as employees and labor organizers continue to push for better wages and more affordable health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the hospitality workers’ union UNITE HERE Local 2, follows ongoing labor actions at three other hotels in downtown San Francisco — including the Grand Hyatt, Hilton and Westin St. Francis — where workers represented by the union walked out last month after their contract expired. Additionally, workers at eight other Bay Area hotels not affiliated with Local 2 have also recently authorized strikes, but have not yet walked off the job, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">More than 1,600 hotel workers are striking in San Francisco alone\u003c/a>, along with thousands more at hotels in cities across the country, including Boston, Hawaii, and Seattle, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in San Francisco. We want to keep business here,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2. “These employers are not investing in San Francisco. These owners, these operators, they’re not investing in our city, all the things that make our city great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Union Square on Friday morning, the sounds of chanting strikers could be heard on almost every street corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic slammed the hospitality industry, hotel workers locally and nationwide have complained about severe staffing shortages and insufficient pay and benefits. And even as the tourism industry has slowly begun to rebound, wages for workers are failing to keep up with inflation, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our members can’t afford to live in San Francisco,” Tapia said. “It’s kind of hard to imagine having such an important industry as the tourism industry without members who can actually afford to be here and be a part of the community here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some hotel employees are also concerned about the rising cost of health care. Workers on strike are demanding that hotel management provide employees with more comprehensive and affordable coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to keep the medical benefits because in the future, I want to be a mom, and I want to have insurance for me and my baby, for my safety and for my baby’s safety,” said Claudia Garrido, a phone operator at Marriott Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, Garrido said “is difficult, but we need to do this together.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to Garrido, hotel management has taken a step backward when it comes to providing for employees and protecting their well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pandemic-era staffing cuts have also contributed to the frustration hotel workers are feeling, the union said. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://unitehere.org/press-releases/more-san-francisco-hotel-workers-join-ongoing-u-s-hotel-strikes/\">United Here press release\u003c/a>, staffing per occupied room went down 13% between 2019 and 2022, resulting in significantly heavier workloads for remaining employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Marriott said in an email that the corporation is “available to meet with the local union negotiating committee to reach an agreement that is fair to all parties.” They also noted that the Marriott Union Square is still open to customers and that protocols are in place to ensure that guests are cared for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdul Sheikh, a Marriott employee working in the concierge lounge, said all the workers want is a fair contract. He added that the hotel can only run for so long without its staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to fight very hard, and we’re going to win,” Sheikh said. “There is no other way we’re going to leave … And I’m 100% sure sooner or later they’re going to sign the contract. There’s no other way for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction (Oct. 19): Workers at the eight other Bay Area hotels that are not affiliated with the union have not started their strikes yet, as we originally stated. They have just authorized the strikes.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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