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"slug": "california-legislature-fails-to-pass-bill-that-would-preserve-stock-of-affordable-apartments",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tenant advocates, racial equity groups, \u003ca href=\"https://cayimby.org/\">YIMBYs\u003c/a> and even some of their \u003ca href=\"https://www.livablecalifornia.org/support-ab-854-california-cant-evict-another-40000-working-people-and-elderly-onto-the-streets/\">usual opponents\u003c/a> wanted to see the bill pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities of San Francisco and Los Angeles — which rarely see eye to eye on housing issues — as well as every Democrat on the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB854\">had signed on\u003c/a>.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sarah Abdeshahian, advocate, Tenderloin Housing Clinic\"]‘It’s insane to see so many groups working really hard on this and then still for it to not be enough because the opposition’s influence on our legislature is so immense.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why did \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB854\">Assembly Bill 854\u003c/a>, which would have curbed an owner’s ability to evict their tenants using the Ellis Act in rent-controlled jurisdictions, die without even a floor vote in the Democratic-supermajority Assembly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/my-turn/2021/01/legislator-needed-to-introduce-ellis-act-reform-bill-to-protect-the-states-most-vulnerable-tenants/\">longtime progressive priority\u003c/a> — which promised to preserve the stock of affordable apartments amid a historic shortage — point to an aggressive campaign mounted by the deep-pocketed real estate industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s insane to see so many groups working really hard on this and then still for it to not be enough because the opposition’s influence on our legislature is so immense,” said Sarah Abdeshahian, an advocate at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thclinic.org/\">Tenderloin Housing Clinic\u003c/a>, which co-sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just as a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/uhshanti/status/1488319241711325185?s=20&t=wJKHYzLGJNpzo36yfYWaRA\">diverse group of advocates coalesced\u003c/a> to support the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/caa-and-its-members-defeat-ab-854-the-stay-in-business-forever-act/\">thousands of property owners\u003c/a> — even those outside unincorporated Los Angeles County and 20 rent-stabilized cities directly affected — opposed it, united by a sense that the state is chipping away at their rights, just as COVID-19 has decimated their business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘It may not be in my area, but it could be, next time,’” Sanjay Wagle, senior vice president of governmental affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/\">California Association of Realtors\u003c/a>, said his members told him. “I think there’s a growing sense of sort of commonality of interest, which may not have existed before, between the Fresno property owner and the San Francisco property owner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, the Democrat from San Jose who authored the bill, says the legislation would have passed out of the Assembly and over to the state Senate but for the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-legislature-great-resignation/\">recent departures\u003c/a> of four Democrats: Lorena Gonzalez from San Diego, Ed Chau from Monterey Park, David Chiu from San Francisco and Jim Frazier from Fairfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learn more about legislators mentioned in this story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lee is still weighing whether to reintroduce “substantially the same bill” next year or this legislative cycle — an option left on the table by having avoided a losing floor vote. Similar bills have been introduced, unsuccessfully, at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Ellis-Act-evictions-targeted-in-California-16065169.php\">three times before\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those things are on the table, luckily, and that’s something we’re still working out with our coalition, given the volatility of resignations,” Lee said. “That’s always our wild card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue has been around for years and I understand the vote got very close, with significant new support for many corners,” said Chiu, former chair of the Assembly Housing and Community Development Community, who co-authored the bill last year and is now San Francisco city attorney. “And so I’m hopeful that there will be a real conversation about this in the coming months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protecting small landlords — or big business?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill took aim at the Ellis Act, a 1985 state law that allows owners of rent-controlled properties to evict their tenants if they take all the units of a building off the rental market — a path that could otherwise be blocked by local governments guarding the precious stock of affordable units. Once off the market, those apartments can be sold as condos or demolished to make way for new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://housing.lacity.org/ellis&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1644367877323232&usg=AOvVaw3rszE3ws7CfB4zC0CbJeVh\">27,000 rent-controlled units\u003c/a> have been removed in Los Angeles since 2001 using the Ellis Act, while San Francisco has lost \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/annual-eviction-reports\">about 5,000 units\u003c/a> since then. And they’re sorely needed: The California Housing Partnership estimates \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/housingneeds/\">1.2 million lower-income renter households\u003c/a> don’t have access to an affordable home, and building a new government-subsidized unit costs an average of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-04-09/california-low-income-housing-expensive-apartment-coronavirus\">$500,000\u003c/a>.[aside postID=\"news_11900724,news_11898493\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Related:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lee’s bill mandated a five-year holding period before evicting tenants — an attempt to allow struggling property owners to go out of business, as had been the law’s original intent, while preventing speculators from buying up cheap properties and flipping them overnight. The bill also restricted the use of such evictions to one building per owner per decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would significantly curb Ellis Act evictions, as three-quarters of evictions in Los Angeles between 2016 and 2019 occurred within five years of purchase, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1exiSML_XhE9h3I_cMx2AcNiQEKD35NfX/edit?rtpof=true\">recent analysis\u003c/a> by Alexander Ferrer, policy and research analyst at \u003ca href=\"https://www.saje.net/\">SAJE in Los Angeles\u003c/a>. But because of a glaring lack of transparency around who owns buildings in California, the effect on mom-and-pop landlords — a group the Legislature holds dearly — is difficult to determine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an opposition letter to lawmakers, the California Association of Realtors asserted that the bill would devastate “Struggling Small Property Owners Who Are Seniors or Individuals of Color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s concern-mongering for a problem that we don’t know exists,” Ferrer said, citing the lack of demographic data on property owners. Wagle cited anecdotal evidence from their members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferrer’s analysis found that owners who had a property registered under their own name evicted tenants, on average, eight years after purchase — while limited liability companies, responsible for more than half of those evictions, did so in an average of just three years. But in California, it’s not uncommon for individual property owners to put even a single rental into an LLC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means a bid to win more votes — an amendment that carved out an exemption for “natural persons” who own no more than four residential units — is “not logical,” according to Debra Carlton, executive vice president and chief lobbyist for the California Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferrer found 45% of Ellis Act evictions during that time period in Los Angeles were filed by owners who held five properties or less — LA’s definition of a \u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/rental-property-owners/relocation-assistance-information\">mom-and-pop landlord\u003c/a> — a percentage Wagle, from the California Association of Realtors, says is not insignificant. Besides, he argued, the impact of the pandemic on small property owners should not be understated. Some landlords, he said, have gone nearly two years without rent payments, thanks to eviction bans, while still having to upkeep their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among small rental property owners, there’s this sense of, ‘Wait a minute. We’re enduring all these problems right now and again, more burdens are being placed,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant attorney Sean Chandra, from Public Counsel in Los Angeles, said the threat of an Ellis Act eviction remains a crucial tool for landlords, even if the court process isn’t completed. Instead of going through the Ellis Act, which mandates \u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Relocation-Assistance.pdf\">relocation costs between $8,650 and $22,350\u003c/a> depending on a renter’s age, income and tenure in the building, some owners pay tenants to leave by their own choice in “cash for keys” arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandra’s client, who declined to be interviewed, is facing an Ellis Act eviction at 416 South Catalina Street in Koreatown. The elderly woman and her adult son are paying $975 a month for their two-bedroom in the six-unit building, where they moved in 1996. The stucco-clad, L-shaped two-story, originally commissioned by an LA Times advertising executive in 1940, was deemed historic by the city, which means it can’t be demolished. The owner is hoping to mount it on a truck and move it elsewhere — and renting isn’t in the picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The owner plans to erect a luxury tower in its place — following in the footsteps of a 61-unit tower next door, where a 576-foot studio \u003ca href=\"https://400catalina.com/floor-plans\">rents for $2,654\u003c/a> a month and where, according to the building’s website, “living your best life has never been easier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You tear down an old building, you want to build something that’s going to maximize your income,” said John Greenwood, the developer’s attorney. “So it’s hard to incentivize building low-income property. And these Ellis Act evictions do displace poorer people, that’s understood. But, you know, that’s also the definition of progress — making things better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Greenwood, the tenant will be able to rent an affordable unit in the new building, provided she qualifies. Ellis Act restrictions in LA stipulate that if a developer builds market-rate units, a portion of them must be affordable, or all the units must be rent-controlled after the initial rent is set. But in contrast to rent-controlled units, affordable housing usually comes with income and immigration status restrictions and, sometimes, a long waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demolishing rent-stabilized housing to make way for exponentially more housing is taking place across Los Angeles, according to Moira O’Neill, senior research fellow at the Center for Law, Energy and the Environment at UC Berkeley, who recently co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3956250\">report for the California Air Resources Board\u003c/a> about social equity in housing development patterns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neill and her colleagues found that the demolition of at least 2,400 housing units in LA between 2014 and 2017 gave way to at least 12,000 new units. But the demolition of 1,600 units that were rent-stabilized gave way to only about 1,300 affordable units on those same sites. Their geographic distribution was particularly troubling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While every neighborhood type saw a loss of rent-stabilized units, most were lost in more affluent areas of LA like Westwood and Brentwood. Only 241 affordable units replaced the 1,092 rent-stabilized units lost in those same neighborhoods. About half of the rent-stabilized units demolished in moderate-income areas, like parts of Koreatown, were replaced with affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes sense that people are trying to prevent that,” O’Neill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Policy and politics at the Capitol\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California YIMBY, which often supports housing production efforts, backed the bill because production alone isn’t enough, said legislative director Louis Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think California YIMBY is a great example of an organization that endeavors to find the three P solutions: the production solutions, the tenant-protection solutions and the affordable housing preservation solutions,” he said. “We’re not eager to pit those solutions against each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, however, \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/caa-and-its-members-defeat-ab-854-the-stay-in-business-forever-act/\">dubbed\u003c/a> the bill the “Stay in Business Forever Act,” arguing that it restricted landlords’ freedoms. Carlton said while a property owner could still sell their building, without the option of turning below-market apartments into more profitable condos or market-rate units, the universe of buyers shrinks considerably. The powerful California Chamber of Commerce \u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/2022/02/01/strong-opposition-stops-single-payer-health-care-bill-2-other-job-killers/\">opposed the measure\u003c/a> for the same reason, as did the \u003ca href=\"https://cbia.org/\">California Building Industry Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlton also argued the bill would block “\u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2019/8/8/20751845/tenancy-in-common-los-angeles-rental-girl\">tenancies in common\u003c/a>,” in which several families buy a duplex or fourplex together — the only way for some families to enter homeownership as median \u003ca href=\"https://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Economics/Economic_and_Revenue_Updates/documents/2021/DEC_2021_FB.pdf\">home prices top $700,000 in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support homeownership, but the question is: ‘How are you getting there?’” said Joan Ling, an urban planning professor at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs. “Are you going to get there by dislocating renter families that most likely are going to have to move out of the area where they are living? There’s a big public policy question here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdeshahian, from the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said that during the two weeks leading up to the vote, the legislators who had originally demonstrated their support for the bill began parroting the talking points they read in opposition letters by the realtors and the apartment associations, which spent \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146782&session=2021&view=activity\">$1.6 million\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146903&session=2021&view=activity\">$1.3 million\u003c/a>, respectively, in total lobbying efforts in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what killed this bill,” she said. “It became just like an annoying screaming match where the Apartment Association will be saying one thing, we’d be saying another, and why would they listen to us when we don’t give them any money for their reelection, but the Apartment Association is the reason that they’re in office?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t buy that,” Carlton responded, describing a clear division between the organization’s lobbying and campaign efforts. “This has just been a consistent policy that legislators haven’t agreed with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A broad coalition is backing a tenant-protection bill in the California Legislature, but business and real estate interests are winning so far. The proposal would require landlords to keep units for at least five years before using a state law to evict renters.",
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"title": "California Legislature Fails to Pass Bill That Would Preserve Stock of Affordable Apartments | KQED",
"description": "A broad coalition is backing a tenant-protection bill in the California Legislature, but business and real estate interests are winning so far. The proposal would require landlords to keep units for at least five years before using a state law to evict renters.",
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"headline": "California Legislature Fails to Pass Bill That Would Preserve Stock of Affordable Apartments",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tenant advocates, racial equity groups, \u003ca href=\"https://cayimby.org/\">YIMBYs\u003c/a> and even some of their \u003ca href=\"https://www.livablecalifornia.org/support-ab-854-california-cant-evict-another-40000-working-people-and-elderly-onto-the-streets/\">usual opponents\u003c/a> wanted to see the bill pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities of San Francisco and Los Angeles — which rarely see eye to eye on housing issues — as well as every Democrat on the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB854\">had signed on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s insane to see so many groups working really hard on this and then still for it to not be enough because the opposition’s influence on our legislature is so immense.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why did \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB854\">Assembly Bill 854\u003c/a>, which would have curbed an owner’s ability to evict their tenants using the Ellis Act in rent-controlled jurisdictions, die without even a floor vote in the Democratic-supermajority Assembly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/my-turn/2021/01/legislator-needed-to-introduce-ellis-act-reform-bill-to-protect-the-states-most-vulnerable-tenants/\">longtime progressive priority\u003c/a> — which promised to preserve the stock of affordable apartments amid a historic shortage — point to an aggressive campaign mounted by the deep-pocketed real estate industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s insane to see so many groups working really hard on this and then still for it to not be enough because the opposition’s influence on our legislature is so immense,” said Sarah Abdeshahian, an advocate at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thclinic.org/\">Tenderloin Housing Clinic\u003c/a>, which co-sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just as a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/uhshanti/status/1488319241711325185?s=20&t=wJKHYzLGJNpzo36yfYWaRA\">diverse group of advocates coalesced\u003c/a> to support the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/caa-and-its-members-defeat-ab-854-the-stay-in-business-forever-act/\">thousands of property owners\u003c/a> — even those outside unincorporated Los Angeles County and 20 rent-stabilized cities directly affected — opposed it, united by a sense that the state is chipping away at their rights, just as COVID-19 has decimated their business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘It may not be in my area, but it could be, next time,’” Sanjay Wagle, senior vice president of governmental affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/\">California Association of Realtors\u003c/a>, said his members told him. “I think there’s a growing sense of sort of commonality of interest, which may not have existed before, between the Fresno property owner and the San Francisco property owner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, the Democrat from San Jose who authored the bill, says the legislation would have passed out of the Assembly and over to the state Senate but for the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-legislature-great-resignation/\">recent departures\u003c/a> of four Democrats: Lorena Gonzalez from San Diego, Ed Chau from Monterey Park, David Chiu from San Francisco and Jim Frazier from Fairfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learn more about legislators mentioned in this story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lee is still weighing whether to reintroduce “substantially the same bill” next year or this legislative cycle — an option left on the table by having avoided a losing floor vote. Similar bills have been introduced, unsuccessfully, at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Ellis-Act-evictions-targeted-in-California-16065169.php\">three times before\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those things are on the table, luckily, and that’s something we’re still working out with our coalition, given the volatility of resignations,” Lee said. “That’s always our wild card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue has been around for years and I understand the vote got very close, with significant new support for many corners,” said Chiu, former chair of the Assembly Housing and Community Development Community, who co-authored the bill last year and is now San Francisco city attorney. “And so I’m hopeful that there will be a real conversation about this in the coming months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protecting small landlords — or big business?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill took aim at the Ellis Act, a 1985 state law that allows owners of rent-controlled properties to evict their tenants if they take all the units of a building off the rental market — a path that could otherwise be blocked by local governments guarding the precious stock of affordable units. Once off the market, those apartments can be sold as condos or demolished to make way for new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://housing.lacity.org/ellis&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1644367877323232&usg=AOvVaw3rszE3ws7CfB4zC0CbJeVh\">27,000 rent-controlled units\u003c/a> have been removed in Los Angeles since 2001 using the Ellis Act, while San Francisco has lost \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/annual-eviction-reports\">about 5,000 units\u003c/a> since then. And they’re sorely needed: The California Housing Partnership estimates \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/housingneeds/\">1.2 million lower-income renter households\u003c/a> don’t have access to an affordable home, and building a new government-subsidized unit costs an average of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-04-09/california-low-income-housing-expensive-apartment-coronavirus\">$500,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Related:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lee’s bill mandated a five-year holding period before evicting tenants — an attempt to allow struggling property owners to go out of business, as had been the law’s original intent, while preventing speculators from buying up cheap properties and flipping them overnight. The bill also restricted the use of such evictions to one building per owner per decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would significantly curb Ellis Act evictions, as three-quarters of evictions in Los Angeles between 2016 and 2019 occurred within five years of purchase, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1exiSML_XhE9h3I_cMx2AcNiQEKD35NfX/edit?rtpof=true\">recent analysis\u003c/a> by Alexander Ferrer, policy and research analyst at \u003ca href=\"https://www.saje.net/\">SAJE in Los Angeles\u003c/a>. But because of a glaring lack of transparency around who owns buildings in California, the effect on mom-and-pop landlords — a group the Legislature holds dearly — is difficult to determine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an opposition letter to lawmakers, the California Association of Realtors asserted that the bill would devastate “Struggling Small Property Owners Who Are Seniors or Individuals of Color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s concern-mongering for a problem that we don’t know exists,” Ferrer said, citing the lack of demographic data on property owners. Wagle cited anecdotal evidence from their members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferrer’s analysis found that owners who had a property registered under their own name evicted tenants, on average, eight years after purchase — while limited liability companies, responsible for more than half of those evictions, did so in an average of just three years. But in California, it’s not uncommon for individual property owners to put even a single rental into an LLC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means a bid to win more votes — an amendment that carved out an exemption for “natural persons” who own no more than four residential units — is “not logical,” according to Debra Carlton, executive vice president and chief lobbyist for the California Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferrer found 45% of Ellis Act evictions during that time period in Los Angeles were filed by owners who held five properties or less — LA’s definition of a \u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/rental-property-owners/relocation-assistance-information\">mom-and-pop landlord\u003c/a> — a percentage Wagle, from the California Association of Realtors, says is not insignificant. Besides, he argued, the impact of the pandemic on small property owners should not be understated. Some landlords, he said, have gone nearly two years without rent payments, thanks to eviction bans, while still having to upkeep their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among small rental property owners, there’s this sense of, ‘Wait a minute. We’re enduring all these problems right now and again, more burdens are being placed,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant attorney Sean Chandra, from Public Counsel in Los Angeles, said the threat of an Ellis Act eviction remains a crucial tool for landlords, even if the court process isn’t completed. Instead of going through the Ellis Act, which mandates \u003ca href=\"https://housing.lacity.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Relocation-Assistance.pdf\">relocation costs between $8,650 and $22,350\u003c/a> depending on a renter’s age, income and tenure in the building, some owners pay tenants to leave by their own choice in “cash for keys” arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandra’s client, who declined to be interviewed, is facing an Ellis Act eviction at 416 South Catalina Street in Koreatown. The elderly woman and her adult son are paying $975 a month for their two-bedroom in the six-unit building, where they moved in 1996. The stucco-clad, L-shaped two-story, originally commissioned by an LA Times advertising executive in 1940, was deemed historic by the city, which means it can’t be demolished. The owner is hoping to mount it on a truck and move it elsewhere — and renting isn’t in the picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The owner plans to erect a luxury tower in its place — following in the footsteps of a 61-unit tower next door, where a 576-foot studio \u003ca href=\"https://400catalina.com/floor-plans\">rents for $2,654\u003c/a> a month and where, according to the building’s website, “living your best life has never been easier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You tear down an old building, you want to build something that’s going to maximize your income,” said John Greenwood, the developer’s attorney. “So it’s hard to incentivize building low-income property. And these Ellis Act evictions do displace poorer people, that’s understood. But, you know, that’s also the definition of progress — making things better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Greenwood, the tenant will be able to rent an affordable unit in the new building, provided she qualifies. Ellis Act restrictions in LA stipulate that if a developer builds market-rate units, a portion of them must be affordable, or all the units must be rent-controlled after the initial rent is set. But in contrast to rent-controlled units, affordable housing usually comes with income and immigration status restrictions and, sometimes, a long waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demolishing rent-stabilized housing to make way for exponentially more housing is taking place across Los Angeles, according to Moira O’Neill, senior research fellow at the Center for Law, Energy and the Environment at UC Berkeley, who recently co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3956250\">report for the California Air Resources Board\u003c/a> about social equity in housing development patterns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Neill and her colleagues found that the demolition of at least 2,400 housing units in LA between 2014 and 2017 gave way to at least 12,000 new units. But the demolition of 1,600 units that were rent-stabilized gave way to only about 1,300 affordable units on those same sites. Their geographic distribution was particularly troubling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While every neighborhood type saw a loss of rent-stabilized units, most were lost in more affluent areas of LA like Westwood and Brentwood. Only 241 affordable units replaced the 1,092 rent-stabilized units lost in those same neighborhoods. About half of the rent-stabilized units demolished in moderate-income areas, like parts of Koreatown, were replaced with affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes sense that people are trying to prevent that,” O’Neill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Policy and politics at the Capitol\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California YIMBY, which often supports housing production efforts, backed the bill because production alone isn’t enough, said legislative director Louis Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think California YIMBY is a great example of an organization that endeavors to find the three P solutions: the production solutions, the tenant-protection solutions and the affordable housing preservation solutions,” he said. “We’re not eager to pit those solutions against each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, however, \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/caa-and-its-members-defeat-ab-854-the-stay-in-business-forever-act/\">dubbed\u003c/a> the bill the “Stay in Business Forever Act,” arguing that it restricted landlords’ freedoms. Carlton said while a property owner could still sell their building, without the option of turning below-market apartments into more profitable condos or market-rate units, the universe of buyers shrinks considerably. The powerful California Chamber of Commerce \u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/2022/02/01/strong-opposition-stops-single-payer-health-care-bill-2-other-job-killers/\">opposed the measure\u003c/a> for the same reason, as did the \u003ca href=\"https://cbia.org/\">California Building Industry Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlton also argued the bill would block “\u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2019/8/8/20751845/tenancy-in-common-los-angeles-rental-girl\">tenancies in common\u003c/a>,” in which several families buy a duplex or fourplex together — the only way for some families to enter homeownership as median \u003ca href=\"https://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Economics/Economic_and_Revenue_Updates/documents/2021/DEC_2021_FB.pdf\">home prices top $700,000 in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support homeownership, but the question is: ‘How are you getting there?’” said Joan Ling, an urban planning professor at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs. “Are you going to get there by dislocating renter families that most likely are going to have to move out of the area where they are living? There’s a big public policy question here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdeshahian, from the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said that during the two weeks leading up to the vote, the legislators who had originally demonstrated their support for the bill began parroting the talking points they read in opposition letters by the realtors and the apartment associations, which spent \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146782&session=2021&view=activity\">$1.6 million\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146903&session=2021&view=activity\">$1.3 million\u003c/a>, respectively, in total lobbying efforts in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what killed this bill,” she said. “It became just like an annoying screaming match where the Apartment Association will be saying one thing, we’d be saying another, and why would they listen to us when we don’t give them any money for their reelection, but the Apartment Association is the reason that they’re in office?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t buy that,” Carlton responded, describing a clear division between the organization’s lobbying and campaign efforts. “This has just been a consistent policy that legislators haven’t agreed with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11903971\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: a large mansion, with one guy saying to another, \"see to it that Fang is given an extra steak if he keeps the riffraff out,\" as a mountain lion looks on in the foreground.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1377\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-800x574.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-1020x732.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-160x115.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-1536x1102.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain lions are why the planning department of Woodside — a town of multimillion-dollar homes set among redwood trees — \u003ca href=\"https://www.almanacnews.com/news/2022/02/02/woodside-freezes-sb-9-projects-with-town-citing-excemption-for-mountain-lion-habitats\">said it cannot comply with a state law designed to increase housing stock\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s worth a try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recently enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB9\">SB 9\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/news/11889113/in-one-week-newsom-signed-three-major-housing-bills-heres-what-they-mean\">allows multiple dwellings on lots that were previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, isn’t going over so well in certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodside’s planning department argues that since the entire town is in mountain lion habitat — and since the big cats may be listed as endangered in this part of California — the wealthy enclave just can’t help with the state’s housing crunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look, I love mountain lions as much as the next person. The idea that we live in an area where we are not always at the top of the food chain is thrilling to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodside’s newfound love of mountain lions is really all about throwing a wrench into statewide attempts to increase the housing supply amid a crisis that has squeezed thousands of people out of California … and thousands more onto our streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look on the bright side, Woodside. Most of us won’t even be able to afford an in-law unit in your town anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mountain lions are why the planning department of Woodside — a town of multimillion-dollar homes set among redwood trees — said it cannot comply with a state law designed to increase housing stock.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11903971\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: a large mansion, with one guy saying to another, \"see to it that Fang is given an extra steak if he keeps the riffraff out,\" as a mountain lion looks on in the foreground.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1377\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-800x574.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-1020x732.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-160x115.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/steak_020322_final-1536x1102.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain lions are why the planning department of Woodside — a town of multimillion-dollar homes set among redwood trees — \u003ca href=\"https://www.almanacnews.com/news/2022/02/02/woodside-freezes-sb-9-projects-with-town-citing-excemption-for-mountain-lion-habitats\">said it cannot comply with a state law designed to increase housing stock\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s worth a try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recently enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB9\">SB 9\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/news/11889113/in-one-week-newsom-signed-three-major-housing-bills-heres-what-they-mean\">allows multiple dwellings on lots that were previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, isn’t going over so well in certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodside’s planning department argues that since the entire town is in mountain lion habitat — and since the big cats may be listed as endangered in this part of California — the wealthy enclave just can’t help with the state’s housing crunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look, I love mountain lions as much as the next person. The idea that we live in an area where we are not always at the top of the food chain is thrilling to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodside’s newfound love of mountain lions is really all about throwing a wrench into statewide attempts to increase the housing supply amid a crisis that has squeezed thousands of people out of California … and thousands more onto our streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look on the bright side, Woodside. Most of us won’t even be able to afford an in-law unit in your town anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "underpaid-and-burned-out-many-outreach-workers-for-unhoused-californians-are-leaving-their-jobs",
"title": "Underpaid and Burned Out: Many Outreach Workers for Unhoused Californians Are Leaving Their Jobs",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/01/la-escasez-de-trabajadores-sociales-podria-bloquear-la-estrategia-para-indigentes-en-california/\">\u003cem>Leer en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the middle of March last year,\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2021-03-13/echo-park-encampment-exposes-bigger-la-homeless-issues\"> Los Angeles officials were gearing up to clear an encampment of 200 unhoused persons\u003c/a> at Echo Park Lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Denise Velazquez, 53, then an outreach worker with the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, her task was clear: Get 10 people indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her clients — who were cold, tired and desperate to shower — pack their bags and sign intake forms. She gave them hope that warmth was around the corner: hotel rooms under \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/01/california-homeless-permanent-supportive-housing/\">Project Roomkey, the state’s program to shelter unhoused people most at risk of catching COVID-19\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But orders changed overnight. Her agency had access to only three beds, and when she told her clients, they yelled, spit and lunged at her partner. Velazquez says she broke their trust — and that broke her heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My stomach is feeling so uncomfortable and heart broken,” Velazquez wrote in an email to her supervisor on March 18, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA spokesperson Ahmad Chapman said various local service providers placed 176 of those at the Echo Park encampment in interim housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks that followed, Velazquez said her health deteriorated. Her blood pressure spiked, her diabetes worsened, and her anxiety and depression spiraled. Her employer granted her a medical leave of absence, but therapy revealed that the only way to heal, she said, was to quit. Abandoning her clients broke her heart all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903130\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903130\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03.jpg\" alt=\"Two hands hold up a pair of boots. The boots are very worn out and stained with dirt and water.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denise Velazquez holds the boots she got when she started working in homelessness outreach. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Turnover has long plagued the homeless services field. COVID-19 has only made the problem worse as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/california-workers-covid/\">the omicron surge causes worker shortages across California’s economy\u003c/a>. And without enough service workers, the state’s ambitious, multibillion-dollar strategy for reducing homelessness is unlikely to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people who enter social work know to expect small paychecks; they’re driven by compassion and a desire for positive change. But caring too much can be crushing when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2021/11/california-homeless-camps-clearing-plan/\">housing is elusive\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/mentally-ill-forced-treatment-conservatorship-california-debate/\">mental health services scant\u003c/a>, and communication splintered among the myriad entities who decide the fate of the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re paying these folks pennies on the dollar to burn themselves out completely,” said Tami McVay, assistant program director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.selfhelpenterprises.org/\">Self-Help Enterprises\u003c/a>, which serves lower-income communities in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11901253\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/021_SanFrancisco_NewsomRecallEvent_09142021-1020x680.jpg\"]When you bring up staff turnover or vacancies with any provider or advocate, they nod vigorously. The mostly government-contracted private organizations serving people experiencing homelessness have waged an uphill battle to recruit and retain workers into their fast-growing workforce, including some formerly homeless individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA-based \u003ca href=\"https://epath.org/\">People Assisting the Homeless\u003c/a>, or PATH, which serves about a fifth of the state’s unhoused population, has hired seven recruiters to help fill 340 vacancies, out of 1,100 jobs, said CEO Jennifer Hark Dietz. It’s now taking an average of four months to fill any given spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s before the latest homelessness budget, approved last summer by Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#a5795160-28e3-11ea-963d-8304ae9d247c\">floods providers with $12 billion over the next two years\u003c/a>. The state says the funding will require thousands of new positions in the homeless response system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all this money,” said Farrah McDaid Ting, a senior legislative representative with the California State Association of Counties. “Can we really do this if we don’t have the people? I think there could be a real limitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903126\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903126\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05.jpg\" alt=\"Mel Tillekeratne stands against one of the walls of a Shower of Hope facility.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mel Tillekeratne, executive director of The Shower of Hope. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Good jobs wanted\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the root of the worker shortage — which advocates say is really a shortage of good jobs — is low wages. Most homeless services organizations CalMatters spoke with pay starting frontline workers between $16 and $18 an hour, barely higher than minimum wage. They openly admit it’s far too little for the grueling labor, and often isn’t enough to live in expensive California cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the homeless services sector, it’s like: You didn’t get this paperwork in on time, I lost my housing, or my legs are hurting, I think I might have a blood clot,” said Mel Tillekeratne, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://theshowerofhope.org/\">The Shower of Hope, which runs 22 mobile shower sites across Los Angeles County\u003c/a>. “It’s an unbelievably high amount of stress. I’ve seen so many outreach workers completely checked out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, people employed in emergency and other relief services — including homeless service providers — \u003ca href=\"https://data.bls.gov/PDQWeb/en\">made an average annual salary of $49,616 in 2020\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Earl Edwards, doctoral candidate at UCLA\"]‘A lot of individuals didn’t see a pathway for them to stay doing this work.’[/pullquote]Why not pay more? Tillekeratne says government contracts usually cap personnel costs. He had to raise money privately, for example, to offer hazard pay at the start of the pandemic. Federal and state grants usually come in bursts and have short timelines, forcing organizations to fill temporary positions before they expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they don’t leave homeless services completely, workers will switch jobs for $1 or $2 more an hour. Or, if they get promoted, they often lose direct contact with clients, adding to a sense that frontline work is undervalued, said Earl Edwards, a doctoral candidate at the University of California, Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Inequity-in-the-PSH-System-in-Los-Angeles.pdf\">who interviewed 11 case managers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of individuals didn’t see a pathway for them to stay doing this work,” Edwards said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most organizations that serve unhoused individuals often hire people who are just exiting homelessness themselves: “That also adds an additional level of trauma,” he said. Shelter workers in Fresno constantly reach out about “unstable living arrangements of their own, asking for housing,” said Katie Wilbur, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rhcommunitybuilders.com/\">RH Community Builders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903133\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903133\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11.jpg\" alt=\"A person receives a haircut outdoors. The barber touches the hair of the person receiving the haircut.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A volunteer barber cuts an unhoused person’s hair at Trinity Church in Riverside. Those who are unhoused come once a week to the church where they are offered haircuts, clothes, food and a shower. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The fewer employees with master’s degrees in social work often earn higher salaries, but even those aren’t high enough to keep them from more lucrative jobs, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.apu.edu/bas/faculty/dgallup/\">Donna Gallup\u003c/a>, an assistant professor at Azusa Pacific’s Department of Social Work, who runs a pilot program to recruit more students into the homeless services field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have an opportunity as a graduate student, with student debt, you may select a school, a hospital or another nonprofit where you are not having to work with a stigmatized population that is very demanding, and the work conditions, especially with COVID,” Gallup said. “It has been a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11877585\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49286_002_LakeCounty_ProjectHomekey_05142021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">proposed 2022 budget, which still has to be negotiated with the Legislature\u003c/a>, includes $1.7 billion over three years to expand the state’s health and human services workforce “with improved diversity, wages and health equity outcomes,” said Rodger Butler, a spokesperson for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/\">California Health and Human Services Agency\u003c/a>. But even that may not be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until … funding is commensurate to offer living wages across positions in the sector, it’ll be hard to train our way out of this crisis,” said Mari Castaldi, senior legislative advocate on homelessness at \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase the wages of the lowest-paid workers, the nonprofit is calling for a supplemental appropriation — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#a5795160-28e3-11ea-963d-8304ae9d247c\">on top of $2 billion over two years in flexible spending in last year’s budget\u003c/a> that cities and counties will use to pay nonprofit partners to run most of these homelessness programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t think it makes sense to say to service providers, ‘You get to choose between serving the number of clients that you set forth to serve, or increasing wages,’” Castaldi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11903124\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Underpaid and burned out\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But pay is only one part of the problem, says Deborah Son, executive director of the National Association of Social Workers’ California chapter. She represents 9,000 of the state’s roughly 75,000 certified social workers — and says all of them are affected by\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\"> the severe shortage of affordable housing in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can bulk up the workforce and get people jobs and create jobs,” she said, “but if we don’t create the housing structures that are necessary, and we’re talking about the intricate systems necessary, your efforts become moot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following her stint at LAHSA, Velazquez found a new job at homeless services nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://unionstationhs.org/\">Union Station Homeless Services\u003c/a> as a care coordinator, earning $24 an hour. Half of her 20 clients are in housing, and her job is to keep them there. Her other clients are trying — unsuccessfully since September — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/08/section-8-voucher-discrimination-california-housing-crisis/\">to get into a place using housing vouchers, which cover two-thirds of the rent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11870625\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]“There’s not enough apartments, and landlords don’t want them,” she said. “Legally [landlords] can’t say, ‘No, I’m not going to take a voucher.’ But they can say, ‘Oh, but your client has to have 650 credit score, and no evictions, and no criminal record.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is where the burnout comes,” she added. “It’s like, a case manager can do and do and do and we still feel we’re not doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her new job, Velazquez said she feels heard when she brings up concerns. She gets a day off every two weeks to unwind, checks in with her supervisor regularly and participates in training and meditation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her own self-care is essential, too, she explains, holding up an angel aura quartz around her neck, which she uses to steel herself for difficult encounters. “This is like my sanctuary, away from everything,” she said, gesturing around her two-bedroom in Monterey Park. “When I sit in that chair, I feel like I’m getting a hug from my grandpa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11903128\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"804\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11-800x536.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11-1020x683.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The impact on clients\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Clients feel the brunt of turnover just as acutely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent study found that in the last decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/inequity-in-the-psh-system-in-los-angeles/\">more than a fifth of the 16,026 people in Los Angeles placed in permanent supportive housing\u003c/a> — which pairs rental assistance with case management, substance use programs and mental health treatment — plunged back into homelessness. Black tenants were the most likely to return to the streets or a shelter, and they cited high case-manager turnover as one of several factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a case manager who is trying to help you create long-term goals, but they’re only staying for three to six months, it prevents you from actually being able to follow through,” said Edwards of UCLA, a co-author of the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='housing']Some tenants he spoke with were already on their sixth or seventh case manager while in permanent housing. In turn, some clients didn’t bother to learn their case manager’s names for a couple of months, making their jobs that much harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you have one you can actually work with, next thing you know, you get a notice on your door, ‘Oh, well, hi, this will be my last week.’ And you’re like, ‘Damn. You just got here,’” said Theresa Winkler, who lives with her husband in permanent supportive housing in downtown LA’s Skid Row neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Winkler, 58, said she has been living in permanent supportive housing for about a decade and was unhoused for about half her life before that. She said she has been clean from crack, heroin and alcohol for 15 years, and continues to seek help for post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety and depression. But cycling through caseworker after caseworker — at least three in the last two years — is “straight frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903122\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903122\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09.jpg\" alt=\"A wide shot of a multi-story residential structure.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residences in the Skid Row Housing Trust in Skid Row in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With addiction, a relapse happens weeks before you pick up,” she explained. “If you know yourself and you see it coming, you’re able to go downstairs, talk to your caseworker, and tell her, ‘Hey, look, can I talk to you for a few minutes?’ But if you don’t have anybody you can trust to go in and talk to — because that’s the biggest word right there, trust — then hey, I’m back out there doing what I was doing in the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband, her doctors and her 12-step recovery program have helped her stay on track and find solace. So has reflecting on her progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nice for me to finally say, ‘You know what? I finally found peace,’” she said. “Because it’s hard to find peace. Look at where I’m at. I’m in the pits of hell.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Burnout and COVID are causing service workers for unhoused Californians to leave. Low pay makes it difficult to recruit new workers — but they're essential to the state's plans to reduce homelessness.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/01/la-escasez-de-trabajadores-sociales-podria-bloquear-la-estrategia-para-indigentes-en-california/\">\u003cem>Leer en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the middle of March last year,\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2021-03-13/echo-park-encampment-exposes-bigger-la-homeless-issues\"> Los Angeles officials were gearing up to clear an encampment of 200 unhoused persons\u003c/a> at Echo Park Lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Denise Velazquez, 53, then an outreach worker with the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, her task was clear: Get 10 people indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her clients — who were cold, tired and desperate to shower — pack their bags and sign intake forms. She gave them hope that warmth was around the corner: hotel rooms under \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/01/california-homeless-permanent-supportive-housing/\">Project Roomkey, the state’s program to shelter unhoused people most at risk of catching COVID-19\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But orders changed overnight. Her agency had access to only three beds, and when she told her clients, they yelled, spit and lunged at her partner. Velazquez says she broke their trust — and that broke her heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My stomach is feeling so uncomfortable and heart broken,” Velazquez wrote in an email to her supervisor on March 18, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA spokesperson Ahmad Chapman said various local service providers placed 176 of those at the Echo Park encampment in interim housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks that followed, Velazquez said her health deteriorated. Her blood pressure spiked, her diabetes worsened, and her anxiety and depression spiraled. Her employer granted her a medical leave of absence, but therapy revealed that the only way to heal, she said, was to quit. Abandoning her clients broke her heart all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903130\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903130\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03.jpg\" alt=\"Two hands hold up a pair of boots. The boots are very worn out and stained with dirt and water.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denise Velazquez holds the boots she got when she started working in homelessness outreach. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Turnover has long plagued the homeless services field. COVID-19 has only made the problem worse as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/california-workers-covid/\">the omicron surge causes worker shortages across California’s economy\u003c/a>. And without enough service workers, the state’s ambitious, multibillion-dollar strategy for reducing homelessness is unlikely to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people who enter social work know to expect small paychecks; they’re driven by compassion and a desire for positive change. But caring too much can be crushing when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2021/11/california-homeless-camps-clearing-plan/\">housing is elusive\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/mentally-ill-forced-treatment-conservatorship-california-debate/\">mental health services scant\u003c/a>, and communication splintered among the myriad entities who decide the fate of the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re paying these folks pennies on the dollar to burn themselves out completely,” said Tami McVay, assistant program director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.selfhelpenterprises.org/\">Self-Help Enterprises\u003c/a>, which serves lower-income communities in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When you bring up staff turnover or vacancies with any provider or advocate, they nod vigorously. The mostly government-contracted private organizations serving people experiencing homelessness have waged an uphill battle to recruit and retain workers into their fast-growing workforce, including some formerly homeless individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA-based \u003ca href=\"https://epath.org/\">People Assisting the Homeless\u003c/a>, or PATH, which serves about a fifth of the state’s unhoused population, has hired seven recruiters to help fill 340 vacancies, out of 1,100 jobs, said CEO Jennifer Hark Dietz. It’s now taking an average of four months to fill any given spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s before the latest homelessness budget, approved last summer by Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#a5795160-28e3-11ea-963d-8304ae9d247c\">floods providers with $12 billion over the next two years\u003c/a>. The state says the funding will require thousands of new positions in the homeless response system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all this money,” said Farrah McDaid Ting, a senior legislative representative with the California State Association of Counties. “Can we really do this if we don’t have the people? I think there could be a real limitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903126\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903126\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05.jpg\" alt=\"Mel Tillekeratne stands against one of the walls of a Shower of Hope facility.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN05-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mel Tillekeratne, executive director of The Shower of Hope. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Good jobs wanted\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the root of the worker shortage — which advocates say is really a shortage of good jobs — is low wages. Most homeless services organizations CalMatters spoke with pay starting frontline workers between $16 and $18 an hour, barely higher than minimum wage. They openly admit it’s far too little for the grueling labor, and often isn’t enough to live in expensive California cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the homeless services sector, it’s like: You didn’t get this paperwork in on time, I lost my housing, or my legs are hurting, I think I might have a blood clot,” said Mel Tillekeratne, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://theshowerofhope.org/\">The Shower of Hope, which runs 22 mobile shower sites across Los Angeles County\u003c/a>. “It’s an unbelievably high amount of stress. I’ve seen so many outreach workers completely checked out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, people employed in emergency and other relief services — including homeless service providers — \u003ca href=\"https://data.bls.gov/PDQWeb/en\">made an average annual salary of $49,616 in 2020\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘A lot of individuals didn’t see a pathway for them to stay doing this work.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Why not pay more? Tillekeratne says government contracts usually cap personnel costs. He had to raise money privately, for example, to offer hazard pay at the start of the pandemic. Federal and state grants usually come in bursts and have short timelines, forcing organizations to fill temporary positions before they expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they don’t leave homeless services completely, workers will switch jobs for $1 or $2 more an hour. Or, if they get promoted, they often lose direct contact with clients, adding to a sense that frontline work is undervalued, said Earl Edwards, a doctoral candidate at the University of California, Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Inequity-in-the-PSH-System-in-Los-Angeles.pdf\">who interviewed 11 case managers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of individuals didn’t see a pathway for them to stay doing this work,” Edwards said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most organizations that serve unhoused individuals often hire people who are just exiting homelessness themselves: “That also adds an additional level of trauma,” he said. Shelter workers in Fresno constantly reach out about “unstable living arrangements of their own, asking for housing,” said Katie Wilbur, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rhcommunitybuilders.com/\">RH Community Builders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903133\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903133\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11.jpg\" alt=\"A person receives a haircut outdoors. The barber touches the hair of the person receiving the haircut.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/012622-Homeless-Services-RN-CM-11-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A volunteer barber cuts an unhoused person’s hair at Trinity Church in Riverside. Those who are unhoused come once a week to the church where they are offered haircuts, clothes, food and a shower. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The fewer employees with master’s degrees in social work often earn higher salaries, but even those aren’t high enough to keep them from more lucrative jobs, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.apu.edu/bas/faculty/dgallup/\">Donna Gallup\u003c/a>, an assistant professor at Azusa Pacific’s Department of Social Work, who runs a pilot program to recruit more students into the homeless services field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have an opportunity as a graduate student, with student debt, you may select a school, a hospital or another nonprofit where you are not having to work with a stigmatized population that is very demanding, and the work conditions, especially with COVID,” Gallup said. “It has been a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">proposed 2022 budget, which still has to be negotiated with the Legislature\u003c/a>, includes $1.7 billion over three years to expand the state’s health and human services workforce “with improved diversity, wages and health equity outcomes,” said Rodger Butler, a spokesperson for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/\">California Health and Human Services Agency\u003c/a>. But even that may not be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until … funding is commensurate to offer living wages across positions in the sector, it’ll be hard to train our way out of this crisis,” said Mari Castaldi, senior legislative advocate on homelessness at \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase the wages of the lowest-paid workers, the nonprofit is calling for a supplemental appropriation — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/#a5795160-28e3-11ea-963d-8304ae9d247c\">on top of $2 billion over two years in flexible spending in last year’s budget\u003c/a> that cities and counties will use to pay nonprofit partners to run most of these homelessness programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t think it makes sense to say to service providers, ‘You get to choose between serving the number of clients that you set forth to serve, or increasing wages,’” Castaldi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11903124\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN12-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Underpaid and burned out\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But pay is only one part of the problem, says Deborah Son, executive director of the National Association of Social Workers’ California chapter. She represents 9,000 of the state’s roughly 75,000 certified social workers — and says all of them are affected by\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\"> the severe shortage of affordable housing in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can bulk up the workforce and get people jobs and create jobs,” she said, “but if we don’t create the housing structures that are necessary, and we’re talking about the intricate systems necessary, your efforts become moot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following her stint at LAHSA, Velazquez found a new job at homeless services nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://unionstationhs.org/\">Union Station Homeless Services\u003c/a> as a care coordinator, earning $24 an hour. Half of her 20 clients are in housing, and her job is to keep them there. Her other clients are trying — unsuccessfully since September — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/08/section-8-voucher-discrimination-california-housing-crisis/\">to get into a place using housing vouchers, which cover two-thirds of the rent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There’s not enough apartments, and landlords don’t want them,” she said. “Legally [landlords] can’t say, ‘No, I’m not going to take a voucher.’ But they can say, ‘Oh, but your client has to have 650 credit score, and no evictions, and no criminal record.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is where the burnout comes,” she added. “It’s like, a case manager can do and do and do and we still feel we’re not doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her new job, Velazquez said she feels heard when she brings up concerns. She gets a day off every two weeks to unwind, checks in with her supervisor regularly and participates in training and meditation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her own self-care is essential, too, she explains, holding up an angel aura quartz around her neck, which she uses to steel herself for difficult encounters. “This is like my sanctuary, away from everything,” she said, gesturing around her two-bedroom in Monterey Park. “When I sit in that chair, I feel like I’m getting a hug from my grandpa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11903128\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"804\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11-800x536.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11-1020x683.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN11-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The impact on clients\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Clients feel the brunt of turnover just as acutely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent study found that in the last decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/inequity-in-the-psh-system-in-los-angeles/\">more than a fifth of the 16,026 people in Los Angeles placed in permanent supportive housing\u003c/a> — which pairs rental assistance with case management, substance use programs and mental health treatment — plunged back into homelessness. Black tenants were the most likely to return to the streets or a shelter, and they cited high case-manager turnover as one of several factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a case manager who is trying to help you create long-term goals, but they’re only staying for three to six months, it prevents you from actually being able to follow through,” said Edwards of UCLA, a co-author of the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Some tenants he spoke with were already on their sixth or seventh case manager while in permanent housing. In turn, some clients didn’t bother to learn their case manager’s names for a couple of months, making their jobs that much harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you have one you can actually work with, next thing you know, you get a notice on your door, ‘Oh, well, hi, this will be my last week.’ And you’re like, ‘Damn. You just got here,’” said Theresa Winkler, who lives with her husband in permanent supportive housing in downtown LA’s Skid Row neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Winkler, 58, said she has been living in permanent supportive housing for about a decade and was unhoused for about half her life before that. She said she has been clean from crack, heroin and alcohol for 15 years, and continues to seek help for post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety and depression. But cycling through caseworker after caseworker — at least three in the last two years — is “straight frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903122\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903122\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09.jpg\" alt=\"A wide shot of a multi-story residential structure.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"799\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/01262022-HOMELESS-SERVICES-RN09-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residences in the Skid Row Housing Trust in Skid Row in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With addiction, a relapse happens weeks before you pick up,” she explained. “If you know yourself and you see it coming, you’re able to go downstairs, talk to your caseworker, and tell her, ‘Hey, look, can I talk to you for a few minutes?’ But if you don’t have anybody you can trust to go in and talk to — because that’s the biggest word right there, trust — then hey, I’m back out there doing what I was doing in the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband, her doctors and her 12-step recovery program have helped her stay on track and find solace. So has reflecting on her progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nice for me to finally say, ‘You know what? I finally found peace,’” she said. “Because it’s hard to find peace. Look at where I’m at. I’m in the pits of hell.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Nothing Compassionate About Someone Dying in the Streets': Newsom Proposes $2 Billion to Address Homelessness",
"title": "'Nothing Compassionate About Someone Dying in the Streets': Newsom Proposes $2 Billion to Address Homelessness",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/01/newsom-sobre-la-falta-de-vivienda-tenemos-que-limpiar-esos-campamentos/\">\u003cem>español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his January budget proposal to the state Legislature, Gov. Gavin Newsom delivered a clear message: California needs to move people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to see any more people die in the streets and call that compassion,” Newsom said Monday, detailing \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Governors-California-Blueprint-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">his $286.4 billion blueprint\u003c/a>. “There is nothing compassionate about someone dying in the streets or stepping over someone on the streets or sidewalks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Confronting-Homelessness-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">proposed $2 billion to address California's homelessness crisis\u003c/a> — including $1.5 billion to buy and set up “tiny homes” and other temporary shelter options, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2021/11/california-homeless-camps-clearing-plan/\">often fall far short of need\u003c/a> and which he conceded would only be a “bridge” to permanent housing with services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While substantial, the governor’s request pales in comparison to the funding he and the Legislature approved last year — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">$12 billion\u003c/a> to create supportive housing facilities and help fund green-lit affordable housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re offering this year is additional money to find a bridge to the permanent supportive housing, and that’s tiny homes, that’s procuring treatment, that’s house slots and shelter slots in the interim,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor projected that the funding would yield another 11,000 beds for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">unhoused people\u003c/a>, in addition to the estimated 44,000 that will be created with money earmarked from last year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining $500 million would go toward grants, to be distributed next summer, to local governments to help relocate \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2021/11/california-homeless-camps-clearing-plan/\">people living in encampments\u003c/a> — a 10-fold increase from the grant funding available in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demand for such grants has, to date, far outpaced supply, according to the agency in charge of reviewing grant applications: The state’s Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency (BCSH) reported it had \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CAbcsh/status/1479149572798574593\">received an \"overwhelming\" number of grant applications on Dec. 31 \u003c/a>— from 26 cities and 10 counties — requesting a total of $120 million, which was $72 million more than it had to give.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]But despite the proposed increase in grant funding, Christopher Martin, policy director for \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, lamented the lack of funds to quickly move unhoused people into existing housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a dime in here that is going towards rental assistance or permanent housing,” he said. “Building shelter and treatment beds, that takes time. That’s going to take years. These people are dealing with the elements today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rental assistance for people with housing but who are at risk of being evicted also is running out. The state has so far \u003ca href=\"https://housing.ca.gov/covid_rr/dashboard.html\">received relief application requests totaling more than $6.8 billion, according to BCSH's dashboard\u003c/a>. That's well over the $5.2 billion it has gotten from the federal government, about half of which is administered by local jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency previously expressed confidence that the need would be filled by another round of federal funding, but in response to California’s recent $1.9 billion request to the U.S. Treasury Department, the state only received $62 million on Friday, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so for the purposes of this budget, we are looking to continue to engage directly with Treasury, the Biden administration, as we have been, and directly with legislative leaders,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s blueprint to tackle \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">California’s housing crisis\u003c/a> totals another $2 billion and prioritizes the state’s climate goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to reinforce, to some extent … moving away from investments in housing that don’t focus on climate, health, integrating downtown schools, jobs, parks and restaurants,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes about $800 million in grants to develop housing units and the infrastructure around them in mostly downtown areas, “in that space away from the sprawl,” he said. The idea is to avoid building in areas prone to wildfires, and to prevent the greenhouse gas emissions that result from long commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of that money, Newsom wants to set aside $100 million to help offset the high costs that can make it prohibitively expensive to \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/commercial-residential-conversions/\">convert old offices and other buildings into apartments\u003c/a> — a practice that UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation found is most common in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides prioritizing housing in downtown areas, the grant also would help meet the state’s climate goals by \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/los-angeles-conversions-housing-vacant-offices-remote-work-adaptive-reuse-element-omgivning-downtown?mc_cid=607e273f5a&mc_eid=cef0c46a71\">slashing the main culprit of construction waste: demolition\u003c/a>. The remaining $100 million would go toward affordable housing on vacant state-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other $1 billion in Newsom’s housing budget is focused largely on creating more affordable housing for the state's lowest earners, with $500 million going toward the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, the largest funding source for building subsidized housing. The other $500 million would be used to preserve deteriorating affordable housing in downtown areas and rehabilitate mobile home parks, among other initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said while he applauds the new “short-term investments,” the money won’t come close to building the 1.2 million homes his group estimates the state needs by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for the governor and state leaders to go beyond proposing another year of short-term assistance and instead commit to a long-term plan with sustained investments at the scale needed to solve the homeless and housing affordability crises and address climate change,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The League of California Cities, however, responded more positively to Newsom’s blueprint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposal makes good on last year’s promises by the state to continue investing in housing production, as well as housing coupled with mental health services for those experiencing homelessness,” Carolyn Coleman, the league’s CEO, said in a statement. “These proposed investments are a critical down payment by the state on the long-term funding needed to solve a decades-in-the-making crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2022/01/newsom-sobre-la-falta-de-vivienda-tenemos-que-limpiar-esos-campamentos/\">\u003cem>español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his January budget proposal to the state Legislature, Gov. Gavin Newsom delivered a clear message: California needs to move people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to see any more people die in the streets and call that compassion,” Newsom said Monday, detailing \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Governors-California-Blueprint-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">his $286.4 billion blueprint\u003c/a>. “There is nothing compassionate about someone dying in the streets or stepping over someone on the streets or sidewalks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Confronting-Homelessness-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">proposed $2 billion to address California's homelessness crisis\u003c/a> — including $1.5 billion to buy and set up “tiny homes” and other temporary shelter options, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2021/11/california-homeless-camps-clearing-plan/\">often fall far short of need\u003c/a> and which he conceded would only be a “bridge” to permanent housing with services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While substantial, the governor’s request pales in comparison to the funding he and the Legislature approved last year — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">$12 billion\u003c/a> to create supportive housing facilities and help fund green-lit affordable housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re offering this year is additional money to find a bridge to the permanent supportive housing, and that’s tiny homes, that’s procuring treatment, that’s house slots and shelter slots in the interim,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor projected that the funding would yield another 11,000 beds for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">unhoused people\u003c/a>, in addition to the estimated 44,000 that will be created with money earmarked from last year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining $500 million would go toward grants, to be distributed next summer, to local governments to help relocate \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homeless/2021/11/california-homeless-camps-clearing-plan/\">people living in encampments\u003c/a> — a 10-fold increase from the grant funding available in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demand for such grants has, to date, far outpaced supply, according to the agency in charge of reviewing grant applications: The state’s Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency (BCSH) reported it had \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CAbcsh/status/1479149572798574593\">received an \"overwhelming\" number of grant applications on Dec. 31 \u003c/a>— from 26 cities and 10 counties — requesting a total of $120 million, which was $72 million more than it had to give.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But despite the proposed increase in grant funding, Christopher Martin, policy director for \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, lamented the lack of funds to quickly move unhoused people into existing housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a dime in here that is going towards rental assistance or permanent housing,” he said. “Building shelter and treatment beds, that takes time. That’s going to take years. These people are dealing with the elements today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rental assistance for people with housing but who are at risk of being evicted also is running out. The state has so far \u003ca href=\"https://housing.ca.gov/covid_rr/dashboard.html\">received relief application requests totaling more than $6.8 billion, according to BCSH's dashboard\u003c/a>. That's well over the $5.2 billion it has gotten from the federal government, about half of which is administered by local jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency previously expressed confidence that the need would be filled by another round of federal funding, but in response to California’s recent $1.9 billion request to the U.S. Treasury Department, the state only received $62 million on Friday, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so for the purposes of this budget, we are looking to continue to engage directly with Treasury, the Biden administration, as we have been, and directly with legislative leaders,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s blueprint to tackle \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">California’s housing crisis\u003c/a> totals another $2 billion and prioritizes the state’s climate goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to reinforce, to some extent … moving away from investments in housing that don’t focus on climate, health, integrating downtown schools, jobs, parks and restaurants,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes about $800 million in grants to develop housing units and the infrastructure around them in mostly downtown areas, “in that space away from the sprawl,” he said. The idea is to avoid building in areas prone to wildfires, and to prevent the greenhouse gas emissions that result from long commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of that money, Newsom wants to set aside $100 million to help offset the high costs that can make it prohibitively expensive to \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/commercial-residential-conversions/\">convert old offices and other buildings into apartments\u003c/a> — a practice that UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation found is most common in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides prioritizing housing in downtown areas, the grant also would help meet the state’s climate goals by \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/los-angeles-conversions-housing-vacant-offices-remote-work-adaptive-reuse-element-omgivning-downtown?mc_cid=607e273f5a&mc_eid=cef0c46a71\">slashing the main culprit of construction waste: demolition\u003c/a>. The remaining $100 million would go toward affordable housing on vacant state-owned land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other $1 billion in Newsom’s housing budget is focused largely on creating more affordable housing for the state's lowest earners, with $500 million going toward the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, the largest funding source for building subsidized housing. The other $500 million would be used to preserve deteriorating affordable housing in downtown areas and rehabilitate mobile home parks, among other initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said while he applauds the new “short-term investments,” the money won’t come close to building the 1.2 million homes his group estimates the state needs by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for the governor and state leaders to go beyond proposing another year of short-term assistance and instead commit to a long-term plan with sustained investments at the scale needed to solve the homeless and housing affordability crises and address climate change,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The League of California Cities, however, responded more positively to Newsom’s blueprint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposal makes good on last year’s promises by the state to continue investing in housing production, as well as housing coupled with mental health services for those experiencing homelessness,” Carolyn Coleman, the league’s CEO, said in a statement. “These proposed investments are a critical down payment by the state on the long-term funding needed to solve a decades-in-the-making crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With California expecting another year of record state revenues, Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday unveiled a spending plan that would make deep investments into containing the current COVID-19 surge, expanding health care access, shoring up drought response and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899691/gov-newsom-boosts-efforts-to-combat-organized-retail-theft-in-california\">fighting organized retail crime\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $286.4 billion proposal is aimed at tackling what Newsom’s administration deems California’s “most existential threats”: COVID-19, climate change, homelessness, inequality and public safety. With midterm elections and the governor’s reelection campaign looming this fall, however, those challenges also pose clear political threats to the national Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge.’[/pullquote]His budget seems aimed at getting ahead of some of that. Newsom is asking lawmakers to spend an extra $1.4 billion immediately on pandemic response measures — a proposal that comes as the state faces down its third year of addressing the pandemic even as COVID-19 cases surge to record levels, causing major disruptions in schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor wants the state to earmark $2.7 billion in additional money over the next 18 months \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/08/governor-newsom-announces-new-2-7-billion-covid-19-emergency-response-package/\">for increased testing, vaccination campaigns and support for hospitals and health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal this year is to do more in testing and those vaccine boosters,” he said. “[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge, in issues related to staffing of frontline workers in our hospitals, and dealing with this incredible stress and strain that so many in our system are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also praised “the individuals that show up every single day for work against just extraordinary, extraordinary circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With at least $45 billion more in expected revenue than had been forecast by state officials last year — a number that could climb even higher over the coming months — Newsom also wants to expand health care access to all Californians, regardless of immigration status. If his proposal to make Medi-Cal available to all undocumented immigrants is approved, California would become the first state in the nation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11879724\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS50190_GettyImages-1310021506-qut-1020x668.jpg\"]Not all of that $45 billion in extra money is unspoken for. Newsom noted that $16 billion of it will automatically go to schools, and $9 billion will be put in state reserves or used to pay down debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California leaders will have about $20 billion extra to spend — cash Newsom said he wants to spend largely on one-time investments. It’s still unclear, the governor said, whether the state will have to refund any money to taxpayers under a 1979 law that places limits on state spending.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schools and COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With the pandemic still top of mind for many Californians, Newsom is including a proposed $1.2 billion to help expand hours and capacity at testing sites as well as distribute millions of antigen tests to schools, local governments and clinics. The lack of access to testing has become a huge problem for schools in particular as the omicron variant drives cases to unprecedented levels, prompting staffing shortages and posing political challenges for Newsom and other state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to testing, the governor wants to pump another $583 million into efforts to get more Californians vaccinated and boosted. That money would fund not only in-home vaccination and testing programs and free transportation to vaccine appointments, but also a public education campaign aimed at combating vaccine misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to invest billions more into behavioral health services — including for young people who have been hit hard by mental health issues during the pandemic. And, he’s proposing to continue offering two free meals a day to all public schoolchildren, not just those from families with incomes deemed low enough to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, to address concerns about how declining public school enrollment could hurt schools already struggling to survive the pandemic, Newsom is proposing a new way to calculate how much money school districts receive. Instead of basing budget figures on a district’s average daily attendance over one school year, the budget proposes allowing them to consider an average of three years of attendance figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Climate investments\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite wet weather in recent weeks, California is still facing a historic drought. Last year, lawmakers and the governor approved a $5.2 billion water package that will fund infrastructure projects around the state to make water more reliable and safer. In this year’s plan, Newsom proposes spending an additional $750 million to help residents, farmers and wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are mindful of our need to do better to prepare not only for short-term, medium- and long-term realities of a world that’s being replumbed both literally and figuratively as it comes to weather,” Newsom said, adding that in addition to investments in storage and infrastructure, “we have got to do more, all of us including my family, on water conservation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11900750\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/GettyImages-1323577332-1-1020x676.jpg\"]The governor is also including $1.2 billion in new spending on initiatives like forest thinning, prescribed burns, grazing, reforestation, fuel breaks and new technology to detect wildfires early. And he wants to direct nearly $650 million in new funds to support firefighting efforts — including $400 million for CalFire firefighters directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are overwhelmed, they are stressed,” Newsom said of the CalFire workforce. “We have gotten staffing up [in recent years] but the workload is still profound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to reduce the state’s reliance on fossil fuels in part by investing a total of $10 billion to encourage the switch to electric vehicles, including nearly $4 billion for trucks, buses and heavy-duty vehicles. And he’s proposing over $1 billion over the next three years in new tax credits for businesses that create “cutting-edge climate solutions” and “develop green energy technologies and agree to share profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Targeting inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor also is prioritizing the state’s high cost of living, saying he wants to help blunt the rising costs of health care, housing and child care — and help small businesses stay open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his initiatives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding Medi-Cal health coverage to undocumented immigrants who are between age 26 and 50. In recent years, the state has slowly increased access to the health care insurance program for Californians with lower incomes — first by expanding it to young people up to age 26 in 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news//so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\">and then last year by including an estimated 235,000 undocumented people over the age of 50\u003c/a>. Under this year’s proposal — which is likely to be embraced by the Democrat-led Legislature, another 764,000 people would be covered by January of 2024.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Investing in child care and education programs by adding thousands of new child care slots for lower-income families and increasing access to before-, after- and summer-school programs. He’s also proposing $4 billion in spending over the next several years to create universal preschool in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Earmarking $2 billion for grants and tax credits aimed at increasing housing production in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and tax breaks to small businesses as well as waiving fees. Newsom, a business owner himself, noted the challenges small businesses have faced during this pandemic.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$182 million to fight the opioid epidemic, particularly the fentanyl crisis, including for overdose prevention and medication-assisted treatment.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And, the governor said the state will be experimenting with a way to bring down the cost of prescription drugs by entering into agreements to produce its own insulin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insulin epitomizes the failures in the pharmaceutical industry,” he said, adding that more details will be released in the coming months but that he hopes the pilot program could be a model for other pharmaceutical products.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Reducing homelessness\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition to $12 billion authorized last year, Newsom is proposing another $2 billion in spending this year aimed at getting people off the street and into shelters that have behavioral health support. He noted that the state has housed more than 50,000 people since the pandemic began, through its Project Roomkey program, but said more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most strikingly, the governor indicated he intends to double down on one of the state’s most controversial strategies for getting people into housing: conservatorship laws, which allow counties to force residents deemed mentally incompetent by a court into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11887815\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1233456190-1020x680.jpg\"]Conservatorship laws have been vociferously opposed by some advocates for unhoused people and by civil libertarians, but the governor promised to overhaul the state’s laws this year, with more details in the coming weeks for what is sure to be a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we recognize our responsibility to do more and better,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his budget proposals: $1.4 billion for mobile crisis services, so that Medi-Cal providers can provide behavioral health care to unhoused residents where they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Public safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom also is trying to get ahead of concerns about public safety. His proposal includes $255 million in grants to help local law enforcement combat organized retail crime — including by increasing police presence at stores. He’s piloting a new grant program to help small businesses that have been the victims of smash-and-grab theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to make permanent a “smash and grab” division at the California Highway Patrol dedicated to assisting police agencies in the Bay Area, Sacramento, San Joaquin Valley, Los Angeles and San Diego regions combat retail, auto and rail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='politics']The budget also calls for nearly $50 million to help both state and local prosecutors in theft-related cases — including to prosecute large retail theft rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he understands that mayors and local police and prosecutors need support to tackle, in particular, organized theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s wrong and you have to be held to account,” he said, noting that those crimes threaten “our sense of safety,” which he called “foundational to any thriving society.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With California expecting another year of record state revenues, Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday unveiled a spending plan that would make deep investments into containing the current COVID-19 surge, expanding health care access, shoring up drought response and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899691/gov-newsom-boosts-efforts-to-combat-organized-retail-theft-in-california\">fighting organized retail crime\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $286.4 billion proposal is aimed at tackling what Newsom’s administration deems California’s “most existential threats”: COVID-19, climate change, homelessness, inequality and public safety. With midterm elections and the governor’s reelection campaign looming this fall, however, those challenges also pose clear political threats to the national Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>His budget seems aimed at getting ahead of some of that. Newsom is asking lawmakers to spend an extra $1.4 billion immediately on pandemic response measures — a proposal that comes as the state faces down its third year of addressing the pandemic even as COVID-19 cases surge to record levels, causing major disruptions in schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor wants the state to earmark $2.7 billion in additional money over the next 18 months \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/08/governor-newsom-announces-new-2-7-billion-covid-19-emergency-response-package/\">for increased testing, vaccination campaigns and support for hospitals and health care workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal this year is to do more in testing and those vaccine boosters,” he said. “[We] continue to do what we can to fight this latest surge, in issues related to staffing of frontline workers in our hospitals, and dealing with this incredible stress and strain that so many in our system are facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also praised “the individuals that show up every single day for work against just extraordinary, extraordinary circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With at least $45 billion more in expected revenue than had been forecast by state officials last year — a number that could climb even higher over the coming months — Newsom also wants to expand health care access to all Californians, regardless of immigration status. If his proposal to make Medi-Cal available to all undocumented immigrants is approved, California would become the first state in the nation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Not all of that $45 billion in extra money is unspoken for. Newsom noted that $16 billion of it will automatically go to schools, and $9 billion will be put in state reserves or used to pay down debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California leaders will have about $20 billion extra to spend — cash Newsom said he wants to spend largely on one-time investments. It’s still unclear, the governor said, whether the state will have to refund any money to taxpayers under a 1979 law that places limits on state spending.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schools and COVID-19\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With the pandemic still top of mind for many Californians, Newsom is including a proposed $1.2 billion to help expand hours and capacity at testing sites as well as distribute millions of antigen tests to schools, local governments and clinics. The lack of access to testing has become a huge problem for schools in particular as the omicron variant drives cases to unprecedented levels, prompting staffing shortages and posing political challenges for Newsom and other state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to testing, the governor wants to pump another $583 million into efforts to get more Californians vaccinated and boosted. That money would fund not only in-home vaccination and testing programs and free transportation to vaccine appointments, but also a public education campaign aimed at combating vaccine misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to invest billions more into behavioral health services — including for young people who have been hit hard by mental health issues during the pandemic. And, he’s proposing to continue offering two free meals a day to all public schoolchildren, not just those from families with incomes deemed low enough to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, to address concerns about how declining public school enrollment could hurt schools already struggling to survive the pandemic, Newsom is proposing a new way to calculate how much money school districts receive. Instead of basing budget figures on a district’s average daily attendance over one school year, the budget proposes allowing them to consider an average of three years of attendance figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Climate investments\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite wet weather in recent weeks, California is still facing a historic drought. Last year, lawmakers and the governor approved a $5.2 billion water package that will fund infrastructure projects around the state to make water more reliable and safer. In this year’s plan, Newsom proposes spending an additional $750 million to help residents, farmers and wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are mindful of our need to do better to prepare not only for short-term, medium- and long-term realities of a world that’s being replumbed both literally and figuratively as it comes to weather,” Newsom said, adding that in addition to investments in storage and infrastructure, “we have got to do more, all of us including my family, on water conservation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor is also including $1.2 billion in new spending on initiatives like forest thinning, prescribed burns, grazing, reforestation, fuel breaks and new technology to detect wildfires early. And he wants to direct nearly $650 million in new funds to support firefighting efforts — including $400 million for CalFire firefighters directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are overwhelmed, they are stressed,” Newsom said of the CalFire workforce. “We have gotten staffing up [in recent years] but the workload is still profound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to reduce the state’s reliance on fossil fuels in part by investing a total of $10 billion to encourage the switch to electric vehicles, including nearly $4 billion for trucks, buses and heavy-duty vehicles. And he’s proposing over $1 billion over the next three years in new tax credits for businesses that create “cutting-edge climate solutions” and “develop green energy technologies and agree to share profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Targeting inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The governor also is prioritizing the state’s high cost of living, saying he wants to help blunt the rising costs of health care, housing and child care — and help small businesses stay open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his initiatives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Expanding Medi-Cal health coverage to undocumented immigrants who are between age 26 and 50. In recent years, the state has slowly increased access to the health care insurance program for Californians with lower incomes — first by expanding it to young people up to age 26 in 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news//so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\">and then last year by including an estimated 235,000 undocumented people over the age of 50\u003c/a>. Under this year’s proposal — which is likely to be embraced by the Democrat-led Legislature, another 764,000 people would be covered by January of 2024.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Investing in child care and education programs by adding thousands of new child care slots for lower-income families and increasing access to before-, after- and summer-school programs. He’s also proposing $4 billion in spending over the next several years to create universal preschool in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Earmarking $2 billion for grants and tax credits aimed at increasing housing production in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Providing hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and tax breaks to small businesses as well as waiving fees. Newsom, a business owner himself, noted the challenges small businesses have faced during this pandemic.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$182 million to fight the opioid epidemic, particularly the fentanyl crisis, including for overdose prevention and medication-assisted treatment.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And, the governor said the state will be experimenting with a way to bring down the cost of prescription drugs by entering into agreements to produce its own insulin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insulin epitomizes the failures in the pharmaceutical industry,” he said, adding that more details will be released in the coming months but that he hopes the pilot program could be a model for other pharmaceutical products.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Reducing homelessness\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition to $12 billion authorized last year, Newsom is proposing another $2 billion in spending this year aimed at getting people off the street and into shelters that have behavioral health support. He noted that the state has housed more than 50,000 people since the pandemic began, through its Project Roomkey program, but said more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most strikingly, the governor indicated he intends to double down on one of the state’s most controversial strategies for getting people into housing: conservatorship laws, which allow counties to force residents deemed mentally incompetent by a court into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Conservatorship laws have been vociferously opposed by some advocates for unhoused people and by civil libertarians, but the governor promised to overhaul the state’s laws this year, with more details in the coming weeks for what is sure to be a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we recognize our responsibility to do more and better,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his budget proposals: $1.4 billion for mobile crisis services, so that Medi-Cal providers can provide behavioral health care to unhoused residents where they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Public safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom also is trying to get ahead of concerns about public safety. His proposal includes $255 million in grants to help local law enforcement combat organized retail crime — including by increasing police presence at stores. He’s piloting a new grant program to help small businesses that have been the victims of smash-and-grab theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to make permanent a “smash and grab” division at the California Highway Patrol dedicated to assisting police agencies in the Bay Area, Sacramento, San Joaquin Valley, Los Angeles and San Diego regions combat retail, auto and rail theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The budget also calls for nearly $50 million to help both state and local prosecutors in theft-related cases — including to prosecute large retail theft rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he understands that mayors and local police and prosecutors need support to tackle, in particular, organized theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s wrong and you have to be held to account,” he said, noting that those crimes threaten “our sense of safety,” which he called “foundational to any thriving society.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood is officially in a state of emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Thursday night to approve \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Mayor London Breed’s order to declare a state of emergency\u003c/a> in the long-beleaguered city neighborhood, where the needs of people suffering and dying from poverty and substance use disorders have clashed with the needs of nearby families, who are demanding relief from the psychological toll of continuous open-air drug markets and unregulated use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the supervisors who voted to approve the declaration still expressed their concerns that the ordinance may condone the criminalization of those experiencing substance use disorders in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11899726\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/IMG_20191127_153031-e1574905962967-1020x802.jpg\"]“I will note, the mayor can crack down on the Tenderloin today no matter what we do,” said Supervisor Hillary Ronen, who represents the Mission and other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, during the meeting, the mayor’s staff promised not to use the emergency powers to boost police funding, but instead to enable more services to help people with substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between now and January, if they use a cent to increase [the San Francisco Police Department budget], we can cancel this order on the spot,” Ronen said. “I’m going to vote to approve this order today, but I’m going to watch this thing like a hawk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors had seven days to approve Breed’s emergency declaration for the Tenderloin, which will last 90 days. Eight supervisors voted to approve the order, with Supervisors Dean Preston and Shamann Walton voting no, and Supervisor Aaron Peskin absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Supervisor Hillary Ronen, District 9\"]‘Between now and January, if they use a cent to increase [the SFPD budget], we can cancel this order on the spot.’[/pullquote]In their vote to approve the measure, some members of the board cited a longstanding informal policy of voting alongside a supervisor on issues that affect the neighborhood that supervisor represents. Since Supervisor Matt Haney, who is running for State Assembly and represents the Tenderloin, backed the emergency order, other supervisors were swayed to join him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they did so amid publicly aired concerns. Breed spurred fears she would criminalize drug use when she announced earlier this month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899060/vowing-to-end-reign-of-criminals-destroying-our-city-sf-mayor-breed-announces-latest-tenderloin-crackdown\">a new public safety strategy in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, calling for a “tough love” approach that would have more cops on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her remarks, she said San Franciscans should be “less tolerant of all the bull— that has destroyed our city,” and suggested that people who did not accept services would be jailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/12/san-francisco-tenderloin-matrix-declaration-of-emergency-london-breed/\">and others from Breed\u003c/a>, hung over the more than 10-hour-long meeting, as some of the supervisors argued people using drugs need care, not jail, to find healthier lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, city staff delivered a softened version of Breed’s message to the supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11899060\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/20211214_115252-1020x771.jpg\"]“I can say unequivocally our office will not use authority in the emergency order to provide appropriations [of funding] to the police department,” Mayor’s Office Deputy Chief of Staff Andres Power told the board Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Power and other staff said, the state of emergency would cut red tape and enable San Francisco agencies to lease a location near the Tenderloin to establish a “linkage site” to help connect people who use drugs to health services and resources, staffed by social workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the emergency order, it would take months, perhaps a year, to create such a site in the Tenderloin, city staff said at the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also would allow the city to more quickly hire 250 behavioral health staffers to help people with substance use disorders heal from their illnesses by blazing through “byzantine” civil-service rules, city staff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are things that can absolutely save lives,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those assurances, other supervisors said they were disappointed Breed didn’t attend the meeting herself to tell them how much, or how little, the police would be involved in her plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Dean Preston, who represents Haight-Ashbury, the Fillmore and Japantown, among other neighborhoods, was openly critical of the emergency order, calling it a “publicity stunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan, who represents the Richmond neighborhood, also questioned the political nature of the declaration and asked why the mayor hadn’t taken similar action earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this declaration was truly about tackling the fentanyl crisis, where was this declaration when we voted to urge the mayor to do so in September of this year?” Chan said, referencing a resolution introduced by Haney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some supervisors worried approving the emergency order would tacitly endorse Breed’s law-and-order messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a community market opening in the Tenderloin in mid-December,\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1474166266797518888\"> Breed was recorded on video saying\u003c/a>, “We are going to make people who are dealing drugs, who are using drugs out in the open with no regard for the community, people who are assaulting and spitting on and stabbing and shooting and destroying this community, we are going to make life hell for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston called out those words in the meeting — making “life hell” for those who use drugs — when \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/newsroom/news/headlines/its-time-to-treat-substance-abuse-like-a-chronic-disease/2021/12\">public health experts consider substance use disorder to be a disease that can be treated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the meeting, SFPD Chief Bill Scott expressed frustration at the position his officers are placed in when addressing the sale and consumption of drugs in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in this ‘no-person’s-land’ where they’re being asked not to arrest, and they’re seeing people smoking fentanyl out on the streets,” Scott said. “What tools do they have to address this, if they’re not going to be arresting?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1474177258323546120\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other critiques, Supervisor Shamann Walton questioned why there wasn’t an emergency order when homicides rose in the southeast of the city, which he represents, and Chan questioned why the mayor didn’t have similar urgency around attacks against the Asian American and Pacific Islander community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of people called in to comment on the vote during the public meeting. Those supporting Breed’s emergency order ran the gamut: Some lauded Breed’s plan as compassionate for boosting access to services, while others embraced more police action, even going so far as to suggest jailing drug dealers on Alcatraz, or encouraging the police to commit violence against drug users and dealers alike. Callers often called the Tenderloin a “dystopia,” and called for “order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other callers lived with their families in the Tenderloin, and were calling for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t forget that children and young people are affected in their mental health directly. It’s a day-to-day situation where they’re offered drugs and are afraid of being shot,” said Norma Carrera, a 26-year Tenderloin resident who spoke in Spanish with the aid of an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Wolf, who previously struggled with substance abuse \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/26/us/san-francisco-drug-crisis.html\">and became notable in San Francisco for going sober after his arrest by city police\u003c/a>, told the board, “I’m alive today, and in recovery, because I was held accountable when I broke the law to support my addiction. Accountability is the cornerstone of recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People speaking publicly against Breed’s emergency order sometimes characterized it as police overreach, even though the mayor’s office pledged in the meeting not to add funding to policing by using the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callers repeatedly described fear of the police, citing the police killings of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1000988747/george-floyds-murder-one-year-later\">George Floyd\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/mar/21/death-by-gentrification-the-killing-that-shamed-san-francisco\"> Alex Nieto\u003c/a>. They also often suggested officials boost funding for the Community Alternative Response Team (CART), a citywide program designed to connect unhoused people with community workers, as opposed to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, an 18-year-old who said they were unhoused, said “instead of a police crackdown,” Breed should increase funding for housing initiatives to aid those living on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to live in fear,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Murphy, a Tenderloin resident who works at the Mental Health Association of San Francisco, said his agency opposes the emergency order and any measure that would criminalize substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I identify as an addict and an alcoholic. The only thing that’s worked for me is voluntary treatment,” he said, and suggested the city fund CART. “This is not the time to repeat the mistakes of the past, with over-policing the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributable to drug overdoses have increased more than 200% in San Francisco since 2018, and last year, more than 700 people died from drug overdoses in the city, more than the number who died from COVID-19, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Breed’s proclamation of a local emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11894981\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/NPR-fentanyl-1-1020x766.jpg\"]Nearly 600 people have died of drug overdoses through November of this year, with nearly half the deaths occurring in the Tenderloin and the neighboring South of Market neighborhood, the proclamation said. These areas make up 7% of San Francisco’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin joined the city’s public defender Mano Raju at a news conference on Monday to denounce the mayor’s plan, saying that jailing people experiencing substance use disorders, mental health issues and homelessness would not work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If arrests and prosecutions alone could solve the drug crisis in this country or in this city, it would have been solved long ago,” Boudin said. “We’ve invested over a trillion dollars in fighting the so-called war on drugs, and where has it gotten us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1473064841568940034\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin said the “raw human suffering” he sees in the neighborhood outrages him. But using outdated methods won’t make people any safer, and the city has other options, said Boudin, who worked in the public defender’s office before becoming DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among local community activists, reaction to Breed’s declaration has been mixed, at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, last week slammed the mayor’s strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really clear that Mayor Breed is vilifying and degrading people who are living in poverty,” she said, calling it a shortsighted political response to the “misleading flood of media hysteria around crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to Proposition C, the 2018 voter-approved measure that directs hundreds of millions of dollars a year to pay for services for unhoused people in the city, Friedenbach said Breed was already “sitting on very carefully crafted solutions to these issues that the community has been calling for, with feedback and expertise from unhoused community members themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, the supervisor representing the Richmond, said at the meeting that San Francisco has seen police-focused plans to address drug use and homelessness in the past, and they haven’t succeeded — because the problem still lingers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in city government for almost two decades, serving under four different mayors. We’ve seen this all before. It’s why we know it’s not going to work. From \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-gavin-newsom-homelessness-san-francisco-20181023-story.html\">Care Not Cash\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/The-Scanner-SF-police-have-backed-off-13322561.php\">sit-lie ordinance\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.curbed.com/2016/11/10/13576508/san-francisco-homeless-tents-election\">[Proposition] Q tent prohibition\u003c/a>. Different slogans, but the same tactics of criminalizing the poor and the unhoused. Different players, same game, and we know they don’t work, because we’re suffering from these measures’ cumulative impact on our streets right now,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We know the solution, colleagues, and that work is hard, to implement policy solutions that may not garner news attention. Work that includes meaningful investment in the health care system, public education, workforce development and housing security not just for the homeless, but working families to stop them from becoming homeless in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED’s Kate Wolffe, Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí, Matthew Green and David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood is officially in a state of emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Thursday night to approve \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Mayor London Breed’s order to declare a state of emergency\u003c/a> in the long-beleaguered city neighborhood, where the needs of people suffering and dying from poverty and substance use disorders have clashed with the needs of nearby families, who are demanding relief from the psychological toll of continuous open-air drug markets and unregulated use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the supervisors who voted to approve the declaration still expressed their concerns that the ordinance may condone the criminalization of those experiencing substance use disorders in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I will note, the mayor can crack down on the Tenderloin today no matter what we do,” said Supervisor Hillary Ronen, who represents the Mission and other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, during the meeting, the mayor’s staff promised not to use the emergency powers to boost police funding, but instead to enable more services to help people with substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between now and January, if they use a cent to increase [the San Francisco Police Department budget], we can cancel this order on the spot,” Ronen said. “I’m going to vote to approve this order today, but I’m going to watch this thing like a hawk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors had seven days to approve Breed’s emergency declaration for the Tenderloin, which will last 90 days. Eight supervisors voted to approve the order, with Supervisors Dean Preston and Shamann Walton voting no, and Supervisor Aaron Peskin absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In their vote to approve the measure, some members of the board cited a longstanding informal policy of voting alongside a supervisor on issues that affect the neighborhood that supervisor represents. Since Supervisor Matt Haney, who is running for State Assembly and represents the Tenderloin, backed the emergency order, other supervisors were swayed to join him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they did so amid publicly aired concerns. Breed spurred fears she would criminalize drug use when she announced earlier this month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899060/vowing-to-end-reign-of-criminals-destroying-our-city-sf-mayor-breed-announces-latest-tenderloin-crackdown\">a new public safety strategy in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, calling for a “tough love” approach that would have more cops on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her remarks, she said San Franciscans should be “less tolerant of all the bull— that has destroyed our city,” and suggested that people who did not accept services would be jailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/12/san-francisco-tenderloin-matrix-declaration-of-emergency-london-breed/\">and others from Breed\u003c/a>, hung over the more than 10-hour-long meeting, as some of the supervisors argued people using drugs need care, not jail, to find healthier lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, city staff delivered a softened version of Breed’s message to the supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I can say unequivocally our office will not use authority in the emergency order to provide appropriations [of funding] to the police department,” Mayor’s Office Deputy Chief of Staff Andres Power told the board Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Power and other staff said, the state of emergency would cut red tape and enable San Francisco agencies to lease a location near the Tenderloin to establish a “linkage site” to help connect people who use drugs to health services and resources, staffed by social workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the emergency order, it would take months, perhaps a year, to create such a site in the Tenderloin, city staff said at the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also would allow the city to more quickly hire 250 behavioral health staffers to help people with substance use disorders heal from their illnesses by blazing through “byzantine” civil-service rules, city staff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are things that can absolutely save lives,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those assurances, other supervisors said they were disappointed Breed didn’t attend the meeting herself to tell them how much, or how little, the police would be involved in her plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Dean Preston, who represents Haight-Ashbury, the Fillmore and Japantown, among other neighborhoods, was openly critical of the emergency order, calling it a “publicity stunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan, who represents the Richmond neighborhood, also questioned the political nature of the declaration and asked why the mayor hadn’t taken similar action earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this declaration was truly about tackling the fentanyl crisis, where was this declaration when we voted to urge the mayor to do so in September of this year?” Chan said, referencing a resolution introduced by Haney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some supervisors worried approving the emergency order would tacitly endorse Breed’s law-and-order messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a community market opening in the Tenderloin in mid-December,\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1474166266797518888\"> Breed was recorded on video saying\u003c/a>, “We are going to make people who are dealing drugs, who are using drugs out in the open with no regard for the community, people who are assaulting and spitting on and stabbing and shooting and destroying this community, we are going to make life hell for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston called out those words in the meeting — making “life hell” for those who use drugs — when \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/newsroom/news/headlines/its-time-to-treat-substance-abuse-like-a-chronic-disease/2021/12\">public health experts consider substance use disorder to be a disease that can be treated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the meeting, SFPD Chief Bill Scott expressed frustration at the position his officers are placed in when addressing the sale and consumption of drugs in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in this ‘no-person’s-land’ where they’re being asked not to arrest, and they’re seeing people smoking fentanyl out on the streets,” Scott said. “What tools do they have to address this, if they’re not going to be arresting?”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>In other critiques, Supervisor Shamann Walton questioned why there wasn’t an emergency order when homicides rose in the southeast of the city, which he represents, and Chan questioned why the mayor didn’t have similar urgency around attacks against the Asian American and Pacific Islander community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of people called in to comment on the vote during the public meeting. Those supporting Breed’s emergency order ran the gamut: Some lauded Breed’s plan as compassionate for boosting access to services, while others embraced more police action, even going so far as to suggest jailing drug dealers on Alcatraz, or encouraging the police to commit violence against drug users and dealers alike. Callers often called the Tenderloin a “dystopia,” and called for “order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other callers lived with their families in the Tenderloin, and were calling for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t forget that children and young people are affected in their mental health directly. It’s a day-to-day situation where they’re offered drugs and are afraid of being shot,” said Norma Carrera, a 26-year Tenderloin resident who spoke in Spanish with the aid of an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Wolf, who previously struggled with substance abuse \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/26/us/san-francisco-drug-crisis.html\">and became notable in San Francisco for going sober after his arrest by city police\u003c/a>, told the board, “I’m alive today, and in recovery, because I was held accountable when I broke the law to support my addiction. Accountability is the cornerstone of recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People speaking publicly against Breed’s emergency order sometimes characterized it as police overreach, even though the mayor’s office pledged in the meeting not to add funding to policing by using the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callers repeatedly described fear of the police, citing the police killings of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1000988747/george-floyds-murder-one-year-later\">George Floyd\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/mar/21/death-by-gentrification-the-killing-that-shamed-san-francisco\"> Alex Nieto\u003c/a>. They also often suggested officials boost funding for the Community Alternative Response Team (CART), a citywide program designed to connect unhoused people with community workers, as opposed to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, an 18-year-old who said they were unhoused, said “instead of a police crackdown,” Breed should increase funding for housing initiatives to aid those living on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to live in fear,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Murphy, a Tenderloin resident who works at the Mental Health Association of San Francisco, said his agency opposes the emergency order and any measure that would criminalize substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I identify as an addict and an alcoholic. The only thing that’s worked for me is voluntary treatment,” he said, and suggested the city fund CART. “This is not the time to repeat the mistakes of the past, with over-policing the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributable to drug overdoses have increased more than 200% in San Francisco since 2018, and last year, more than 700 people died from drug overdoses in the city, more than the number who died from COVID-19, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Breed’s proclamation of a local emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nearly 600 people have died of drug overdoses through November of this year, with nearly half the deaths occurring in the Tenderloin and the neighboring South of Market neighborhood, the proclamation said. These areas make up 7% of San Francisco’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin joined the city’s public defender Mano Raju at a news conference on Monday to denounce the mayor’s plan, saying that jailing people experiencing substance use disorders, mental health issues and homelessness would not work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If arrests and prosecutions alone could solve the drug crisis in this country or in this city, it would have been solved long ago,” Boudin said. “We’ve invested over a trillion dollars in fighting the so-called war on drugs, and where has it gotten us?”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Boudin said the “raw human suffering” he sees in the neighborhood outrages him. But using outdated methods won’t make people any safer, and the city has other options, said Boudin, who worked in the public defender’s office before becoming DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among local community activists, reaction to Breed’s declaration has been mixed, at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, last week slammed the mayor’s strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really clear that Mayor Breed is vilifying and degrading people who are living in poverty,” she said, calling it a shortsighted political response to the “misleading flood of media hysteria around crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to Proposition C, the 2018 voter-approved measure that directs hundreds of millions of dollars a year to pay for services for unhoused people in the city, Friedenbach said Breed was already “sitting on very carefully crafted solutions to these issues that the community has been calling for, with feedback and expertise from unhoused community members themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, the supervisor representing the Richmond, said at the meeting that San Francisco has seen police-focused plans to address drug use and homelessness in the past, and they haven’t succeeded — because the problem still lingers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in city government for almost two decades, serving under four different mayors. We’ve seen this all before. It’s why we know it’s not going to work. From \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-gavin-newsom-homelessness-san-francisco-20181023-story.html\">Care Not Cash\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/The-Scanner-SF-police-have-backed-off-13322561.php\">sit-lie ordinance\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.curbed.com/2016/11/10/13576508/san-francisco-homeless-tents-election\">[Proposition] Q tent prohibition\u003c/a>. Different slogans, but the same tactics of criminalizing the poor and the unhoused. Different players, same game, and we know they don’t work, because we’re suffering from these measures’ cumulative impact on our streets right now,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We know the solution, colleagues, and that work is hard, to implement policy solutions that may not garner news attention. Work that includes meaningful investment in the health care system, public education, workforce development and housing security not just for the homeless, but working families to stop them from becoming homeless in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED’s Kate Wolffe, Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí, Matthew Green and David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Friday declared a state of emergency in the beleaguered Tenderloin neighborhood, a move she said will allow the city to avoid bureaucratic red tape in efforts to address both a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896375/the-difference-between-life-and-death-how-some-california-emergency-rooms-are-working-to-stem-the-overdose-crisis\">drug overdose crisis\u003c/a> and acts of violence and crime in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-declares-state-emergency-tenderloin\">the declaration\u003c/a> will give the city authority to “waive certain laws,” making it easier to move people off the streets and into new, temporary drug and mental health treatment sites in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too many people are dying in this city, too many people are sprawled over our streets,” Breed said at a press conference at City Hall on Friday afternoon. “There are a number of things that this city is going to do to address public safety, and part of that is a police response. … But the other part is being aggressive about getting people into services and support, and not allowing what has happened on our streets to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, 712 people in San Francisco died of drug overdoses, compared with 257 people who died of COVID-19, according to data released by the city’s Office of the Chief Medical Examiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have over 600 [overdose deaths] and counting this year,” Breed said, noting that a significant percentage of them have occurred in the Tenderloin and SoMa neighborhoods. “When we look at the conditions on our streets, it’s heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data also shows stark racial disparities, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/San-Francisco-s-overdose-epidemic-16434757.php\">Black San Franciscans nearly six times more likely than people of other races in the city to die of accidental overdoses\u003c/a> — a discrepancy health officials attribute to deep-seated structural racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among the effects of structural racism are years of unjust drug policies that punish rather than offer care, unaffordable housing, poverty, inequitable access to effective treatments for opioid-use disorder, and discriminatory practices in the healthcare system,” a city Department of Public Health spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896375/the-difference-between-life-and-death-how-some-california-emergency-rooms-are-working-to-stem-the-overdose-crisis\">told KQED in an email last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"tenderloin\"]“We are losing over two people a day to drug overdoses, mostly to fentanyl, and mostly in the Tenderloin and SoMa,” said Supervisor Matt Haney, who represents the district, in a statement on Friday. “This is a public health emergency demanding a crisis level response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency declaration must be ratified by the Board of Supervisors within a week, and won’t take effect for longer than 90 days, according to the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move comes just days after Breed and Police Chief Bill Scott announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899060/vowing-to-end-reign-of-criminals-destroying-our-city-sf-mayor-breed-announces-latest-tenderloin-crackdown\">a new public safety strategy\u003c/a> calling for a “tough love” approach to the Tenderloin, one that involves putting more police officers on the street, giving them greater access to real-time surveillance and generally being, in the mayor’s own words, “less tolerant of all the bulls— that has destroyed our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting more police on the street will require more funding — a move that comes roughly a year and a half since Breed championed a plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">divert $120 million\u003c/a> away from law enforcement. Increased patrols in the Tenderloin, Chief Scott said earlier this week, would also mean an end to ignoring public drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a string of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897148/rash-of-organized-weekend-robberies-target-luxury-stores-across-the-bay-area\">organized mass shoplifting incidents\u003c/a> in neighboring Union Square last month that drew national media attention — much to the consternation of city leaders — police have flooded the area, driving down thefts by some 80%, while racking up roughly 8,000 hours in officer overtime at a cost of more than $850,000, the department told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if he supported a surge of police in his own district, Haney said public health services should take priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t here today to support an influx of cops,” he said after Breed’s announcement. “I was here today to support an influx of social workers and public health professionals and treatment facilities and confronting this deadly epidemic as the public health epidemic that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe in incarcerating people for being addicted to drugs,” Haney added. “If people feel like somebody who’s coming up to them to help them with their addiction has a pair of handcuffs and is also thinking about maybe locking them up in a cell, that person is not going to seek help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In making her case Friday, Breed hearkened back to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101876065/san-francisco-declares-coronavirus-state-of-emergency\">state of emergency\u003c/a> she declared for the city at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, in February 2020. Breed said that move — which allowed San Francisco health officials to rapidly set up a COVID-19 command center, among other precautionary actions — was a major reason the city has one of the lowest COVID-19-related death rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to meet people where they are,” Breed said Friday. “We can’t wait for something to be set up. We can’t wait for something to go through a layered process. We have to move quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among local community activists, reaction to Breed’s declaration has been mixed, at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, slammed the mayor’s strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really clear that Mayor Breed is vilifying and degrading people who are living in poverty,” she said, calling it a shortsighted political response to the “misleading flood of media hysteria around crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that she’s going to be going after unhoused people. She’s going to be enforcing sit-lie laws. She’s going to go after substance users,” Friedenbach added. “What we believe is going to happen with this increase in police presence, it’s going to disproportionately impact Black and Brown unhoused community members who are, due to a lack of dignified housing options, forced to live out their private lives in public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_C,_Gross_Receipts_Tax_for_Homelessness_Services_(November_2018)\"> Proposition C\u003c/a>, the 2018 voter-approved measure that directs hundreds of millions of dollars a year to pay for services for unhoused people in the city, Friedenbach said Breed was already “sitting on very carefully crafted solutions to these issues that the community has been calling for, with feedback and expertise from unhoused community members themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she said, the mayor is relying on an overused tough-on-crime approach that will punish rather than help people most in need, and do little to address the root causes of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing new,” Friedenbach said of Breed’s strategy. “This is not changing course. This is literally doing a tried and failed policy that’s already failed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara, Matthew Green and Alex Emslie.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Friday declared a state of emergency in the beleaguered Tenderloin neighborhood, a move she said will allow the city to avoid bureaucratic red tape in efforts to address both a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896375/the-difference-between-life-and-death-how-some-california-emergency-rooms-are-working-to-stem-the-overdose-crisis\">drug overdose crisis\u003c/a> and acts of violence and crime in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-declares-state-emergency-tenderloin\">the declaration\u003c/a> will give the city authority to “waive certain laws,” making it easier to move people off the streets and into new, temporary drug and mental health treatment sites in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too many people are dying in this city, too many people are sprawled over our streets,” Breed said at a press conference at City Hall on Friday afternoon. “There are a number of things that this city is going to do to address public safety, and part of that is a police response. … But the other part is being aggressive about getting people into services and support, and not allowing what has happened on our streets to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, 712 people in San Francisco died of drug overdoses, compared with 257 people who died of COVID-19, according to data released by the city’s Office of the Chief Medical Examiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have over 600 [overdose deaths] and counting this year,” Breed said, noting that a significant percentage of them have occurred in the Tenderloin and SoMa neighborhoods. “When we look at the conditions on our streets, it’s heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data also shows stark racial disparities, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/San-Francisco-s-overdose-epidemic-16434757.php\">Black San Franciscans nearly six times more likely than people of other races in the city to die of accidental overdoses\u003c/a> — a discrepancy health officials attribute to deep-seated structural racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among the effects of structural racism are years of unjust drug policies that punish rather than offer care, unaffordable housing, poverty, inequitable access to effective treatments for opioid-use disorder, and discriminatory practices in the healthcare system,” a city Department of Public Health spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11896375/the-difference-between-life-and-death-how-some-california-emergency-rooms-are-working-to-stem-the-overdose-crisis\">told KQED in an email last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We are losing over two people a day to drug overdoses, mostly to fentanyl, and mostly in the Tenderloin and SoMa,” said Supervisor Matt Haney, who represents the district, in a statement on Friday. “This is a public health emergency demanding a crisis level response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency declaration must be ratified by the Board of Supervisors within a week, and won’t take effect for longer than 90 days, according to the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move comes just days after Breed and Police Chief Bill Scott announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899060/vowing-to-end-reign-of-criminals-destroying-our-city-sf-mayor-breed-announces-latest-tenderloin-crackdown\">a new public safety strategy\u003c/a> calling for a “tough love” approach to the Tenderloin, one that involves putting more police officers on the street, giving them greater access to real-time surveillance and generally being, in the mayor’s own words, “less tolerant of all the bulls— that has destroyed our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting more police on the street will require more funding — a move that comes roughly a year and a half since Breed championed a plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">divert $120 million\u003c/a> away from law enforcement. Increased patrols in the Tenderloin, Chief Scott said earlier this week, would also mean an end to ignoring public drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a string of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897148/rash-of-organized-weekend-robberies-target-luxury-stores-across-the-bay-area\">organized mass shoplifting incidents\u003c/a> in neighboring Union Square last month that drew national media attention — much to the consternation of city leaders — police have flooded the area, driving down thefts by some 80%, while racking up roughly 8,000 hours in officer overtime at a cost of more than $850,000, the department told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if he supported a surge of police in his own district, Haney said public health services should take priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t here today to support an influx of cops,” he said after Breed’s announcement. “I was here today to support an influx of social workers and public health professionals and treatment facilities and confronting this deadly epidemic as the public health epidemic that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe in incarcerating people for being addicted to drugs,” Haney added. “If people feel like somebody who’s coming up to them to help them with their addiction has a pair of handcuffs and is also thinking about maybe locking them up in a cell, that person is not going to seek help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In making her case Friday, Breed hearkened back to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101876065/san-francisco-declares-coronavirus-state-of-emergency\">state of emergency\u003c/a> she declared for the city at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, in February 2020. Breed said that move — which allowed San Francisco health officials to rapidly set up a COVID-19 command center, among other precautionary actions — was a major reason the city has one of the lowest COVID-19-related death rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to meet people where they are,” Breed said Friday. “We can’t wait for something to be set up. We can’t wait for something to go through a layered process. We have to move quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among local community activists, reaction to Breed’s declaration has been mixed, at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, slammed the mayor’s strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really clear that Mayor Breed is vilifying and degrading people who are living in poverty,” she said, calling it a shortsighted political response to the “misleading flood of media hysteria around crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that she’s going to be going after unhoused people. She’s going to be enforcing sit-lie laws. She’s going to go after substance users,” Friedenbach added. “What we believe is going to happen with this increase in police presence, it’s going to disproportionately impact Black and Brown unhoused community members who are, due to a lack of dignified housing options, forced to live out their private lives in public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_C,_Gross_Receipts_Tax_for_Homelessness_Services_(November_2018)\"> Proposition C\u003c/a>, the 2018 voter-approved measure that directs hundreds of millions of dollars a year to pay for services for unhoused people in the city, Friedenbach said Breed was already “sitting on very carefully crafted solutions to these issues that the community has been calling for, with feedback and expertise from unhoused community members themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she said, the mayor is relying on an overused tough-on-crime approach that will punish rather than help people most in need, and do little to address the root causes of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing new,” Friedenbach said of Breed’s strategy. “This is not changing course. This is literally doing a tried and failed policy that’s already failed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara, Matthew Green and Alex Emslie.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11899229\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final.png\" alt=\"Cartoon: half the sun is shrouded with a tarp as a PG&E spokesman tells a woman "trust us, it'll help low-income people," as a CPUC character holds a ladder. Houses with solar are in the background.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-800x565.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-1020x720.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-160x113.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-1536x1084.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a move welcomed by utilities like PG&E, \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fiorecpucsolar\">California energy regulators proposed to dramatically cut incentives for residential solar\u003c/a>, claiming that it would make electricity rates more equitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utilities’ argument is that households with rooftop solar aren’t paying their fair share due to “net energy metering” that credits homeowners for the electricity they put into the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People without solar (including people who may have lower incomes or people of color) pay more on their monthly utility bill because they haven’t put any electricity into the grid and don’t have the advantage of net metering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So utilities and the California Public Utilities Commission want to slash the amount ratepayers with solar are credited and charge them much more every month for the privilege of being able to connect their solar panels to the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Presto! Equity achieved!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the logic behind their reasoning makes about as much sense as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737604/4-5-billion-could-have-trimmed-a-lot-of-trees\">paying out dividends to your shareholders instead of maintaining your ancient, outdated transmission lines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s an idea: How about we get more solar on the roofs of people with lower incomes rather than undermine incentives that are making California a residential solar success story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing data from Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/editorials/article256325352.html\">The Sacramento Bee pointed out that nearly half of the households who installed solar in 2019 had incomes less than $100,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out the rich-poor divide in solar is not nearly what the utilities are making it out to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not to mention, the impact of climate change falls more heavily on people with lower incomes and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s keep the sun shining on solar energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11899229\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final.png\" alt=\"Cartoon: half the sun is shrouded with a tarp as a PG&E spokesman tells a woman "trust us, it'll help low-income people," as a CPUC character holds a ladder. Houses with solar are in the background.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-800x565.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-1020x720.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-160x113.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/pgehelp_121521_final-1536x1084.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a move welcomed by utilities like PG&E, \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fiorecpucsolar\">California energy regulators proposed to dramatically cut incentives for residential solar\u003c/a>, claiming that it would make electricity rates more equitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utilities’ argument is that households with rooftop solar aren’t paying their fair share due to “net energy metering” that credits homeowners for the electricity they put into the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People without solar (including people who may have lower incomes or people of color) pay more on their monthly utility bill because they haven’t put any electricity into the grid and don’t have the advantage of net metering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So utilities and the California Public Utilities Commission want to slash the amount ratepayers with solar are credited and charge them much more every month for the privilege of being able to connect their solar panels to the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Presto! Equity achieved!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the logic behind their reasoning makes about as much sense as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737604/4-5-billion-could-have-trimmed-a-lot-of-trees\">paying out dividends to your shareholders instead of maintaining your ancient, outdated transmission lines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s an idea: How about we get more solar on the roofs of people with lower incomes rather than undermine incentives that are making California a residential solar success story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing data from Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/editorials/article256325352.html\">The Sacramento Bee pointed out that nearly half of the households who installed solar in 2019 had incomes less than $100,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out the rich-poor divide in solar is not nearly what the utilities are making it out to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not to mention, the impact of climate change falls more heavily on people with lower incomes and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s keep the sun shining on solar energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'Is He Going to Kick Us to the Street?': A Walnut Creek Mom Fights to Keep Her Apartment Amid Alleged Landlord Harassment",
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"content": "\u003cp>The past few years have been long and stressful for Dahbia Benakli.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of 2019, she got divorced. With no one to help take care of her two young daughters, she was forced to quit her job as a preschool teacher. Her father helped her buy a car so she could drive for Uber and DoorDash to make rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the coronavirus pandemic hit, and ride-hailing work dried up. Together with unemployment insurance, Benakli was making just over $2,000 a month — almost half of which she was using to pay the rent for the one-bedroom Walnut Creek apartment she’s lived in for the last 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2021, as officials began easing COVID-19 restrictions, Benakli began planning a trip to visit her parents in Algeria, where she grew up. She hadn’t been back in five years, and she couldn’t wait to return, with her daughters in tow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s also when Benakli says the new landlord and owner of her building began harassing her and other tenants in an effort to push them out, even though she insists she had consistently paid her rent on time and had not in any way violated her lease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new owner — a local real estate investor named Steven Pinza, president of the Pinza Group — sent Benakli a letter, ordering her to move out by July 31, under the pretense of having to conduct major building repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898712\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a kitchen and a living room, with a woman and her two daughters.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dahbia Benakli with her two daughters in their small one-bedroom apartment in Walnut Creek. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote. “We have received multiple opinions, including from our insurance representatives, which state that these must be remediated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza sent these notices to tenants in 11 of the building’s 18 units. Many of those tenants, Benakli said, were people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza gave them the option to temporarily relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition she could not afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But, as the July 31 deadline approached, Benakli and two of her neighbors decided not to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Pinza refused to accept her July rent payments, removed the tables and chairs in the courtyard, and informed her and her neighbors that anything left outside — like toys and bikes — would be thrown away. And a sudden barrage of loud construction work began just outside their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My 7-year-old was like, ‘Mom, is he going to kick us to the street? Mom, what’s going to happen?’” said Benakli. “It’s horrible for her to hear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza did not respond to requests for comment, despite multiple attempts to reach him by phone and email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing number of California cities are moving to deter property owners from harassing their renters. Tenants’ advocates across the state say the frequency of reports of owner harassment has spiked during the pandemic — particularly after the enactment of federal and local eviction moratoriums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, for instance, Centro Legal de la Raza, a nonprofit immigrant and tenants’ rights group, reported a 70% jump in owner harassment complaints between March 2020 and June 2021. And the Concord-based nonprofit Monument Impact said the number of calls it received from renters roughly tripled during that same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-4-scaled-e1638575283263.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11898079 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-4-scaled-e1638575283263.jpg\" alt=\"The exterior of a gray apartment building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli keeps the window shades in her apartment closed most of the day in case the property owner walks by. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response, a spate of cities throughout California — including Oakland, Los Angeles and Richmond — recently have implemented stronger tenant anti-harassment laws. Richmond’s ordinance, for example, bans property owners from refusing lawful rent payments or using “coercion, fraud or intimidation” to push tenants out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without being able to lean on any similar ordinance in Walnut Creek, Benakli and her neighbors sought help from the local chapter of a tenants’ rights group called Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE), and \u003ca href=\"https://patch.com/california/concord-ca/concord-tenants-locked-battle-property-manager-will-appeal-council\">held a small protest outside Pinza’s home in Walnut Creek\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACCE Legal Director Leah Simon-Weisberg says Pinza has been on her group’s radar for some time, having a reputation for buying apartment buildings in the area and evicting tenants to remodel them and raise rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He tends to just make money by pushing people out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a group of tenants in a Concord apartment building that Pinza managed appealed to city leaders for help, \u003ca href=\"https://patch.com/california/concord-ca/concord-tenants-locked-battle-property-manager-will-appeal-council\">alleging that he raised their rents by 30%, threatened some of the tenants and tried to evict them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898077\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-2-scaled-e1638577421940.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11898077 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-2-scaled-e1638577421940.jpg\" alt=\"A women does the hair of the girl in a bathroom.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli works on her daughter Leah’s hair in their bathroom. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli says she decided to stay in her apartment and face potential eviction proceedings in court because she and her kids didn’t have anywhere else to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fearing that Pinza would empty out her apartment if she left for any length of time, Benakli decided to cancel her trip to Algeria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really afraid that if we go, he comes and leaves our stuff [on] the street,” she said. “He was so harassing, he was so rude.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following month she found out both of her parents had contracted COVID-19. And while her mother eventually recovered, her father died in July. A framed photo of him now hangs in her kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Benakli and her daughters, along with their two neighbors, are still holding out in their apartments, waiting for Pinza to take them to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says they haven’t heard anything from him since the end of July, and haven’t paid rent since then either, despite being willing to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear why Pinza hasn’t moved forward with eviction proceedings, although advocates at ACCE say it may be out of concern that he doesn’t have the legal grounds to evict them and could lose in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898754\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898754\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A women sits at a table, with a photo of a man behind her.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"2484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-800x776.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-1020x990.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-160x155.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-1536x1491.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-2048x1987.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-1920x1863.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli sits in her kitchen, below a portrait of her father, who recently died from CovId-19. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If he becomes human and, you know, come and talk to us and give us some more time and we’ll work it out,” Benakli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, she said she’s ready for whatever comes next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the uncertainty of her living situation, Benakli says things feels a bit more stable now. In September, she found a new preschool teaching job that offers child care at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is quite a relief,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benakli says she dreams of soon being able to move into a house where her daughters can have their own rooms and a backyard to play in. She hopes she’ll also be able to save enough money to visit Algeria again, and bring her mom back to the U.S. to live with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll leave one day when we can,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kori Suzuki is pursuing his master’s degree at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Tenants' advocates across the state say the frequency of reports of owner harassment has spiked during the pandemic — particularly after the enactment of federal and local eviction moratoriums.",
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"title": "'Is He Going to Kick Us to the Street?': A Walnut Creek Mom Fights to Keep Her Apartment Amid Alleged Landlord Harassment | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The past few years have been long and stressful for Dahbia Benakli.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of 2019, she got divorced. With no one to help take care of her two young daughters, she was forced to quit her job as a preschool teacher. Her father helped her buy a car so she could drive for Uber and DoorDash to make rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the coronavirus pandemic hit, and ride-hailing work dried up. Together with unemployment insurance, Benakli was making just over $2,000 a month — almost half of which she was using to pay the rent for the one-bedroom Walnut Creek apartment she’s lived in for the last 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2021, as officials began easing COVID-19 restrictions, Benakli began planning a trip to visit her parents in Algeria, where she grew up. She hadn’t been back in five years, and she couldn’t wait to return, with her daughters in tow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s also when Benakli says the new landlord and owner of her building began harassing her and other tenants in an effort to push them out, even though she insists she had consistently paid her rent on time and had not in any way violated her lease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new owner — a local real estate investor named Steven Pinza, president of the Pinza Group — sent Benakli a letter, ordering her to move out by July 31, under the pretense of having to conduct major building repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898712\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a kitchen and a living room, with a woman and her two daughters.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-3-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dahbia Benakli with her two daughters in their small one-bedroom apartment in Walnut Creek. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote. “We have received multiple opinions, including from our insurance representatives, which state that these must be remediated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza sent these notices to tenants in 11 of the building’s 18 units. Many of those tenants, Benakli said, were people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza gave them the option to temporarily relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition she could not afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But, as the July 31 deadline approached, Benakli and two of her neighbors decided not to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Pinza refused to accept her July rent payments, removed the tables and chairs in the courtyard, and informed her and her neighbors that anything left outside — like toys and bikes — would be thrown away. And a sudden barrage of loud construction work began just outside their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My 7-year-old was like, ‘Mom, is he going to kick us to the street? Mom, what’s going to happen?’” said Benakli. “It’s horrible for her to hear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza did not respond to requests for comment, despite multiple attempts to reach him by phone and email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing number of California cities are moving to deter property owners from harassing their renters. Tenants’ advocates across the state say the frequency of reports of owner harassment has spiked during the pandemic — particularly after the enactment of federal and local eviction moratoriums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, for instance, Centro Legal de la Raza, a nonprofit immigrant and tenants’ rights group, reported a 70% jump in owner harassment complaints between March 2020 and June 2021. And the Concord-based nonprofit Monument Impact said the number of calls it received from renters roughly tripled during that same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-4-scaled-e1638575283263.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11898079 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-4-scaled-e1638575283263.jpg\" alt=\"The exterior of a gray apartment building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli keeps the window shades in her apartment closed most of the day in case the property owner walks by. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response, a spate of cities throughout California — including Oakland, Los Angeles and Richmond — recently have implemented stronger tenant anti-harassment laws. Richmond’s ordinance, for example, bans property owners from refusing lawful rent payments or using “coercion, fraud or intimidation” to push tenants out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without being able to lean on any similar ordinance in Walnut Creek, Benakli and her neighbors sought help from the local chapter of a tenants’ rights group called Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE), and \u003ca href=\"https://patch.com/california/concord-ca/concord-tenants-locked-battle-property-manager-will-appeal-council\">held a small protest outside Pinza’s home in Walnut Creek\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACCE Legal Director Leah Simon-Weisberg says Pinza has been on her group’s radar for some time, having a reputation for buying apartment buildings in the area and evicting tenants to remodel them and raise rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He tends to just make money by pushing people out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a group of tenants in a Concord apartment building that Pinza managed appealed to city leaders for help, \u003ca href=\"https://patch.com/california/concord-ca/concord-tenants-locked-battle-property-manager-will-appeal-council\">alleging that he raised their rents by 30%, threatened some of the tenants and tried to evict them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898077\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-2-scaled-e1638577421940.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11898077 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-2-scaled-e1638577421940.jpg\" alt=\"A women does the hair of the girl in a bathroom.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli works on her daughter Leah’s hair in their bathroom. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli says she decided to stay in her apartment and face potential eviction proceedings in court because she and her kids didn’t have anywhere else to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fearing that Pinza would empty out her apartment if she left for any length of time, Benakli decided to cancel her trip to Algeria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really afraid that if we go, he comes and leaves our stuff [on] the street,” she said. “He was so harassing, he was so rude.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following month she found out both of her parents had contracted COVID-19. And while her mother eventually recovered, her father died in July. A framed photo of him now hangs in her kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Benakli and her daughters, along with their two neighbors, are still holding out in their apartments, waiting for Pinza to take them to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says they haven’t heard anything from him since the end of July, and haven’t paid rent since then either, despite being willing to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear why Pinza hasn’t moved forward with eviction proceedings, although advocates at ACCE say it may be out of concern that he doesn’t have the legal grounds to evict them and could lose in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898754\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898754\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A women sits at a table, with a photo of a man behind her.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"2484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-800x776.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-1020x990.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-160x155.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-1536x1491.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-2048x1987.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ksuzuki-harassment-11-1920x1863.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli sits in her kitchen, below a portrait of her father, who recently died from CovId-19. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If he becomes human and, you know, come and talk to us and give us some more time and we’ll work it out,” Benakli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, she said she’s ready for whatever comes next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the uncertainty of her living situation, Benakli says things feels a bit more stable now. In September, she found a new preschool teaching job that offers child care at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is quite a relief,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benakli says she dreams of soon being able to move into a house where her daughters can have their own rooms and a backyard to play in. She hopes she’ll also be able to save enough money to visit Algeria again, and bring her mom back to the U.S. to live with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll leave one day when we can,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kori Suzuki is pursuing his master’s degree at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta on Wednesday announced a $3.5 million judgment against real estate investment firm Wedgewood — known for its 2019 standoff with Oakland activist group Moms 4 Housing — over accusations it unlawfully evicted tenants from foreclosed houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Redondo Beach-based company, which describes itself as an “acquirer of distressed residential real estate,” allegedly used a variety of illegal tactics to push out existing tenants in order to quickly fix up and resell — or “flip” — the properties for profit.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"California Attorney General Rob Bonta\"]‘Even amid this housing crisis, there are some who pursue profits over the interest of families and, worse, profits over the law.’[/pullquote]“Unfortunately, for too many Californians, their home has been ripped away from them, while others live on the precipice of eviction,” Bonta said at Wednesday’s press briefing, underscoring the importance of housing laws and tenant protections. “But even amid this crisis, there are some who pursue profits over the interest of families and, worse, profits over the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the property owner, Bonta said, Wedgewood deprived tenants of their legal right to continue living in their homes under preexisting leases for at least 90 days after foreclosure. The company’s alleged tactics included evicting tenants without just cause in rent-controlled jurisdictions, filing false declarations to support unlawful evictions and failing to provide essential utility services to tenants, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you break the law, you will be held to account. There will be consequences,” said Bonta, touting his office’s recent housing initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wedgewood drew national attention in 2019 when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793299/moms-4-housing-in-oakland-vow-to-fight-potential-eviction\">activist group Moms 4 Housing\u003c/a> occupied a then-vacant house in West Oakland and remained there for several months before being forced out in a court-ordered eviction. The firm eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">sold the property to a community land trust\u003c/a>, which offered some of the activists involved access to the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Bonta noted that Wedgewood, under certain conditions, is legally entitled to evict tenants, he said the company’s business model of rapidly buying, renovating and reselling properties often resulted in tenants being pushed out faster than the law allows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/complaint%20%281%29.pdf\">According to the complaint from Bonta’s office\u003c/a>, Wedgewood often filed eviction lawsuits against absentee homeowners who had lost their properties to foreclosure — as opposed to the current tenants — and used that “as leverage to either pressure or remove tenants who were lawfully residing on the property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be flipping Wedgewood’s business model on its head, ensuring that tenants of its homes are afforded full protection under the law,” Bonta said. “If you are breaking our housing laws, I suggest you reconsider. Californians deserve better and I promise you, this is just the beginning. We will do everything in our power to hold those who violate our housing laws, and all laws, to account and bring them to justice.”[aside postID=\"news_11868037,news_11793299,forum_2010101875112\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-announces-judgment-against-real-estate-investment-company?print=true\">While part of the settlement\u003c/a>, which Wedgewood has agreed to, awaits court approval, the firm must pay $2.75 million to wrongfully evicted tenants and $750,000 in civil penalties and programs that support tenants or help combat homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also must submit regular updates to the attorney general’s office to demonstrate compliance with eviction laws, provide adequate notice and compensation to tenants when properties are sold, and educate its staff on tenants’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unsigned statement sent from a generic company email, Wedgewood denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, Wedgewood made the business decision to reach a settlement and move forward with our ongoing commitment to revitalize and recirculate residential properties back into California’s housing supply, creating thousands of homeownership opportunities across the state,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Oakland Councilmember Carroll Fife, who formerly led a grassroots group that supported Moms 4 Housing, Wednesday’s announcement came as a welcome surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m excited that there’s been some action by the attorney general to listen to what the people’s legal teams have been saying, which is there needs to be attention to how Wedgewood operates in California,” she said. “And it’s a big deal because we also will utilize this as evidence that we will hold you accountable if you’re engaged in practices that harm tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Tara Siler and Erin Baldassari contributed reporting to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta on Wednesday announced a $3.5 million judgment against real estate investment firm Wedgewood — known for its 2019 standoff with Oakland activist group Moms 4 Housing — over accusations it unlawfully evicted tenants from foreclosed houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Redondo Beach-based company, which describes itself as an “acquirer of distressed residential real estate,” allegedly used a variety of illegal tactics to push out existing tenants in order to quickly fix up and resell — or “flip” — the properties for profit.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Unfortunately, for too many Californians, their home has been ripped away from them, while others live on the precipice of eviction,” Bonta said at Wednesday’s press briefing, underscoring the importance of housing laws and tenant protections. “But even amid this crisis, there are some who pursue profits over the interest of families and, worse, profits over the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the property owner, Bonta said, Wedgewood deprived tenants of their legal right to continue living in their homes under preexisting leases for at least 90 days after foreclosure. The company’s alleged tactics included evicting tenants without just cause in rent-controlled jurisdictions, filing false declarations to support unlawful evictions and failing to provide essential utility services to tenants, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you break the law, you will be held to account. There will be consequences,” said Bonta, touting his office’s recent housing initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wedgewood drew national attention in 2019 when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793299/moms-4-housing-in-oakland-vow-to-fight-potential-eviction\">activist group Moms 4 Housing\u003c/a> occupied a then-vacant house in West Oakland and remained there for several months before being forced out in a court-ordered eviction. The firm eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">sold the property to a community land trust\u003c/a>, which offered some of the activists involved access to the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Bonta noted that Wedgewood, under certain conditions, is legally entitled to evict tenants, he said the company’s business model of rapidly buying, renovating and reselling properties often resulted in tenants being pushed out faster than the law allows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/complaint%20%281%29.pdf\">According to the complaint from Bonta’s office\u003c/a>, Wedgewood often filed eviction lawsuits against absentee homeowners who had lost their properties to foreclosure — as opposed to the current tenants — and used that “as leverage to either pressure or remove tenants who were lawfully residing on the property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be flipping Wedgewood’s business model on its head, ensuring that tenants of its homes are afforded full protection under the law,” Bonta said. “If you are breaking our housing laws, I suggest you reconsider. Californians deserve better and I promise you, this is just the beginning. We will do everything in our power to hold those who violate our housing laws, and all laws, to account and bring them to justice.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-announces-judgment-against-real-estate-investment-company?print=true\">While part of the settlement\u003c/a>, which Wedgewood has agreed to, awaits court approval, the firm must pay $2.75 million to wrongfully evicted tenants and $750,000 in civil penalties and programs that support tenants or help combat homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also must submit regular updates to the attorney general’s office to demonstrate compliance with eviction laws, provide adequate notice and compensation to tenants when properties are sold, and educate its staff on tenants’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unsigned statement sent from a generic company email, Wedgewood denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, Wedgewood made the business decision to reach a settlement and move forward with our ongoing commitment to revitalize and recirculate residential properties back into California’s housing supply, creating thousands of homeownership opportunities across the state,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Oakland Councilmember Carroll Fife, who formerly led a grassroots group that supported Moms 4 Housing, Wednesday’s announcement came as a welcome surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m excited that there’s been some action by the attorney general to listen to what the people’s legal teams have been saying, which is there needs to be attention to how Wedgewood operates in California,” she said. “And it’s a big deal because we also will utilize this as evidence that we will hold you accountable if you’re engaged in practices that harm tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Tara Siler and Erin Baldassari contributed reporting to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "How to Participate in California's Reparations Task Force Meetings",
"title": "How to Participate in California's Reparations Task Force Meetings",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#watch\">Where can I watch the reparations task force sessions?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#comment\">What should I do if I want to share my experience?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#local\">How can I take action in reparations efforts where I live? \u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#signup\">Where can I get updates on the state reparations effort?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>December 7 and 8 mark the third substantive set of meetings for California's reparations task force. Participation is easy for now — it's as simple as logging into the conference — but it could become more difficult to access as the nine members are slated to begin meeting in person next February. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kamilah Moore, chair of California's reparations task force\"]'All interested Californians should participate no matter their identity.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established with the passage of AB 3121, authored by former Assemblymember Shirley Weber and passed in 2020, the group is tasked with studying slavery and its lingering impact on the lives of African Americans. The group also is charged with exploring remedies of \"compensation, rehabilitation, and restitution\" for Black Americans, with special consideration for descendants of persons enslaved in the United States. Under the bill, the task force must issue a report to the state's Legislature by June 1, 2022. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891771/californias-reparations-task-force-to-hear-testimony-on-anti-black-housing-and-education-discrimination-this-week\">Read more of our previous coverage here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think all interested Californians should participate no matter their identity,\" said task force chair Kamilah Moore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore said she also has been asking people who have experienced the effects of homelessness and gentrification to reach out to the task force. \"Black Californians who were pushed out of the major cities like LA or San Francisco, or even pushed out of the state in general because of issues of affordability and gentrification — we definitely want to hear from people like that because that ties into our conversation on the community of eligibility,\" she said. The question of who might be eligible for reparations is one the task force began discussing in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ypkolboJEG8\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The above video is a reparations task force meeting originally livestreamed by Emend the Mass Media Group.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precision early on is always best,” said task force member Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, in the October meeting. Lewis is associate professor and chair of the UC Berkeley Department of Geography. “I wanted us to make sure that we were very clear about who we were talking about and what kinds of injuries we were tracing.” He zeroed in on questions they've yet to answer: What is the cutoff point to award reparations? How long do you have to have lived in California to qualify? At what point do you have to have had arrived in the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Black Californians who were born and raised in the state, but had to leave, would they still be eligible for reparations? \"That's an open question,\" Moore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 8, the task force will host a panel focusing on entertainment, arts and culture, so those with experience in those industries are especially welcome to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to get involved. Here's how to watch, and how to participate through public comment, and some tips for finding even more opportunities to plug into local and national conversations on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What's on the agenda for December?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before looking at how you can participate, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-notice-agenda-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the agenda\u003c/a> is a great place to start to understand the broader topics that will be discussed. For those interested in the meeting materials, these are also available on the California Department of Justice website and link to an \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-materials-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">848-page document\u003c/a> (which includes meeting minutes of the October meeting) and two more documents (\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-materials%20p2-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">64 pages\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-materials-p3-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">68 pages\u003c/a>) that include some testimony from experts who will also provide their perspective live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public comment period for Dec. 7 is 9:05 a.m.-10:05 a.m., followed by a panel on infrastructure from 10:15 a.m.-11:30 a.m. with expert testimony from:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sociology.sdsu.edu/faculty-and-staff/gibbons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Gibbons\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.bruceappleyard.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bruce Appleyard\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/news/civil-liberties/meet-deborah-archer-aclu-national-board-president/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Deborah Archer\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://usp.ucsd.edu/people/faculty/profiles/martin.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Isaac Martin\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In the afternoon, a panel on gentrification and homelessness from 1:50 p.m.-3:00 p.m. will feature expert testimony from:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/staff/brandon-greene\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Brandon Greene\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/IDoTheThinking\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Darrell Owens\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.crenshawsubway.org/executivedirector\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Damien Goodmon\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantsincommon.org/zertia-en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Zerita Jones\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 8, the public comment period is again from 9:05 a.m.-10:05 a.m., followed by a panel on entertainment, arts/culture and sports with testimony from:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.annenberglab.com/employees/arianne-edmonds/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Arianne Edmonds\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://soc.ucla.edu/faculty/darnell-hunt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Darnell Hunt\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.colorfarmmedia.com/congressional-testimony\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Erika Alexander\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://alisonrosejefferson.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alison R. Jefferson\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Once you have the agenda and decide to tune in, here's how to watch and make your voice heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"watch\">\u003c/a>Watch: Live on YouTube or the CA Department of Justice\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/c/ETMMediaGroup/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Emend the Mass Media Group\u003c/a>, a Black media outlet that self-identifies as \"laser-focused on political advocacy for reparations,\" will continue to livestream the task force meetings. Previous meetings are available on their \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/c/ETMMediaGroup/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">YouTube\u003c/a> page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Department of Justice\u003c/a> also will be livestreaming the meetings as of December. For those who prefer to watch afterward, or watch the two days' worth of meetings all at once, previous meetings are available on the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Justice website\u003c/a>, which links to the DOJ \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjXa1XmcH3HxoriWp6B7TSg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">YouTube\u003c/a> page.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"comment\">\u003c/a>Ensure your voice is heard — make a public comment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The task force uses \u003ca href=\"https://www.bluejeans.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">BlueJeans\u003c/a>, a desktop application similar to Zoom that can be accessed through a mobile app or on a desktop computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give public comment, join the meeting through the BlueJeans app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, public comment takes place at the beginning of each day on a first-come, first-serve basis. Click the \"raise your hand\" button when prompted. Each person has up to three minutes to make a comment, after which the microphone is turned off.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"local\">\u003c/a>Find reparations-related initiatives locally\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While California is discussing reparations on the statewide level, many cities are considering their own initiatives. [aside tag=\"reparations\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11872266/san-francisco-approves-task-force-to-study-reparations-for-black-residents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco supervisors\u003c/a> appointed 15 people to the city's African American Reparations Advisory Committee in May. Just weeks ago, actor Danny Glover and NAACP San Francisco chapter President Rev. Amos Brown, who is also vice chair of the state's task force, asked the city of San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-s-first-reparations-for-Blacks-residents-16623294.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">give the Fillmore Heritage Center to a nonprofit\u003c/a> to rebuild a Black business center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://sf-hrc.org/city-fund-reallocation-dream-keeper-initiative\">follow the Dream Keeper Initiative\u003c/a> for its next meetings on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2020 the Alameda County board of supervisors adopted a resolution \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/alameda-county-supervisors-adopt-reparations-resolution-for-african-americans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">calling for reparations for African Americans\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/02/23/state-of-black-berkeley-ca-points-to-challenges-new-and-old-for-black-residents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reparations were discussed\u003c/a> in Berkeley in February 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://africam.berkeley.edu/people/charles-p-henry/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Charles P. Henry\u003c/a>, author of \"Long Overdue: The Politics of Racial Reparations\" and professor emeritus at UC Berkeley, said he’s \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">hopeful California will ”be a pioneer path-setter in what can happen in a positive way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry also noted how it's become easier to get involved at the local level: \"In almost any community in the United States and certainly in any state in the United States, you can find a reparations issue and you can find a reparations group — and actively work with that group.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry said this could mean getting involved with local \u003ca href=\"https://news.berkeley.edu/2020/11/18/uc-berkeleys-leconte-and-barrows-halls-lose-their-names/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">renaming\u003c/a> initiatives like the one to rename buildings on UC Berkeley's campus. But involvement in reparations is part of a broader movement, he said, and getting involved will broaden people's curiosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're going to meet people who are interested in other issues, around Native American sovereignty or land rights or repatriation of remains,\" he said. \"There are issues where you can get involved and help try to heal the polarization that's going on — that all of us are sort of upset about — but don't find ways of connecting to help overcome it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While reparations as an issue has been seen as divisive, he said, it's actually an effort that means to repair relationships. \"That should be seen as a very positive thing to do,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"signup\">\u003c/a>Sign up for more communications\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>An occasional reminder of what's happening with California's reparations task force may be useful for many. For notifications on upcoming meetings, anyone can sign up for the AB 3121 \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/subscribe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mailing list\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the mailing list is from the Department of Justice, their communications tend to be simple and to the point, without much flourish. The agenda for upcoming meetings is sent out 10 days prior to each meeting.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "How to get plugged in to local and statewide conversations on reparations for Black Americans that talk about broader issues of justice, atonement and wealth.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#watch\">Where can I watch the reparations task force sessions?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#comment\">What should I do if I want to share my experience?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#local\">How can I take action in reparations efforts where I live? \u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#signup\">Where can I get updates on the state reparations effort?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>December 7 and 8 mark the third substantive set of meetings for California's reparations task force. Participation is easy for now — it's as simple as logging into the conference — but it could become more difficult to access as the nine members are slated to begin meeting in person next February. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'All interested Californians should participate no matter their identity.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established with the passage of AB 3121, authored by former Assemblymember Shirley Weber and passed in 2020, the group is tasked with studying slavery and its lingering impact on the lives of African Americans. The group also is charged with exploring remedies of \"compensation, rehabilitation, and restitution\" for Black Americans, with special consideration for descendants of persons enslaved in the United States. Under the bill, the task force must issue a report to the state's Legislature by June 1, 2022. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891771/californias-reparations-task-force-to-hear-testimony-on-anti-black-housing-and-education-discrimination-this-week\">Read more of our previous coverage here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think all interested Californians should participate no matter their identity,\" said task force chair Kamilah Moore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore said she also has been asking people who have experienced the effects of homelessness and gentrification to reach out to the task force. \"Black Californians who were pushed out of the major cities like LA or San Francisco, or even pushed out of the state in general because of issues of affordability and gentrification — we definitely want to hear from people like that because that ties into our conversation on the community of eligibility,\" she said. The question of who might be eligible for reparations is one the task force began discussing in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ypkolboJEG8'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ypkolboJEG8'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>The above video is a reparations task force meeting originally livestreamed by Emend the Mass Media Group.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precision early on is always best,” said task force member Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, in the October meeting. Lewis is associate professor and chair of the UC Berkeley Department of Geography. “I wanted us to make sure that we were very clear about who we were talking about and what kinds of injuries we were tracing.” He zeroed in on questions they've yet to answer: What is the cutoff point to award reparations? How long do you have to have lived in California to qualify? At what point do you have to have had arrived in the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Black Californians who were born and raised in the state, but had to leave, would they still be eligible for reparations? \"That's an open question,\" Moore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 8, the task force will host a panel focusing on entertainment, arts and culture, so those with experience in those industries are especially welcome to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to get involved. Here's how to watch, and how to participate through public comment, and some tips for finding even more opportunities to plug into local and national conversations on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What's on the agenda for December?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before looking at how you can participate, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-notice-agenda-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the agenda\u003c/a> is a great place to start to understand the broader topics that will be discussed. For those interested in the meeting materials, these are also available on the California Department of Justice website and link to an \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-materials-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">848-page document\u003c/a> (which includes meeting minutes of the October meeting) and two more documents (\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-materials%20p2-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">64 pages\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-materials-p3-120721-120821.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">68 pages\u003c/a>) that include some testimony from experts who will also provide their perspective live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public comment period for Dec. 7 is 9:05 a.m.-10:05 a.m., followed by a panel on infrastructure from 10:15 a.m.-11:30 a.m. with expert testimony from:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sociology.sdsu.edu/faculty-and-staff/gibbons\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Gibbons\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.bruceappleyard.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bruce Appleyard\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/news/civil-liberties/meet-deborah-archer-aclu-national-board-president/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Deborah Archer\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://usp.ucsd.edu/people/faculty/profiles/martin.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Isaac Martin\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In the afternoon, a panel on gentrification and homelessness from 1:50 p.m.-3:00 p.m. will feature expert testimony from:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/staff/brandon-greene\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Brandon Greene\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/IDoTheThinking\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Darrell Owens\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.crenshawsubway.org/executivedirector\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Damien Goodmon\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantsincommon.org/zertia-en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Zerita Jones\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 8, the public comment period is again from 9:05 a.m.-10:05 a.m., followed by a panel on entertainment, arts/culture and sports with testimony from:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.annenberglab.com/employees/arianne-edmonds/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Arianne Edmonds\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://soc.ucla.edu/faculty/darnell-hunt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Darnell Hunt\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.colorfarmmedia.com/congressional-testimony\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Erika Alexander\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://alisonrosejefferson.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alison R. Jefferson\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Once you have the agenda and decide to tune in, here's how to watch and make your voice heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"watch\">\u003c/a>Watch: Live on YouTube or the CA Department of Justice\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/c/ETMMediaGroup/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Emend the Mass Media Group\u003c/a>, a Black media outlet that self-identifies as \"laser-focused on political advocacy for reparations,\" will continue to livestream the task force meetings. Previous meetings are available on their \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/c/ETMMediaGroup/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">YouTube\u003c/a> page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Department of Justice\u003c/a> also will be livestreaming the meetings as of December. For those who prefer to watch afterward, or watch the two days' worth of meetings all at once, previous meetings are available on the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Department of Justice website\u003c/a>, which links to the DOJ \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjXa1XmcH3HxoriWp6B7TSg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">YouTube\u003c/a> page.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"comment\">\u003c/a>Ensure your voice is heard — make a public comment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The task force uses \u003ca href=\"https://www.bluejeans.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">BlueJeans\u003c/a>, a desktop application similar to Zoom that can be accessed through a mobile app or on a desktop computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give public comment, join the meeting through the BlueJeans app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, public comment takes place at the beginning of each day on a first-come, first-serve basis. Click the \"raise your hand\" button when prompted. Each person has up to three minutes to make a comment, after which the microphone is turned off.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"local\">\u003c/a>Find reparations-related initiatives locally\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While California is discussing reparations on the statewide level, many cities are considering their own initiatives. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11872266/san-francisco-approves-task-force-to-study-reparations-for-black-residents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco supervisors\u003c/a> appointed 15 people to the city's African American Reparations Advisory Committee in May. Just weeks ago, actor Danny Glover and NAACP San Francisco chapter President Rev. Amos Brown, who is also vice chair of the state's task force, asked the city of San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-s-first-reparations-for-Blacks-residents-16623294.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">give the Fillmore Heritage Center to a nonprofit\u003c/a> to rebuild a Black business center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://sf-hrc.org/city-fund-reallocation-dream-keeper-initiative\">follow the Dream Keeper Initiative\u003c/a> for its next meetings on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2020 the Alameda County board of supervisors adopted a resolution \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/alameda-county-supervisors-adopt-reparations-resolution-for-african-americans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">calling for reparations for African Americans\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/02/23/state-of-black-berkeley-ca-points-to-challenges-new-and-old-for-black-residents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reparations were discussed\u003c/a> in Berkeley in February 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://africam.berkeley.edu/people/charles-p-henry/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Charles P. Henry\u003c/a>, author of \"Long Overdue: The Politics of Racial Reparations\" and professor emeritus at UC Berkeley, said he’s \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">hopeful California will ”be a pioneer path-setter in what can happen in a positive way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry also noted how it's become easier to get involved at the local level: \"In almost any community in the United States and certainly in any state in the United States, you can find a reparations issue and you can find a reparations group — and actively work with that group.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry said this could mean getting involved with local \u003ca href=\"https://news.berkeley.edu/2020/11/18/uc-berkeleys-leconte-and-barrows-halls-lose-their-names/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">renaming\u003c/a> initiatives like the one to rename buildings on UC Berkeley's campus. But involvement in reparations is part of a broader movement, he said, and getting involved will broaden people's curiosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're going to meet people who are interested in other issues, around Native American sovereignty or land rights or repatriation of remains,\" he said. \"There are issues where you can get involved and help try to heal the polarization that's going on — that all of us are sort of upset about — but don't find ways of connecting to help overcome it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While reparations as an issue has been seen as divisive, he said, it's actually an effort that means to repair relationships. \"That should be seen as a very positive thing to do,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"signup\">\u003c/a>Sign up for more communications\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>An occasional reminder of what's happening with California's reparations task force may be useful for many. For notifications on upcoming meetings, anyone can sign up for the AB 3121 \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/subscribe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mailing list\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the mailing list is from the Department of Justice, their communications tend to be simple and to the point, without much flourish. The agenda for upcoming meetings is sent out 10 days prior to each meeting.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "Decades After ‘Cultural Genocide,’ Residents of a Bulldozed Community Get Apology from Hayward | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The descendants of a once vibrant, tight-knit community in the East Bay that was wiped off the map to make way for an industrial park in the early 1960s received some positive news recently, when the city of\u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/nov21/hayward-city-council-issues-formal-apology-city%E2%80%99s-role-racial-discrimination-0\"> Hayward issued a formal apology\u003c/a> on Nov. 16 for its past racist policies and the role it played in demolishing Russell City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once home to around 1,400 predominantly Black and Latino residents in an unincorporated 12-block area of Hayward, Russell City was a cultural hub for blues music, where legends like Ray Charles and Etta James performed in clubs when they toured the West Coast. The community saw much of its growth during and after World War II, in part because of African Americans migrating from southern states to work in shipyards and factories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established in 1853 and named after a teacher who moved to California during the Gold Rush, Russell City at its peak in the post-World War II years “was more of a community and not a city. It was kind of a town in a way,” said Diane Curry, executive director and curator at the Hayward Area Historical Society. “The title of ‘city’ is a misnomer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 850px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898131\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photograph of an airport and town.\" width=\"850\" height=\"584\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790.jpg 850w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790-800x550.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 850px) 100vw, 850px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Black-and-white aerial photograph from 1948 of Hayward Airport and Russell City. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Hayward Area Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The community was home to numerous businesses, a hog ranch, sheep herders, nightclubs, a church, a library, a school and its own fire department. In the 1950s, however, all that changed when Alameda County and Hayward city officials declared Russell City a “blight” and decided to transform the area into an industrial business park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sam Nava, former Russell City resident\"]‘People lived and worked together, and watched out for each other’s children. Russell City is a good example of showing that people, no matter their race or creed, could get along. Those people were down to earth. We all saw each other as equal.’[/pullquote]Despite pushback from residents who had unsuccessfully petitioned officials to provide sewage and electricity and to pave the dirt roads, local governments began forcibly relocating residents and bulldozed the entire community in 1963. Many families ended up in Kelly Hill, East Oakland and other neighboring communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I call it cultural genocide. They took all the street names of Russell City and put in names like ‘Industrial Avenue,'” said Ronnie Stewart, executive director and founder of the West Coast Blues Society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The community had no understanding about lobbying,” Stewart said. “When redevelopment happened, they bought people’s property well below market rate. Homes were burned down. They didn’t want it tied up in court even if residents filed an injunction, which could take over 10 years. They wanted to make sure they didn’t have a place to live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a city report included with Hayward’s apology resolution, racist, discriminatory \u003ca href=\"https://hayward.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=9957852&GUID=B5709B92-34CB-4807-BC70-49503D4BFD36\">housing practices such as redlining and “racial steering” were a big reason\u003c/a> so many Black and Latino residents wound up in Russell City in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redlining, a government-sanctioned racist practice that started in the 1930s, encouraged segregation across the nation by applying stricter mortgage requirements for African American homebuyers and other communities of color. It pushed many families to seek refuge in unincorporated areas like Russell City. That discrimination went further with racial steering, where real estate agents and developers actively directed people of color away from white neighborhoods, with prohibitions against the sale of property to non-white homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=lowdown_18486 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/26/2015/07/OaklandBerkeleyHOLCmap-MED-1180x871.jpg']When homes and businesses in Russell City were demolished, residents lost more than just their property. An entire community was uprooted as families were scattered across the Bay Area. Some who were able to resettle relatively close made a concerted effort to keep the bonds forged alive through ongoing gatherings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People lived and worked together, and watched out for each other’s children that would play in the surrounding open fields,” said Sam Nava, a former Russell City resident. Nava, the grandson of Pancho Villa, moved to Russell City with his family in 1942, when he was 2 years old, and fondly remembers the strong sense of community and pride among residents, as well as the nightclub near his house where he would get ice cream during the day as a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nava, now 82, remains in close contact with other former residents and their descendants through an annual picnic celebration at Kennedy Park in Hayward where families gather and reflect on the good times in Russell City. The annual picnic had been going on for over 20 years until 2018, when renovations began at the park. The park was scheduled to reopen in the spring of 2021 but was delayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nava created a wall-size cardboard sign filled with photos submitted from former residents and a hand-drawn map of Russell City where descendants could write their names by the streets where they used to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Russell City is a good example of showing that people, no matter their race or creed, could get along,” said Nava. “Those people were down to earth. We all saw each other as equal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898068\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1930px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11898068 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1930\" height=\"1709\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail.jpg 1930w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-800x708.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-1020x903.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-160x142.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-1536x1360.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-1920x1700.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1930px) 100vw, 1930px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Detail of a hand-drawn map from former Russell City resident Sam Nava displaying the neighborhood layout he made around 1970. Nava and other former residents marked where they lived at an annual picnic that year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aisha Knowles, 44, who was born and raised in Hayward and is a descendant of Russell City residents, remembers attending the annual picnic at Kennedy Park every year since she was a child and learning more about the history of the community. Her family owned an auto shop called Honest Abe and Sons, and her grandmother and great-uncle, Fannie Knowles and Bill Eastland, helped found the First Baptist Church of Russell City in 1943.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up hearing so many different stories and loved meeting other people from Russell City,” said Knowles. “I was pleased to see the commission’s work. It was one step and component that makes sure Russell City is never forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898070\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Frances Doyal, Winny Knowles and Aisha Knowles, former residents and descendants of families from Russell City, pose for a photo during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020, other Bay Area cities have been grappling with their own discriminatory pasts, and in recent months have shown a willingness to acknowledge and apologize for damage done. On Sept. 29, the San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">é\u003c/span> City Council held a ceremony at the Circle of Palms Plaza to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890341/san-jose-to-apologize-for-the-1887-burning-of-the-citys-chinatown\">apologize to Chinese immigrants and their descendants\u003c/a> for deliberately setting fire to San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">é\u003c/span>’s Chinatown in 1887, destroying businesses and displacing over 1,000 people. Over the summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch City Council apologized to the Chinese community\u003c/a> for burning down its Chinatown in 1876.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Artavia Berry, chair, Hayward Community Services Commission\"]‘We wanted the city to apologize, but we also want solutions.’[/pullquote]Hayward’s formal apology to Russell City residents and their descendants was spurred on by the actions of residents like Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berry, who helped draft Hayward’s apology, said the commission has been pushing the city to improve equity, add new training for the police department and talk about how governments and institutions can engage communities of color. Along with the formal apology is an 10-part plan to address the many concerns of Hayward’s Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many other communities have received reparations and apologies, but I haven’t seen many institutions apologize to Black people for anything,” said Berry. “We wanted the city to apologize, but we also want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898075\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission, near her home in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposed solutions include financial resources being allocated for a Black homeowner business fund, supporting an annual Juneteenth citywide celebration in Hayward, providing culturally relevant educational tools for Black students and developing Black businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago, the commission made a presentation to Hayward’s city council on potential restitution and how to incorporate their recommendations into the city’s strategic plan. Berry is optimistic that the city will work with her commission and add their proposals into the city budget by next June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898081\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"hand holds open a book with detail of historical black and white photos of Russell City\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission, looks through the book ‘Images of America: Russell City.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berry said despite her anger after learning about how poorly Russell City residents were treated, she admires their resilience to be able to work together and build a community on their own. She hopes the work being done in Hayward can serve as a blueprint for other cities across the nation on how to heal old wounds and move forward in an equitable way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This process really shows that you don’t have to be an elected official to make change and influence policy,” said Berry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone on the commission are volunteers and residents of Hayward who care about the community. It doesn’t matter what your station is in life. If you’re willing to speak up, you can make change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The descendants of the once vibrant, tight-knit East Bay community of Russell City, which was wiped off the map in 1963, got positive news recently, when the city of Hayward issued a formal apology for its past racist policies and the role it played in demolishing the town.",
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"title": "Decades After 'Cultural Genocide,' Residents of a Bulldozed Community Get Apology from Hayward | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The descendants of a once vibrant, tight-knit community in the East Bay that was wiped off the map to make way for an industrial park in the early 1960s received some positive news recently, when the city of\u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/nov21/hayward-city-council-issues-formal-apology-city%E2%80%99s-role-racial-discrimination-0\"> Hayward issued a formal apology\u003c/a> on Nov. 16 for its past racist policies and the role it played in demolishing Russell City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once home to around 1,400 predominantly Black and Latino residents in an unincorporated 12-block area of Hayward, Russell City was a cultural hub for blues music, where legends like Ray Charles and Etta James performed in clubs when they toured the West Coast. The community saw much of its growth during and after World War II, in part because of African Americans migrating from southern states to work in shipyards and factories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established in 1853 and named after a teacher who moved to California during the Gold Rush, Russell City at its peak in the post-World War II years “was more of a community and not a city. It was kind of a town in a way,” said Diane Curry, executive director and curator at the Hayward Area Historical Society. “The title of ‘city’ is a misnomer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 850px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898131\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photograph of an airport and town.\" width=\"850\" height=\"584\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790.jpg 850w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790-800x550.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/790337790-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 850px) 100vw, 850px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Black-and-white aerial photograph from 1948 of Hayward Airport and Russell City. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Hayward Area Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The community was home to numerous businesses, a hog ranch, sheep herders, nightclubs, a church, a library, a school and its own fire department. In the 1950s, however, all that changed when Alameda County and Hayward city officials declared Russell City a “blight” and decided to transform the area into an industrial business park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘People lived and worked together, and watched out for each other’s children. Russell City is a good example of showing that people, no matter their race or creed, could get along. Those people were down to earth. We all saw each other as equal.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite pushback from residents who had unsuccessfully petitioned officials to provide sewage and electricity and to pave the dirt roads, local governments began forcibly relocating residents and bulldozed the entire community in 1963. Many families ended up in Kelly Hill, East Oakland and other neighboring communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I call it cultural genocide. They took all the street names of Russell City and put in names like ‘Industrial Avenue,'” said Ronnie Stewart, executive director and founder of the West Coast Blues Society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The community had no understanding about lobbying,” Stewart said. “When redevelopment happened, they bought people’s property well below market rate. Homes were burned down. They didn’t want it tied up in court even if residents filed an injunction, which could take over 10 years. They wanted to make sure they didn’t have a place to live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a city report included with Hayward’s apology resolution, racist, discriminatory \u003ca href=\"https://hayward.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=9957852&GUID=B5709B92-34CB-4807-BC70-49503D4BFD36\">housing practices such as redlining and “racial steering” were a big reason\u003c/a> so many Black and Latino residents wound up in Russell City in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redlining, a government-sanctioned racist practice that started in the 1930s, encouraged segregation across the nation by applying stricter mortgage requirements for African American homebuyers and other communities of color. It pushed many families to seek refuge in unincorporated areas like Russell City. That discrimination went further with racial steering, where real estate agents and developers actively directed people of color away from white neighborhoods, with prohibitions against the sale of property to non-white homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When homes and businesses in Russell City were demolished, residents lost more than just their property. An entire community was uprooted as families were scattered across the Bay Area. Some who were able to resettle relatively close made a concerted effort to keep the bonds forged alive through ongoing gatherings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People lived and worked together, and watched out for each other’s children that would play in the surrounding open fields,” said Sam Nava, a former Russell City resident. Nava, the grandson of Pancho Villa, moved to Russell City with his family in 1942, when he was 2 years old, and fondly remembers the strong sense of community and pride among residents, as well as the nightclub near his house where he would get ice cream during the day as a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nava, now 82, remains in close contact with other former residents and their descendants through an annual picnic celebration at Kennedy Park in Hayward where families gather and reflect on the good times in Russell City. The annual picnic had been going on for over 20 years until 2018, when renovations began at the park. The park was scheduled to reopen in the spring of 2021 but was delayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nava created a wall-size cardboard sign filled with photos submitted from former residents and a hand-drawn map of Russell City where descendants could write their names by the streets where they used to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Russell City is a good example of showing that people, no matter their race or creed, could get along,” said Nava. “Those people were down to earth. We all saw each other as equal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898068\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1930px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11898068 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1930\" height=\"1709\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail.jpg 1930w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-800x708.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-1020x903.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-160x142.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-1536x1360.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/MapDetail-1920x1700.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1930px) 100vw, 1930px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Detail of a hand-drawn map from former Russell City resident Sam Nava displaying the neighborhood layout he made around 1970. Nava and other former residents marked where they lived at an annual picnic that year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aisha Knowles, 44, who was born and raised in Hayward and is a descendant of Russell City residents, remembers attending the annual picnic at Kennedy Park every year since she was a child and learning more about the history of the community. Her family owned an auto shop called Honest Abe and Sons, and her grandmother and great-uncle, Fannie Knowles and Bill Eastland, helped found the First Baptist Church of Russell City in 1943.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up hearing so many different stories and loved meeting other people from Russell City,” said Knowles. “I was pleased to see the commission’s work. It was one step and component that makes sure Russell City is never forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898070\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Frances Doyal, Winny Knowles and Aisha Knowles, former residents and descendants of families from Russell City, pose for a photo during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020, other Bay Area cities have been grappling with their own discriminatory pasts, and in recent months have shown a willingness to acknowledge and apologize for damage done. On Sept. 29, the San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">é\u003c/span> City Council held a ceremony at the Circle of Palms Plaza to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890341/san-jose-to-apologize-for-the-1887-burning-of-the-citys-chinatown\">apologize to Chinese immigrants and their descendants\u003c/a> for deliberately setting fire to San Jos\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">é\u003c/span>’s Chinatown in 1887, destroying businesses and displacing over 1,000 people. Over the summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch City Council apologized to the Chinese community\u003c/a> for burning down its Chinatown in 1876.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hayward’s formal apology to Russell City residents and their descendants was spurred on by the actions of residents like Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berry, who helped draft Hayward’s apology, said the commission has been pushing the city to improve equity, add new training for the police department and talk about how governments and institutions can engage communities of color. Along with the formal apology is an 10-part plan to address the many concerns of Hayward’s Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many other communities have received reparations and apologies, but I haven’t seen many institutions apologize to Black people for anything,” said Berry. “We wanted the city to apologize, but we also want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898075\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52748_003_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission, near her home in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposed solutions include financial resources being allocated for a Black homeowner business fund, supporting an annual Juneteenth citywide celebration in Hayward, providing culturally relevant educational tools for Black students and developing Black businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago, the commission made a presentation to Hayward’s city council on potential restitution and how to incorporate their recommendations into the city’s strategic plan. Berry is optimistic that the city will work with her commission and add their proposals into the city budget by next June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898081\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"hand holds open a book with detail of historical black and white photos of Russell City\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52751_006_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission, looks through the book ‘Images of America: Russell City.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berry said despite her anger after learning about how poorly Russell City residents were treated, she admires their resilience to be able to work together and build a community on their own. She hopes the work being done in Hayward can serve as a blueprint for other cities across the nation on how to heal old wounds and move forward in an equitable way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This process really shows that you don’t have to be an elected official to make change and influence policy,” said Berry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone on the commission are volunteers and residents of Hayward who care about the community. It doesn’t matter what your station is in life. If you’re willing to speak up, you can make change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"perspectives": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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