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"content": "\u003cp>Clara and Guido Bronzini came to the United States from a town near Pisa, Italy, in the late 1920s, after World War I devastated Italy. There were no crops, no jobs, no future. And the Fascists were gaining power. Al Bronzini remembers his mother telling him that Fascists came to her house when she was a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandfather, her father, he refused to fly the Fascist flag,” he recalls. “So they tortured my grandfather.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clara and Guido left Italy as soon as they could. They settled in an Italian community in Oakland. Guido opened a fruit market called the Banana Depot. He worked hard and earned a good income. They bought a house. Then, a refrigerator to replace the icebox, and a brand-new four-door Pontiac. Finally, they got a top-of-the-line Philco radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could receive stations from overseas,” Bronzini recalls. His dad loved listening to opera music. “Listening to that radio,” he recalls, “life was good. Life was better than they could have ever thought possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2018/02/SpivakItalianAmericans.mp3\" Image=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/02/16/BronziniForPlayer.jpg\" Title=\"Remember When Italian-Americans Were 'Enemy Aliens?'\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Life was so good that Clara and Guido forgot about finishing the paperwork for their citizenship. It didn’t seem necessary. Italy and the United States had a great relationship. But that all started to change in 1939, when Italy and Nazi Germany joined forces. Bronzini remembers his mother, especially, being torn between her love for Italy, and her love for her new home in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She cried her eyes out,” Bronzini says. “She just couldn’t believe what was happening. And the worst was yet to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came in February 1942, just two months after the United States entered the war. Bronzini is 88 years old now, but as we sit in his dining room, he says it feels like yesterday when he was 13, having supper with his family, the night two policemen came to their front door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11650577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11650577\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-800x594.jpg\" alt=\"The Bronzini family: Clara, Al, Guido, and Lorenzo (in front), pose with their new 1939 Pontiac.\" width=\"800\" height=\"594\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-240x178.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-375x278.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-520x386.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Bronzini family: Clara, Al, Guido, and Lorenzo (in front), pose with their new 1939 Pontiac. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Al Bronzini)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They said, ‘Mr. Bronzini, we have to search your house. You are on the enemy alien list,’ ” Bronzini recalls. Clara and Guido were now two of 50,000 Italian immigrants in California who were designated “enemy aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They searched the house,” Bronzini says. “Found nothing. So they said, ‘We have to take your Philco radio.’ ” Flashlights, cameras and short-wave radios were considered contraband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers his mother pleaded with the police and pulled on an officer’s sleeve. “‘Please do not take my radio.'” he remembers her saying. “And as she was crying and tugging and pleading, they carried it out the front door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Freedom isn’t free. And don’t take your freedom for granted. You think it can’t happen today? Ha! You kidding me?’\u003ccite>Al Bronzini\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The government imposed a curfew, and placed travel restrictions on anyone labeled an “enemy alien.” Bronzini’s parents couldn’t go more than 5 miles from home without a permit. Clara and Guido, along with 600,000 Italian “enemy aliens” nationwide, had to join a national registry and provide photos and personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bronzini remembers going with them every Friday to have their “little alien book stamped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came Executive Order 9066, which created prohibited zones: areas around strategic facilities like the coast and oil fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”i0BfWj9GjKzPWUd9GPugGT42J8z2Duak”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 120,000 people of Japanese descent — two-thirds of them U.S. citizens — would be removed to internment camps further inland. Ten thousand Italian immigrants were forced from their homes in the Bay Area, Santa Cruz, Monterey, Los Angeles and the coastal areas in between. The Bronzinis could keep their home, but the family’s fruit market was in one of those zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, my father received a notice that his beloved Banana Depot was off-limits to him,” explains Bronzini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without an income from the Banana Depot, Guido Bronzini took work where he could find it. But the stigma of being an “enemy alien” followed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A little bit of chatter and bingo, that guy’s an ‘enemy alien.’ He’s outta here,” Bronzini says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11649779\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Al Bronzini at the Castro Valley Bocce Courts, 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Al Bronzini at the Castro Valley Bocce Courts, 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Al Bronzini)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Bronzini’s mother, Clara, the growing similarities between the life she escaped in Italy and the new restrictions in America became overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She used to say in Italian, ‘Non abbiamo fatto niente a nessuno. We have done nothing to no one,’ ” Bronzini recalls. ” ‘Why is this happening?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It got so bad that Clara suffered a mental breakdown and was admitted into a hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not a crazy woman,” Bronzini says. “This is a woman who has been stripped of her dignity and she just wasn’t handling it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers one Sunday going to visit her with his father and brother. It’s still hard for him to remember seeing her like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”TloeCfMhX94ls1jQGAmruesjemIwBvzo”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was sitting on her bed, in a straightjacket. A straightjacket,” he says, tearing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight months later, on Columbus Day 1942, President Roosevelt lifted the restrictions on Italian enemy aliens, citing their loyalty to America. Historians believe Roosevelt needed the support of Italian-Americans for the invasion of Italy. In the Bronzini family, Clara slowly recuperated. Guido reopened the Banana Depot. He and Clara immediately enrolled in classes and became naturalized citizens before the war ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al Bronzini says his parents never talked about their time as enemy aliens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government wouldn’t talk about it either. Information about Italian enemy aliens was confidential until 2001. Then, a grassroots effort urged Congress to pass legislation making these wartime injustices public. In 2010, the state of California apologized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United States congresswoman Zoe Lofgren recently sponsored legislation that would formally apologize and fund education about the treatment of Italian-Americans during WWII. Al Bronzini says he doesn’t blame the government for what happened to his mother and father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was a good man. He suffered a lot and so did my mother and so did many others,” Bronzini says. “But freedom isn’t free. And don’t take your freedom for granted. You think it can’t happen today? Ha! You kidding me?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Acknowledgment to Lawrence DiStasi for introducing me to Al Bronzini, who first told his story in DiStasi’s books: “Una Storia Segreta: The Secret History of Italian American Evacuation and Internment during World War II” and “Branded: How Italian Immigrants Became ‘Enemies’ During WWII.” Both book were valuable resources for understanding this history.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Clara and Guido Bronzini came to the United States from a town near Pisa, Italy, in the late 1920s, after World War I devastated Italy. There were no crops, no jobs, no future. And the Fascists were gaining power. Al Bronzini remembers his mother telling him that Fascists came to her house when she was a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandfather, her father, he refused to fly the Fascist flag,” he recalls. “So they tortured my grandfather.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clara and Guido left Italy as soon as they could. They settled in an Italian community in Oakland. Guido opened a fruit market called the Banana Depot. He worked hard and earned a good income. They bought a house. Then, a refrigerator to replace the icebox, and a brand-new four-door Pontiac. Finally, they got a top-of-the-line Philco radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could receive stations from overseas,” Bronzini recalls. His dad loved listening to opera music. “Listening to that radio,” he recalls, “life was good. Life was better than they could have ever thought possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Remember When Italian-Americans Were 'Enemy Aliens?'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Life was so good that Clara and Guido forgot about finishing the paperwork for their citizenship. It didn’t seem necessary. Italy and the United States had a great relationship. But that all started to change in 1939, when Italy and Nazi Germany joined forces. Bronzini remembers his mother, especially, being torn between her love for Italy, and her love for her new home in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She cried her eyes out,” Bronzini says. “She just couldn’t believe what was happening. And the worst was yet to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came in February 1942, just two months after the United States entered the war. Bronzini is 88 years old now, but as we sit in his dining room, he says it feels like yesterday when he was 13, having supper with his family, the night two policemen came to their front door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11650577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11650577\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-800x594.jpg\" alt=\"The Bronzini family: Clara, Al, Guido, and Lorenzo (in front), pose with their new 1939 Pontiac.\" width=\"800\" height=\"594\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-240x178.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-375x278.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/BronziniCar-520x386.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Bronzini family: Clara, Al, Guido, and Lorenzo (in front), pose with their new 1939 Pontiac. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Al Bronzini)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They said, ‘Mr. Bronzini, we have to search your house. You are on the enemy alien list,’ ” Bronzini recalls. Clara and Guido were now two of 50,000 Italian immigrants in California who were designated “enemy aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They searched the house,” Bronzini says. “Found nothing. So they said, ‘We have to take your Philco radio.’ ” Flashlights, cameras and short-wave radios were considered contraband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers his mother pleaded with the police and pulled on an officer’s sleeve. “‘Please do not take my radio.'” he remembers her saying. “And as she was crying and tugging and pleading, they carried it out the front door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Freedom isn’t free. And don’t take your freedom for granted. You think it can’t happen today? Ha! You kidding me?’\u003ccite>Al Bronzini\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The government imposed a curfew, and placed travel restrictions on anyone labeled an “enemy alien.” Bronzini’s parents couldn’t go more than 5 miles from home without a permit. Clara and Guido, along with 600,000 Italian “enemy aliens” nationwide, had to join a national registry and provide photos and personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bronzini remembers going with them every Friday to have their “little alien book stamped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came Executive Order 9066, which created prohibited zones: areas around strategic facilities like the coast and oil fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 120,000 people of Japanese descent — two-thirds of them U.S. citizens — would be removed to internment camps further inland. Ten thousand Italian immigrants were forced from their homes in the Bay Area, Santa Cruz, Monterey, Los Angeles and the coastal areas in between. The Bronzinis could keep their home, but the family’s fruit market was in one of those zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, my father received a notice that his beloved Banana Depot was off-limits to him,” explains Bronzini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without an income from the Banana Depot, Guido Bronzini took work where he could find it. But the stigma of being an “enemy alien” followed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A little bit of chatter and bingo, that guy’s an ‘enemy alien.’ He’s outta here,” Bronzini says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11649779\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Al Bronzini at the Castro Valley Bocce Courts, 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29401_29400_transform-qut-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Al Bronzini at the Castro Valley Bocce Courts, 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Al Bronzini)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Bronzini’s mother, Clara, the growing similarities between the life she escaped in Italy and the new restrictions in America became overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She used to say in Italian, ‘Non abbiamo fatto niente a nessuno. We have done nothing to no one,’ ” Bronzini recalls. ” ‘Why is this happening?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It got so bad that Clara suffered a mental breakdown and was admitted into a hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not a crazy woman,” Bronzini says. “This is a woman who has been stripped of her dignity and she just wasn’t handling it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers one Sunday going to visit her with his father and brother. It’s still hard for him to remember seeing her like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was sitting on her bed, in a straightjacket. A straightjacket,” he says, tearing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight months later, on Columbus Day 1942, President Roosevelt lifted the restrictions on Italian enemy aliens, citing their loyalty to America. Historians believe Roosevelt needed the support of Italian-Americans for the invasion of Italy. In the Bronzini family, Clara slowly recuperated. Guido reopened the Banana Depot. He and Clara immediately enrolled in classes and became naturalized citizens before the war ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al Bronzini says his parents never talked about their time as enemy aliens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government wouldn’t talk about it either. Information about Italian enemy aliens was confidential until 2001. Then, a grassroots effort urged Congress to pass legislation making these wartime injustices public. In 2010, the state of California apologized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United States congresswoman Zoe Lofgren recently sponsored legislation that would formally apologize and fund education about the treatment of Italian-Americans during WWII. Al Bronzini says he doesn’t blame the government for what happened to his mother and father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was a good man. He suffered a lot and so did my mother and so did many others,” Bronzini says. “But freedom isn’t free. And don’t take your freedom for granted. You think it can’t happen today? Ha! You kidding me?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Acknowledgment to Lawrence DiStasi for introducing me to Al Bronzini, who first told his story in DiStasi’s books: “Una Storia Segreta: The Secret History of Italian American Evacuation and Internment during World War II” and “Branded: How Italian Immigrants Became ‘Enemies’ During WWII.” Both book were valuable resources for understanding this history.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program set to expire on March 5, the\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioremarch\"> fate of an estimated 1.8 million \"Dreamers\"\u003c/a> hangs in the balance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DACA is the program that protects young immigrants who were brought to the United States illegally by their parents from being deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After multiple immigration bills went nowhere in the Senate, it is unclear what would happen to people who currently have legal protections under DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how meaningful is the March 5 deadline? With ongoing court battles over the program, DACA \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/02/16/is-the-march-5-daca-deadline-meaningful-anymore/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">will almost certainly stay in place beyond March 5\u003c/a>. Two separate federal courts have blocked the president from ending the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal immigration agents have reportedly detained more than 100 people in ongoing sweeps in the Los Angeles area, targeting people in the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The immigration enforcement operations, which began Sunday, are pursuing roughly 400 people across seven Southern California counties, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2018/02/14/ice-reportedly-arrests-more-than-100-in-uncooperative-la-area-as-part-of-operation-that-began-sunday/\" target=\"_blank\">Los Angeles Daily News.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement spokesperson Danielle Bennett tells NPR in an email that the agency is going after \"individuals who pose a threat to national security, public safety and border security.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"sqaD8rQpQptO7YKsXkmTaDDzTeSAMnGK\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennett blamed \"uncooperative jurisdictions,\" like Los Angeles, for making the agency use \"additional resources to conduct at-large arrests in the community, putting officers, the general public and the aliens at risk and increasing the incidents of collateral arrests.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Police Department has limited cooperation with federal agents in enforcing immigration laws and conducting raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police Chief Charlie Beck \u003ca href=\"https://scng-dash.digitalfirstmedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/immigrationocop.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">wrote in December\u003c/a> that the LAPD \"is neither authorized nor responsible for the enforcement of civil immigration laws or regulations.\" Local police and city officials say undocumented immigrants may not help with unrelated police investigations if they fear being targeted for deportation by coming forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennett said in the statement that ICE would \"ideally\" work \"with local police and county jails to identify public safety threats in their custody who are also in the country illegally, for deportation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sanctuary cities are not immune from federal law,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Az2w5SZ1uUrJfjjZeuFlpVyr9vv3UZ4R\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti has downplayed the use of the term \"sanctuary city,\" but \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/03/01/517988135/los-angeles-mayor-eric-garcetti-weighs-in-on-immigration-debate\">told NPR last year,\u003c/a> \"we absolutely are a city that not only does provide sanctuary to immigrants, but we defend them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month ICE agents demanded proof of legal status for employees at 77 businesses in Northern California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/ICE-workplace-sweep-hits-Northern-California-12544863.php\" target=\"_blank\">according to the San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/a> And a few weeks before that, ICE raided 7-Eleven stores around the country in what \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/11/577271488/ice-targets-7-eleven-stores-in-nationwide-immigration-raids\" target=\"_blank\">The Two-Way reported\u003c/a> was the largest action against one employer since President Trump took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole state of California began limiting cooperation with federal immigration officials this year after Gov. Jerry Brown signed a bill in October to create a \"sanctuary state.\" As Capital Public Radio's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/10/05/555920658/california-governor-signs-sanctuary-state-bill\" target=\"_blank\">Ben Adler reported,\u003c/a> \"it bans state and local agencies, excluding the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, from enforcing 'holds' on people in custody. It blocks the deputization of police as immigration agents and bars state and local law enforcement agencies from inquiring into an individual's immigration status.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has pushed for increased deportations and attempted to punish cities that refused to cooperate by withholding federal funding, though a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title\" target=\"_blank\">court ruled against the policy\u003c/a> in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE arrests went up by \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/08/22/545087674/fact-check-what-has-president-trump-done-to-fight-illegal-immigration\" target=\"_blank\">more than 43 percent\u003c/a> between late January and August 2017 compared with the same period a year earlier. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal immigration agents have reportedly detained more than 100 people in ongoing sweeps in the Los Angeles area, targeting people in the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The immigration enforcement operations, which began Sunday, are pursuing roughly 400 people across seven Southern California counties, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2018/02/14/ice-reportedly-arrests-more-than-100-in-uncooperative-la-area-as-part-of-operation-that-began-sunday/\" target=\"_blank\">Los Angeles Daily News.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement spokesperson Danielle Bennett tells NPR in an email that the agency is going after \"individuals who pose a threat to national security, public safety and border security.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennett blamed \"uncooperative jurisdictions,\" like Los Angeles, for making the agency use \"additional resources to conduct at-large arrests in the community, putting officers, the general public and the aliens at risk and increasing the incidents of collateral arrests.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Police Department has limited cooperation with federal agents in enforcing immigration laws and conducting raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police Chief Charlie Beck \u003ca href=\"https://scng-dash.digitalfirstmedia.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/immigrationocop.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">wrote in December\u003c/a> that the LAPD \"is neither authorized nor responsible for the enforcement of civil immigration laws or regulations.\" Local police and city officials say undocumented immigrants may not help with unrelated police investigations if they fear being targeted for deportation by coming forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennett said in the statement that ICE would \"ideally\" work \"with local police and county jails to identify public safety threats in their custody who are also in the country illegally, for deportation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sanctuary cities are not immune from federal law,\" she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti has downplayed the use of the term \"sanctuary city,\" but \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/03/01/517988135/los-angeles-mayor-eric-garcetti-weighs-in-on-immigration-debate\">told NPR last year,\u003c/a> \"we absolutely are a city that not only does provide sanctuary to immigrants, but we defend them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month ICE agents demanded proof of legal status for employees at 77 businesses in Northern California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/ICE-workplace-sweep-hits-Northern-California-12544863.php\" target=\"_blank\">according to the San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/a> And a few weeks before that, ICE raided 7-Eleven stores around the country in what \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/11/577271488/ice-targets-7-eleven-stores-in-nationwide-immigration-raids\" target=\"_blank\">The Two-Way reported\u003c/a> was the largest action against one employer since President Trump took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole state of California began limiting cooperation with federal immigration officials this year after Gov. Jerry Brown signed a bill in October to create a \"sanctuary state.\" As Capital Public Radio's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/10/05/555920658/california-governor-signs-sanctuary-state-bill\" target=\"_blank\">Ben Adler reported,\u003c/a> \"it bans state and local agencies, excluding the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, from enforcing 'holds' on people in custody. It blocks the deputization of police as immigration agents and bars state and local law enforcement agencies from inquiring into an individual's immigration status.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has pushed for increased deportations and attempted to punish cities that refused to cooperate by withholding federal funding, though a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title\" target=\"_blank\">court ruled against the policy\u003c/a> in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE arrests went up by \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/08/22/545087674/fact-check-what-has-president-trump-done-to-fight-illegal-immigration\" target=\"_blank\">more than 43 percent\u003c/a> between late January and August 2017 compared with the same period a year earlier. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?",
"title": "Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>No one has the exact same definition of the California dream. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the 39 million current Californians about what the dream should be, and aside from most of us agreeing that the daily temperature should dip no colder than the mid-50s, you’ll likely get 39 million very different answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the so-called “Golden Era” of California -- that faded Technicolor image of a magical time in the 1960s when as soon as you crossed the stateline Ronald Reagan would hand deliver you a two-story house and 2.5 children and tiki-themed patio furniture -- still seeps into our expectations of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, that vintage California dream was primarily lived out by white families. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in law and practice made it difficult for people of color, who made up a much smaller proportion of the state population than they do today, to share in that prosperity. And major swaths of California’s current population arrived here well after that “Golden Era” had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, half a century later, this:\u003cbr>\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r9x_GUBZgjc&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bears a striking resemblance to this:\u003cbr>\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9bf5osD_J54&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Celebrity endorsements aside, there’s an increasingly pervasive feeling among those of us who actually live here that the California dream is just harder than it used to be. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/2/26/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\">poll\u003c/a> found that only 17 percent of Californians believe the state’s current generation is doing better than previous ones. More than 50 percent thought younger Californians were doing worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four decades, California middle-class incomes have stagnated: The median California family is making only marginally more now than they were in 1980. More than half of Californians born that year made less than their parents did by age 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a problem because at the same time, the state’s cost of living has exploded. A house that 50 years ago cost about three times a younger California household’s salary now costs seven times what a younger household earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"oqKbWW2yhjid7aZHVt4iKViQxVvKWjvi\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the past half-century has been rough for middle income Californians, it’s been brutal for those lower on the income ladder. Starting in the late 1970s, California’s poverty rate crept higher than the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, when cost of living is factored in, we’re the poorest state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eulogizing the California dream has developed into its own cottage industry in recent years, with politicians of all stripes promising to restore our glory days. All too often the gloom and doom obscures objective gains the state has made in service of a sepia-toned narrative. Your average Californian is much more likely to get a college education and much less likely to be mugged today than 40 years ago. That’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something is changing, and Californians can sense it. Here’s the data behind how four common California dreams are slipping away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Being -- and Staying -- Middle Class\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When was the best time to be a middle-class Californian?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the late 1960s and ‘70s were pretty good years. Median family incomes rose steadily in real terms throughout the period, and by 1980 the average household was making 20 percent more than in 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 1980, incomes for middle-class Californians essentially stagnated. By 2014, the average California family, after adjusting for inflation, was making only 8 percent more than it made three decades ago. While earnings have ticked up since then, the brutal recessions of the early 1990s and late 2000s essentially wiped out entire decades of modest income gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/for-print-income-inequality-1hxj4811d1qr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The starkest comparison is between families at the middle and less than the middle with those at the very top,” says Sarah Bohn, research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “We’ve all experienced booms and busts through economic cycles, but over time the highest-income families in the state have really seen a larger growth in their opportunities relative to middle income families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is by no means unique to California. But it is worse here than in the rest of the country. Incomes for the median family grew at a faster clip over the past 30 years nationwide than in California. And the gap between rich and middle class is higher here than the vast majority of other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnating incomes and rising inequality don’t necessarily mean Californians are having a tougher time making ends meet. But the costs of staying middle-class, or jumping up the income ladder, are higher than they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"zgjleyuI07jMIajTImeQJrc3I9xHcBCq\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about what it took to make ends meet in 1967, it’s very different from what it takes to make ends meet today,” said Bohn, who specializes in income inequality trends. “Child care expenses with both parents working, medical out-of-pocket expenses, not to mention other things that are necessities that didn’t even exist in the ‘60s that you really need today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Having Your Children Do Better Than You\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the allure of California has always been the possibility of making it to the “1 percent,” whether via the Gold Rush or Hollywood or Silicon Valley. And here the top-earning households are doing better than just about anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inequality could be linked to another disconcerting trend: the inability of younger households to do better than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of California children born in 1980 were making more at age 30 than their parents did at their age. That’s the first time that percentage has slipped below 50 percent since the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/your-odds-of-out-earning-your-parents-in-california-1g43mn6kx7y6pzy\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, declining income mobility is not just a California story. Younger people across the United States are having a harder time matching their parents’ standard of living. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger Californians are doing notably worse than their counterparts in some other states—younger South Dakotans and Arkansans, for instance, are much more likely to be out-earning their parents than are young Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Escaping Poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While middle incomes have stagnated in California over the past four decades, lower-income households have actually seen their earnings drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you factor in the cost of living, California now has the highest poverty rate in the country. We’re worse than states such as Mississippi and Alabama. Roughly one in five Californians now struggle to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-the-poverty-outlier-1gqo2qnnzew7278\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t always the case. California used to have a lower poverty rate than the national average up until the late 1970s. But poverty in California surged in the 1980s before peaking in the recession of the early 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture would be even bleaker if you eliminated state and federal safety net programs such as food stamps that have expanded significantly in recent years. Without those, nearly 1 in 3 Californians would be poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Owning a Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the California dream has always been homeownership. But that dream has become increasingly unattainable in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am very nervous that we are at a point where absent an economic downturn that kind of forces prices to drop, that we are really in an unsustainable situation,” says Carol Galante, director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at the University of California, Berkeley. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of ability to save for a downpayment, it’s just becoming unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, the median sales price of a California house was about $166,000 in today’s dollars. That was about three times the average income of younger California families at the time who might be in the market for a starter home. Today, the average California home sells for over $500,000 -- seven times a younger family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/house-pricemedian-income-ratio-ca-25-35-year-olds-1h0r6rx0jmw76ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the run-up in housing prices of the mid-2000s -- when lenient credit standards allowed a record percentage of Californians to own a home -- that house-price-to-income ratio is the worst it’s ever been.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Dimensions of the Dream -- With Some Bright Spots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rising income inequality, spiraling poverty, the struggles of the middle class -- beyond being total downers, these trends feel so abstract and intractable. So let’s drill down on some more specific dimensions of the California dream, and compare how things are now versus how they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, California is a more expensive place than it once was. And much of that is due to astronomical increases in housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1960, average California renters saw about 20 percent of their income go to rent. That’s up to nearly 37 percent now. The trend is even steeper for younger Californians, who are seeing nearly half their paychecks go to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/rent-1h174939wn9d4zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rents are higher, it gets tougher for renters to save money for a downpayment on a house. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, combined with rising single-family home prices and the end of easy mortgages, has sent California’s rate of home ownership dipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/lao-homeownership-1h984wzkvpjv4p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose Dream Is This? Demographics, Inequality and Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the California dream of the ‘50s and ‘60s feels mostly white is obvious -- back then, California was mostly white. As recently as 1970, whites comprised more than 70 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed dramatically. Driven by the tremendous growth of its Latino and Asian populations, California is now famously a “majority minority” state, where no ethnic group claims more than 50 percent of residents. The number of white Californians has actually dropped by about 2 million residents since 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-population-1970-now-1h1749n3p3dd2zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasingly diverse California, however, has not translated into an increasingly equal one. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the average Asian California household has caught up to whites, both Latino and African-American families make significantly less -- with that gap only widening in the wake of the Great Recession of the late 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/median-family-income-by-race-in-ca-1967-2016-1hxj481ozekr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bulk of California’s workforce is going to be young Latinos now,” said Sonja Diaz, founding director of the UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But Latinos still lag behind in a number of socioeconomic indicators, in terms of homeownership, income gains, educational attainment, access to health care, living wage jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has always been a magnet for immigrants from far and wide. While the rate of international migration has slowed in recent years, the state still boasts the largest concentration of foreign-born residents in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/foreign-born-1h0n25d3rywj6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in the 1990s, California appears to have lost much of its lure to the rest of the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past two decades, California has lost 1.8 million more residents than it has gained from the rest of the country. And unlike in previous decades, that trend is persisting through good economic times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/net-domestic-migration-ca-1970-2017-1h7v4pxdv5dd2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark Kerr would have lots to be proud of if he were alive today. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architect of the state’s 1960 Master Plan for Higher Education, Kerr \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/californias-higher-education-from-american-dream-to-dilemma/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">envisioned a world-class public university system\u003c/a> accessible to California high school students. The top one-eighth would be admitted to the University of California, which aimed to be the envy of public higher education nationwide. The top third would have a place at a California State University campus, and anyone who could benefit from higher could enroll in state-operated community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"pm2oKQpwRXXHO46oTjL5zQLJWTLW8QjI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partly due to Kerr’s ambitions, Californians are a lot more educated than they used to be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The percentage of Californians with a bachelor’s degree has nearly tripled since 1960, with particularly strong gains among California women. Graduation rates at the University of California are some of the highest in recent decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/a-growingly-educated-public-1h0n25dkjy9j6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But adjusted for inflation, the cost of one year of a University of California education today is seven times more than it was in the mid-1960s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because state support for UC started dwindling in the early 2000s. At its peak, the state provided more than $26,000 per student to UC. It now provides about half that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/uc-mandatory-costs-tuition-and-fees-in-2016-dollars-1hmr6go80yl84nl\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/state-support-uc-students-1hxj48130y5r2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a reputation as a high-tax state. Has that always been the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depends on how much money you make and what type of tax you’re talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state has increasingly leaned on high-earners to foot the cost of government over the past few decades, the median California tax return has actually seen its income tax bill drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Effective property taxes in California have dipped below the average in most other states since the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">passage of Proposition 13 in 1978\u003c/a>, which limits what local governments can collect form rising property values. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"210KQKliqE70phw2UtHDvYJ7v6c5wfT0\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California now has one of the lowest effective property tax rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one regressive tax has increased significantly since the 1960s: the sales tax. In 1964, the state sales tax totaled 4 percent. That rose to over 7 percent by the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Economy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline of manufacturing and the disappearance of blue-collar jobs with decent pay and good benefits is an economic narrative typically reserved for the Rust Belt. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining the erosion of California’s middle class, the disappearance of manufacturing -- particularly in the defense and aerospace industries that dominated Southern California during the Cold War -- plays a central role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/industry-mix-1h8j4xjqo81r6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/1990-post-industry-1h7v4pxjon8q2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley does not provide those kind of big manufacturing jobs,” said Dan Mitchell, professor emeritus at the Anderson School of Management at the University of California, Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no equivalent of an aircraft assembly plant that you get from that. IT does provide high-paying, white-collar jobs, but certainly not as many and not in the same location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"QPFQtPOGzrJW95UcdU3ckArWAC5sB3Zy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, in good times California’s economy continues to outshine most of the rest of the U.S. In 13 of the last 20 years, the state’s annual economic growth has surpassed the national rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has always been a boom-and-bust state, and recessions play out worse here than elsewhere. The recession of the early 1990s, the dot-com bust at the turn of the century, and the Great Recession all hit California harder than in most of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/ca-vs-us-real-gdp-growth-last-20-years-1h984wpqlp0v2p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One indisputable improvement in California’s quality of life over the past few decades: The state is a lot safer than it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/crime-rates-in-ca-1969-2016-1h0r6rxegj186ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of violent and property crime have reached lows not seen since the late 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s crime drop is part of a broader national trend enjoyed in most of the rest of the country. And along with most other states, California has seen a major increase in its incarceration rate over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/incarceration-rate-1h8j4xj19ojr6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Over 50 percent of Californians believe our state’s current generation is doing worse than previous ones. Here’s why they’re not wrong.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No one has the exact same definition of the California dream. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the 39 million current Californians about what the dream should be, and aside from most of us agreeing that the daily temperature should dip no colder than the mid-50s, you’ll likely get 39 million very different answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the so-called “Golden Era” of California -- that faded Technicolor image of a magical time in the 1960s when as soon as you crossed the stateline Ronald Reagan would hand deliver you a two-story house and 2.5 children and tiki-themed patio furniture -- still seeps into our expectations of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, that vintage California dream was primarily lived out by white families. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in law and practice made it difficult for people of color, who made up a much smaller proportion of the state population than they do today, to share in that prosperity. And major swaths of California’s current population arrived here well after that “Golden Era” had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, half a century later, this:\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/r9x_GUBZgjc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/r9x_GUBZgjc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Bears a striking resemblance to this:\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/9bf5osD_J54'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/9bf5osD_J54'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Celebrity endorsements aside, there’s an increasingly pervasive feeling among those of us who actually live here that the California dream is just harder than it used to be. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/2/26/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\">poll\u003c/a> found that only 17 percent of Californians believe the state’s current generation is doing better than previous ones. More than 50 percent thought younger Californians were doing worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four decades, California middle-class incomes have stagnated: The median California family is making only marginally more now than they were in 1980. More than half of Californians born that year made less than their parents did by age 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a problem because at the same time, the state’s cost of living has exploded. A house that 50 years ago cost about three times a younger California household’s salary now costs seven times what a younger household earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the past half-century has been rough for middle income Californians, it’s been brutal for those lower on the income ladder. Starting in the late 1970s, California’s poverty rate crept higher than the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, when cost of living is factored in, we’re the poorest state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eulogizing the California dream has developed into its own cottage industry in recent years, with politicians of all stripes promising to restore our glory days. All too often the gloom and doom obscures objective gains the state has made in service of a sepia-toned narrative. Your average Californian is much more likely to get a college education and much less likely to be mugged today than 40 years ago. That’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something is changing, and Californians can sense it. Here’s the data behind how four common California dreams are slipping away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Being -- and Staying -- Middle Class\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When was the best time to be a middle-class Californian?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the late 1960s and ‘70s were pretty good years. Median family incomes rose steadily in real terms throughout the period, and by 1980 the average household was making 20 percent more than in 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 1980, incomes for middle-class Californians essentially stagnated. By 2014, the average California family, after adjusting for inflation, was making only 8 percent more than it made three decades ago. While earnings have ticked up since then, the brutal recessions of the early 1990s and late 2000s essentially wiped out entire decades of modest income gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/for-print-income-inequality-1hxj4811d1qr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The starkest comparison is between families at the middle and less than the middle with those at the very top,” says Sarah Bohn, research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “We’ve all experienced booms and busts through economic cycles, but over time the highest-income families in the state have really seen a larger growth in their opportunities relative to middle income families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is by no means unique to California. But it is worse here than in the rest of the country. Incomes for the median family grew at a faster clip over the past 30 years nationwide than in California. And the gap between rich and middle class is higher here than the vast majority of other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnating incomes and rising inequality don’t necessarily mean Californians are having a tougher time making ends meet. But the costs of staying middle-class, or jumping up the income ladder, are higher than they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about what it took to make ends meet in 1967, it’s very different from what it takes to make ends meet today,” said Bohn, who specializes in income inequality trends. “Child care expenses with both parents working, medical out-of-pocket expenses, not to mention other things that are necessities that didn’t even exist in the ‘60s that you really need today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Having Your Children Do Better Than You\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the allure of California has always been the possibility of making it to the “1 percent,” whether via the Gold Rush or Hollywood or Silicon Valley. And here the top-earning households are doing better than just about anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inequality could be linked to another disconcerting trend: the inability of younger households to do better than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of California children born in 1980 were making more at age 30 than their parents did at their age. That’s the first time that percentage has slipped below 50 percent since the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/your-odds-of-out-earning-your-parents-in-california-1g43mn6kx7y6pzy\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, declining income mobility is not just a California story. Younger people across the United States are having a harder time matching their parents’ standard of living. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger Californians are doing notably worse than their counterparts in some other states—younger South Dakotans and Arkansans, for instance, are much more likely to be out-earning their parents than are young Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Escaping Poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While middle incomes have stagnated in California over the past four decades, lower-income households have actually seen their earnings drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you factor in the cost of living, California now has the highest poverty rate in the country. We’re worse than states such as Mississippi and Alabama. Roughly one in five Californians now struggle to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-the-poverty-outlier-1gqo2qnnzew7278\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t always the case. California used to have a lower poverty rate than the national average up until the late 1970s. But poverty in California surged in the 1980s before peaking in the recession of the early 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture would be even bleaker if you eliminated state and federal safety net programs such as food stamps that have expanded significantly in recent years. Without those, nearly 1 in 3 Californians would be poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Owning a Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the California dream has always been homeownership. But that dream has become increasingly unattainable in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am very nervous that we are at a point where absent an economic downturn that kind of forces prices to drop, that we are really in an unsustainable situation,” says Carol Galante, director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at the University of California, Berkeley. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of ability to save for a downpayment, it’s just becoming unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, the median sales price of a California house was about $166,000 in today’s dollars. That was about three times the average income of younger California families at the time who might be in the market for a starter home. Today, the average California home sells for over $500,000 -- seven times a younger family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/house-pricemedian-income-ratio-ca-25-35-year-olds-1h0r6rx0jmw76ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the run-up in housing prices of the mid-2000s -- when lenient credit standards allowed a record percentage of Californians to own a home -- that house-price-to-income ratio is the worst it’s ever been.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Dimensions of the Dream -- With Some Bright Spots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rising income inequality, spiraling poverty, the struggles of the middle class -- beyond being total downers, these trends feel so abstract and intractable. So let’s drill down on some more specific dimensions of the California dream, and compare how things are now versus how they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, California is a more expensive place than it once was. And much of that is due to astronomical increases in housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1960, average California renters saw about 20 percent of their income go to rent. That’s up to nearly 37 percent now. The trend is even steeper for younger Californians, who are seeing nearly half their paychecks go to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/rent-1h174939wn9d4zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rents are higher, it gets tougher for renters to save money for a downpayment on a house. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, combined with rising single-family home prices and the end of easy mortgages, has sent California’s rate of home ownership dipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/lao-homeownership-1h984wzkvpjv4p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose Dream Is This? Demographics, Inequality and Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the California dream of the ‘50s and ‘60s feels mostly white is obvious -- back then, California was mostly white. As recently as 1970, whites comprised more than 70 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed dramatically. Driven by the tremendous growth of its Latino and Asian populations, California is now famously a “majority minority” state, where no ethnic group claims more than 50 percent of residents. The number of white Californians has actually dropped by about 2 million residents since 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-population-1970-now-1h1749n3p3dd2zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasingly diverse California, however, has not translated into an increasingly equal one. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the average Asian California household has caught up to whites, both Latino and African-American families make significantly less -- with that gap only widening in the wake of the Great Recession of the late 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/median-family-income-by-race-in-ca-1967-2016-1hxj481ozekr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bulk of California’s workforce is going to be young Latinos now,” said Sonja Diaz, founding director of the UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But Latinos still lag behind in a number of socioeconomic indicators, in terms of homeownership, income gains, educational attainment, access to health care, living wage jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has always been a magnet for immigrants from far and wide. While the rate of international migration has slowed in recent years, the state still boasts the largest concentration of foreign-born residents in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/foreign-born-1h0n25d3rywj6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in the 1990s, California appears to have lost much of its lure to the rest of the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past two decades, California has lost 1.8 million more residents than it has gained from the rest of the country. And unlike in previous decades, that trend is persisting through good economic times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/net-domestic-migration-ca-1970-2017-1h7v4pxdv5dd2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark Kerr would have lots to be proud of if he were alive today. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architect of the state’s 1960 Master Plan for Higher Education, Kerr \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/californias-higher-education-from-american-dream-to-dilemma/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">envisioned a world-class public university system\u003c/a> accessible to California high school students. The top one-eighth would be admitted to the University of California, which aimed to be the envy of public higher education nationwide. The top third would have a place at a California State University campus, and anyone who could benefit from higher could enroll in state-operated community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partly due to Kerr’s ambitions, Californians are a lot more educated than they used to be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The percentage of Californians with a bachelor’s degree has nearly tripled since 1960, with particularly strong gains among California women. Graduation rates at the University of California are some of the highest in recent decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/a-growingly-educated-public-1h0n25dkjy9j6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But adjusted for inflation, the cost of one year of a University of California education today is seven times more than it was in the mid-1960s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because state support for UC started dwindling in the early 2000s. At its peak, the state provided more than $26,000 per student to UC. It now provides about half that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/uc-mandatory-costs-tuition-and-fees-in-2016-dollars-1hmr6go80yl84nl\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/state-support-uc-students-1hxj48130y5r2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a reputation as a high-tax state. Has that always been the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depends on how much money you make and what type of tax you’re talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state has increasingly leaned on high-earners to foot the cost of government over the past few decades, the median California tax return has actually seen its income tax bill drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Effective property taxes in California have dipped below the average in most other states since the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">passage of Proposition 13 in 1978\u003c/a>, which limits what local governments can collect form rising property values. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California now has one of the lowest effective property tax rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one regressive tax has increased significantly since the 1960s: the sales tax. In 1964, the state sales tax totaled 4 percent. That rose to over 7 percent by the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Economy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline of manufacturing and the disappearance of blue-collar jobs with decent pay and good benefits is an economic narrative typically reserved for the Rust Belt. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining the erosion of California’s middle class, the disappearance of manufacturing -- particularly in the defense and aerospace industries that dominated Southern California during the Cold War -- plays a central role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/industry-mix-1h8j4xjqo81r6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/1990-post-industry-1h7v4pxjon8q2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley does not provide those kind of big manufacturing jobs,” said Dan Mitchell, professor emeritus at the Anderson School of Management at the University of California, Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no equivalent of an aircraft assembly plant that you get from that. IT does provide high-paying, white-collar jobs, but certainly not as many and not in the same location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, in good times California’s economy continues to outshine most of the rest of the U.S. In 13 of the last 20 years, the state’s annual economic growth has surpassed the national rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has always been a boom-and-bust state, and recessions play out worse here than elsewhere. The recession of the early 1990s, the dot-com bust at the turn of the century, and the Great Recession all hit California harder than in most of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/ca-vs-us-real-gdp-growth-last-20-years-1h984wpqlp0v2p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One indisputable improvement in California’s quality of life over the past few decades: The state is a lot safer than it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/crime-rates-in-ca-1969-2016-1h0r6rxegj186ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of violent and property crime have reached lows not seen since the late 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s crime drop is part of a broader national trend enjoyed in most of the rest of the country. And along with most other states, California has seen a major increase in its incarceration rate over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/incarceration-rate-1h8j4xj19ojr6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigration advocates derisively called former President Barack Obama the “deporter-in-chief,” but new data obtained by KQED show the Trump administration has been even more aggressive in targeting jail inmates for deportation from San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sheriff Vicki Hennessy said the sheriff’s office received more than four times as many immigration requests in 2017 — the first year Donald Trump was president — as in the final year of Barack Obama’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those requests come from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) anytime someone booked into San Francisco County Jail is flagged as having a potential immigration violation, Hennessy said. ICE could be asking for information, or issuing what’s known as a detainer request — asking the sheriff to keep an inmate in jail past when they should be released on their local criminal case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has changed is the number of requests we are getting,” she said in a recent interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”WJARx2qXyIdooH4V5kJcywsvyvZwP6Q9″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On a detainer, they’d like us to hold somebody and let them know when we’re finished with them so they could come and get them. If it’s a voluntary notification, they want us to let them know whenever we are releasing somebody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hennessy said that in 2016 ICE issued 133 requests. In 2017, that number jumped to 519. San Francisco hasn’t complied with any of those requests, she said, because no one has met the limited criteria allowed under state and local sanctuary laws. Those laws prohibit the sheriff from holding someone past their release date — or sharing information with ICE about an inmate — unless the person has a violent criminal history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Office — which has had a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-jails-ice-audit-20171009-story.html\">closer and more cooperative relationship with ICE\u003c/a> — saw the number of ICE requests jump between 2016 and the first 10 months of 2017, from 1,603 to 2,540.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the number of inmates handed over to ICE stayed about the same, around 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”9U5eGswgzmmsSXSJXdcb0K1QmriMbgQA”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, and all California counties, are now barred from detaining any inmates past their release date for ICE \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/05/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration/\">under Senate Bill 54, which took effect in January\u003c/a>. Under the law, sheriffs can cooperate with ICE if an inmate has a violent criminal history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE opposes the law — when California Gov. Jerry Brown signed it last year, ICE acting director Thomas Homan said it would undermine public safety and force ICE enforcement out of jails and into the community, where more people might be swept up in what’s known as collateral arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, ICE launched a wide sweep in the Los Angeles area, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-ice-raids-20180213-story.html\">arresting more than 100 people\u003c/a>. In a statement acknowledging this week’s enforcement push, an ICE spokeswoman echoed earlier criticisms of sanctuary policies and laws, indicating that they are to blame for the agency’s actions this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”PDzv0b7AWhKTsX4edNlnN53jbnPQEY0I”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE focuses its enforcement resources on individuals who pose a threat to national security, public safety and border security. This means that, ideally, we are working with local police and county jails to identify public safety threats in their custody, who are also in the country illegally, for deportation,” spokeswoman Danielle Bennett said in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the vast majority of cities in America do cooperate with ICE, others force ICE to focus additional resources to conduct at-large arrests in the community, putting officers, the general public and the aliens at greater risk and increasing the incidents of collateral arrests. That is what ICE is now doing in Los Angeles, and what ICE will continue to do in uncooperative jurisdictions. Sanctuary cities are not immune from federal law.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Immigration advocates derisively called former President Barack Obama the “deporter-in-chief,” but new data obtained by KQED show the Trump administration has been even more aggressive in targeting jail inmates for deportation from San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sheriff Vicki Hennessy said the sheriff’s office received more than four times as many immigration requests in 2017 — the first year Donald Trump was president — as in the final year of Barack Obama’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those requests come from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) anytime someone booked into San Francisco County Jail is flagged as having a potential immigration violation, Hennessy said. ICE could be asking for information, or issuing what’s known as a detainer request — asking the sheriff to keep an inmate in jail past when they should be released on their local criminal case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has changed is the number of requests we are getting,” she said in a recent interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On a detainer, they’d like us to hold somebody and let them know when we’re finished with them so they could come and get them. If it’s a voluntary notification, they want us to let them know whenever we are releasing somebody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hennessy said that in 2016 ICE issued 133 requests. In 2017, that number jumped to 519. San Francisco hasn’t complied with any of those requests, she said, because no one has met the limited criteria allowed under state and local sanctuary laws. Those laws prohibit the sheriff from holding someone past their release date — or sharing information with ICE about an inmate — unless the person has a violent criminal history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Office — which has had a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-jails-ice-audit-20171009-story.html\">closer and more cooperative relationship with ICE\u003c/a> — saw the number of ICE requests jump between 2016 and the first 10 months of 2017, from 1,603 to 2,540.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the number of inmates handed over to ICE stayed about the same, around 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, and all California counties, are now barred from detaining any inmates past their release date for ICE \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/05/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration/\">under Senate Bill 54, which took effect in January\u003c/a>. Under the law, sheriffs can cooperate with ICE if an inmate has a violent criminal history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE opposes the law — when California Gov. Jerry Brown signed it last year, ICE acting director Thomas Homan said it would undermine public safety and force ICE enforcement out of jails and into the community, where more people might be swept up in what’s known as collateral arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, ICE launched a wide sweep in the Los Angeles area, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-ice-raids-20180213-story.html\">arresting more than 100 people\u003c/a>. In a statement acknowledging this week’s enforcement push, an ICE spokeswoman echoed earlier criticisms of sanctuary policies and laws, indicating that they are to blame for the agency’s actions this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE focuses its enforcement resources on individuals who pose a threat to national security, public safety and border security. This means that, ideally, we are working with local police and county jails to identify public safety threats in their custody, who are also in the country illegally, for deportation,” spokeswoman Danielle Bennett said in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the vast majority of cities in America do cooperate with ICE, others force ICE to focus additional resources to conduct at-large arrests in the community, putting officers, the general public and the aliens at greater risk and increasing the incidents of collateral arrests. That is what ICE is now doing in Los Angeles, and what ICE will continue to do in uncooperative jurisdictions. Sanctuary cities are not immune from federal law.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Green Cards, Citizenship Could Be Harder to Get for Immigrants Who Use Public Benefits",
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigrants who sign up for a broad range of taxpayer-funded services, including food aid or subsidized preschool, could face a tougher road to legal residency, and eventually U.S. citizenship, under a new proposed guideline from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, immigration officials can label an immigrant as likely to become a \"public charge\" if they depend on the government for long-term cash assistance or care. That can hurt their eligibility to become permanent residents, also known as green card holders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/10188201/DRAFT_NPRM_public_charge.0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">draft document\u003c/a> from the Department of Homeland Security would expand those criteria to include immigrants who use food assistance like \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/food-nutrition/calfresh\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalFresh\u003c/a> or preschool programs like Head Start -- even if the beneficiaries are their children born in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"h86VAC6aXL9B7lgxTmKmpdmBd1DgXrlV\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Secretary of Homeland Security determines that an alien applying for admission or adjustment of status is likely to become a public charge at any time, the alien is inadmissible,\" says the DHS document. An immigrant's health, age, financial assets and education are additional factors considered in that test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2018/2/8/16993172/trump-regulation-immigrants-benefits-public-charge\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">revisions\u003c/a> could be felt significantly in California, where half of all children under age 18 have at least one parent who is an immigrant, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DHS did not return KQED's requests for comment. But a spokesman for the agency quoted by the news agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-services-exclusive/exclusive-trump-administration-may-target-immigrants-who-use-food-aid-other-benefits-idUSKBN1FS2ZK\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reuters\u003c/a> said the agency seeks to \"be good stewards of taxpayer funds.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are already permanent residents or who receive the public benefits before the draft guidelines become effective would not be impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It's just cruel to make people have to make that choice that they're going to provide for their families or adjust their status to a lawful residency here. And it makes absolutely no sense when you think of how these programs help people get on their feet and able to provide for their families.'\u003ccite>Alvaro Huerta,\u003cbr>\nAttorney with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National Immigration Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Some of the public programs that officials would consider under the proposed guidelines include the \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthcare.gov/medicaid-chip/childrens-health-insurance-program/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Children's Health Insurance Program\u003c/a> (CHIP), \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/wic/women-infants-and-children-wic\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children\u003c/a> (WIC) and housing vouchers through \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/topics/housing_choice_voucher_program_section_8\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Section 8\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say they will fight the proposed changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just cruel to make people have to make that choice that they're going to provide for their families or adjust their status to a lawful residency here,\" said Alvaro Huerta, an attorney with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National Immigration Law Center\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. \"And it makes absolutely no sense when you think of how these programs help people get on their feet and able to provide for their families.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any changes to the public charge immigration test would require public comment and take months to be approved, according to Huerta and other observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many immigrants who are eligible for tax-funded benefits are already wary of signing up for any kind of government assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have friends and relatives who are afraid it'll affect them in some way when they try to fix their status to become legal residents,\" said Priscilla, a cook in a San Francisco restaurant who declined to use her last name because she lacks work authorization papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has vowed to crack down on illegal immigration. Shortly after he took office, San Francisco experienced a small dip in the number of households with noncitizens applying for and renewing applications for CalFresh, said Chandra Johnson, communications director with the city's Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency estimates one in four San Franciscans don't make enough money to provide three meals a day for their families or themselves, and officials there worry that more families could go hungry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Please don't walk away from anything that's giving your family support today,\" Johnson said. \"We are really trying to make sure that there isn't fear in our communities based on speculation or leaked documents, and that people are not going without benefits that they are entitled to.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added the federal government currently has no access to the agency's data systems.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Immigrants who sign up for a broad range of taxpayer-funded services, including food aid or subsidized preschool, could face a tougher road to legal residency, and eventually U.S. citizenship, under a new proposed guideline from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, immigration officials can label an immigrant as likely to become a \"public charge\" if they depend on the government for long-term cash assistance or care. That can hurt their eligibility to become permanent residents, also known as green card holders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/10188201/DRAFT_NPRM_public_charge.0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">draft document\u003c/a> from the Department of Homeland Security would expand those criteria to include immigrants who use food assistance like \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/food-nutrition/calfresh\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalFresh\u003c/a> or preschool programs like Head Start -- even if the beneficiaries are their children born in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Secretary of Homeland Security determines that an alien applying for admission or adjustment of status is likely to become a public charge at any time, the alien is inadmissible,\" says the DHS document. An immigrant's health, age, financial assets and education are additional factors considered in that test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2018/2/8/16993172/trump-regulation-immigrants-benefits-public-charge\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">revisions\u003c/a> could be felt significantly in California, where half of all children under age 18 have at least one parent who is an immigrant, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DHS did not return KQED's requests for comment. But a spokesman for the agency quoted by the news agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-services-exclusive/exclusive-trump-administration-may-target-immigrants-who-use-food-aid-other-benefits-idUSKBN1FS2ZK\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reuters\u003c/a> said the agency seeks to \"be good stewards of taxpayer funds.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are already permanent residents or who receive the public benefits before the draft guidelines become effective would not be impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It's just cruel to make people have to make that choice that they're going to provide for their families or adjust their status to a lawful residency here. And it makes absolutely no sense when you think of how these programs help people get on their feet and able to provide for their families.'\u003ccite>Alvaro Huerta,\u003cbr>\nAttorney with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National Immigration Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Some of the public programs that officials would consider under the proposed guidelines include the \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthcare.gov/medicaid-chip/childrens-health-insurance-program/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Children's Health Insurance Program\u003c/a> (CHIP), \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/wic/women-infants-and-children-wic\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children\u003c/a> (WIC) and housing vouchers through \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/topics/housing_choice_voucher_program_section_8\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Section 8\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say they will fight the proposed changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just cruel to make people have to make that choice that they're going to provide for their families or adjust their status to a lawful residency here,\" said Alvaro Huerta, an attorney with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National Immigration Law Center\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. \"And it makes absolutely no sense when you think of how these programs help people get on their feet and able to provide for their families.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any changes to the public charge immigration test would require public comment and take months to be approved, according to Huerta and other observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many immigrants who are eligible for tax-funded benefits are already wary of signing up for any kind of government assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have friends and relatives who are afraid it'll affect them in some way when they try to fix their status to become legal residents,\" said Priscilla, a cook in a San Francisco restaurant who declined to use her last name because she lacks work authorization papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has vowed to crack down on illegal immigration. Shortly after he took office, San Francisco experienced a small dip in the number of households with noncitizens applying for and renewing applications for CalFresh, said Chandra Johnson, communications director with the city's Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency estimates one in four San Franciscans don't make enough money to provide three meals a day for their families or themselves, and officials there worry that more families could go hungry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Please don't walk away from anything that's giving your family support today,\" Johnson said. \"We are really trying to make sure that there isn't fear in our communities based on speculation or leaked documents, and that people are not going without benefits that they are entitled to.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added the federal government currently has no access to the agency's data systems.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge in New York \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Batalla-Vidal-v-Nielsen-updated-pi-order-2018-02-13.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled Tuesday\u003c/a> that the Trump administration cannot end the Obama-era program designed to protect from deportation young immigrants brought to the United States illegally as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling by U.S. District Judge Nicholas Garaufis in Brooklyn is the second court ruling blocking the administration's September order rescinding the program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. That program granted the right to work and stay in the U.S. without fear of deportation to about 700,000 young immigrants. The judge's decision follows a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/10/576963434/federal-judge-temporarily-blocks-trumps-decision-to-end-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">similar ruling\u003c/a> by a federal court in San Francisco last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR's Joel Rose reports, \"Garaufis said the administration can rescind DACA. But the judge said the reasoning behind its decision was flawed. The Justice Department argues that DACA was an illegal overreach by the Obama White House, and was likely to be overturned in court.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garaufis, however, said the government was \"erroneous\" in its conclusion that DACA was unconstitutional and that it violated the Administrative Procedures and Immigration and Nationality acts. He said President Trump's termination of DACA was \"arbitrary and capricious.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the judge's order, the government is required to continue processing DACA renewal requests for people who already are enrolled in the program and those whose enrollment lapsed before Sept. 5, 2017. The ruling has no impact on young immigrants who never enrolled in DACA or those who had been rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today's court ruling out of the district court in Brooklyn shows that courts from coast to coast have sent a single clear message to President Trump: The way that he terminated DACA was not just immoral, it was unlawful,\" said Karen Tumlin, legal director at the National Immigration Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the Justice Department, Devin O'Malley, said the administration will hold to its argument that DACA as implemented by the Obama administration was an \"unlawful circumvention of Congress.\" He said that the courts will vindicate the administration's position that it acted properly in ending the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday's ruling comes as the fate of the DACA recipients is being debated in the Senate. If Congress doesn't come up with an agreement to preserve the program, the administration has said, it doesn't expect to extend the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/powerpost/white-house-chief-of-staff-trump-not-expected-to-extend-daca-deadline/2018/02/06/7e459e4a-0b54-11e8-95a5-c396801049ef_story.html?utm_term=.6b9f88170535\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">March 5 deadline\u003c/a> for DACA protections to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge in New York \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Batalla-Vidal-v-Nielsen-updated-pi-order-2018-02-13.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled Tuesday\u003c/a> that the Trump administration cannot end the Obama-era program designed to protect from deportation young immigrants brought to the United States illegally as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling by U.S. District Judge Nicholas Garaufis in Brooklyn is the second court ruling blocking the administration's September order rescinding the program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. That program granted the right to work and stay in the U.S. without fear of deportation to about 700,000 young immigrants. The judge's decision follows a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/10/576963434/federal-judge-temporarily-blocks-trumps-decision-to-end-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">similar ruling\u003c/a> by a federal court in San Francisco last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR's Joel Rose reports, \"Garaufis said the administration can rescind DACA. But the judge said the reasoning behind its decision was flawed. The Justice Department argues that DACA was an illegal overreach by the Obama White House, and was likely to be overturned in court.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garaufis, however, said the government was \"erroneous\" in its conclusion that DACA was unconstitutional and that it violated the Administrative Procedures and Immigration and Nationality acts. He said President Trump's termination of DACA was \"arbitrary and capricious.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the judge's order, the government is required to continue processing DACA renewal requests for people who already are enrolled in the program and those whose enrollment lapsed before Sept. 5, 2017. The ruling has no impact on young immigrants who never enrolled in DACA or those who had been rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today's court ruling out of the district court in Brooklyn shows that courts from coast to coast have sent a single clear message to President Trump: The way that he terminated DACA was not just immoral, it was unlawful,\" said Karen Tumlin, legal director at the National Immigration Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the Justice Department, Devin O'Malley, said the administration will hold to its argument that DACA as implemented by the Obama administration was an \"unlawful circumvention of Congress.\" He said that the courts will vindicate the administration's position that it acted properly in ending the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday's ruling comes as the fate of the DACA recipients is being debated in the Senate. If Congress doesn't come up with an agreement to preserve the program, the administration has said, it doesn't expect to extend the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/powerpost/white-house-chief-of-staff-trump-not-expected-to-extend-daca-deadline/2018/02/06/7e459e4a-0b54-11e8-95a5-c396801049ef_story.html?utm_term=.6b9f88170535\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">March 5 deadline\u003c/a> for DACA protections to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A significant decrease has occurred in applications for college financial aid by California students who are in the country illegally after being brought to the U.S. as young children, the Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/education/la-me-ca-dream-act-20180213-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>College counselors say the decline reflects increasing distrust of government among immigrant families, as well as uncertainty over the status of the federal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program -- better known as DACA, the newspaper said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The headlines about immigration make people feel like they're really in the spotlight. Kids are more afraid for their families than they are for themselves,\" said Jane Slater, a teacher at Sequoia High School in Redwood City who advises a club for students who are in the country without legal permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the March 1 deadline approaching, 19,141 students had applied for aid under the California Dream Act as of Monday, a number that's just over half of last year's total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Available aid for qualifying students includes private scholarships funded through public universities, state-administered financial aid, university grants, community college fee waivers and Cal Grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's decline follows a dip that occurred last year until state officials launched a campaign and ended up with a total of 36,127 applications. Advocacy this year includes a public service announcement by rapper DJ Khaled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yohana Ramirez, an 18-year-old Sequoia High student, was 3 when her family moved to the U.S. from Mexico. She wants to go to UC Merced and become a surgeon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Growing up, I knew I wasn't born here, but I didn't know what it means,\" she told the Times. \"I always assumed it was just a different point of origin -- but I didn't think it would impact me in school.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning that DACA was in jeopardy scared her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was panicking -- about my family getting deported, with or without me. ... I'm still kind of scared,\" she said. \"I'm just trying to keep my head up and keep pushing forward with my dreams, goals and aspirations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An additional factor in the applications decline may be the workload of California's student counselors. The Times cited a report this month by the National Association for College Admission Counseling that found a ratio of 760 students for every counselor in the 2014-15 school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slater, the Sequoia High teacher, said she makes sure all eligible seniors apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Marks, a counselor at Sacramento Charter High School, said counselors don't have a lot of time, but simply informing students about the aid may not be sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It takes a lot of effort to double-check,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A significant decrease has occurred in applications for college financial aid by California students who are in the country illegally after being brought to the U.S. as young children, the Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/education/la-me-ca-dream-act-20180213-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>College counselors say the decline reflects increasing distrust of government among immigrant families, as well as uncertainty over the status of the federal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program -- better known as DACA, the newspaper said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The headlines about immigration make people feel like they're really in the spotlight. Kids are more afraid for their families than they are for themselves,\" said Jane Slater, a teacher at Sequoia High School in Redwood City who advises a club for students who are in the country without legal permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the March 1 deadline approaching, 19,141 students had applied for aid under the California Dream Act as of Monday, a number that's just over half of last year's total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Available aid for qualifying students includes private scholarships funded through public universities, state-administered financial aid, university grants, community college fee waivers and Cal Grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's decline follows a dip that occurred last year until state officials launched a campaign and ended up with a total of 36,127 applications. Advocacy this year includes a public service announcement by rapper DJ Khaled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yohana Ramirez, an 18-year-old Sequoia High student, was 3 when her family moved to the U.S. from Mexico. She wants to go to UC Merced and become a surgeon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Growing up, I knew I wasn't born here, but I didn't know what it means,\" she told the Times. \"I always assumed it was just a different point of origin -- but I didn't think it would impact me in school.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning that DACA was in jeopardy scared her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was panicking -- about my family getting deported, with or without me. ... I'm still kind of scared,\" she said. \"I'm just trying to keep my head up and keep pushing forward with my dreams, goals and aspirations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An additional factor in the applications decline may be the workload of California's student counselors. The Times cited a report this month by the National Association for College Admission Counseling that found a ratio of 760 students for every counselor in the 2014-15 school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slater, the Sequoia High teacher, said she makes sure all eligible seniors apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Marks, a counselor at Sacramento Charter High School, said counselors don't have a lot of time, but simply informing students about the aid may not be sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It takes a lot of effort to double-check,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Immigration Debate to Start as a Jump Ball in the Senate",
"title": "Immigration Debate to Start as a Jump Ball in the Senate",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:40 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate is set to start debate Monday afternoon on immigration, launching an unusual process that could lead to a bipartisan immigration fix -- or leave Congress with no solution for the hundreds of thousands of immigrants who stand to lose legal protections by March 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., will open the unpredictable path with a Senate vote on unrelated legislation. The goal is for the Senate to vote on immigration proposals and amendments from every corner of the political spectrum. Anything that can get 60 votes will pass, everything else will fall by the wayside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whoever gets to 60 wins,\" McConnell told reporters at a news conference on Feb. 6. He added, \"There's no secret plan here to try to push this in any direction. The Senate is going to work its will, and I hope that we will end up passing something.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Cpm1MCCD3Uq5n6SHEFFYIcqy1UHKtwxn\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in Congress have been craving such an open debate because it will give senators a chance to put their concepts and proposals to the ultimate legislative test. The plan carries a significant political risk that none of the ideas will have enough votes to pass, leaving Congress unable to fulfill their pledge to protect the roughly 700,000 people enrolled in the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're going to have something in the Senate that we haven't had in a while,\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/immigration/jeff-flake-we-can-get-something-done-immigration-week-n846881\" target=\"_blank\">said Sen. Jeff Flake\u003c/a>, R-Ariz., on NBC's \u003cem>Meet the Press\u003c/em> on Sunday. \"It's a real debate on an issue where we really don't know what the outcome is going to be.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"W2iX2bZbqTNKRNUvDGOEIHGREboAWTSI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome is particularly uncertain because the Senate debate is just the start of a longer process of passing an immigration package. House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., has not yet said how the House will proceed beyond promising to vote on an immigration bill, so long as it has the support of President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That promise has Democrats and other critics worried that the House could block whatever the Senate is able to pass. Ryan addressed those critics last week, telling reporters that he plans to hold a vote on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To anyone who doubts my intention to solve this problem and bring up a DACA and immigration reform bill, do not,\" Ryan said. \"We will bring a solution to the floor, one the president will sign.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House has not weighed in on any of the legislative options, but Trump \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/960522569492426753\" target=\"_blank\">has insisted\u003c/a> that any immigration bill also include funding for a wall along U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/960522569492426753\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative rush comes months of congressional inaction after Trump announced in September that they would stop renewing DACA applications in March. The program was created in 2012 by then-President Barack Obama to provide legal protections to immigrants who are in the country illegally after being brought here as children. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/18/579045806/justice-department-asks-scotus-to-reverse-court-ruling-protecting-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\">is currently caught in a court battle\u003c/a>, but Congress has vowed to act before the deadline — giving them just three weeks to pass a bill. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hazy Senate process is expected to include votes on a wide range of proposals, including a version of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/01/25/580858256/white-house-releases-draft-immigration-plan\" target=\"_blank\">a framework released in January\u003c/a> by the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That framework set out four pillars that the White House wants to see addressed in any legislation: legal status for DACA recipients, more spending on border security, ending chain migration and eliminating the diversity visa lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/02/05/582802310/chart-how-trumps-immigration-proposal-compares-with-other-plans\" target=\"_blank\">CHART: How Trump's Immigration Proposal Compares With Other Plans\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell is launching an unpredictable process Monday, affording lawmakers the chance to bring any ideas to the floor. \"Whoever gets to 60 [votes] wins,\" he said.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:40 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate is set to start debate Monday afternoon on immigration, launching an unusual process that could lead to a bipartisan immigration fix -- or leave Congress with no solution for the hundreds of thousands of immigrants who stand to lose legal protections by March 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., will open the unpredictable path with a Senate vote on unrelated legislation. The goal is for the Senate to vote on immigration proposals and amendments from every corner of the political spectrum. Anything that can get 60 votes will pass, everything else will fall by the wayside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whoever gets to 60 wins,\" McConnell told reporters at a news conference on Feb. 6. He added, \"There's no secret plan here to try to push this in any direction. The Senate is going to work its will, and I hope that we will end up passing something.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in Congress have been craving such an open debate because it will give senators a chance to put their concepts and proposals to the ultimate legislative test. The plan carries a significant political risk that none of the ideas will have enough votes to pass, leaving Congress unable to fulfill their pledge to protect the roughly 700,000 people enrolled in the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're going to have something in the Senate that we haven't had in a while,\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/immigration/jeff-flake-we-can-get-something-done-immigration-week-n846881\" target=\"_blank\">said Sen. Jeff Flake\u003c/a>, R-Ariz., on NBC's \u003cem>Meet the Press\u003c/em> on Sunday. \"It's a real debate on an issue where we really don't know what the outcome is going to be.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome is particularly uncertain because the Senate debate is just the start of a longer process of passing an immigration package. House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., has not yet said how the House will proceed beyond promising to vote on an immigration bill, so long as it has the support of President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That promise has Democrats and other critics worried that the House could block whatever the Senate is able to pass. Ryan addressed those critics last week, telling reporters that he plans to hold a vote on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To anyone who doubts my intention to solve this problem and bring up a DACA and immigration reform bill, do not,\" Ryan said. \"We will bring a solution to the floor, one the president will sign.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House has not weighed in on any of the legislative options, but Trump \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/960522569492426753\" target=\"_blank\">has insisted\u003c/a> that any immigration bill also include funding for a wall along U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The legislative rush comes months of congressional inaction after Trump announced in September that they would stop renewing DACA applications in March. The program was created in 2012 by then-President Barack Obama to provide legal protections to immigrants who are in the country illegally after being brought here as children. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/18/579045806/justice-department-asks-scotus-to-reverse-court-ruling-protecting-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\">is currently caught in a court battle\u003c/a>, but Congress has vowed to act before the deadline — giving them just three weeks to pass a bill. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hazy Senate process is expected to include votes on a wide range of proposals, including a version of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/01/25/580858256/white-house-releases-draft-immigration-plan\" target=\"_blank\">a framework released in January\u003c/a> by the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That framework set out four pillars that the White House wants to see addressed in any legislation: legal status for DACA recipients, more spending on border security, ending chain migration and eliminating the diversity visa lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/02/05/582802310/chart-how-trumps-immigration-proposal-compares-with-other-plans\" target=\"_blank\">CHART: How Trump's Immigration Proposal Compares With Other Plans\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "One Deportee Confronts Violence, Isolation in El Salvador",
"title": "One Deportee Confronts Violence, Isolation in El Salvador",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>On a sunny March afternoon in Sonsonate, El Salvador, five gang members pulled Juan Vicente into a narrow alleyway. Vicente grew up around Los Angeles and had just been deported to El Salvador several weeks before. The gang wanted a better look at the tattoos scrawled on Vicente’s arms -- they were the names of his children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One man in the alleyway pulled at Vicente’s shirt, ripping off the buttons. The five men encircled Vicente to inspect his skin for tattoos from rival gangs. Another gang member ordered him to take his pants off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing I had on was my boxers,” Vicente said. “A cop even walked by, but he didn’t say anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente is 49 and stocky, with short, silvery hair and a bristly mustache. He lived in Southern California for more than three decades, but has been deported twice. On the streets of El Salvador Vicente’s tattoos have attracted suspicion from gang members, even though he was never part of a gang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2018/02/SalvadoranDeportee.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29261_Photo-4-qut.jpg\" Title=\"One Deportee Confronts Violence, Isolation in El Salvador\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador is one of the most violent countries in the world outside of an active war zone. And it’s a country where thousands of immigrants deported from California each year have to decide between starting a new life or trying to return to the United States as undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both possibilities feel increasingly precarious—as high levels of violent crime continue in El Salvador and U.S. attitudes toward immigrants have become increasingly hostile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"4nRVQq81AAstNJm07jwsieIQHulzlvU3\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s recent decision to end Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for El Salvador puts 200,000 Salvadorans at risk of deportation. California has the largest Salvadoran population in the United States. And even before the end of TPS, many Salvadorans with roots in California had been deported to an unstable country where they have almost no family and few resources to get back on their feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The men who forced Vicente to strip in the alley let him go after they couldn’t find any gang tattoos and decided he was “clean.” But the experience changed Vicente. Now he mainly keeps to himself and tries not to walk in unfamiliar neighborhoods. After the gang let him go from the alleyway, Vicente felt he could never live in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Vicente, the hardest part of life after deportation is the separation from his family. His mother, siblings and seven children all live in California, scattered between Bakersfield and the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648404\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648404 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente with his daughter, Samantha, in Bakersfield, California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Juan Vicente)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My home has always been the United States,” Vicente said, sitting in a neighbor’s house in Santa Ana, El Salvador, half a block from the house where his grandparents used to live. “I was born in El Salvador, but this place has never been my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente has only childhood memories of El Salvador. His mother migrated to L.A. County by herself in the 1970s, hoping to one day bring her children to the United States. Vicente and his two younger siblings spent their early years living with his grandparents in Santa Ana, a bustling city tucked between dry, rolling foothills in western El Salvador. As a kid, Vicente rode a 24-inch mountain bike around streets lined with leafy almendro trees, his dog Dukie perched on the handlebars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those carefree, youthful days in Santa Ana ended in 1979 when civil war broke out in El Salvador between the government and leftist guerrillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente recalled stepping over dead bodies on the way to school in the mornings. Every few days soldiers would storm into his grandparents' house to recruit him to fight -- sometimes it was the army, sometimes guerrillas. Vicente was only 10 years old at the time. His grandmother hid him under corn sacks until the soldiers left. Recruitment of child soldiers was common during the war. Vicente remembers watching other kids march down the street carrying weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rifle was bigger than them,” Vicente said. “It was bigger than me!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648540\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648540\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente points through the gate of the elementary school he attended in Santa Ana, El Salvador. During El Salvador’s civil war, Vicente often had to walk around dead bodies on his way to school. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His mother was anxious to get her children out of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She returned to El Salvador in 1981 to take Vicente and his younger brother and sister to California. She had married a U.S. citizen and become a legal U.S. resident. And she obtained residency for her three children as well. The entire family flew to Los Angeles and entered the country legally. Vicente’s new stepdad picked them up at LAX in a long, 1978 Chevy station wagon. As they cruised around town, past Disneyland and the tall buildings of downtown Los Angeles, Vicente’s mouth dropped open. Everything in California looked so beautiful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was a safe refuge from El Salvador, but trauma from the war haunted Vicente as a teenager. He grew up and went to school in Bell Gardens, just south of Los Angeles. Kids made fun of Vicente’s accent. He felt different, even from other young immigrant students at school. The teacher of an ESL class once asked Vicente and the other students to write an essay about why they came to the United States. Vicente said the Mexican students in the class talked about poverty. But Vicente had fled a war zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the teacher asked me to read what I’d written, I wasn’t able to,” Vicente said. “I was crying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking back on his younger years, Vicente believes the violence he witnessed as a kid had a big influence on him as he grew up. He started drinking as a teenager and hanging out with “the wrong crowd.” At the time, Central American gangs like MS-13 and 18th Street formed in Los Angeles. Gang members even tried to recruit Vicente, but he steered clear of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To keep him out of trouble and away from gangs, Vicente’s mom sent him away to Bakersfield to finish high school. Vicente worked in the oil fields in Bakersfield when he was a young man and later became a forklift driver at Trader Joe’s. But he struggled with alcohol when he was younger and got three DUIs that would come back to haunt him later in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"0QvpPv7yNQIXm0ZWVfgMfY6UtfbagOnE\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agents showed up at Vicente’s work and arrested him. He was held at an ICE detention center in Nevada for more than a year and, even though he had the help of a lawyer, he finally gave up and signed the papers for a voluntary deportation to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente immediately made his way back to California. He took a bus across Mexico, getting off to walk around Mexican immigration checkpoints, and crossed the border illegally into San Diego. He lived under the radar in Southern California for more than a decade. But after a police officer pulled him over for a traffic violation in 2015, he was deported again. Now, with two deportations, Vicente says the punishment he would face for returning to California just isn’t worth it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d get five years in prison, federal,” Vicente said. “So I don’t want to do that. I’m too old to spend that much time in prison.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Vicente dreams of starting a new life in Tijuana, a city where his family in California could easily visit. He has seven children in California -- all of them adults and U.S. citizens. Vicente tried to get to Tijuana last year. But Mexico is also cracking down on immigration, deporting thousands of Central Americans each year as part of an initiative called the Southern Border Program, supported with U.S. funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hopping on freight trains and hiking around immigration checkpoints last summer, Vicente got as far as Chahuites, a dusty railroad town in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca. Vicente found a construction job in Chahuites, but one day after work, Mexican immigration agents spotted him as a migrant. They arrested Vicente and, once again, he was deported back to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648544\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente (right) takes a lunch break at a construction site in the small town of Chahuites, Mexico. Vicente hoped to start a new life in northern Mexico close to his family in California, but he was deported by Mexican authorities back to El Salvador in 2017. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Central American deportees face unique challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Mexicans -- who are deported to a country that boasts the second-largest economy in Latin America -- deportees repatriated to the Northern Triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras return to violent nations with few job prospects. Although Mexico also suffers from rising insecurity and a weakened peso, many Central Americans feel there’s more opportunity there than in Central America, and far less risk than trying to re-enter the United States. But Central American migrants in Mexico also live with the threat of deportation and they earn just a fraction of what they would in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Vicente lives with a cousin next to a Seventh-day Adventist church in the same neighborhood in Santa Ana, El Salvador, where he spent his childhood. Although the civil war is long over, the same gangs that formed in Los Angeles have destabilized cities and towns all over El Salvador. Deported gang members started setting up shop in El Salvador during the ‘90s, extorting local businesses and killing those who don’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day they kill somebody over here,” Vicente said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting a new life in El Salvador after his deportation has been especially hard for Vicente. He can’t get a job because he doesn’t have a Salvadoran ID. The building that had a copy of his birth certificate was blown up in the civil war. So in order to prove he’s Salvadoran, he’d have to hire a lawyer, which he can’t afford. In the meantime, Vicente gets by with a little money that his mother occasionally sends him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days in Santa Ana drag on as Vicente waits and hopes for his luck to change. He has been deported from California. And deported from Mexico. And he’s technically undocumented in El Salvador, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have nothing,” Vicente said. “No papers. No family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of Salvadorans are also in the same boat. On the streets of Santa Ana, Vicente frequently runs into other people who have also been deported from California. They exchange memories of their other lives, or joke about arranging straw marriages to return legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648543\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente calls his mother in Fontana, California, a few times each week from El Salvador. All of Vicente’s immediate family lives in California. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the moment, Vicente’s only connections to California are a telephone and Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Saturday afternoon, Vicente punched the numbers of a prepaid calling card into an old cellphone to call his mother. She answered in her mobile home in Fontana, California, and told her son about the pupusas she was making. Her voice came through scratchy from a bad connection, but Vicente’s mouth cracked up into a big smile as they talked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their weekly conversations make Vicente wish that he could do everything over: Not been such a drinker in his younger years, not gotten those DUIs, not lost his green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was young and stupid,” Vicente said. “I had the American Dream. And I lost it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of deported Salvadorans battle with similar regrets about how they might have also avoided deportation. But you can’t turn back the clock. And instead, deported Salvadorans have to start new lives in a dangerous country far away from California, the place many people, like Vicente, consider their real home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love you, mom,” Vicente said, in English over the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Call me later OK, baby?” His mom asked before she returned to making pupusas in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then he hung up the phone.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a sunny March afternoon in Sonsonate, El Salvador, five gang members pulled Juan Vicente into a narrow alleyway. Vicente grew up around Los Angeles and had just been deported to El Salvador several weeks before. The gang wanted a better look at the tattoos scrawled on Vicente’s arms -- they were the names of his children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One man in the alleyway pulled at Vicente’s shirt, ripping off the buttons. The five men encircled Vicente to inspect his skin for tattoos from rival gangs. Another gang member ordered him to take his pants off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing I had on was my boxers,” Vicente said. “A cop even walked by, but he didn’t say anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente is 49 and stocky, with short, silvery hair and a bristly mustache. He lived in Southern California for more than three decades, but has been deported twice. On the streets of El Salvador Vicente’s tattoos have attracted suspicion from gang members, even though he was never part of a gang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador is one of the most violent countries in the world outside of an active war zone. And it’s a country where thousands of immigrants deported from California each year have to decide between starting a new life or trying to return to the United States as undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both possibilities feel increasingly precarious—as high levels of violent crime continue in El Salvador and U.S. attitudes toward immigrants have become increasingly hostile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s recent decision to end Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for El Salvador puts 200,000 Salvadorans at risk of deportation. California has the largest Salvadoran population in the United States. And even before the end of TPS, many Salvadorans with roots in California had been deported to an unstable country where they have almost no family and few resources to get back on their feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The men who forced Vicente to strip in the alley let him go after they couldn’t find any gang tattoos and decided he was “clean.” But the experience changed Vicente. Now he mainly keeps to himself and tries not to walk in unfamiliar neighborhoods. After the gang let him go from the alleyway, Vicente felt he could never live in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Vicente, the hardest part of life after deportation is the separation from his family. His mother, siblings and seven children all live in California, scattered between Bakersfield and the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648404\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648404 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29264_Photo-5-qut-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente with his daughter, Samantha, in Bakersfield, California. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Juan Vicente)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My home has always been the United States,” Vicente said, sitting in a neighbor’s house in Santa Ana, El Salvador, half a block from the house where his grandparents used to live. “I was born in El Salvador, but this place has never been my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente has only childhood memories of El Salvador. His mother migrated to L.A. County by herself in the 1970s, hoping to one day bring her children to the United States. Vicente and his two younger siblings spent their early years living with his grandparents in Santa Ana, a bustling city tucked between dry, rolling foothills in western El Salvador. As a kid, Vicente rode a 24-inch mountain bike around streets lined with leafy almendro trees, his dog Dukie perched on the handlebars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those carefree, youthful days in Santa Ana ended in 1979 when civil war broke out in El Salvador between the government and leftist guerrillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente recalled stepping over dead bodies on the way to school in the mornings. Every few days soldiers would storm into his grandparents' house to recruit him to fight -- sometimes it was the army, sometimes guerrillas. Vicente was only 10 years old at the time. His grandmother hid him under corn sacks until the soldiers left. Recruitment of child soldiers was common during the war. Vicente remembers watching other kids march down the street carrying weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rifle was bigger than them,” Vicente said. “It was bigger than me!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648540\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648540\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29273_Photo-3-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente points through the gate of the elementary school he attended in Santa Ana, El Salvador. During El Salvador’s civil war, Vicente often had to walk around dead bodies on his way to school. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His mother was anxious to get her children out of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She returned to El Salvador in 1981 to take Vicente and his younger brother and sister to California. She had married a U.S. citizen and become a legal U.S. resident. And she obtained residency for her three children as well. The entire family flew to Los Angeles and entered the country legally. Vicente’s new stepdad picked them up at LAX in a long, 1978 Chevy station wagon. As they cruised around town, past Disneyland and the tall buildings of downtown Los Angeles, Vicente’s mouth dropped open. Everything in California looked so beautiful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was a safe refuge from El Salvador, but trauma from the war haunted Vicente as a teenager. He grew up and went to school in Bell Gardens, just south of Los Angeles. Kids made fun of Vicente’s accent. He felt different, even from other young immigrant students at school. The teacher of an ESL class once asked Vicente and the other students to write an essay about why they came to the United States. Vicente said the Mexican students in the class talked about poverty. But Vicente had fled a war zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the teacher asked me to read what I’d written, I wasn’t able to,” Vicente said. “I was crying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking back on his younger years, Vicente believes the violence he witnessed as a kid had a big influence on him as he grew up. He started drinking as a teenager and hanging out with “the wrong crowd.” At the time, Central American gangs like MS-13 and 18th Street formed in Los Angeles. Gang members even tried to recruit Vicente, but he steered clear of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To keep him out of trouble and away from gangs, Vicente’s mom sent him away to Bakersfield to finish high school. Vicente worked in the oil fields in Bakersfield when he was a young man and later became a forklift driver at Trader Joe’s. But he struggled with alcohol when he was younger and got three DUIs that would come back to haunt him later in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agents showed up at Vicente’s work and arrested him. He was held at an ICE detention center in Nevada for more than a year and, even though he had the help of a lawyer, he finally gave up and signed the papers for a voluntary deportation to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicente immediately made his way back to California. He took a bus across Mexico, getting off to walk around Mexican immigration checkpoints, and crossed the border illegally into San Diego. He lived under the radar in Southern California for more than a decade. But after a police officer pulled him over for a traffic violation in 2015, he was deported again. Now, with two deportations, Vicente says the punishment he would face for returning to California just isn’t worth it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d get five years in prison, federal,” Vicente said. “So I don’t want to do that. I’m too old to spend that much time in prison.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Vicente dreams of starting a new life in Tijuana, a city where his family in California could easily visit. He has seven children in California -- all of them adults and U.S. citizens. Vicente tried to get to Tijuana last year. But Mexico is also cracking down on immigration, deporting thousands of Central Americans each year as part of an initiative called the Southern Border Program, supported with U.S. funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hopping on freight trains and hiking around immigration checkpoints last summer, Vicente got as far as Chahuites, a dusty railroad town in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca. Vicente found a construction job in Chahuites, but one day after work, Mexican immigration agents spotted him as a migrant. They arrested Vicente and, once again, he was deported back to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648544\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29265_Photo-1-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente (right) takes a lunch break at a construction site in the small town of Chahuites, Mexico. Vicente hoped to start a new life in northern Mexico close to his family in California, but he was deported by Mexican authorities back to El Salvador in 2017. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Central American deportees face unique challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Mexicans -- who are deported to a country that boasts the second-largest economy in Latin America -- deportees repatriated to the Northern Triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras return to violent nations with few job prospects. Although Mexico also suffers from rising insecurity and a weakened peso, many Central Americans feel there’s more opportunity there than in Central America, and far less risk than trying to re-enter the United States. But Central American migrants in Mexico also live with the threat of deportation and they earn just a fraction of what they would in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Vicente lives with a cousin next to a Seventh-day Adventist church in the same neighborhood in Santa Ana, El Salvador, where he spent his childhood. Although the civil war is long over, the same gangs that formed in Los Angeles have destabilized cities and towns all over El Salvador. Deported gang members started setting up shop in El Salvador during the ‘90s, extorting local businesses and killing those who don’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day they kill somebody over here,” Vicente said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting a new life in El Salvador after his deportation has been especially hard for Vicente. He can’t get a job because he doesn’t have a Salvadoran ID. The building that had a copy of his birth certificate was blown up in the civil war. So in order to prove he’s Salvadoran, he’d have to hire a lawyer, which he can’t afford. In the meantime, Vicente gets by with a little money that his mother occasionally sends him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days in Santa Ana drag on as Vicente waits and hopes for his luck to change. He has been deported from California. And deported from Mexico. And he’s technically undocumented in El Salvador, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have nothing,” Vicente said. “No papers. No family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of Salvadorans are also in the same boat. On the streets of Santa Ana, Vicente frequently runs into other people who have also been deported from California. They exchange memories of their other lives, or joke about arranging straw marriages to return legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648543\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29262_Photo_6-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Vicente calls his mother in Fontana, California, a few times each week from El Salvador. All of Vicente’s immediate family lives in California. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the moment, Vicente’s only connections to California are a telephone and Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Saturday afternoon, Vicente punched the numbers of a prepaid calling card into an old cellphone to call his mother. She answered in her mobile home in Fontana, California, and told her son about the pupusas she was making. Her voice came through scratchy from a bad connection, but Vicente’s mouth cracked up into a big smile as they talked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their weekly conversations make Vicente wish that he could do everything over: Not been such a drinker in his younger years, not gotten those DUIs, not lost his green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was young and stupid,” Vicente said. “I had the American Dream. And I lost it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of deported Salvadorans battle with similar regrets about how they might have also avoided deportation. But you can’t turn back the clock. And instead, deported Salvadorans have to start new lives in a dangerous country far away from California, the place many people, like Vicente, consider their real home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love you, mom,” Vicente said, in English over the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Call me later OK, baby?” His mom asked before she returned to making pupusas in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Judge Criticized by Trump for Mexican Heritage to Hear Border Wall Case",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Environmental groups and the state of California argue the federal government does not have the right to waive a host of environmental laws to build prototypes and replace 17 miles of border wall in San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs said the administration is using waivers that were granted more than 10 years ago for a specific border wall project that is already complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The waiver authority is not available, and it has essentially expired in this Mexican border fence construction that has already occurred, and it is unconstitutional,” said Brian Segee, of the\u003ca href=\"http://www.biologicaldiversity.org/\"> Center for Biological Diversity.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state argues border wall construction would do irreparable harm to wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Gonzalo Curiel will preside over the border wall case in a San Diego courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649064\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 440px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11649064\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800.jpg\" alt=\"San Diego federal judge Gonzalo Curiel.\" width=\"440\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800.jpg 440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800-375x563.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 440px) 100vw, 440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Diego federal judge Gonzalo Curiel.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Curiel became famous in 2016 when the judge was publicly criticized repeatedly over a period of months by then-presidential candidate Donald Trump for his handling of the Trump University lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/\">CNN interview\u003c/a> on June 3, 2016, Trump reiterated charges that the Indiana-born Curiel’s heritage impacted his courtroom decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building a wall. He's a Mexican. We're building a wall between here and Mexico. The answer is, he is giving us very unfair rulings, rulings that people can't even believe. This case should have ended years ago in summary judgment,” Trump told interviewer Jake Tapper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curiel never responded to those attacks and Trump agreed to settle the Trump University case for $25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Curiel will have a chance to rule on a case that could impact Trump’s plans to build a wall where there currently isn’t one.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The state of California argues the president doesn’t have the right to waive a host of environmental laws to build prototypes and replace 17 miles of border wall in San Diego County.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Environmental groups and the state of California argue the federal government does not have the right to waive a host of environmental laws to build prototypes and replace 17 miles of border wall in San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs said the administration is using waivers that were granted more than 10 years ago for a specific border wall project that is already complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The waiver authority is not available, and it has essentially expired in this Mexican border fence construction that has already occurred, and it is unconstitutional,” said Brian Segee, of the\u003ca href=\"http://www.biologicaldiversity.org/\"> Center for Biological Diversity.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state argues border wall construction would do irreparable harm to wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Gonzalo Curiel will preside over the border wall case in a San Diego courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649064\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 440px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11649064\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800.jpg\" alt=\"San Diego federal judge Gonzalo Curiel.\" width=\"440\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800.jpg 440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/440px-Gonzalo_Curiel_t800-375x563.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 440px) 100vw, 440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Diego federal judge Gonzalo Curiel.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Curiel became famous in 2016 when the judge was publicly criticized repeatedly over a period of months by then-presidential candidate Donald Trump for his handling of the Trump University lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/\">CNN interview\u003c/a> on June 3, 2016, Trump reiterated charges that the Indiana-born Curiel’s heritage impacted his courtroom decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building a wall. He's a Mexican. We're building a wall between here and Mexico. The answer is, he is giving us very unfair rulings, rulings that people can't even believe. This case should have ended years ago in summary judgment,” Trump told interviewer Jake Tapper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curiel never responded to those attacks and Trump agreed to settle the Trump University case for $25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Curiel will have a chance to rule on a case that could impact Trump’s plans to build a wall where there currently isn’t one.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Employers, Immigrants Grapple With Uncertainty Over TPS Work Permits",
"title": "Employers, Immigrants Grapple With Uncertainty Over TPS Work Permits",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Mariano Guzman has worked as a truck driver for a San Francisco Bay Area waste management company for 17 years. But last month, the 55-year-old Honduran immigrant got a major surprise when he showed up for his job south of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman's employer said he couldn't keep his job because his work authorization document had just expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It really affects me a lot,\" Guzman said. He attended a free legal consultation event in San Francisco after he had spent a week without pay. \"I depend on my job to make my mortgage payments and pay all the bills to support my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Hondurans with Temporary Protected Status like Guzman are still able to legally work. The Department of Homeland Security automatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">extended work authorizations\u003c/a> until July 2018 for those who re-register for the program. New individual work permits can take months to arrive in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2018/02/RomeroTPSWorkers.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29269_IMG_1354-qut-1180x787.jpg\" Title=\"Employees and Employers Grapple With Uncertainty Over Immigrant Work Permits\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As President Trump's administration \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/08/u-s-ends-el-salvadors-protected-status-impacting-200000-people/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">winds down the program\u003c/a> that gives protected status to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/tens-thousands-united-states-face-uncertain-future-temporary-protected-status-deadlines-loom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">over 300,000 people\u003c/a> from El Salvador, Nicaragua and Haiti nationwide, immigration attorneys worry an already complex and shifting landscape of work authorization rules could become more baffling for employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Employers need to be aware of all these changes,\" said Cyrus Mehta, an immigration attorney who works with corporate clients. \"When the administration is trying to terminate programs that are inherently temporary and they get extended, it could cause more confusion for employers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"I9rNTbkOEp0nFwnLyQ6pBdzMweRSgOGD\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be a tricky situation for inexperienced human resources staff. Employers usually rely on work authorization documents provided by the employee to verify their legal status. But if employers wrongfully terminate workers who still have TPS work authorization, they could become liable to discrimination lawsuits, Mehta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue can usually be clarified with a letter to employers, said Ramon Cardona, who directs Centro Latino Cuzcatlan. The organization offers immigration services to hundreds of TPS holders in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We highlight the part that the government is saying 'this is good for six more months' and we tell them: Give them that,\" Cardona said, referring to information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">TPS for Hondurans\u003c/a> also available on the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services website. \"And that should be enough. Usually, it's enough.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is how Guzman was able to regain his job and compensation for the workdays lost at Recology, the trash company where he works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648463\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648463 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mariano Guzman, an immigrant from Honduras, stands outside the home he owns in San Pablo. Guzman fears losing his Temporary Protected Status, which he has had since 2000. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"For us this is a constant learning experience on understanding and keeping track of deadlines, when things are going to get reauthorized,\" said Eric Potashner, vice president of Recology, which employs about 3,500 people. \"There are a lot more moving parts that a company like ours has never had to deal with before.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen announced in January that TPS is ending in 2019 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2018/01/08/secretary-homeland-security-kirstjen-m-nielsen-announcement-temporary-protected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Salvadorans\u003c/a>, the largest group of beneficiaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency announced in November that \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/06/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-nicaragua-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nicaraguans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/20/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Haitians\u003c/a> are also losing the special status. Some observers expect Nielsen to terminate the status for Honduran immigrants as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potashner said if an employee like Guzman loses his work permit, his company would have to front the additional costs of recruiting and training a replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mr. Guzman has worked for us for some time now and understands the operation, understands how to efficiently do the job,\" Potashner said. \"So absolutely there will be costs to the business if folks like Mr. Guzman can no longer be employed and we fill the position with new employees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is urging the Trump administration to keep TPS for Hondurans and immigrants from other nations, saying businesses in the U.S. need a stable workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neil Bradley, the chamber's executive vice president, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uschamber.com/letter/letter-dhs-urging-the-extension-temporary-protected-status-el-salvador-honduras-and-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote\u003c/a> to the DHS that industries affected by the potential loss of TPS workers include construction, hospitality and food processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The loss of employment authorization for these populations would adversely impact several key industries where TPS recipients make up a significant amount of the workforce,\" Bradley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 25 years, the U.S. government has granted TPS to people from countries devastated by natural disasters or wrecked by armed conflict. The program allows beneficiaries to work and live in the U.S. If the federal government deems these immigrants are not able to return safely to their nations of origin, the status is usually extended six to 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TPS extensions for Hondurans and other Central American nations have added up to 17 years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Migration Studies\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/publications/jmhs-tps-elsalvador-honduras-haiti/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">significant number\u003c/a> of these immigrants now have children born in the United States and own homes, like Mariano Guzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am extremely worried,\" the father of eight said. \"If they end TPS for Hondurans, I lose everything I've worked for, like my home. Right now I'm saving money in a 401K and paying for life insurance. It'd be fatal to lose my job.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman doesn't want to return to Honduras because \u003ca href=\"https://www.proyectomirador.org/poverty-and-crime/one-poorest-most-vulnerable-countries-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">intense crime\u003c/a>, political instability and high unemployment are gripping that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, he took a break from his job manually dumping hundreds of trash and recycling bins daily across residential neighborhoods, and traveled to Washington, D.C., with other immigrants as part of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.savetps.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National TPS Alliance.\u003c/a> They are trying to convince GOP lawmakers to let people with TPS get on a path to citizenship, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm still hopeful there's an immigration reform that benefits us all,\" Guzman said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Immigrants with Temporary Protected Status still hope for a path to citizenship -- and their employers worry about losses incurred by having to rehire for jobs if TPS ends.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mariano Guzman has worked as a truck driver for a San Francisco Bay Area waste management company for 17 years. But last month, the 55-year-old Honduran immigrant got a major surprise when he showed up for his job south of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman's employer said he couldn't keep his job because his work authorization document had just expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It really affects me a lot,\" Guzman said. He attended a free legal consultation event in San Francisco after he had spent a week without pay. \"I depend on my job to make my mortgage payments and pay all the bills to support my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Hondurans with Temporary Protected Status like Guzman are still able to legally work. The Department of Homeland Security automatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">extended work authorizations\u003c/a> until July 2018 for those who re-register for the program. New individual work permits can take months to arrive in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As President Trump's administration \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/08/u-s-ends-el-salvadors-protected-status-impacting-200000-people/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">winds down the program\u003c/a> that gives protected status to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/tens-thousands-united-states-face-uncertain-future-temporary-protected-status-deadlines-loom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">over 300,000 people\u003c/a> from El Salvador, Nicaragua and Haiti nationwide, immigration attorneys worry an already complex and shifting landscape of work authorization rules could become more baffling for employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Employers need to be aware of all these changes,\" said Cyrus Mehta, an immigration attorney who works with corporate clients. \"When the administration is trying to terminate programs that are inherently temporary and they get extended, it could cause more confusion for employers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be a tricky situation for inexperienced human resources staff. Employers usually rely on work authorization documents provided by the employee to verify their legal status. But if employers wrongfully terminate workers who still have TPS work authorization, they could become liable to discrimination lawsuits, Mehta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue can usually be clarified with a letter to employers, said Ramon Cardona, who directs Centro Latino Cuzcatlan. The organization offers immigration services to hundreds of TPS holders in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We highlight the part that the government is saying 'this is good for six more months' and we tell them: Give them that,\" Cardona said, referring to information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">TPS for Hondurans\u003c/a> also available on the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services website. \"And that should be enough. Usually, it's enough.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is how Guzman was able to regain his job and compensation for the workdays lost at Recology, the trash company where he works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648463\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648463 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mariano Guzman, an immigrant from Honduras, stands outside the home he owns in San Pablo. Guzman fears losing his Temporary Protected Status, which he has had since 2000. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"For us this is a constant learning experience on understanding and keeping track of deadlines, when things are going to get reauthorized,\" said Eric Potashner, vice president of Recology, which employs about 3,500 people. \"There are a lot more moving parts that a company like ours has never had to deal with before.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen announced in January that TPS is ending in 2019 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2018/01/08/secretary-homeland-security-kirstjen-m-nielsen-announcement-temporary-protected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Salvadorans\u003c/a>, the largest group of beneficiaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency announced in November that \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/06/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-nicaragua-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nicaraguans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/20/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Haitians\u003c/a> are also losing the special status. Some observers expect Nielsen to terminate the status for Honduran immigrants as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potashner said if an employee like Guzman loses his work permit, his company would have to front the additional costs of recruiting and training a replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mr. Guzman has worked for us for some time now and understands the operation, understands how to efficiently do the job,\" Potashner said. \"So absolutely there will be costs to the business if folks like Mr. Guzman can no longer be employed and we fill the position with new employees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is urging the Trump administration to keep TPS for Hondurans and immigrants from other nations, saying businesses in the U.S. need a stable workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neil Bradley, the chamber's executive vice president, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uschamber.com/letter/letter-dhs-urging-the-extension-temporary-protected-status-el-salvador-honduras-and-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote\u003c/a> to the DHS that industries affected by the potential loss of TPS workers include construction, hospitality and food processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The loss of employment authorization for these populations would adversely impact several key industries where TPS recipients make up a significant amount of the workforce,\" Bradley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 25 years, the U.S. government has granted TPS to people from countries devastated by natural disasters or wrecked by armed conflict. The program allows beneficiaries to work and live in the U.S. If the federal government deems these immigrants are not able to return safely to their nations of origin, the status is usually extended six to 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TPS extensions for Hondurans and other Central American nations have added up to 17 years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Migration Studies\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/publications/jmhs-tps-elsalvador-honduras-haiti/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">significant number\u003c/a> of these immigrants now have children born in the United States and own homes, like Mariano Guzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am extremely worried,\" the father of eight said. \"If they end TPS for Hondurans, I lose everything I've worked for, like my home. Right now I'm saving money in a 401K and paying for life insurance. It'd be fatal to lose my job.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman doesn't want to return to Honduras because \u003ca href=\"https://www.proyectomirador.org/poverty-and-crime/one-poorest-most-vulnerable-countries-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">intense crime\u003c/a>, political instability and high unemployment are gripping that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, he took a break from his job manually dumping hundreds of trash and recycling bins daily across residential neighborhoods, and traveled to Washington, D.C., with other immigrants as part of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.savetps.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National TPS Alliance.\u003c/a> They are trying to convince GOP lawmakers to let people with TPS get on a path to citizenship, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm still hopeful there's an immigration reform that benefits us all,\" Guzman said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"link": "/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
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