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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area members of Congress are calling on Republican lawmakers to support a $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill that the U.S. Senate is expected to take up this week. The push comes as thousands of local workers in battered industries – including most recently United Airlines workers at SFO – face a fresh round of furloughs and layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press event Tuesday, Rep. Jared Huffman, D-San Rafael, said the pandemic has devastated his district’s economy, which is driven by tourism, travel and recreation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still got a really long, difficult road ahead of us and without decisive, comprehensive help, families and employers in my district, also throughout California and around this country, just can’t keep the lights on for much longer,” said Huffman, whose district spans from the Golden Gate Bridge to the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman and 218 other House Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/us-policy/2021/02/26/biden-stimulus-covid-relief/\">passed the American Rescue Plan Act last weekend\u003c/a> without a single Republican vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://huffman.house.gov/imo/media/doc/UPDATED%20HR%201319%20The%20American%20Rescue%20Plan%20Act.pdf\">bill\u003c/a> includes a one-time stimulus check of up to $1,400 per person, and emergency measures to protect jobs, such as $15 billion to extend the Payroll Support Program, which has stopped furloughs and layoffs for workers in the aviation industry but is set to expire on March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 29, United Airlines notified more than 3,100 workers based at San Francisco International Airport of potential involuntary furloughs starting in April, according to official \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/Jobs_and_Training/Layoff_Services_WARN.htm\">filings\u003c/a> the company submitted with the California Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of the United workers at SFO who are facing furloughs are flight attendants, said Taylor Garland, a spokesperson for the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA union, which represents nearly 50,000 flight attendants at 17 airlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flight attendants around the country are calling their representatives and senators to encourage them to vote “yes” on the American Rescue Plan Act, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last year has been devastating for the airline industry and especially the people on the front lines, including flight attendants,” said Garland. “We fully expect that bill to pass and for the Payroll Support Program to be extended before these furloughs would take effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Coronavirus Coverage' tag='coronavirus']Republican lawmakers have so far opposed the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/sarahhansen/2021/03/02/mcconnell-says-republicans-will-fight-bidens-19-trillion-stimulus-bill-in-every-way-that-we-can/?sh=253b6b546005\">saying\u003c/a> it is too expensive and contains provisions that are not directly related to fixing the health crisis. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, vowed to fight the proposal, which he \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/02/politics/stimulus-covid-relief-bill-senate/index.html\">called\u003c/a> a “bonanza of partisan spending.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relief package that was approved by the Democratic-controlled House and sent to the Senate would also provide more than $71 billion to expand COVID-19 testing and vaccine distribution, $27 billion to address health disparities and protect vulnerable populations, and nearly $130 billion to reopen K-12 schools safely, among other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, United Airlines notified 14,000 employees of potential temporary layoffs on April 1, said Annabelle Cottee, a spokeswoman with the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, United also put 36,000 employees on furlough notices, including nearly 7,000 at SFO. Those temporary layoffs were set to go into effect in October 2020, but the company was able to keep many of the workers employed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cottee stressed the current round of furloughs may also impact fewer employees than the number that received notices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working on lowering that number just like we did last year,” Cottee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "As SFO's United Workers Face Furloughs, Lawmakers Say COVID-19 Relief Bill Could Help Save Bay Area Jobs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Area members of Congress are calling on Republican lawmakers to support a $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill that the U.S. Senate is expected to take up this week. The push comes as thousands of local workers in battered industries – including most recently United Airlines workers at SFO – face a fresh round of furloughs and layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press event Tuesday, Rep. Jared Huffman, D-San Rafael, said the pandemic has devastated his district’s economy, which is driven by tourism, travel and recreation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still got a really long, difficult road ahead of us and without decisive, comprehensive help, families and employers in my district, also throughout California and around this country, just can’t keep the lights on for much longer,” said Huffman, whose district spans from the Golden Gate Bridge to the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman and 218 other House Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/us-policy/2021/02/26/biden-stimulus-covid-relief/\">passed the American Rescue Plan Act last weekend\u003c/a> without a single Republican vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://huffman.house.gov/imo/media/doc/UPDATED%20HR%201319%20The%20American%20Rescue%20Plan%20Act.pdf\">bill\u003c/a> includes a one-time stimulus check of up to $1,400 per person, and emergency measures to protect jobs, such as $15 billion to extend the Payroll Support Program, which has stopped furloughs and layoffs for workers in the aviation industry but is set to expire on March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 29, United Airlines notified more than 3,100 workers based at San Francisco International Airport of potential involuntary furloughs starting in April, according to official \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/Jobs_and_Training/Layoff_Services_WARN.htm\">filings\u003c/a> the company submitted with the California Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of the United workers at SFO who are facing furloughs are flight attendants, said Taylor Garland, a spokesperson for the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA union, which represents nearly 50,000 flight attendants at 17 airlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flight attendants around the country are calling their representatives and senators to encourage them to vote “yes” on the American Rescue Plan Act, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last year has been devastating for the airline industry and especially the people on the front lines, including flight attendants,” said Garland. “We fully expect that bill to pass and for the Payroll Support Program to be extended before these furloughs would take effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Republican lawmakers have so far opposed the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/sarahhansen/2021/03/02/mcconnell-says-republicans-will-fight-bidens-19-trillion-stimulus-bill-in-every-way-that-we-can/?sh=253b6b546005\">saying\u003c/a> it is too expensive and contains provisions that are not directly related to fixing the health crisis. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, vowed to fight the proposal, which he \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/02/politics/stimulus-covid-relief-bill-senate/index.html\">called\u003c/a> a “bonanza of partisan spending.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relief package that was approved by the Democratic-controlled House and sent to the Senate would also provide more than $71 billion to expand COVID-19 testing and vaccine distribution, $27 billion to address health disparities and protect vulnerable populations, and nearly $130 billion to reopen K-12 schools safely, among other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, United Airlines notified 14,000 employees of potential temporary layoffs on April 1, said Annabelle Cottee, a spokeswoman with the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, United also put 36,000 employees on furlough notices, including nearly 7,000 at SFO. Those temporary layoffs were set to go into effect in October 2020, but the company was able to keep many of the workers employed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cottee stressed the current round of furloughs may also impact fewer employees than the number that received notices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working on lowering that number just like we did last year,” Cottee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The nation’s largest janitorial company,\u003ca href=\"https://www.abm.com/\"> ABM Industries,\u003c/a> has settled a lawsuit with three women janitors from Fresno who claimed the company fostered a sexually hostile work environment, emboldening supervisors to sexually harass and assault employees. The allegations against supervisors include making lewd sexual remarks, exposing genitals, displaying pornography, assault and attempted rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know we are not the only ones,” said plaintiff Maria Paramo. “This problem affects many workers, especially women in our industry, all across the country. I am proud to stand up for myself and others who cannot speak to say ‘ya basta’ [enough is enough].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ABM provides janitorial services across the country. It was a focal point of KQED’s groundbreaking 2015 investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/night-shift\">“Rape on the Night Shift,\u003c/a>” produced in collaboration with \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/\">Reveal from the Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/\">PBS Frontline\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/\">Univision\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a>. That investigation pointed to years of complaints against ABM, including a federal class-action lawsuit involving 21 women from the Central Valley.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brenda Adams, senior attorney with Equal Rights Advocates\"]‘It is a very scary thing to be in their position: to work alone at night in a big empty building, to not speak English, to be paid minimum wage and have that be your sole source of income for your entire family, to be threatened with losing your job, threatened with immigration authorities, and threatened physically with harm.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new settlement — developed with input from women janitors themselves — requires ABM janitorial operations across California to develop more robust safety protocols. That could include using a buddy system to pair up workers when dropping off supplies, and limiting supply drops to well-lit, outdoor areas. The settlement also requires the company to create goals of hiring and promoting more women to supervisory positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was first filed in 2019. Another plaintiff, Araceli Sanchez, said she endured 14 years of harassment while cleaning buildings, including sexual assault and attempted rape, from her supervisor, while working the night shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He made me feel like a piece of trash, like I wasn’t worth anything,” Sanchez told The California Report \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726127/fresno-janitors-file-lawsuit-against-continued-rape-on-the-night-shift\">in 2019.\u003c/a> “Twice, he threatened me that if I told anyone, he would kill me. I felt like I didn’t have any rights. The company never told us we had any rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726146\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janitor Araceli Sanchez says she endured abuse at the hands of her supervisor for 14 years. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, who cannot read or write in English or Spanish, claims she was required to sign company documents without any explanation of what they meant. The complaint alleged there were documents in her personnel file that contained signatures of her name but were not actually signed by her, including one detailing policies against harassment in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a very scary thing to be in their position: to work alone at night in a big empty building, to not speak English, to be paid minimum wage and have that be your sole source of income for your entire family, to be threatened with losing your job, threatened with immigration authorities, and threatened physically with harm,” said Brenda Adams, senior attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalrights.org/\">Equal Rights Advocates\u003c/a>, which filed the lawsuit in conjunction with Fresno law firm Lang, Richert and Patch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11090957\" label=\"More on 'Rape on the Night Shift'\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These women were vulnerable and supervisors knew that. And ABM threw them to the wolves,” added Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also requires that sexual harassment training and resources be made available in English and Spanish, and be accessible to those with limited literacy by providing audio files and pictorial descriptions to janitors and supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It addresses a major problem in the janitorial industry, which is you can have the best policies on the planet, but if people don’t understand them, it’s meaningless,” said Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement to KQED, ABM Industries noted that the company is “committed to fostering a professional and safe working environment for all our employees and we have zero tolerance for sexual harassment. Upon learning of these alleged incidents, we took immediate action by suspending the accused individuals, retaining an independent third party to investigate the claims, following up with the employees on their wellbeing, and subsequently terminating the accused individuals immediately after our investigation concluded. We take any claim of sexual harassment very seriously and remain committed to providing a safe workplace for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ABM provides janitorial services across the country. It was a focal point of KQED’s groundbreaking 2015 investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/night-shift\">“Rape on the Night Shift,\u003c/a>” produced in collaboration with \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/\">Reveal from the Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/\">PBS Frontline\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/\">Univision\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a>. That investigation pointed to years of complaints against ABM, including a federal class-action lawsuit involving 21 women from the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new settlement — developed with input from women janitors themselves — requires ABM janitorial operations across California to develop more robust safety protocols. That could include using a buddy system to pair up workers when dropping off supplies, and limiting supply drops to well-lit, outdoor areas. The settlement also requires the company to create goals of hiring and promoting more women to supervisory positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was first filed in 2019. Another plaintiff, Araceli Sanchez, said she endured 14 years of harassment while cleaning buildings, including sexual assault and attempted rape, from her supervisor, while working the night shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He made me feel like a piece of trash, like I wasn’t worth anything,” Sanchez told The California Report \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726127/fresno-janitors-file-lawsuit-against-continued-rape-on-the-night-shift\">in 2019.\u003c/a> “Twice, he threatened me that if I told anyone, he would kill me. I felt like I didn’t have any rights. The company never told us we had any rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726146\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RS35265_IMG_2988-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janitor Araceli Sanchez says she endured abuse at the hands of her supervisor for 14 years. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, who cannot read or write in English or Spanish, claims she was required to sign company documents without any explanation of what they meant. The complaint alleged there were documents in her personnel file that contained signatures of her name but were not actually signed by her, including one detailing policies against harassment in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a very scary thing to be in their position: to work alone at night in a big empty building, to not speak English, to be paid minimum wage and have that be your sole source of income for your entire family, to be threatened with losing your job, threatened with immigration authorities, and threatened physically with harm,” said Brenda Adams, senior attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalrights.org/\">Equal Rights Advocates\u003c/a>, which filed the lawsuit in conjunction with Fresno law firm Lang, Richert and Patch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These women were vulnerable and supervisors knew that. And ABM threw them to the wolves,” added Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also requires that sexual harassment training and resources be made available in English and Spanish, and be accessible to those with limited literacy by providing audio files and pictorial descriptions to janitors and supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It addresses a major problem in the janitorial industry, which is you can have the best policies on the planet, but if people don’t understand them, it’s meaningless,” said Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement to KQED, ABM Industries noted that the company is “committed to fostering a professional and safe working environment for all our employees and we have zero tolerance for sexual harassment. Upon learning of these alleged incidents, we took immediate action by suspending the accused individuals, retaining an independent third party to investigate the claims, following up with the employees on their wellbeing, and subsequently terminating the accused individuals immediately after our investigation concluded. We take any claim of sexual harassment very seriously and remain committed to providing a safe workplace for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "How Barriers at EDD Keep Already Vulnerable Californians From Their Benefits",
"title": "How Barriers at EDD Keep Already Vulnerable Californians From Their Benefits",
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"content": "\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#resources\">Jump to resources for claimants\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It was Jan. 26. And after weeks of false starts, San Francisco resident Ruyu Wu finally had a representative from the state Employment Development Department’s ID.me identity verification platform on the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a video call, actually. The representative wanted to verify Wu's identity face to face. This is a common approach EDD uses to confirm applicants’ information, and a test Wu had to pass to secure her benefits. Her husband, Henry Zhang, was with her. Wu doesn’t have a smartphone, so she has to rely primarily on his iPhone when she needs to do these video calls. [aside tag=\"edd,unemployment-insurance\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In English, the ID.me representative asked Wu — whose first language is Cantonese and speaks barely any English — to confirm her address. When she said it, the representative said he couldn’t understand her, so Zhang tried to assist. Though he primarily speaks Cantonese and some Mandarin, he knows enough English to get by if there's no other option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The guy asked to see my ID and when I showed him and pointed it at the camera, the guy said, ‘No, you know what? I'll find somebody to come and help translate and I'll call back.’ So I asked for someone who could speak Cantonese, preferably, because my wife speaks Cantonese,” Zhang said through a translator. The representative agreed, and said he would call back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, more than three weeks later, Zhang and Wu are still waiting for that call. Zhang is still trying to secure his own benefits after his payments expired towards the end of 2020. EDD has told him he will not be eligible to certify again until March. Meanwhile, Wu's account is locked for fraud concerns and was likely part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11854097/california-suspends-1-4-million-virus-unemployment-claims\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mass freeze of 1.4 million accounts\u003c/a> EDD did in early January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhang and Wu both emigrated from Taishan in China and have been living in San Francisco for many years now. Before the pandemic, Zhang did laundry and janitorial work and Wu was working as a dishwasher at a restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While they wait for their payments, the couple is scrimping, Zhang said. They aren’t eating as much as they normally would, trying to make their food stamps last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though EDD does have resources designed to support applicants who speak languages other than English or Spanish, its systems are often so overloaded that people who need this support can’t consistently access it. And the ID.me platform — which EDD implemented to help automate its verification process and unclog the bottlenecks — has created added barriers for those, like Wu, who don’t have easy access to certain technology. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking Down Access Gaps\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Late last year,\u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/publications/december-21st-analysis-of-unemployment-insurance-claims-in-california-during-the-covid-19-pandemic/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> researchers at the California Policy Lab\u003c/a> gathered data on how many Californians were receiving unemployment benefits and, for the first time, broke down the numbers on a neighborhood level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA economics professor Till von Wachter led this study and said the contrasts were stark. The study showed that not being a citizen, speaking a language other than English or having gaps in broadband access could interfere with a person’s ability to secure unemployment benefits\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whereas in those communities where there is very good broadband access or where median household income is large, there has been a higher rate of UI (unemployment insurance) receipt,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short: Californians who need these benefits the most are more likely to be the ones who aren’t getting them, and EDD’s infrastructure is amplifying these vulnerabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since she’s been unemployed, Wu spends most days and some nights taking care of her elderly mother-in-law at the mother’s home. There, Wu doesn’t have good cell reception and often worries she'll miss a call from EDD. Or that if a representative does reach her, she won't be able to complete the tasks asked of her on her flip phone. Or maybe EDD will reach out on Zhang's phone when they aren't together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tech challenges aren't just limited to not having a smartphone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say, even for the parts of claims where applicants only need to use a computer, there are still big access gaps. Daniela Urban, executive director of the Center for Workers' Rights in Sacramento, says she has many clients who use public computers to log into their EDD accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So they get to that point where they're being asked to wait for an hour, hour and a half or far more, depending on when they've tried to verify their identity,\" she said, \"And they are simply not able to continue to remain on the internet that long or in a public space that is open with internet access, particularly given the COVID restrictions, you know, where the spaces are already impacted because of limitations on social distancing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11860964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Zhang walks near his home in San Francisco on Feb. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>((Beth LaBerge/KQED))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Finding Support\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, Zhang and Wu would have likely just walked the few blocks from their home in San Francisco’s Chinatown to the headquarters of Chinese for Affirmative Action. The advocacy group has become a lifeline for them as they’ve navigated an unemployment claims infrastructure that was built to serve mainly English and Spanish speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CAA Community Advocate Amos Lim said normally one of the organization's main focuses is job placement, but its workforce development staff have had to pivot entirely to unemployment support to help fill accessibility gaps perpetuated by EDD. There’s currently a wait list of more than 75 clients who haven’t been able to access language help via EDD, Lim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The support] is severely lacking right now, considering that, you know, a lot of the essential workers are low-wage entry-level workers, and they're mostly from the immigrant community,” Lim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Paul Ong, director of the Center for Neighborhood Knowledge at UCLA, has researched how Asian American communities — and residents of Chinatowns in particular — are faring with their unemployment benefits. And he echoes Lim's concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"During the pandemic, we saw a much more rapid and steeper escalation of the unemployment rate for Asian Americans,\" he said, \"and we saw that particularly for the less educated, those low-wage workers, and they tend to be immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/UCLALuskin/status/1360262405310218242\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ong says one of the biggest barriers to benefits is obvious — language gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you go, for example, to California's unemployment insurance website, it's in English and there's also a button for Spanish, but there's no button for other languages,\" he said. \"They may provide other material so deeply embedded in the website, I couldn't find it. If I couldn't find it, other people can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, EDD confirmed that its site is geared only to English and Spanish speakers — though it has dedicated phone lines for English, Spanish, Cantonese, Mandarin and Vietnamese speakers and 162 call center reps that also provide customer services in Arabic, Armenian, Korean, Laotian, Punjabi and Tagalog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But CAA’s Amos Lim said despite what EDD says, people are still having trouble getting through the language access line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They’ve tried days and days. If they do get through, they’ll be on hold, nobody picks up, and then the calls get disconnected,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Looking Forward\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the fact that ID.me is available in 10 languages at state DMVs, where it is also used, the platform is currently only translated in English and Spanish for EDD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Amos Lim, community advocate at Chinese for Affirmative Action']'They’ve tried days and days. If they do get through, they’ll be on hold, nobody picks up, and then the calls get disconnected.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blake Hall, CEO of ID.me, has said he wants the application to be as widely accessible as possible, but neither Hall nor EDD officials have confirmed a clear plan to expand those language resources for unemployed Californians, though it is clearly possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On an EDD media call on Feb. 18, EDD Director Rita Saenz said they're working with other departments to learn about how it can better expand language access. She also indicated that other changes are on the horizon but didn't provide much more detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And new legislation is seeking to relieve at least some of the burdens people like Henry Zhang and Ruyu Wu are facing in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB401\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 401\u003c/a> earlier this month. The bill would require EDD to identify the language needs of claimants, increase multilingual phone lines and mandate EDD communicate with claimants in their preferred language in a timely way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state attorney general's office, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/limited-english#:~:text=More%20than%20200%20languages%20and,cultural%20barriers%20can%20leave%20consumers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">7 million Californians report speaking English \"less than very well\u003c/a>.\" And Chiu's office says 2.4 million Californians don't speak English or Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These adjustment may incur extra expenses for the state, Chiu said, but \"this is a small price to pay to ensure that we're not effectively shutting out 7 million people from receiving unemployment benefits and particularly given immigrants and people of color have been particularly hard hit during this pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, it sets July 2022 as the deadline for implementing these measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11860968\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Zhang in San Francisco's Chinatown on Feb. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But it's still unclear how people with tech challenges like Zhang and Wu will be able to get any relief going forward — unless call volumes decrease significantly and it's easier to reach representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Dr. Paul Ong says EDD reaching out to better understand the needs of the communities that are currently being left behind is key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A final plea is to have the Employment Development Department work more closely with the community groups and with other researchers,\" Ong said. \"We really need to understand in much more detail the magnitude and the patterns of these inequalities and what's driving it. We're not going to solve it without understanding that.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"resources\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Multilingual Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>These organizations provide multilingual assistance in applying for unemployment benefits. Below is their contact information, and the languages in which they offer support:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Northern California:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://oewd.org\">San Francisco’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development\u003c/a>: Its hotline is available for workers impacted by pandemic-related hardships in Cantonese, Mandarin, Russian, Spanish, Tagalog and Vietnamese.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 415-701-4817 or email: workforce.connection@sfgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.vydc.org\">Southeast Asian Development Center:\u003c/a> Available in Lao, Vietnamese and Thai.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 415-771-2600\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Oakland's Alem Center for Integration, supporting Eritrean & Ethiopian communities: Available in Tigrinya and Amharic.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 510-904-4305 or 415-779-2274\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>These organizations can provide support in Cantonese and Mandarin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: 415-896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://caasf.org\">Chinese for Affirmative Action\u003c/a>: 415-598-8508\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cpasf.org\">Chinese Progressive Association\u003c/a>: 415-391-6986\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: 866-864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://lsnc.net\">Legal Aid of Northern California\u003c/a>:\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Sacramento: 916-551-2150\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Redding: 530-241-3565\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vallejo: 707-643-0054\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Southern California:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://arswestusa.org/causes/\">Armenian Relief Society\u003c/a>: Available in Arabic, Armenian, Farsi, French, Russian and Spanish.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 818 241 7533\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In-person help available by appointment. Offices in Glendale, Pasadena and Hollywood.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Central Valley: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.firminc.org\">Fresno Interdenominational Refugee Ministries (FIRM)\u003c/a>: Available in Arabic, Hmong, Lao, Khmer and Russian.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 559-487-1500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#resources\">Jump to resources for claimants\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It was Jan. 26. And after weeks of false starts, San Francisco resident Ruyu Wu finally had a representative from the state Employment Development Department’s ID.me identity verification platform on the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a video call, actually. The representative wanted to verify Wu's identity face to face. This is a common approach EDD uses to confirm applicants’ information, and a test Wu had to pass to secure her benefits. Her husband, Henry Zhang, was with her. Wu doesn’t have a smartphone, so she has to rely primarily on his iPhone when she needs to do these video calls. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In English, the ID.me representative asked Wu — whose first language is Cantonese and speaks barely any English — to confirm her address. When she said it, the representative said he couldn’t understand her, so Zhang tried to assist. Though he primarily speaks Cantonese and some Mandarin, he knows enough English to get by if there's no other option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The guy asked to see my ID and when I showed him and pointed it at the camera, the guy said, ‘No, you know what? I'll find somebody to come and help translate and I'll call back.’ So I asked for someone who could speak Cantonese, preferably, because my wife speaks Cantonese,” Zhang said through a translator. The representative agreed, and said he would call back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, more than three weeks later, Zhang and Wu are still waiting for that call. Zhang is still trying to secure his own benefits after his payments expired towards the end of 2020. EDD has told him he will not be eligible to certify again until March. Meanwhile, Wu's account is locked for fraud concerns and was likely part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11854097/california-suspends-1-4-million-virus-unemployment-claims\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mass freeze of 1.4 million accounts\u003c/a> EDD did in early January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhang and Wu both emigrated from Taishan in China and have been living in San Francisco for many years now. Before the pandemic, Zhang did laundry and janitorial work and Wu was working as a dishwasher at a restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While they wait for their payments, the couple is scrimping, Zhang said. They aren’t eating as much as they normally would, trying to make their food stamps last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though EDD does have resources designed to support applicants who speak languages other than English or Spanish, its systems are often so overloaded that people who need this support can’t consistently access it. And the ID.me platform — which EDD implemented to help automate its verification process and unclog the bottlenecks — has created added barriers for those, like Wu, who don’t have easy access to certain technology. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking Down Access Gaps\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Late last year,\u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/publications/december-21st-analysis-of-unemployment-insurance-claims-in-california-during-the-covid-19-pandemic/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> researchers at the California Policy Lab\u003c/a> gathered data on how many Californians were receiving unemployment benefits and, for the first time, broke down the numbers on a neighborhood level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA economics professor Till von Wachter led this study and said the contrasts were stark. The study showed that not being a citizen, speaking a language other than English or having gaps in broadband access could interfere with a person’s ability to secure unemployment benefits\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whereas in those communities where there is very good broadband access or where median household income is large, there has been a higher rate of UI (unemployment insurance) receipt,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short: Californians who need these benefits the most are more likely to be the ones who aren’t getting them, and EDD’s infrastructure is amplifying these vulnerabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since she’s been unemployed, Wu spends most days and some nights taking care of her elderly mother-in-law at the mother’s home. There, Wu doesn’t have good cell reception and often worries she'll miss a call from EDD. Or that if a representative does reach her, she won't be able to complete the tasks asked of her on her flip phone. Or maybe EDD will reach out on Zhang's phone when they aren't together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tech challenges aren't just limited to not having a smartphone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say, even for the parts of claims where applicants only need to use a computer, there are still big access gaps. Daniela Urban, executive director of the Center for Workers' Rights in Sacramento, says she has many clients who use public computers to log into their EDD accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So they get to that point where they're being asked to wait for an hour, hour and a half or far more, depending on when they've tried to verify their identity,\" she said, \"And they are simply not able to continue to remain on the internet that long or in a public space that is open with internet access, particularly given the COVID restrictions, you know, where the spaces are already impacted because of limitations on social distancing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11860964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47240_002_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Zhang walks near his home in San Francisco on Feb. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>((Beth LaBerge/KQED))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Finding Support\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, Zhang and Wu would have likely just walked the few blocks from their home in San Francisco’s Chinatown to the headquarters of Chinese for Affirmative Action. The advocacy group has become a lifeline for them as they’ve navigated an unemployment claims infrastructure that was built to serve mainly English and Spanish speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CAA Community Advocate Amos Lim said normally one of the organization's main focuses is job placement, but its workforce development staff have had to pivot entirely to unemployment support to help fill accessibility gaps perpetuated by EDD. There’s currently a wait list of more than 75 clients who haven’t been able to access language help via EDD, Lim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The support] is severely lacking right now, considering that, you know, a lot of the essential workers are low-wage entry-level workers, and they're mostly from the immigrant community,” Lim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Paul Ong, director of the Center for Neighborhood Knowledge at UCLA, has researched how Asian American communities — and residents of Chinatowns in particular — are faring with their unemployment benefits. And he echoes Lim's concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"During the pandemic, we saw a much more rapid and steeper escalation of the unemployment rate for Asian Americans,\" he said, \"and we saw that particularly for the less educated, those low-wage workers, and they tend to be immigrants.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Ong says one of the biggest barriers to benefits is obvious — language gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you go, for example, to California's unemployment insurance website, it's in English and there's also a button for Spanish, but there's no button for other languages,\" he said. \"They may provide other material so deeply embedded in the website, I couldn't find it. If I couldn't find it, other people can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, EDD confirmed that its site is geared only to English and Spanish speakers — though it has dedicated phone lines for English, Spanish, Cantonese, Mandarin and Vietnamese speakers and 162 call center reps that also provide customer services in Arabic, Armenian, Korean, Laotian, Punjabi and Tagalog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But CAA’s Amos Lim said despite what EDD says, people are still having trouble getting through the language access line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They’ve tried days and days. If they do get through, they’ll be on hold, nobody picks up, and then the calls get disconnected,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Looking Forward\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the fact that ID.me is available in 10 languages at state DMVs, where it is also used, the platform is currently only translated in English and Spanish for EDD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blake Hall, CEO of ID.me, has said he wants the application to be as widely accessible as possible, but neither Hall nor EDD officials have confirmed a clear plan to expand those language resources for unemployed Californians, though it is clearly possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On an EDD media call on Feb. 18, EDD Director Rita Saenz said they're working with other departments to learn about how it can better expand language access. She also indicated that other changes are on the horizon but didn't provide much more detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And new legislation is seeking to relieve at least some of the burdens people like Henry Zhang and Ruyu Wu are facing in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember David Chiu, D-San Francisco, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB401\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 401\u003c/a> earlier this month. The bill would require EDD to identify the language needs of claimants, increase multilingual phone lines and mandate EDD communicate with claimants in their preferred language in a timely way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state attorney general's office, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/limited-english#:~:text=More%20than%20200%20languages%20and,cultural%20barriers%20can%20leave%20consumers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">7 million Californians report speaking English \"less than very well\u003c/a>.\" And Chiu's office says 2.4 million Californians don't speak English or Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These adjustment may incur extra expenses for the state, Chiu said, but \"this is a small price to pay to ensure that we're not effectively shutting out 7 million people from receiving unemployment benefits and particularly given immigrants and people of color have been particularly hard hit during this pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, it sets July 2022 as the deadline for implementing these measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11860968\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS47249_011_SanFrancisco_HenryZhang_02162021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Zhang in San Francisco's Chinatown on Feb. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But it's still unclear how people with tech challenges like Zhang and Wu will be able to get any relief going forward — unless call volumes decrease significantly and it's easier to reach representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Dr. Paul Ong says EDD reaching out to better understand the needs of the communities that are currently being left behind is key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A final plea is to have the Employment Development Department work more closely with the community groups and with other researchers,\" Ong said. \"We really need to understand in much more detail the magnitude and the patterns of these inequalities and what's driving it. We're not going to solve it without understanding that.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"resources\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Multilingual Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>These organizations provide multilingual assistance in applying for unemployment benefits. Below is their contact information, and the languages in which they offer support:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Northern California:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://oewd.org\">San Francisco’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development\u003c/a>: Its hotline is available for workers impacted by pandemic-related hardships in Cantonese, Mandarin, Russian, Spanish, Tagalog and Vietnamese.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 415-701-4817 or email: workforce.connection@sfgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.vydc.org\">Southeast Asian Development Center:\u003c/a> Available in Lao, Vietnamese and Thai.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 415-771-2600\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Oakland's Alem Center for Integration, supporting Eritrean & Ethiopian communities: Available in Tigrinya and Amharic.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 510-904-4305 or 415-779-2274\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>These organizations can provide support in Cantonese and Mandarin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: 415-896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://caasf.org\">Chinese for Affirmative Action\u003c/a>: 415-598-8508\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cpasf.org\">Chinese Progressive Association\u003c/a>: 415-391-6986\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: 866-864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://lsnc.net\">Legal Aid of Northern California\u003c/a>:\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Sacramento: 916-551-2150\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Redding: 530-241-3565\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vallejo: 707-643-0054\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Southern California:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://arswestusa.org/causes/\">Armenian Relief Society\u003c/a>: Available in Arabic, Armenian, Farsi, French, Russian and Spanish.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 818 241 7533\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In-person help available by appointment. Offices in Glendale, Pasadena and Hollywood.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Central Valley: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.firminc.org\">Fresno Interdenominational Refugee Ministries (FIRM)\u003c/a>: Available in Arabic, Hmong, Lao, Khmer and Russian.\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call: 559-487-1500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "since-before-the-beginning-the-black-pioneers-of-the-south-bay",
"title": "'Since Before the Beginning': The Black Pioneers of the South Bay",
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"headTitle": "‘Since Before the Beginning’: The Black Pioneers of the South Bay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1777, five families of mixed Mexican and African heritage arrived in Alta California with the Spanish to help establish \u003ca href=\"https://artsandculture.google.com/exhibit/a-year-in-the-life-of-a-spanish-colonial-pueblo-san-jos%C3%A9%C2%A0de-guadalupe-in-1809-history-san-jose/qgJCEgJtbqBZLw?hl=en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">El Pueblo de San José de Guadalupe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew the food for the presidios, the military installations in the Bay Area,” explains local historian Jan Batiste Adkins, who’s written \u003ca href=\"https://www.africanamericanhistories.com/\">three books\u003c/a> on the history of African Americans in the Bay Area. Adkins says those are the first Black families in the South Bay she’s found records for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes there have historically been very few African Americans who have lived on the Peninsula and in the South Bay. This explains the relative lack of awareness of their cultural and economic contributions to those areas, particularly compared to those of the much larger Black communities in San Francisco and Oakland. But that’s not to say the South Bay’s Black communities have not been influential, from “since before the beginning,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico abolished slavery in 1829, but it took the United States until 1865 to officially do so. And although California was admitted to the Union in 1850 as a “free state,” the experience of Black residents here was complicated. There was even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcet.org/shows/lost-la/los-angeles-1850s-slave-market-is-now-the-site-of-a-federal-courthouse\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slave market\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. Some Southerners who came to California after the Gold Rush brought slaves with them, and a number of them subsequently sued to secure their freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg\" alt=\"James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine in Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas in 1852. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"865\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-800x541.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-1020x689.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-160x108.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine for gold in the Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved in 1852 to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Santa Clara City Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of the families that came here came as freed men and women from the East Coast. Many of them [also] came as slaves, and found freedom here in California,” Adkins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First Draft of Black History\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the mid-19th century, a number of Black newspapers, like the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=PA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pacific Appeal\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/item/sn83027100/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mirror of the Times \u003c/a>and the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=EL&\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elevator\u003c/a>, emerged in San Francisco. Today, they remain a treasure trove of tidbits of early Black history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider this plea for subscriptions in the very first issue of the Pacific Appeal, in April 1862:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reader! Our first number is before you. Will you sustain us in our infant enterprise? We have engaged in an undertaking which requires pecuniary outlay, energy, perseverance and ability. We have “Set our boat before the blast, Our breast before the gun,” and while there is a breeze to swell our canvas we will continue our voyage; — while we have a hand to wield a weapon (the pen,) we will battle against oppression and injustice. Will you support us?\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“I just fell in love with reading about the history of African Americans,” Adkins said. “Those newspapers were published in San Francisco, and those newspapers carried the stories of local pioneers, not only in San Francisco, but in the entire Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African Americans in the South Bay built homes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/07/28/san-joses-historic-antioch-baptist-church-marks-a-milestone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">churches\u003c/a> and schools. They were \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/explore/archy-lee.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abolitionists\u003c/a> before the Civil War, and sued for civil rights afterward. But the community was tiny, less than 100 people through much of the 19th century, according to Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"tommie-smith\"]That changed with the Great Migration beginning in the early 20th century, as African Americans from southern and midwestern states seeking new economic opportunities were drawn to cities like San Jose, Palo Alto and Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, some African Americans who had first arrived elsewhere in the Bay Area for military manufacturing jobs, later moved to the South Bay and the Peninsula for other industrial work, especially at \u003ca href=\"https://milpitashistoricalsociety.org/milpitas-history/milpitas-street-names/gross-street/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> in Milpitas. A number of large technology companies, like IBM, were also hiring, as were local \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2017/02/23/city-to-honor-distinguished-african-american-leaders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">governments\u003c/a> and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But newly arrived African Americans quickly discovered they were shut out from living in most South Bay neighborhoods due to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlining\u003c/a>” and other discriminatory local housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were some exceptions, however, although few and far between. Adkins says some companies, like IBM, built worker housing where Black employees and their families could stay. And legendary Bay Area real estate developer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11635574/how-joseph-eichler-introduced-stylish-housing-for-the-masses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Eichler\u003c/a> famously did not discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1259px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11860517 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg\" alt=\"The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909, and was a leader in of the city's Antioch Baptist Church, itself established in 1893. \" width=\"1259\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg 1259w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-800x610.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-1020x778.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-160x122.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1259px) 100vw, 1259px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909 and was a leader in the city’s Antioch Baptist Church, which was established in 1893. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Robert Ellington)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1967, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/harry-edwards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a>, a young San Jose State University faculty member and former student athlete, organized a demonstration on the first day of fall semester to protest the lack of student housing available to Black football players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former KQED host Belva Davis, then with KPIX, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/230943\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a>, “Protesting groups have given the administration until 11 a.m. Friday to do something about the situation, or else they say they’ll stop the coming weekend football game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]The president of the university ultimately canceled that game, and campus activism for racial equality continued to grow throughout the late 1960s. Most famously, San Jose State sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711644/black-power-the-1968-olympics-and-the-san-jose-state-students-who-shook-the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">raised their clenched fists\u003c/a> in a Black Power salute while receiving their medals during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City — a protest against racial discrimination back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, though, the explosive growth of Silicon Valley and the concurrent explosion in real estate prices have driven many Black residents out of the South Bay. Roughly 55,000 African Americans now live in Santa Clara County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/santaclaracountycalifornia\">less than 3%\u003c/a> of the total population, according to U.S. census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adkins says her research into the local history of African Americans has convinced her there are many more fascinating stories hidden in the state’s archives and family attics that must be discovered and told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My feeling,” she says, “is if we do not write our history, if we do not document our history, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1777, five families of mixed Mexican and African heritage arrived in Alta California with the Spanish to help establish \u003ca href=\"https://artsandculture.google.com/exhibit/a-year-in-the-life-of-a-spanish-colonial-pueblo-san-jos%C3%A9%C2%A0de-guadalupe-in-1809-history-san-jose/qgJCEgJtbqBZLw?hl=en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">El Pueblo de San José de Guadalupe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew the food for the presidios, the military installations in the Bay Area,” explains local historian Jan Batiste Adkins, who’s written \u003ca href=\"https://www.africanamericanhistories.com/\">three books\u003c/a> on the history of African Americans in the Bay Area. Adkins says those are the first Black families in the South Bay she’s found records for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She notes there have historically been very few African Americans who have lived on the Peninsula and in the South Bay. This explains the relative lack of awareness of their cultural and economic contributions to those areas, particularly compared to those of the much larger Black communities in San Francisco and Oakland. But that’s not to say the South Bay’s Black communities have not been influential, from “since before the beginning,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico abolished slavery in 1829, but it took the United States until 1865 to officially do so. And although California was admitted to the Union in 1850 as a “free state,” the experience of Black residents here was complicated. There was even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcet.org/shows/lost-la/los-angeles-1850s-slave-market-is-now-the-site-of-a-federal-courthouse\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slave market\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. Some Southerners who came to California after the Gold Rush brought slaves with them, and a number of them subsequently sued to secure their freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg\" alt=\"James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine in Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas in 1852. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"865\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj.jpeg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-800x541.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-1020x689.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/040-Pop-Harris-new-adj-160x108.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Williams was brought to California as a slave to mine for gold in the Sacramento Valley. Once he earned enough money, Williams was able to buy his freedom and moved in 1852 to Murphy Ranch in Milpitas. Later he started his own business and operated freight teams between Hollister and San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Santa Clara City Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of the families that came here came as freed men and women from the East Coast. Many of them [also] came as slaves, and found freedom here in California,” Adkins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First Draft of Black History\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the mid-19th century, a number of Black newspapers, like the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=PA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pacific Appeal\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/item/sn83027100/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mirror of the Times \u003c/a>and the \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=EL&\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Elevator\u003c/a>, emerged in San Francisco. Today, they remain a treasure trove of tidbits of early Black history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider this plea for subscriptions in the very first issue of the Pacific Appeal, in April 1862:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reader! Our first number is before you. Will you sustain us in our infant enterprise? We have engaged in an undertaking which requires pecuniary outlay, energy, perseverance and ability. We have “Set our boat before the blast, Our breast before the gun,” and while there is a breeze to swell our canvas we will continue our voyage; — while we have a hand to wield a weapon (the pen,) we will battle against oppression and injustice. Will you support us?\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“I just fell in love with reading about the history of African Americans,” Adkins said. “Those newspapers were published in San Francisco, and those newspapers carried the stories of local pioneers, not only in San Francisco, but in the entire Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>African Americans in the South Bay built homes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/07/28/san-joses-historic-antioch-baptist-church-marks-a-milestone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">churches\u003c/a> and schools. They were \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/explore/archy-lee.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abolitionists\u003c/a> before the Civil War, and sued for civil rights afterward. But the community was tiny, less than 100 people through much of the 19th century, according to Adkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That changed with the Great Migration beginning in the early 20th century, as African Americans from southern and midwestern states seeking new economic opportunities were drawn to cities like San Jose, Palo Alto and Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, some African Americans who had first arrived elsewhere in the Bay Area for military manufacturing jobs, later moved to the South Bay and the Peninsula for other industrial work, especially at \u003ca href=\"https://milpitashistoricalsociety.org/milpitas-history/milpitas-street-names/gross-street/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> in Milpitas. A number of large technology companies, like IBM, were also hiring, as were local \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2017/02/23/city-to-honor-distinguished-african-american-leaders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">governments\u003c/a> and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But newly arrived African Americans quickly discovered they were shut out from living in most South Bay neighborhoods due to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlining\u003c/a>” and other discriminatory local housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were some exceptions, however, although few and far between. Adkins says some companies, like IBM, built worker housing where Black employees and their families could stay. And legendary Bay Area real estate developer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11635574/how-joseph-eichler-introduced-stylish-housing-for-the-masses\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joseph Eichler\u003c/a> famously did not discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1259px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11860517 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg\" alt=\"The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909, and was a leader in of the city's Antioch Baptist Church, itself established in 1893. \" width=\"1259\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005.jpeg 1259w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-800x610.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-1020x778.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/037-jordanellington_0005-160x122.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1259px) 100vw, 1259px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jordan family poses for a photo in 1948. John Jordan settled in North San Jose in 1909 and was a leader in the city’s Antioch Baptist Church, which was established in 1893. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Robert Ellington)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1967, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/harry-edwards\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a>, a young San Jose State University faculty member and former student athlete, organized a demonstration on the first day of fall semester to protest the lack of student housing available to Black football players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former KQED host Belva Davis, then with KPIX, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/230943\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a>, “Protesting groups have given the administration until 11 a.m. Friday to do something about the situation, or else they say they’ll stop the coming weekend football game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The president of the university ultimately canceled that game, and campus activism for racial equality continued to grow throughout the late 1960s. Most famously, San Jose State sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711644/black-power-the-1968-olympics-and-the-san-jose-state-students-who-shook-the-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">raised their clenched fists\u003c/a> in a Black Power salute while receiving their medals during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City — a protest against racial discrimination back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, though, the explosive growth of Silicon Valley and the concurrent explosion in real estate prices have driven many Black residents out of the South Bay. Roughly 55,000 African Americans now live in Santa Clara County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/santaclaracountycalifornia\">less than 3%\u003c/a> of the total population, according to U.S. census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adkins says her research into the local history of African Americans has convinced her there are many more fascinating stories hidden in the state’s archives and family attics that must be discovered and told.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My feeling,” she says, “is if we do not write our history, if we do not document our history, who will?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-propose-ban-on-fracking-other-oil-drilling-methods",
"title": "California Lawmakers Propose Ban on Fracking, Other Oil Drilling Methods",
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"headTitle": "California Lawmakers Propose Ban on Fracking, Other Oil Drilling Methods | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two state lawmakers unveiled a proposal Wednesday that would gradually bring to a halt drilling methods that have produced about a fourth of California’s petroleum production in its oil fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB467\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by state Sens. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and Monique Limón, D-Santa Barbara, would prohibit new permits for hydraulic fracturing, known as fracking, and block companies from renewing existing permits for the controversial technique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would do the same for several other oil production methods, but not for traditional oil and gas drilling, which is responsible for most petroleum production in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The techniques subject to the moratorium would be barred altogether starting in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is time that California’s leaders take on the state’s behemoth oil industry,” Ann Alexander, a senior attorney at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said in a statement announcing the proposal along with the two state lawmakers. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco']‘Extracting massive amounts of oil, particularly with destructive techniques such as fracking, is totally inconsistent with California’s commitment to a sustainable climate future.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council is one of six environmental groups that supports the bill. The organizations have emphasized for years that oil drilling poses dangers to the environment and public health — especially to communities of color and low-income residents. They note that some of the methods, like fracking, can cause earthquakes, water contamination and oil spills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extracting massive amounts of oil, particularly with destructive techniques such as fracking, is totally inconsistent with California’s commitment to a sustainable climate future,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to transition away from these oil extraction methods, protect our community’s health and water supply, and create a brighter future for out state and our planet,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups representing oil companies will likely lobby aggressively against any new limits on oil production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association and the California Independent Petroleum Association have said in the past that proposals to ban fracking and other drilling techniques will mean oil workers will suffer and California’s reliance on fuel from sources outside of the country will increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The groups say bans on oil drilling will hurt consumers; that demand for gasoline in the state is too high to cut down on oil production; and that California is not set up yet energize enough electric cars and will need to rely on fossil fuel for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also say environmentalists have misled the public about the dangers of well stimulation often done deep under the ground, far away from drinking water sources, and in remote parts of Kern County. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours after the proposal was released, the head of the California Independent Petroleum Association called the bill “legally questionable” and said it would kill thousands of union jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shutting down energy production under the toughest regulations on the planet will devastate the economies of oil producing regions — especially the Central Valley — and make the Saudi royal family even richer while eliminating the industry that is investing in the innovation needed to significantly reduce the state’s carbon footprint,” said Rock Zierman, the association’s president, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions that represent oil industry employees have also raised concerns that the state curtailing petroleum production could hurt quality, high-paying blue-collar jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wiener and Limón bill would also bar all new or modified permits for all oil and gas production, including the most traditional methods, from taking place within 2,500 feet of homes, schools, health facilities, dormitories and prisons by 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oil production in and near our communities has had long-lasting health impacts,” Limón said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar effort to create buffer zones around oil and gas wells \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-08-13/setbacks-legislation-california-oil-gas-production-environmental-protections-newsom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">failed\u003c/a> in the state Legislature last year after pushback from the oil industry and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also calls for the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM), which regulates the industry, to help transition oil employees away from drilling. The division would offer incentives to well remediation contractors to hire former oil workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, Gov. Gavin \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839533/gov-newsom-wants-to-ban-gas-powered-car-sales-by-2035-is-this-a-big-deal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Newsom called on state lawmakers\u003c/a> to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024 — but at least one top state lawmaker wants to go further. [aside tag=\"fracking\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, chair of the Natural Resources and Water Committee, told KQED that state lawmakers needed to create a package of legislation that\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839879/not-just-fracking-cut-all-oil-drilling-in-california-says-key-lawmaker\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just fracking.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because the technique makes up a small portion of oil field production. The controversial oil well stimulation method works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations, injections that allow petroleum under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in California, or 1.5% of the state’s oil production, in 2019, according to CalGEM’s most recent available data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state started issuing fracking permits in 2016 under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 4\u003c/a>. Last July, the state put in place a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">months-long moratorium\u003c/a> on new fracking permits while independent experts conducted a review of the agency’s pending well stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cyclic steaming, which would also eventually be banned under the new bill, accounted for 21% of California’s oil production in 2019. That method was the one used in connection with a massive petroleum release in a Kern County oil field, prompting state officials to issue a $2.7 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11777971/top-state-lawmakers-question-chevron-oil-spill-fine\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fine\u003c/a> against Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But traditional oil and gas drilling, which the proposal would not ban unless it takes place near local communities, made up 77% of California’s oil product in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, environmental groups praised the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state should focus its attention on the drilling techniques that are most dangerous for California,” said Juan Flores, community organizer with the Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment, which sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores notes that oil production in California has been on the decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Propping up a failing industry will hurt local economies, workers and residents in the long run,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two state lawmakers unveiled a proposal Wednesday that would gradually bring to a halt drilling methods that have produced about a fourth of California’s petroleum production in its oil fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB467\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by state Sens. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and Monique Limón, D-Santa Barbara, would prohibit new permits for hydraulic fracturing, known as fracking, and block companies from renewing existing permits for the controversial technique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal would do the same for several other oil production methods, but not for traditional oil and gas drilling, which is responsible for most petroleum production in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The techniques subject to the moratorium would be barred altogether starting in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is time that California’s leaders take on the state’s behemoth oil industry,” Ann Alexander, a senior attorney at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said in a statement announcing the proposal along with the two state lawmakers. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council is one of six environmental groups that supports the bill. The organizations have emphasized for years that oil drilling poses dangers to the environment and public health — especially to communities of color and low-income residents. They note that some of the methods, like fracking, can cause earthquakes, water contamination and oil spills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extracting massive amounts of oil, particularly with destructive techniques such as fracking, is totally inconsistent with California’s commitment to a sustainable climate future,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to transition away from these oil extraction methods, protect our community’s health and water supply, and create a brighter future for out state and our planet,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups representing oil companies will likely lobby aggressively against any new limits on oil production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association and the California Independent Petroleum Association have said in the past that proposals to ban fracking and other drilling techniques will mean oil workers will suffer and California’s reliance on fuel from sources outside of the country will increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The groups say bans on oil drilling will hurt consumers; that demand for gasoline in the state is too high to cut down on oil production; and that California is not set up yet energize enough electric cars and will need to rely on fossil fuel for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also say environmentalists have misled the public about the dangers of well stimulation often done deep under the ground, far away from drinking water sources, and in remote parts of Kern County. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours after the proposal was released, the head of the California Independent Petroleum Association called the bill “legally questionable” and said it would kill thousands of union jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shutting down energy production under the toughest regulations on the planet will devastate the economies of oil producing regions — especially the Central Valley — and make the Saudi royal family even richer while eliminating the industry that is investing in the innovation needed to significantly reduce the state’s carbon footprint,” said Rock Zierman, the association’s president, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions that represent oil industry employees have also raised concerns that the state curtailing petroleum production could hurt quality, high-paying blue-collar jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wiener and Limón bill would also bar all new or modified permits for all oil and gas production, including the most traditional methods, from taking place within 2,500 feet of homes, schools, health facilities, dormitories and prisons by 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oil production in and near our communities has had long-lasting health impacts,” Limón said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar effort to create buffer zones around oil and gas wells \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-08-13/setbacks-legislation-california-oil-gas-production-environmental-protections-newsom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">failed\u003c/a> in the state Legislature last year after pushback from the oil industry and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also calls for the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM), which regulates the industry, to help transition oil employees away from drilling. The division would offer incentives to well remediation contractors to hire former oil workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, Gov. Gavin \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839533/gov-newsom-wants-to-ban-gas-powered-car-sales-by-2035-is-this-a-big-deal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Newsom called on state lawmakers\u003c/a> to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024 — but at least one top state lawmaker wants to go further. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, chair of the Natural Resources and Water Committee, told KQED that state lawmakers needed to create a package of legislation that\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839879/not-just-fracking-cut-all-oil-drilling-in-california-says-key-lawmaker\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just fracking.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because the technique makes up a small portion of oil field production. The controversial oil well stimulation method works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations, injections that allow petroleum under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in California, or 1.5% of the state’s oil production, in 2019, according to CalGEM’s most recent available data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state started issuing fracking permits in 2016 under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 4\u003c/a>. Last July, the state put in place a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">months-long moratorium\u003c/a> on new fracking permits while independent experts conducted a review of the agency’s pending well stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cyclic steaming, which would also eventually be banned under the new bill, accounted for 21% of California’s oil production in 2019. That method was the one used in connection with a massive petroleum release in a Kern County oil field, prompting state officials to issue a $2.7 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11777971/top-state-lawmakers-question-chevron-oil-spill-fine\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fine\u003c/a> against Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But traditional oil and gas drilling, which the proposal would not ban unless it takes place near local communities, made up 77% of California’s oil product in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, environmental groups praised the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state should focus its attention on the drilling techniques that are most dangerous for California,” said Juan Flores, community organizer with the Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment, which sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores notes that oil production in California has been on the decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Propping up a failing industry will hurt local economies, workers and residents in the long run,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Add a new \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorecolortierschools\">color-coded guide\u003c/a> from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to the long and convoluted list of tips, recommendations and demands for reopening California’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Never mind that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/community/schools-childcare/Operational-Strategy-for-K-12-Schools-through-Phased-Mitigation.pdf\">CDC’s color tiers\u003c/a> are different from California’s similarly colorful \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/\">statewide tiers\u003c/a> for reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to boil down all the issues \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858457/as-battle-over-reopening-san-francisco-schools-turns-ugly-equity-emerges-as-fault-line\">swirling around reopening schools\u003c/a> into just four colors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least we don’t have wildfire danger and air quality color coding to worry about right now … fingers crossed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Add a new \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorecolortierschools\">color-coded guide\u003c/a> from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to the long and convoluted list of tips, recommendations and demands for reopening California’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Never mind that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/community/schools-childcare/Operational-Strategy-for-K-12-Schools-through-Phased-Mitigation.pdf\">CDC’s color tiers\u003c/a> are different from California’s similarly colorful \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/safer-economy/\">statewide tiers\u003c/a> for reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to boil down all the issues \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858457/as-battle-over-reopening-san-francisco-schools-turns-ugly-equity-emerges-as-fault-line\">swirling around reopening schools\u003c/a> into just four colors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least we don’t have wildfire danger and air quality color coding to worry about right now … fingers crossed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California officials gave a nod to Kaiser Permanente’s reputation for efficiency when they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Letter-of-Intent-with-Kaiser.pdf?_gl=1*18hxzr7*_ga*NzI4NDMzNTEuMTU4MjA0NjY1NQ..\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recently selected\u003c/a> it to help speed vaccine rollout. But a review of worker safety citations shows Kaiser has had its own pandemic troubles, failing to adequately protect its employees early on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser Permanente has on multiple occasions failed to provide hospital employees the gear or training needed to protect them from COVID-19, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to 12 citations\u003c/a> issued by California’s enforcer of workplace safety laws, Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has issued more citations against Kaiser than any other health care employer in California, fining it almost $500,000. In addition, Santa Clara County has separately penalized the hospital for not immediately reporting an outbreak in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser is appealing all 12 of the state’s citations, as well as the county-issued fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s misleading to interpret these citations to signal any ongoing serious infractions of current public health guidelines at Kaiser Permanente,” Marc Brown, a Kaiser spokesman, said in an emailed statement. “In fact, these citations stem mainly from allegations much earlier in the pandemic, as health care systems including ours grappled with national shortages and evolving public health guidance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser’s medical centers, he added, are a safe place to work and receive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/10/kaiser-cal-osha-citation-failing-to-treat-covid-airborne/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first reported\u003c/a> an incoming wave of citations for Kaiser in October, following the first fine issued to its psychiatric hospital in Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state imposed the largest penalty, $87,500, on Kaiser’s San Leandro Medical Center for not immediately reporting to Cal/OSHA when one employee was hospitalized in May and for not limiting the reuse of N95 respirators, among several other violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9b5ce597-4fd5-43f5-bce6-57f47e20af6d?src=embed\" title=\"kaiser citations\" width=\"800\" height=\"712\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA began citing Kaiser facilities in October, months after receiving complaints. The short-staffed agency has been inundated with COVID-related complaints. Between February and September of last year, it conducted \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/cal-osha-response-covid-complaints/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">on-site inspections for only 5%\u003c/a> of almost 7,000 pandemic complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost half of Cal/OSHA’s citations to hospitals are directed at Kaiser. But it’s difficult to know for sure why Kaiser has been disciplined the most, said Laura Stock, director of the Labor Occupational Health Program at UC Berkeley. It could be its practices, but also its size, and its employees may be more willing to speak up about hazards, Stock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a citation it’s probably because someone filed an OSHA complaint,” Stock said. “Kaiser is a unionized workplace and there are workers who are educated on these issues and really on top of these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One violation labeled as “serious” in Cal/OSHA’s citation to Oakland Medical Center, for example, found that the hospital did not provide employees from an oncology unit with N95 respirators when they entered an area with patients confirmed or suspected of having COVID-19. The hospital also failed to ensure each employee passed a “fit test” to ensure employees’ respirators fit properly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/citations/11.06.2020_Kaiser-Permanente-Oakland-Medical-Center_1474630.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the citation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA also found that Kaiser’s Redwood City Medical Center did not inform and train employees that surgical masks do not protect against inhalation of infectious aerosols — N95 respirators are needed instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser’s San Jose Medical Center failed to notify employees “with significant exposures in a reasonable timeframe” and didn’t provide a medical evaluation to those exposed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/citations/11.23.2020-Kaiser-Foundation-Hospital-DBA-Kaiser-San-Jose-Medical-Center_1476073.pdf\">according to the citation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a later and separate incident, Santa Clara County fined the San Jose hospital $43,000 for not immediately reporting an outbreak in its emergency department on Christmas Day. \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/07/kaiser-san-jose-fined-43000-as-investigation-into-christmas-costume-covid-outbreak-continues/\">That incident\u003c/a> has been linked to an employee dressed in an air-powered inflatable tree costume, who was COVID positive but unaware of that. Kaiser is appealing that fine, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"kaiser, kaiser permanente, health\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Federal health guidance about COVID-19 safety has evolved throughout the pandemic. Yet California already had strict workplace safety rules in place for hospitals and other health settings that should have protected employees from the very beginning, even when little was known about the virus, experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spring 2009, California adopted the Aerosol Transmissible Diseases (ATD) standard. Under development for several years, it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5199.html\">unanimously approved\u003c/a> by the Cal/OSHA Standards Board soon after the first cases of the H1N1 virus were detected in the state. According to this \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5199.html\">ATD standard\u003c/a>, any novel or unknown pathogen is to be handled as if it could be transmitted by aerosols until proven otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the only state in the country with this standard. And experts say this standard has helped Cal/OSHA hold health employers accountable during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s aerosol standard requires employers to provide personal protective equipment that protects against aerosols, train employees about this type of transmission and notify them of any possible exposure. This state standard went beyond early pandemic guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which didn’t formally acknowledge the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/more/scientific-brief-sars-cov-2.html\">airborne transmission\u003c/a> of coronavirus until October. For months, the federal agency focused on droplet transmission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special protection is required to protect against viruses that can transmit via smaller aerosolized particles. For example, in Cal/OSHA’s citation to Kaiser San Francisco, the agency notes that the hospital did not require employees to use \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/images/hcp/N95-infographic-What-Are-APR-508.png?noicon\">powered air-purifying respirators\u003c/a> during “high hazard” procedures that generate aerosols, like intubations. According to the ATD standard, N95 masks are not enough protection for those types of procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the San Leandro location, employees who were given powered air-purifying respirators were handed defective units held together by tape, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/citations/01.04.2021-Kaiser-Foundation-KaiserPermanenteSanLeandro_1479549.pdf\">according to the citation\u003c/a>. That same hospital also failed to investigate exposure incidents between May and August, the citation reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout most of last year, nurses and other health workers organized rallies and protests demanding more protection from Kaiser and other hospitals. Amy Arlund, an intensive care nurse at Kaiser Fresno Medical Center and member of the California Nurses Association, said nurses aren’t as interested in fines as they are in enforcement and improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She alleged that at her hospital, for example, when their battery-operated respirators break down, it’s hard to get replacements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of nurses are carrying around their own rolls of duct tape to put these things back together when they’re falling apart,” Arlund told CalMatters in November. “We use what we have way beyond its usage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at Kaiser Fresno have filed several complaints. Arlund said Cal/OSHA inspectors have visited her hospital, but as of Friday, no citations had been issued against Kaiser’s Fresno hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters COVID-19 coverage, translation and distribution is supported by generous grants from the Blue Shield of California Foundation, the California Wellness Foundation and the California Health Care Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California officials gave a nod to Kaiser Permanente’s reputation for efficiency when they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Letter-of-Intent-with-Kaiser.pdf?_gl=1*18hxzr7*_ga*NzI4NDMzNTEuMTU4MjA0NjY1NQ..\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recently selected\u003c/a> it to help speed vaccine rollout. But a review of worker safety citations shows Kaiser has had its own pandemic troubles, failing to adequately protect its employees early on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser Permanente has on multiple occasions failed to provide hospital employees the gear or training needed to protect them from COVID-19, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to 12 citations\u003c/a> issued by California’s enforcer of workplace safety laws, Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has issued more citations against Kaiser than any other health care employer in California, fining it almost $500,000. In addition, Santa Clara County has separately penalized the hospital for not immediately reporting an outbreak in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser is appealing all 12 of the state’s citations, as well as the county-issued fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s misleading to interpret these citations to signal any ongoing serious infractions of current public health guidelines at Kaiser Permanente,” Marc Brown, a Kaiser spokesman, said in an emailed statement. “In fact, these citations stem mainly from allegations much earlier in the pandemic, as health care systems including ours grappled with national shortages and evolving public health guidance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser’s medical centers, he added, are a safe place to work and receive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/10/kaiser-cal-osha-citation-failing-to-treat-covid-airborne/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first reported\u003c/a> an incoming wave of citations for Kaiser in October, following the first fine issued to its psychiatric hospital in Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state imposed the largest penalty, $87,500, on Kaiser’s San Leandro Medical Center for not immediately reporting to Cal/OSHA when one employee was hospitalized in May and for not limiting the reuse of N95 respirators, among several other violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9b5ce597-4fd5-43f5-bce6-57f47e20af6d?src=embed\" title=\"kaiser citations\" width=\"800\" height=\"712\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA began citing Kaiser facilities in October, months after receiving complaints. The short-staffed agency has been inundated with COVID-related complaints. Between February and September of last year, it conducted \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/cal-osha-response-covid-complaints/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">on-site inspections for only 5%\u003c/a> of almost 7,000 pandemic complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost half of Cal/OSHA’s citations to hospitals are directed at Kaiser. But it’s difficult to know for sure why Kaiser has been disciplined the most, said Laura Stock, director of the Labor Occupational Health Program at UC Berkeley. It could be its practices, but also its size, and its employees may be more willing to speak up about hazards, Stock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a citation it’s probably because someone filed an OSHA complaint,” Stock said. “Kaiser is a unionized workplace and there are workers who are educated on these issues and really on top of these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One violation labeled as “serious” in Cal/OSHA’s citation to Oakland Medical Center, for example, found that the hospital did not provide employees from an oncology unit with N95 respirators when they entered an area with patients confirmed or suspected of having COVID-19. The hospital also failed to ensure each employee passed a “fit test” to ensure employees’ respirators fit properly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/citations/11.06.2020_Kaiser-Permanente-Oakland-Medical-Center_1474630.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the citation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA also found that Kaiser’s Redwood City Medical Center did not inform and train employees that surgical masks do not protect against inhalation of infectious aerosols — N95 respirators are needed instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser’s San Jose Medical Center failed to notify employees “with significant exposures in a reasonable timeframe” and didn’t provide a medical evaluation to those exposed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/citations/11.23.2020-Kaiser-Foundation-Hospital-DBA-Kaiser-San-Jose-Medical-Center_1476073.pdf\">according to the citation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a later and separate incident, Santa Clara County fined the San Jose hospital $43,000 for not immediately reporting an outbreak in its emergency department on Christmas Day. \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/07/kaiser-san-jose-fined-43000-as-investigation-into-christmas-costume-covid-outbreak-continues/\">That incident\u003c/a> has been linked to an employee dressed in an air-powered inflatable tree costume, who was COVID positive but unaware of that. Kaiser is appealing that fine, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Federal health guidance about COVID-19 safety has evolved throughout the pandemic. Yet California already had strict workplace safety rules in place for hospitals and other health settings that should have protected employees from the very beginning, even when little was known about the virus, experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spring 2009, California adopted the Aerosol Transmissible Diseases (ATD) standard. Under development for several years, it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5199.html\">unanimously approved\u003c/a> by the Cal/OSHA Standards Board soon after the first cases of the H1N1 virus were detected in the state. According to this \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5199.html\">ATD standard\u003c/a>, any novel or unknown pathogen is to be handled as if it could be transmitted by aerosols until proven otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the only state in the country with this standard. And experts say this standard has helped Cal/OSHA hold health employers accountable during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s aerosol standard requires employers to provide personal protective equipment that protects against aerosols, train employees about this type of transmission and notify them of any possible exposure. This state standard went beyond early pandemic guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which didn’t formally acknowledge the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/more/scientific-brief-sars-cov-2.html\">airborne transmission\u003c/a> of coronavirus until October. For months, the federal agency focused on droplet transmission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special protection is required to protect against viruses that can transmit via smaller aerosolized particles. For example, in Cal/OSHA’s citation to Kaiser San Francisco, the agency notes that the hospital did not require employees to use \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/images/hcp/N95-infographic-What-Are-APR-508.png?noicon\">powered air-purifying respirators\u003c/a> during “high hazard” procedures that generate aerosols, like intubations. According to the ATD standard, N95 masks are not enough protection for those types of procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the San Leandro location, employees who were given powered air-purifying respirators were handed defective units held together by tape, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/coronavirus/citations/01.04.2021-Kaiser-Foundation-KaiserPermanenteSanLeandro_1479549.pdf\">according to the citation\u003c/a>. That same hospital also failed to investigate exposure incidents between May and August, the citation reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout most of last year, nurses and other health workers organized rallies and protests demanding more protection from Kaiser and other hospitals. Amy Arlund, an intensive care nurse at Kaiser Fresno Medical Center and member of the California Nurses Association, said nurses aren’t as interested in fines as they are in enforcement and improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She alleged that at her hospital, for example, when their battery-operated respirators break down, it’s hard to get replacements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of nurses are carrying around their own rolls of duct tape to put these things back together when they’re falling apart,” Arlund told CalMatters in November. “We use what we have way beyond its usage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at Kaiser Fresno have filed several complaints. Arlund said Cal/OSHA inspectors have visited her hospital, but as of Friday, no citations had been issued against Kaiser’s Fresno hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "new-california-bill-takes-aim-at-non-disclosure-agreements-that-block-talk-of-harassment",
"title": "New California Bill Takes Aim at Non-Disclosure Agreements That Block Talk of Harassment",
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"headTitle": "New California Bill Takes Aim at Non-Disclosure Agreements That Block Talk of Harassment | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Silicon Valley is \u003ca href=\"https://www.teamblind.com/blog/index.php/2018/09/04/15-percent-of-tech-workers-silenced-by-an-nda/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">infamous\u003c/a> for making prospective and departing employees sign agreements designed to prevent them from speaking out about just about everything. But in recent years, state lawmakers have been chipping away at that legal practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They go by many names: non-disclosure, non-disparagement and confidentiality agreements. Some you sign to get the job, some you sign on the way out. They’re all intended to keep people silent about what goes on behind closed doors. And while initially “NDAs” were mainly about protecting trade secrets, the #MeToo movement and the Black Lives Matter movement — along with the broader effort toward racial justice — have exposed the way the NDA also serves as corporate cover for illegal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Ifeoma Ozoma']‘The agreements are written so broadly, you can’t even speak to your spouse about what happened. It really is a gag order, and it compounds the harm, because you’ve already experienced the discrimination, or harassment, you’ve been pushed out of your job, and you can’t even explain why you left.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t fix a problem if you don’t know there’s a problem,” said state Sen. Connie Leyva, D-Chino. She authored one of two laws passed in 2018 that made it illegal for companies to bar people from going public about misconduct involving sex or gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is not allowed to speak out about what happened to them, it’s never gonna change,” she said. “Sure, if you’re Coca-Cola and you don’t want somebody giving away the secret ingredients, no problem. We understand that. But people should always have the right to be able to speak out against any form of discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Leyva has introduced a new bill, \u003ca href=\"https://sd20.senate.ca.gov/news/2021-02-08-senator-leyva-introduces-%E2%80%9Csilenced-no-more-act%E2%80%9D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 331\u003c/a>, which casts a wider net — covering workplace discrimination involving race, ethnicity, age, disability and religion. Even, and perhaps especially, in a severance settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re multibillion-dollar corporations. If Pinterest decided to sue me, I would be bankrupted,” said Ifeoma Ozoma, a former tech policy manager at Google, Facebook and Pinterest. Ozoma \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824857/silicon-valleys-black-employees-question-corporate-claims-that-black-lives-matter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">went public\u003c/a> last year against Pinterest with allegations she was underpaid and subjected to racist comments and retaliation. These days, she’s lobbying for Leyva’s bill. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The agreements are written so broadly, you can’t even speak to your spouse about what happened. It really is a gag order, and it compounds the harm, because you’ve already experienced the discrimination, or harassment, you’ve been pushed out of your job, and you can’t even explain why you left,” Ozoma said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that even new agreements, which are crafted to comply with California’s new laws about sexual and gender harassment and discrimination, are still written in language designed to confuse and intimidate. “I would not be surprised if folks who could not afford legal help or did not understand that the [new] statutes existed, think that they are under a gag order, even if they fall under those categories,” Ozoma said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political analysts say you won’t see individual tech titans openly oppose this bill, because when a political position is unpopular, California companies typically leave the public lobbying to groups like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thesvo.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Silicon Valley Organization\u003c/a>, formerly the San Jose Silicon Valley Chamber of Commerce. But just a few months ago, that organization ousted its CEO over a racist campaign ad \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-councilmember-denounces-racist-message-from-backer-targeting-her-opponent/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scandal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"silicon-valley\" label=\"more coverage\"]“I don’t think that you will get a lot of pushback anywhere in Silicon Valley on this type of legislation. That day is past,” said Russell Hancock, president and CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://jointventure.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joint Venture Silicon Valley\u003c/a>, a think tank in San Jose that studies the regional economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been a well-established gap over the last half century between the progressive political rhetoric of Silicon Valley leaders and their companies’ behavior behind the scenes with employees. But Hancock says the industry is facing increasing pressure to change from the outside, as well as the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workforce, stock holders, other stake holders are becoming outspoken, vociferous and even demanding on management, workplace culture and other ethical issues,” he said. “We’ve been famously non-unionized, a Wild West. That is actually starting to change, even at big companies. I don’t mean to be naive or sentimental, but I think 2020 was an important year and people have come to feel differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest Silicon Valley companies are multinational, employing hundreds of thousands of people far beyond the reach of California law. But as the #MeToo movement and the Black Lives Matter movement demonstrate, the court of public opinion is increasingly global.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill covers every single form of workplace harassment or discrimination,” Ozoma said. “I’m hoping this lays the groundwork for similar bills in New York and in other states, and maybe even at the federal level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Silicon Valley is \u003ca href=\"https://www.teamblind.com/blog/index.php/2018/09/04/15-percent-of-tech-workers-silenced-by-an-nda/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">infamous\u003c/a> for making prospective and departing employees sign agreements designed to prevent them from speaking out about just about everything. But in recent years, state lawmakers have been chipping away at that legal practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They go by many names: non-disclosure, non-disparagement and confidentiality agreements. Some you sign to get the job, some you sign on the way out. They’re all intended to keep people silent about what goes on behind closed doors. And while initially “NDAs” were mainly about protecting trade secrets, the #MeToo movement and the Black Lives Matter movement — along with the broader effort toward racial justice — have exposed the way the NDA also serves as corporate cover for illegal behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The agreements are written so broadly, you can’t even speak to your spouse about what happened. It really is a gag order, and it compounds the harm, because you’ve already experienced the discrimination, or harassment, you’ve been pushed out of your job, and you can’t even explain why you left.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t fix a problem if you don’t know there’s a problem,” said state Sen. Connie Leyva, D-Chino. She authored one of two laws passed in 2018 that made it illegal for companies to bar people from going public about misconduct involving sex or gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is not allowed to speak out about what happened to them, it’s never gonna change,” she said. “Sure, if you’re Coca-Cola and you don’t want somebody giving away the secret ingredients, no problem. We understand that. But people should always have the right to be able to speak out against any form of discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Leyva has introduced a new bill, \u003ca href=\"https://sd20.senate.ca.gov/news/2021-02-08-senator-leyva-introduces-%E2%80%9Csilenced-no-more-act%E2%80%9D\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 331\u003c/a>, which casts a wider net — covering workplace discrimination involving race, ethnicity, age, disability and religion. Even, and perhaps especially, in a severance settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re multibillion-dollar corporations. If Pinterest decided to sue me, I would be bankrupted,” said Ifeoma Ozoma, a former tech policy manager at Google, Facebook and Pinterest. Ozoma \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824857/silicon-valleys-black-employees-question-corporate-claims-that-black-lives-matter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">went public\u003c/a> last year against Pinterest with allegations she was underpaid and subjected to racist comments and retaliation. These days, she’s lobbying for Leyva’s bill. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The agreements are written so broadly, you can’t even speak to your spouse about what happened. It really is a gag order, and it compounds the harm, because you’ve already experienced the discrimination, or harassment, you’ve been pushed out of your job, and you can’t even explain why you left,” Ozoma said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that even new agreements, which are crafted to comply with California’s new laws about sexual and gender harassment and discrimination, are still written in language designed to confuse and intimidate. “I would not be surprised if folks who could not afford legal help or did not understand that the [new] statutes existed, think that they are under a gag order, even if they fall under those categories,” Ozoma said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political analysts say you won’t see individual tech titans openly oppose this bill, because when a political position is unpopular, California companies typically leave the public lobbying to groups like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thesvo.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Silicon Valley Organization\u003c/a>, formerly the San Jose Silicon Valley Chamber of Commerce. But just a few months ago, that organization ousted its CEO over a racist campaign ad \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-councilmember-denounces-racist-message-from-backer-targeting-her-opponent/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scandal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I don’t think that you will get a lot of pushback anywhere in Silicon Valley on this type of legislation. That day is past,” said Russell Hancock, president and CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://jointventure.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Joint Venture Silicon Valley\u003c/a>, a think tank in San Jose that studies the regional economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been a well-established gap over the last half century between the progressive political rhetoric of Silicon Valley leaders and their companies’ behavior behind the scenes with employees. But Hancock says the industry is facing increasing pressure to change from the outside, as well as the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workforce, stock holders, other stake holders are becoming outspoken, vociferous and even demanding on management, workplace culture and other ethical issues,” he said. “We’ve been famously non-unionized, a Wild West. That is actually starting to change, even at big companies. I don’t mean to be naive or sentimental, but I think 2020 was an important year and people have come to feel differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest Silicon Valley companies are multinational, employing hundreds of thousands of people far beyond the reach of California law. But as the #MeToo movement and the Black Lives Matter movement demonstrate, the court of public opinion is increasingly global.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill covers every single form of workplace harassment or discrimination,” Ozoma said. “I’m hoping this lays the groundwork for similar bills in New York and in other states, and maybe even at the federal level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Olegaria Ruiz is among scores of undocumented front-line workers who feel left out of California’s new age-based COVID-19 vaccination plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alex Sanchez, Garment Worker Center\" ]‘It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through.’[/pullquote]“More than anything, we need the government to help us get the vaccine, too,” said Ruiz, 46, who’s worked in the garment industry in Los Angeles for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz says she doesn’t know of any co-workers, including those over 65, who have gotten the vaccine yet. A lot of them, she says, lack internet access and don’t know how to navigate the state’s complicated sign-up system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the pandemic, Ruiz has worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week to sew masks, hospital gowns and surgical hair nets for doctors and nurses, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says she’s not always paid for all the hours she works and sometimes earns less than minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858873 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-160x160.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-550x550.jpeg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-470x470.jpeg 470w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruiz sews face masks at her station in a garment factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Estela Perez, a member of the Garment Workers Center.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it’s difficult to socially distance in sweatshop factories, where upward of 50 seamstresses can often be sewing in one room. To make matters worse, Ruiz says many of her co-workers workers aren’t being provided face masks by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"essential-workers\"]“There’s no social distancing, and people don’t use masks,” Ruiz said. “[Some of my co-workers] sometimes can’t afford to buy masks because we aren’t being paid what we’re supposed to — a minimum salary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz worries about getting sick, but feels like she has no choice but to show up to work. As an undocumented worker, she doesn’t qualify for unemployment benefits or government stimulus payments. For now, she has to focus on keeping a roof over her family’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re afraid to work, but we have to do it,” said Ruiz. “How are we going to pay rent? How are we going to pay bills? We can’t force our children to live on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to know how bad COVID-19 outbreaks have been in sweatshop factories because many of them operate in the shadows, and workers like Ruiz frequently move between jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the ICU numbers tell the whole story as far as how many people are going to live and die because of reopening [California’s economy],” said Alex Sanchez, a field organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://garmentworkercenter.org/\">Garment Worker Center\u003c/a>, which advocates for the estimated 45,000 garment workers in Los Angeles. “I think it’s way too soon. And I don’t believe we are going to be able to flatten the curve if we still have people out there at high risk not having access to a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, 44, contracted COVID-19 in late December, likely from his son, who works at an Amazon warehouse where there have been several outbreaks. He had no preexisting conditions, but was hospitalized in the ICU for nearly two weeks. He’s now home, recovering with the help of an oxygen machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">I’ve been sick battling Covid and pneumonia since 12/27. I was hospitalized for two weeks. Even if anything reopens, please protect yourself. I am 44 years old with no pre-existing conditions and almost died. Please be safe. I’m now home on oxygen \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/BZ3lLryZNq\">pic.twitter.com/BZ3lLryZNq\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Alex Sanchez (@LALiving213) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LALiving213/status/1353598378874085376?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">January 25, 2021\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his living room, he’s been trying to help older garment workers who meet the age requirements to secure vaccine appointments online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between doing hourly exercises to expand his lung capacity, Sanchez has also been advocating for all garment workers — and other low-wage essential workers who have to perform their jobs inside — to get the vaccine as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858875 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg 1498w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Sanchez, field organizer for the Garment Worker Center, who is recovering from COVID-19, holds his two children while breathing oxygen. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Alex Sanchez.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those are the people that should be focused on first,” Sanchez said. “But it just seems like they don’t have a voice or big lobbying power, that they’re being excluded from the vaccine delivery, even though they are producing masks and gowns for the health care community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had the privilege of having health care to go to the doctor, but most folks don’t,” Sanchez added. “It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through. So maybe I had to live it in order for me to be able to preach it. So I’m glad I’m here. I’m just trying to do whatever I can to keep everybody safe.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“More than anything, we need the government to help us get the vaccine, too,” said Ruiz, 46, who’s worked in the garment industry in Los Angeles for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz says she doesn’t know of any co-workers, including those over 65, who have gotten the vaccine yet. A lot of them, she says, lack internet access and don’t know how to navigate the state’s complicated sign-up system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the pandemic, Ruiz has worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week to sew masks, hospital gowns and surgical hair nets for doctors and nurses, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she says she’s not always paid for all the hours she works and sometimes earns less than minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858873 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12.jpeg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-160x160.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-550x550.jpeg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/94B2E043-0339-4F3B-8C38-A5A3EACDEB12-470x470.jpeg 470w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruiz sews face masks at her station in a garment factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Estela Perez, a member of the Garment Workers Center.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same time, it’s difficult to socially distance in sweatshop factories, where upward of 50 seamstresses can often be sewing in one room. To make matters worse, Ruiz says many of her co-workers workers aren’t being provided face masks by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There’s no social distancing, and people don’t use masks,” Ruiz said. “[Some of my co-workers] sometimes can’t afford to buy masks because we aren’t being paid what we’re supposed to — a minimum salary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz worries about getting sick, but feels like she has no choice but to show up to work. As an undocumented worker, she doesn’t qualify for unemployment benefits or government stimulus payments. For now, she has to focus on keeping a roof over her family’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re afraid to work, but we have to do it,” said Ruiz. “How are we going to pay rent? How are we going to pay bills? We can’t force our children to live on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to know how bad COVID-19 outbreaks have been in sweatshop factories because many of them operate in the shadows, and workers like Ruiz frequently move between jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe the ICU numbers tell the whole story as far as how many people are going to live and die because of reopening [California’s economy],” said Alex Sanchez, a field organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://garmentworkercenter.org/\">Garment Worker Center\u003c/a>, which advocates for the estimated 45,000 garment workers in Los Angeles. “I think it’s way too soon. And I don’t believe we are going to be able to flatten the curve if we still have people out there at high risk not having access to a vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez, 44, contracted COVID-19 in late December, likely from his son, who works at an Amazon warehouse where there have been several outbreaks. He had no preexisting conditions, but was hospitalized in the ICU for nearly two weeks. He’s now home, recovering with the help of an oxygen machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">I’ve been sick battling Covid and pneumonia since 12/27. I was hospitalized for two weeks. Even if anything reopens, please protect yourself. I am 44 years old with no pre-existing conditions and almost died. Please be safe. I’m now home on oxygen \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/BZ3lLryZNq\">pic.twitter.com/BZ3lLryZNq\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Alex Sanchez (@LALiving213) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LALiving213/status/1353598378874085376?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">January 25, 2021\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his living room, he’s been trying to help older garment workers who meet the age requirements to secure vaccine appointments online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between doing hourly exercises to expand his lung capacity, Sanchez has also been advocating for all garment workers — and other low-wage essential workers who have to perform their jobs inside — to get the vaccine as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11858875 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/IMG_20210117_222540_6901.jpg 1498w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Sanchez, field organizer for the Garment Worker Center, who is recovering from COVID-19, holds his two children while breathing oxygen. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Alex Sanchez.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those are the people that should be focused on first,” Sanchez said. “But it just seems like they don’t have a voice or big lobbying power, that they’re being excluded from the vaccine delivery, even though they are producing masks and gowns for the health care community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had the privilege of having health care to go to the doctor, but most folks don’t,” Sanchez added. “It might be funny to say, but maybe I needed to walk in somebody else’s shoes in order to understand what they’re going through. So maybe I had to live it in order for me to be able to preach it. So I’m glad I’m here. I’m just trying to do whatever I can to keep everybody safe.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>California Sen. Alex Padilla\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In a one-on-one with Democrat Alex Padilla,\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s newly-appointed U.S. Senator, we talk with him about COVID-19 relief funding, vaccine rollout, immigration and the upcoming Senate impeachment trial of former President Donald Trump. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Alex Padilla, D-California\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our political experts break down the top stories of the week — from San Francisco suing its own school board, to a challenger officially filing papers to battle Gov. Gavin Newsom for the governor’s seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Heather Knight, San Francisco Chronicle columnist\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Bay Area Zoos\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Oakland Zoo reopened this week and the San Francisco Zoo is open, too. They set the scene for this week’s look at Something Beautiful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>California Sen. Alex Padilla\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In a one-on-one with Democrat Alex Padilla,\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s newly-appointed U.S. Senator, we talk with him about COVID-19 relief funding, vaccine rollout, immigration and the upcoming Senate impeachment trial of former President Donald Trump. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Alex Padilla, D-California\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our political experts break down the top stories of the week — from San Francisco suing its own school board, to a challenger officially filing papers to battle Gov. Gavin Newsom for the governor’s seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Heather Knight, San Francisco Chronicle columnist\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Bay Area Zoos\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Oakland Zoo reopened this week and the San Francisco Zoo is open, too. They set the scene for this week’s look at Something Beautiful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "edd-and-bank-of-america-make-millions-on-california-unemployment",
"title": "EDD and Bank of America Make Millions on California Unemployment",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Leer en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2021/02/como-el-edd-y-bank-of-america-ganan-millones-con-el-desempleo-en-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t know it at the time, but last September was when everything started to unravel for Julie Hansen. It was late in the month when the furloughed Disneyland candy maker noticed a string of suspicious charges totaling $12,222.23 on her state-issued Bank of America unemployment debit card. First, the money was credited back to her account. Then it disappeared again, setting in motion a chain of events that left her and her son homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858834\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 715px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11858834\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Julie_Hansen.png\" alt=\"Image of Julie and son\" width=\"715\" height=\"791\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Julie_Hansen.png 715w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Julie_Hansen-160x177.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 715px) 100vw, 715px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julie Hansen with her son. The pair has stayed in Hansen’s Fiat and with friends while she fights for nearly $13,000 tied up in her frozen state-issued Bank of America unemployment debit card. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Julie Hansen)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, California’s Employment Development Department and longtime debit card contractor Bank of America were \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/12/who-will-pay-for-all-of-californias-unemployment-fraud/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scrambling to rein in rampant fraud\u003c/a>. They froze some 350,000 unemployment accounts around the time Hansen’s card was cut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The catch: while Hansen and other out-of-work Californians were left in financial purgatory unable to access unemployment money, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/how-bank-of-america-helped-fuel-californias-unemployment-meltdown/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Great Recession-era contract\u003c/a> ensured that the state and the bank kept raking in millions of dollars in merchant fees whenever debit cards still in circulation were swiped. In September, the EDD made $5.2 million on a debit card revenue sharing agreement with Bank of America — a sizable chunk of the $22.5 million the state raked in from March to October, according to public records requested by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much money did Bank of America make on its end of the deal? The state says it doesn’t know, and the bank won’t say, despite a contract requirement to report unemployment debit card fees and revenue each month. “EDD does not track BofA’s revenue,” the agency told CalMatters. The bank declined to comment on its unemployment revenue and financial reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is essentially a nifty little hidden kickback scheme,” said Assembly Member Jim Patterson, a Republican from Fresno. “This is becoming far too familiar. EDD just does not tell us what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/8f3d8d73-5256-45ba-a497-01857d425f45?src=embed\" title=\"EDD debit card profit\" width=\"800\" height=\"870\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Basic Questions Unanswered\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, California lawmakers\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/bank-of-america-california-lawmakers-unemployment-direct-deposit/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> rushing to introduce new unemployment reform bills\u003c/a> have struggled to get basic questions answered about when and how jobless workers are paid — and who profits in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Bank of America’s exclusive 2010 unemployment debit card contract with the state, which was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/how-bank-of-america-helped-fuel-californias-unemployment-meltdown/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first detailed by CalMatters\u003c/a>, the Employment Development Department does not pay the bank directly for its financial services. Instead, the two parties split revenue on merchant transaction fees when the cards are swiped, and the bank charges limited consumer fees for things like ATM use or rush shipping on new debit cards. The contract specifies only that the state’s share of the fee revenue will “assist in offsetting program costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bank was supposed to report at least monthly on any fees earned and its average revenue, according to the contract provided by the state. But when CalMatters asked for those reports, the state said it did not have any records on bank fees. The agency said only that Bank of America made $37.8 million in transaction fees during 2013 — a figure disclosed as part of a bond estimate in a year when California paid out a sliver of the record \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2020-128and628.1/introduction.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$111 billion\u003c/a> in unemployment benefits from March to December last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m stunned that EDD doesn’t know,” Patterson said, “and I’m not sure that I believe that they don’t know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bank of America said it suspended some consumer fees, including rush shipping charges, in the spring. The bank declined to comment on transaction fees. Faiz Ahmad, managing director of transaction services for Bank of America, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2021/01/bank-of-america-lost-hundreds-of-millions-on-california-unemployment-fiasco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told lawmakers last week\u003c/a> that despite any money the bank may have made during the pandemic, it “lost hundreds of millions of dollars on the contract” last year due to fraud and a need to hire more customer service workers to respond to complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Wendy Carrillo, Democratic Assembly Member, Los Angeles\"]‘Bank of America’s contract with EDD belongs to California’s taxpayers. Its contents are not secret. They belong to the public record.’[/pullquote] \u003c/span>“Bank of America’s contract with EDD belongs to California’s taxpayers,” said Assembly Member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles. “Its contents are not secret. They belong to the public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauren Saunders, associate director of the National Consumer Law Center, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nclc.org/images/pdf/pr-reports/report-prepaid-card-2013.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studied unemployment debit card contracts\u003c/a> including the one Bank of America has in California. She found that many states are “not paying any attention” to fees earned by banks — a lack of transparency that makes it hard to know how much unemployed workers are paying to use their benefit money — but that California’s revenue sharing agreement appears to be unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Banks have to make money. They are selling a product,” Saunders said. “What’s more unusual is the state making money. That’s because California is such a big market and there was so much interchange revenue that the bank was willing to share some with the state, but that money should go back into making sure that people aren’t paying fees and to making sure that people get the money where they want to get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Long Fight\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As fall turned to winter, Hansen tried everything she could think of to get her missing unemployment money back. She spent hours on hold with the bank, then called the state when she was told it was an identity verification issue. After waiting hours longer to get through to the state agency, and often hung up on in the process, she was told that she needed to call the bank. She called politicians and posted online, and briefly saw the account reopened just long enough for another $672 to post to the account, only to have the card frozen again. [aside tag=\"unemployment\" label=\"More Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By December, it was too late. Hansen and her son slept in her Fiat or stayed with friends after they were forced to leave their two-bedroom rental in the Inland Empire to avoid eviction proceedings. There were no Christmas presents that month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody helps. They blame it on each other,” Hansen said. “I don’t know if they’re trying to make it to where I just don’t fight anymore, but that’s $13,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stories like Hansen’s, where both the state and the bank have added to confusion, make the prospect of unraveling California’s unemployment crisis more daunting. In Sacramento, both Democrats and Republicans have proposed legislation to add a direct deposit option for claimants, crack down on fraud and strengthen oversight. Bank of America’s current contract ends this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to refunding legitimate unemployment claimants caught up in the mess, Patterson worries about tax bills and unsuspecting people asked to repay the government for benefits paid out to fraudsters. He said lawmakers are weighing requirements for the agency to act fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, unemployment claimants accused Bank of America in a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/bank-of-america-sued-over-edd-unemployment-debit-card-fraud/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">class-action lawsuit filed last month\u003c/a> of putting them at risk of debit card fraud. The bank argues that the “vast majority” of fraud during the pandemic involved fraudulent unemployment applications that the state failed to catch, rather than debit card fraud. While lawmakers and the state auditor press for more details on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/01/how-edd-failed-to-detect-fraud/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">up to $31 billion in total fraud\u003c/a>, Saunders said it’s also possible that federal watchdogs like the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau could get involved if the bank fails to provide claim documentation or timely credits for fraud as required by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re found not to have complied,” Saunders said, “then the bank would be responsible to reimburse the consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no full reopening in sight for Disneyland, Hansen has taken to making boxes of toffee, chocolate strawberries and peanut brittle in a friend’s kitchen for anyone who still has $10 or $20 to spend. She was mailed one paper unemployment check for $1,000 in January — enough to pay for her son’s medication and the car they were living in — and the family recently moved into a rented room while she fights for the rest of the missing money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen says, “There’s gotta be an easier way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "State records show that the employment agency made $22.5 million on unemployment debit card fees as the pandemic ravaged the job market, but it failed to track how much Bank of America earned off a debit card contract during the spike in benefits. Lawmakers are asking questions about the revenue-sharing deal as workers still missing money fight to survive.",
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"title": "EDD and Bank of America Make Millions on California Unemployment | KQED",
"description": "State records show that the employment agency made $22.5 million on unemployment debit card fees as the pandemic ravaged the job market, but it failed to track how much Bank of America earned off a debit card contract during the spike in benefits. Lawmakers are asking questions about the revenue-sharing deal as workers still missing money fight to survive.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Leer en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2021/02/como-el-edd-y-bank-of-america-ganan-millones-con-el-desempleo-en-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t know it at the time, but last September was when everything started to unravel for Julie Hansen. It was late in the month when the furloughed Disneyland candy maker noticed a string of suspicious charges totaling $12,222.23 on her state-issued Bank of America unemployment debit card. First, the money was credited back to her account. Then it disappeared again, setting in motion a chain of events that left her and her son homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11858834\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 715px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11858834\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Julie_Hansen.png\" alt=\"Image of Julie and son\" width=\"715\" height=\"791\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Julie_Hansen.png 715w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Julie_Hansen-160x177.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 715px) 100vw, 715px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julie Hansen with her son. The pair has stayed in Hansen’s Fiat and with friends while she fights for nearly $13,000 tied up in her frozen state-issued Bank of America unemployment debit card. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Julie Hansen)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, California’s Employment Development Department and longtime debit card contractor Bank of America were \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/12/who-will-pay-for-all-of-californias-unemployment-fraud/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scrambling to rein in rampant fraud\u003c/a>. They froze some 350,000 unemployment accounts around the time Hansen’s card was cut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The catch: while Hansen and other out-of-work Californians were left in financial purgatory unable to access unemployment money, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/how-bank-of-america-helped-fuel-californias-unemployment-meltdown/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Great Recession-era contract\u003c/a> ensured that the state and the bank kept raking in millions of dollars in merchant fees whenever debit cards still in circulation were swiped. In September, the EDD made $5.2 million on a debit card revenue sharing agreement with Bank of America — a sizable chunk of the $22.5 million the state raked in from March to October, according to public records requested by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much money did Bank of America make on its end of the deal? The state says it doesn’t know, and the bank won’t say, despite a contract requirement to report unemployment debit card fees and revenue each month. “EDD does not track BofA’s revenue,” the agency told CalMatters. The bank declined to comment on its unemployment revenue and financial reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is essentially a nifty little hidden kickback scheme,” said Assembly Member Jim Patterson, a Republican from Fresno. “This is becoming far too familiar. EDD just does not tell us what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/8f3d8d73-5256-45ba-a497-01857d425f45?src=embed\" title=\"EDD debit card profit\" width=\"800\" height=\"870\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Basic Questions Unanswered\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, California lawmakers\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/bank-of-america-california-lawmakers-unemployment-direct-deposit/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> rushing to introduce new unemployment reform bills\u003c/a> have struggled to get basic questions answered about when and how jobless workers are paid — and who profits in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Bank of America’s exclusive 2010 unemployment debit card contract with the state, which was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/how-bank-of-america-helped-fuel-californias-unemployment-meltdown/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first detailed by CalMatters\u003c/a>, the Employment Development Department does not pay the bank directly for its financial services. Instead, the two parties split revenue on merchant transaction fees when the cards are swiped, and the bank charges limited consumer fees for things like ATM use or rush shipping on new debit cards. The contract specifies only that the state’s share of the fee revenue will “assist in offsetting program costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bank was supposed to report at least monthly on any fees earned and its average revenue, according to the contract provided by the state. But when CalMatters asked for those reports, the state said it did not have any records on bank fees. The agency said only that Bank of America made $37.8 million in transaction fees during 2013 — a figure disclosed as part of a bond estimate in a year when California paid out a sliver of the record \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2020-128and628.1/introduction.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$111 billion\u003c/a> in unemployment benefits from March to December last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m stunned that EDD doesn’t know,” Patterson said, “and I’m not sure that I believe that they don’t know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bank of America said it suspended some consumer fees, including rush shipping charges, in the spring. The bank declined to comment on transaction fees. Faiz Ahmad, managing director of transaction services for Bank of America, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2021/01/bank-of-america-lost-hundreds-of-millions-on-california-unemployment-fiasco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told lawmakers last week\u003c/a> that despite any money the bank may have made during the pandemic, it “lost hundreds of millions of dollars on the contract” last year due to fraud and a need to hire more customer service workers to respond to complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Bank of America’s contract with EDD belongs to California’s taxpayers. Its contents are not secret. They belong to the public record.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> \u003c/span>“Bank of America’s contract with EDD belongs to California’s taxpayers,” said Assembly Member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles. “Its contents are not secret. They belong to the public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauren Saunders, associate director of the National Consumer Law Center, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nclc.org/images/pdf/pr-reports/report-prepaid-card-2013.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studied unemployment debit card contracts\u003c/a> including the one Bank of America has in California. She found that many states are “not paying any attention” to fees earned by banks — a lack of transparency that makes it hard to know how much unemployed workers are paying to use their benefit money — but that California’s revenue sharing agreement appears to be unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Banks have to make money. They are selling a product,” Saunders said. “What’s more unusual is the state making money. That’s because California is such a big market and there was so much interchange revenue that the bank was willing to share some with the state, but that money should go back into making sure that people aren’t paying fees and to making sure that people get the money where they want to get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Long Fight\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As fall turned to winter, Hansen tried everything she could think of to get her missing unemployment money back. She spent hours on hold with the bank, then called the state when she was told it was an identity verification issue. After waiting hours longer to get through to the state agency, and often hung up on in the process, she was told that she needed to call the bank. She called politicians and posted online, and briefly saw the account reopened just long enough for another $672 to post to the account, only to have the card frozen again. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By December, it was too late. Hansen and her son slept in her Fiat or stayed with friends after they were forced to leave their two-bedroom rental in the Inland Empire to avoid eviction proceedings. There were no Christmas presents that month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody helps. They blame it on each other,” Hansen said. “I don’t know if they’re trying to make it to where I just don’t fight anymore, but that’s $13,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stories like Hansen’s, where both the state and the bank have added to confusion, make the prospect of unraveling California’s unemployment crisis more daunting. In Sacramento, both Democrats and Republicans have proposed legislation to add a direct deposit option for claimants, crack down on fraud and strengthen oversight. Bank of America’s current contract ends this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to refunding legitimate unemployment claimants caught up in the mess, Patterson worries about tax bills and unsuspecting people asked to repay the government for benefits paid out to fraudsters. He said lawmakers are weighing requirements for the agency to act fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, unemployment claimants accused Bank of America in a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/bank-of-america-sued-over-edd-unemployment-debit-card-fraud/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">class-action lawsuit filed last month\u003c/a> of putting them at risk of debit card fraud. The bank argues that the “vast majority” of fraud during the pandemic involved fraudulent unemployment applications that the state failed to catch, rather than debit card fraud. While lawmakers and the state auditor press for more details on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/01/how-edd-failed-to-detect-fraud/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">up to $31 billion in total fraud\u003c/a>, Saunders said it’s also possible that federal watchdogs like the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau could get involved if the bank fails to provide claim documentation or timely credits for fraud as required by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re found not to have complied,” Saunders said, “then the bank would be responsible to reimburse the consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no full reopening in sight for Disneyland, Hansen has taken to making boxes of toffee, chocolate strawberries and peanut brittle in a friend’s kitchen for anyone who still has $10 or $20 to spend. She was mailed one paper unemployment check for $1,000 in January — enough to pay for her son’s medication and the car they were living in — and the family recently moved into a rented room while she fights for the rest of the missing money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen says, “There’s gotta be an easier way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Chevron Gave More Than $1 Million to Lawmakers Who Voted to Overturn the Presidential Election",
"title": "Chevron Gave More Than $1 Million to Lawmakers Who Voted to Overturn the Presidential Election",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Feb. 5, 2021\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 14 years, Chevron has donated more than a million dollars to Republican members of Congress who voted to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, according to an analysis of federal campaign finance data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED-commissioned analysis, by \u003ca href=\"https://maplight.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">MapLight\u003c/a>, looked into political contributions the San Ramon-based oil giant, its employees and its political action committee made between 2007 and 2020 to any of the 147 Republican U.S. senators and representatives who objected to the Electoral College count on Jan. 6 to certify Joe Biden's presidential election. On the same day, far-right, mainly white supporters of former President Trump, violently attacked and invaded the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley-based nonpartisan group, which tracks the influence of money in politics, found that Chevron, its workers and its PAC donated over $1.1 million to 97 of those GOP legislators during that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Chevron's political donations belie a philosophy that there's nothing wrong with the status quo of the oil industry — and that petroleum is the future of American energy,\" said Paasha Mahdavi, an assistant professor of political science at UC Santa Barbara, who specializes in energy and environmental politics, and examined Maplight's data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Paasha Mahdavi, assistant professor of political science at U.C. Santa Barbara\"]'That these same congressional leaders tacitly supported an insurrection is seemingly irrelevant to Chevron.'[/pullquote]\"That these same congressional leaders tacitly supported an insurrection is seemingly irrelevant to Chevron,\" Mahdavi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maplight's figures do not include contributions Chevron has made to industry groups like the American Petroleum Institute and Western States Petroleum Association, which lobby for the interests of the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its analysis found that some of the company's largest donation totals to members of Congress in the last 15 years went to some of Trump's strongest allies, including two of his closest California supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron gave $106,000 to House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Bakersfield, who hails from Kern County, home to a network of Chevron oil drilling sites, and $58,000 to Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Visalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not surprising to see a large oil company donating to Republicans, many of whom have brushed off climate change and advocated for the petroleum industry, but Chevron is in a league of its own compared to other major oil producers, according to Mahdavi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Chevron carries the most anti-climate rhetoric and public-facing platform when it comes to domestic environmental policies\" Mahdavi said. \"The company has routinely denied the core tenets of climate science and rejects the notion of a future without fossil fuels.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement to KQED following the publication of this story, Chevron representative Sean Comey claimed that characterization is inaccurate, saying, \"Chevron believes the future of energy is lower carbon. We are working to help achieve that goal by reducing our carbon intensity, increasing renewables and offsets, and investing in low-carbon technologies. We recognize the findings of the United Nation’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change that the use of fossil fuels contributes to increases in global temperatures. We support the Paris Agreement and well-designed climate change and energy policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, executives for several large U.S. corporations have said they would either halt or review political donations to lawmakers who voted to overturn the election after the violent mob attacked the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an earlier statement, Comey said the company is looking into the issue:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We continue our practice of regularly reviewing our policies, procedures and expenditures for political activities, including political contributions,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recent events will be part of our review process. Chevron supports political candidates that take positions on a range of topics,\" Comey said. \"We are not always aligned with all their views, but it is important for us to be part of discussions on important issues, including respect for the rule of law and well-designed climate change and energy policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahdavi says that if Chevron does not change its political donations, it would send a clear message to members of Congress, that \"we [Chevron] don't care what you stand for as long as you support unabated oil and gas development with little concern to climate change.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the political tides in Washington are changing. Several days ago President Biden\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/president-biden-takes-office/2021/01/27/960941799/biden-to-pause-oil-and-gas-leasing-on-public-lands-and-waters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> signed an executive order\u003c/a> to start halting new oil and gas leasing on federal lands and waters. That effort to slow the nation's contribution to climate change is bound to face opposition from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The international energy corporation — one of the largest companies in the country with close to 50,000 employees — says it gave $15 million to political candidates and state ballot measure campaigns in the United States and Australia in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our objective is to support political candidates, organizations and measures that aligned with Chevron's business interests,\" the company says on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/sustainability/governance/political-contributions#politicalcontributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>. [aside tag=\"chevron, environment\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]Chevron says those interests include support for \"responsible development of oil and natural gas resources, reasonable regulatory regimes, economic development, free enterprise, market based solutions (and) good governance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from its hundreds of gas stations, Chevron is known in California for running two of of the state's largest refineries, in Richmond and El Segundo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Richmond facility has become notorious among environmentalists and some of its neighbors in recent years for having more flaring incidents than any other Bay Area refinery and then \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11852923/slap-on-the-wrist-chevron-settles-multiple-refinery-violations-including-one-that-sent-odor-to-sf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">paying little in fines\u003c/a> for violating air quality regulations. \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/plans-and-climate/emission-tracking-and-monitoring/flare-minimization-plans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flaring\u003c/a> is often used to relieve high pressure when refinery units malfunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has a network of oil drilling facilities in Central California. In recent years it's come under scrutiny from state regulators and increased criticism from environmentalists and lawmakers for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11770259/environmentalists-blast-chevron-state-regulators-over-kern-county-oil-releases\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">series of large oil spills\u003c/a> in Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron has significant operations in the rest of the country as well, with crude oil and natural gas production in the Gulf of Mexico, Pennsylvania and Texas, and additional refineries in Utah, Mississippi and Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also has operations in two dozen countries and says each year it produces enough oil to fuel 10 million cars and enough natural gas to light 12 million households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Chevron \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/investors/press-releases\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a> a loss of $665 million in its fourth quarter, showing how the pandemic has hurt the oil industry's bottom line. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that the top executives at Chevron and Exxon Mobil had spoken last year about a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/exxon-chevron-ceos-discussed-merger-11612126203\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">potential merger\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to reflect a an additional statement from Chevron on its climate policies.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Feb. 5, 2021\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 14 years, Chevron has donated more than a million dollars to Republican members of Congress who voted to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, according to an analysis of federal campaign finance data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED-commissioned analysis, by \u003ca href=\"https://maplight.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">MapLight\u003c/a>, looked into political contributions the San Ramon-based oil giant, its employees and its political action committee made between 2007 and 2020 to any of the 147 Republican U.S. senators and representatives who objected to the Electoral College count on Jan. 6 to certify Joe Biden's presidential election. On the same day, far-right, mainly white supporters of former President Trump, violently attacked and invaded the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley-based nonpartisan group, which tracks the influence of money in politics, found that Chevron, its workers and its PAC donated over $1.1 million to 97 of those GOP legislators during that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Chevron's political donations belie a philosophy that there's nothing wrong with the status quo of the oil industry — and that petroleum is the future of American energy,\" said Paasha Mahdavi, an assistant professor of political science at UC Santa Barbara, who specializes in energy and environmental politics, and examined Maplight's data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'That these same congressional leaders tacitly supported an insurrection is seemingly irrelevant to Chevron.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"That these same congressional leaders tacitly supported an insurrection is seemingly irrelevant to Chevron,\" Mahdavi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maplight's figures do not include contributions Chevron has made to industry groups like the American Petroleum Institute and Western States Petroleum Association, which lobby for the interests of the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its analysis found that some of the company's largest donation totals to members of Congress in the last 15 years went to some of Trump's strongest allies, including two of his closest California supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron gave $106,000 to House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Bakersfield, who hails from Kern County, home to a network of Chevron oil drilling sites, and $58,000 to Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Visalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not surprising to see a large oil company donating to Republicans, many of whom have brushed off climate change and advocated for the petroleum industry, but Chevron is in a league of its own compared to other major oil producers, according to Mahdavi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Chevron carries the most anti-climate rhetoric and public-facing platform when it comes to domestic environmental policies\" Mahdavi said. \"The company has routinely denied the core tenets of climate science and rejects the notion of a future without fossil fuels.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement to KQED following the publication of this story, Chevron representative Sean Comey claimed that characterization is inaccurate, saying, \"Chevron believes the future of energy is lower carbon. We are working to help achieve that goal by reducing our carbon intensity, increasing renewables and offsets, and investing in low-carbon technologies. We recognize the findings of the United Nation’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change that the use of fossil fuels contributes to increases in global temperatures. We support the Paris Agreement and well-designed climate change and energy policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, executives for several large U.S. corporations have said they would either halt or review political donations to lawmakers who voted to overturn the election after the violent mob attacked the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an earlier statement, Comey said the company is looking into the issue:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We continue our practice of regularly reviewing our policies, procedures and expenditures for political activities, including political contributions,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recent events will be part of our review process. Chevron supports political candidates that take positions on a range of topics,\" Comey said. \"We are not always aligned with all their views, but it is important for us to be part of discussions on important issues, including respect for the rule of law and well-designed climate change and energy policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahdavi says that if Chevron does not change its political donations, it would send a clear message to members of Congress, that \"we [Chevron] don't care what you stand for as long as you support unabated oil and gas development with little concern to climate change.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the political tides in Washington are changing. Several days ago President Biden\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/president-biden-takes-office/2021/01/27/960941799/biden-to-pause-oil-and-gas-leasing-on-public-lands-and-waters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> signed an executive order\u003c/a> to start halting new oil and gas leasing on federal lands and waters. That effort to slow the nation's contribution to climate change is bound to face opposition from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The international energy corporation — one of the largest companies in the country with close to 50,000 employees — says it gave $15 million to political candidates and state ballot measure campaigns in the United States and Australia in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our objective is to support political candidates, organizations and measures that aligned with Chevron's business interests,\" the company says on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/sustainability/governance/political-contributions#politicalcontributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chevron says those interests include support for \"responsible development of oil and natural gas resources, reasonable regulatory regimes, economic development, free enterprise, market based solutions (and) good governance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from its hundreds of gas stations, Chevron is known in California for running two of of the state's largest refineries, in Richmond and El Segundo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Richmond facility has become notorious among environmentalists and some of its neighbors in recent years for having more flaring incidents than any other Bay Area refinery and then \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11852923/slap-on-the-wrist-chevron-settles-multiple-refinery-violations-including-one-that-sent-odor-to-sf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">paying little in fines\u003c/a> for violating air quality regulations. \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/plans-and-climate/emission-tracking-and-monitoring/flare-minimization-plans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flaring\u003c/a> is often used to relieve high pressure when refinery units malfunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has a network of oil drilling facilities in Central California. In recent years it's come under scrutiny from state regulators and increased criticism from environmentalists and lawmakers for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11770259/environmentalists-blast-chevron-state-regulators-over-kern-county-oil-releases\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">series of large oil spills\u003c/a> in Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron has significant operations in the rest of the country as well, with crude oil and natural gas production in the Gulf of Mexico, Pennsylvania and Texas, and additional refineries in Utah, Mississippi and Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also has operations in two dozen countries and says each year it produces enough oil to fuel 10 million cars and enough natural gas to light 12 million households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Chevron \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/investors/press-releases\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reported\u003c/a> a loss of $665 million in its fourth quarter, showing how the pandemic has hurt the oil industry's bottom line. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that the top executives at Chevron and Exxon Mobil had spoken last year about a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/exxon-chevron-ceos-discussed-merger-11612126203\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">potential merger\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to reflect a an additional statement from Chevron on its climate policies.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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