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"content": "\u003cp>Artificial intelligence is everywhere these days, including in the criminal justice system. But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.partnershiponai.org/report-on-machine-learning-in-risk-assessment-tools-in-the-u-s-criminal-justice-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new report\u003c/a> out Friday joins a \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">chorus\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://witnessla.com/op-ed-predictive-algorithms-in-the-justice-system-must-have-aggressive-oversight/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">of\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2018/11/if-pre-trial-risk-assessment-tool-does-not-satisfy-these-criteria-it-needs-stay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voices\u003c/a> warning that the software isn’t ready for the task. \u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to understand as you’re deploying these tools that they’re extremely approximate, extremely inaccurate,” said Peter Eckersley, research director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.partnershiponai.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Partnership on A.I.\u003c/a>, a consortium of Silicon Valley heavyweights and civil liberties groups that helped published the report. “And that if you think of them as ‘Minority Report,’ you’ve gotten it entirely wrong,” he added, referencing the Steven Spielberg science fiction blockbuster from 2002 that’s become a kind of shorthand for all allusions to predictive policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lG7DGMgfOb8]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study — “Algorithmic Risk Assessment Tools in the U.S. Criminal Justice System” — scrutinizes how A.I. is increasingly being used throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algorithmic software crunches data about an individual along with statistics about groups that person belongs to. What level of education did this individual attain? How many criminal offenses did this individual commit before the age of 18? What is the likelihood of, say, skipping bail for individuals who never finished high school and committed two crimes before the age of 18?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can seem like the software bypasses human errors in assessing that risk. But the report homes in on the issue of machine learning bias: When humans feed biased or inaccurate information into software programs, making those systems biased as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An example (not mentioned in the report): The \u003ca href=\"https://openpolicing.stanford.edu/findings/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Stanford Open Policing Project\u003c/a> recently reported that law enforcement officers nationwide tend to stop African-American drivers at higher rates than white drivers and to search, ticket and arrest African-American and Latino drivers during traffic stops more often than whites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any evaluation software that incorporates a data set like this on traffic stops could then potentially deliver racially biased recommendations, the Stanford researchers note, even if the software doesn’t include racial data \u003cem>per se\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Standards need to be set for these tools,” Eckersley said. “And if you were to ever try to use them to decide to detain someone, the tools would need to meet those standards. And, unfortunately, none of the tools presently do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, 49 of 58 counties in California use some kind of algorithmic risk assessment tool for bail, sentencing and/or probation. And a new bill in the state Legislature would require all counties to use it for bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11689184,news_11693624,news_11728806\" label=\"What is the Bail Reform Law?\"]Senate Bill 10 offers no guidance for how counties should calculate risk levels or protect against unintentional discriminatory outcomes. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/policyadmin-jc.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Judicial Council\u003c/a>, the policymaking body of the California courts, would approve tools if and when the law goes into effect, but would stop short of assessing results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a number of risk assessment tools, most of which are not using artificial intelligence but instead, paper, pencil and a professional human’s judgement. Mary Butler, Napa County’s chief probation officer, said her agency uses three risk assessment tools, with the intend of providing recommendations to a presiding judge, but she said they also determine how best to help the individual in question succeed at establishing a life outside of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The needs part is as important as the risk part, because it helps to change their behavior,” she said. “I can’t change, for example, the age when someone was first arrested, but if that’s the only thing I consider, then yeah, I could be biased a result. But when I tie that into everything else going on in that person’s life, and their areas of need, it’s a really good tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that assessments made by her agency are shared with everybody involved. “We give the offender the results,” she said. “We give that information to the court. The attorneys have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small number of California law enforcement agencies are also using artificial intelligence. Two of the more popular products are \u003ca href=\"https://www.equivant.com/compas-classification/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Correctional Offender Management Profiling for Alternative Sanctions (COMPAS)\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.psapretrial.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Public Safety Assessment (PSA)\u003c/a>. COMPAS has been used by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation\u003c/a>. PSA is in use in San Francisco, Santa Cruz and Tulare Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11619469\"]But some of these programs, like COMPAS, are proprietary products, which means their owners don’t share the source code in order to protect their intellectual property. In doing so, they prevent defendants from challenging the integrity of the models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That also blocks independent researchers from being able to study and identify flaws in the programs, and prevents lawmakers from knowing what kind of improvements they should push for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the Partnership on A.I., the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2018/11/if-pre-trial-risk-assessment-tool-does-not-satisfy-these-criteria-it-needs-stay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a> has publicly expressed doubts about the rollout of the new bail law, SB 10, for this very reason. \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2018/11/if-pre-trial-risk-assessment-tool-does-not-satisfy-these-criteria-it-needs-stay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In an opinion piece on its website\u003c/a>, the EFF argued, “The public must have access to the source code and the materials used to develop these tools, and the results of regular independent audits of the system, to ensure tools are not unfairly detaining innocent people or disproportionately affecting specific classes of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A different bill that cleared the state Senate this week, however, could set a lot of minds at ease. SB 36 would \u003ca href=\"https://sd18.senate.ca.gov/news/4252019-hertzberg-bill-regulate-pretrial-risk-assessment-tools-clears-senate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">establish guidelines\u003c/a> regarding the use of risk assessment tools, including data collection, transparency requirements and regular review and validation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, as it’s written now, would prevent any risk assessment software tools that block access to their source code. That bill heads to the state Assembly next.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Artificial intelligence is everywhere these days, including in the criminal justice system. But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.partnershiponai.org/report-on-machine-learning-in-risk-assessment-tools-in-the-u-s-criminal-justice-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new report\u003c/a> out Friday joins a \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">chorus\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://witnessla.com/op-ed-predictive-algorithms-in-the-justice-system-must-have-aggressive-oversight/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">of\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2018/11/if-pre-trial-risk-assessment-tool-does-not-satisfy-these-criteria-it-needs-stay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voices\u003c/a> warning that the software isn’t ready for the task. \u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to understand as you’re deploying these tools that they’re extremely approximate, extremely inaccurate,” said Peter Eckersley, research director at \u003ca href=\"https://www.partnershiponai.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Partnership on A.I.\u003c/a>, a consortium of Silicon Valley heavyweights and civil liberties groups that helped published the report. “And that if you think of them as ‘Minority Report,’ you’ve gotten it entirely wrong,” he added, referencing the Steven Spielberg science fiction blockbuster from 2002 that’s become a kind of shorthand for all allusions to predictive policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/lG7DGMgfOb8'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/lG7DGMgfOb8'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study — “Algorithmic Risk Assessment Tools in the U.S. Criminal Justice System” — scrutinizes how A.I. is increasingly being used throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algorithmic software crunches data about an individual along with statistics about groups that person belongs to. What level of education did this individual attain? How many criminal offenses did this individual commit before the age of 18? What is the likelihood of, say, skipping bail for individuals who never finished high school and committed two crimes before the age of 18?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can seem like the software bypasses human errors in assessing that risk. But the report homes in on the issue of machine learning bias: When humans feed biased or inaccurate information into software programs, making those systems biased as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An example (not mentioned in the report): The \u003ca href=\"https://openpolicing.stanford.edu/findings/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Stanford Open Policing Project\u003c/a> recently reported that law enforcement officers nationwide tend to stop African-American drivers at higher rates than white drivers and to search, ticket and arrest African-American and Latino drivers during traffic stops more often than whites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any evaluation software that incorporates a data set like this on traffic stops could then potentially deliver racially biased recommendations, the Stanford researchers note, even if the software doesn’t include racial data \u003cem>per se\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Standards need to be set for these tools,” Eckersley said. “And if you were to ever try to use them to decide to detain someone, the tools would need to meet those standards. And, unfortunately, none of the tools presently do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, 49 of 58 counties in California use some kind of algorithmic risk assessment tool for bail, sentencing and/or probation. And a new bill in the state Legislature would require all counties to use it for bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Senate Bill 10 offers no guidance for how counties should calculate risk levels or protect against unintentional discriminatory outcomes. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/policyadmin-jc.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Judicial Council\u003c/a>, the policymaking body of the California courts, would approve tools if and when the law goes into effect, but would stop short of assessing results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a number of risk assessment tools, most of which are not using artificial intelligence but instead, paper, pencil and a professional human’s judgement. Mary Butler, Napa County’s chief probation officer, said her agency uses three risk assessment tools, with the intend of providing recommendations to a presiding judge, but she said they also determine how best to help the individual in question succeed at establishing a life outside of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The needs part is as important as the risk part, because it helps to change their behavior,” she said. “I can’t change, for example, the age when someone was first arrested, but if that’s the only thing I consider, then yeah, I could be biased a result. But when I tie that into everything else going on in that person’s life, and their areas of need, it’s a really good tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that assessments made by her agency are shared with everybody involved. “We give the offender the results,” she said. “We give that information to the court. The attorneys have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small number of California law enforcement agencies are also using artificial intelligence. Two of the more popular products are \u003ca href=\"https://www.equivant.com/compas-classification/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Correctional Offender Management Profiling for Alternative Sanctions (COMPAS)\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.psapretrial.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Public Safety Assessment (PSA)\u003c/a>. COMPAS has been used by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation\u003c/a>. PSA is in use in San Francisco, Santa Cruz and Tulare Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But some of these programs, like COMPAS, are proprietary products, which means their owners don’t share the source code in order to protect their intellectual property. In doing so, they prevent defendants from challenging the integrity of the models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That also blocks independent researchers from being able to study and identify flaws in the programs, and prevents lawmakers from knowing what kind of improvements they should push for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the Partnership on A.I., the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2018/11/if-pre-trial-risk-assessment-tool-does-not-satisfy-these-criteria-it-needs-stay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a> has publicly expressed doubts about the rollout of the new bail law, SB 10, for this very reason. \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2018/11/if-pre-trial-risk-assessment-tool-does-not-satisfy-these-criteria-it-needs-stay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In an opinion piece on its website\u003c/a>, the EFF argued, “The public must have access to the source code and the materials used to develop these tools, and the results of regular independent audits of the system, to ensure tools are not unfairly detaining innocent people or disproportionately affecting specific classes of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A different bill that cleared the state Senate this week, however, could set a lot of minds at ease. SB 36 would \u003ca href=\"https://sd18.senate.ca.gov/news/4252019-hertzberg-bill-regulate-pretrial-risk-assessment-tools-clears-senate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">establish guidelines\u003c/a> regarding the use of risk assessment tools, including data collection, transparency requirements and regular review and validation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, as it’s written now, would prevent any risk assessment software tools that block access to their source code. That bill heads to the state Assembly next.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'My Intentions Were Not to Kill': Adnan Khan Is First to Be Released From Prison Under New Law",
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"headTitle": "‘My Intentions Were Not to Kill’: Adnan Khan Is First to Be Released From Prison Under New Law | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2003, at age 18, Adnan Khan was involved in the robbery of a marijuana dealer. His accomplice stabbed and killed the man in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s felony murder rule, Khan was held equally responsible for the killing. He was convicted of felony murder, and got a sentence of 25 years to life.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘With this new legislation change, the law says that I’m not responsible for the murder. I still take responsibility for it, and I have since day one.’\u003ccite>Adnan Khan\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Khan spent nearly half of his life behind bars, the last four years in San Quentin State Prison in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sixteen years ago, I participated in and committed a robbery. And I was absolutely wrong for that,” Khan said. “Unfortunately, the man that I was with stabbed and killed the young man. And my intentions were not to kill anyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, something changed on Jan. 1. That’s when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">Senate Bill 1437\u003c/a>, co-authored by state Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat, and Assemblyman Joel Anderson, a Republican, took effect. The bill changed the law that allowed prosecutors to lock up Khan for a murder he didn’t actually commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khan’s murder conviction was overturned last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11720836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11720836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adnan Khan sits in the Re:store Justice transitional home in Oakland where he is now living. \u003ccite>(Hope McKenney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This law changes a centuries-old law in California known as the felony murder rule,” said Kate Chatfield, policy director at \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/\">Re:store Justice\u003c/a>, a criminal justice reform organization Khan co-founded while in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chatfield is also Khan’s lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the felony murder rule, all accomplices to certain felonies including, most commonly, robbery and burglary, can be charged and convicted of a first-degree murder when an accomplice kills another person, or when a death occurs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I think that we barely touch the surface on incarcerated people telling their own stories.’\u003ccite>Adnan Khan\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 18, Khan went to court and was resentenced to three years for the Antioch robbery. He has already served five times that amount, and was released. He will no longer have a murder charge on his record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khan is the first person to be released from prison under SB 1437. Prior to the bipartisan bill, state law allowed people who participated in crimes that led to a death — even if they did not assist in the killing — to be convicted of felony murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this new legislation change, the law says that I’m not responsible for the murder,” said Khan. “Although the law has changed, I still do take responsibility for it, and I have since day one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he was in prison, Khan got involved in criminal justice reform work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He co-founded Re:store Justice, which helped sponsor SB 1437. He also mentored youth and worked on the San Quentin video program, \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/firstwatch/#targetfwvideos\">First Watch\u003c/a>, which seeks to humanize incarceration by telling the stories of inmates. He plans to continue this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that we barely touch the surface on incarcerated people telling their own stories,” said Khan. “Being out now, I want to pursue that and continue it from my side, and start telling stories about formerly incarcerated people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that much of the debate around criminal justice — and ultimately, the laws that came out of those debates in years past — was driven by anecdotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714600/california-inmates-convicted-under-felony-murder-rule-prep-for-new-shot-at-freedom\">California Inmates Convicted Under ‘Felony Murder Rule’ Prep for New Shot at Freedom\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714600/california-inmates-convicted-under-felony-murder-rule-prep-for-new-shot-at-freedom\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/featured-image.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“A lot of laws and sentencing reform and criminal justice reform is based around telling stories,” Khan said. “A lot of laws went into effect from telling the other side of the story: The dangers, the monsters, the criminals, that you can’t trust them. And I know that’s not true for many of the men and even formerly incarcerated women I’ve met. We want to highlight the stories of the great, amazing work people are doing, not only once they’re in prison, but once they get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first week out, Khan has been focusing on reconnecting with his friends and family, and adjusting to life on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are times where I wake up in the middle of the night and I’m looking for my [cellmate] and he’s not around,” said Khan. “And then I just smile and go back to sleep. And sometimes I wake up and feel like I’ve been here forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being released, Khan has had to learn to text and use a smartphone, because cellphones didn’t even have cameras yet when he was incarcerated nearly 16 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did I ever expect to get out? That’s a very hard question, because some people like to say that I’m a pessimist. I like to say I’m a realist,” said Khan. “And what that meant for me was I have 25 years to life. And I have 25 years to do before I’m even eligible for a parole board. And so did I ever feel like I was going home? Honestly, sometimes the hope was there. But realistically, it was too far for me to even think if I was or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khan is one of the first to benefit from SB 1437 — but as many as 800 other inmates with murder convictions may be eligible for shorter sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2003, at age 18, Adnan Khan was involved in the robbery of a marijuana dealer. His accomplice stabbed and killed the man in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s felony murder rule, Khan was held equally responsible for the killing. He was convicted of felony murder, and got a sentence of 25 years to life.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘With this new legislation change, the law says that I’m not responsible for the murder. I still take responsibility for it, and I have since day one.’\u003ccite>Adnan Khan\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Khan spent nearly half of his life behind bars, the last four years in San Quentin State Prison in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sixteen years ago, I participated in and committed a robbery. And I was absolutely wrong for that,” Khan said. “Unfortunately, the man that I was with stabbed and killed the young man. And my intentions were not to kill anyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, something changed on Jan. 1. That’s when \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">Senate Bill 1437\u003c/a>, co-authored by state Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat, and Assemblyman Joel Anderson, a Republican, took effect. The bill changed the law that allowed prosecutors to lock up Khan for a murder he didn’t actually commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khan’s murder conviction was overturned last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11720836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11720836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_9423-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adnan Khan sits in the Re:store Justice transitional home in Oakland where he is now living. \u003ccite>(Hope McKenney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This law changes a centuries-old law in California known as the felony murder rule,” said Kate Chatfield, policy director at \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/\">Re:store Justice\u003c/a>, a criminal justice reform organization Khan co-founded while in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chatfield is also Khan’s lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the felony murder rule, all accomplices to certain felonies including, most commonly, robbery and burglary, can be charged and convicted of a first-degree murder when an accomplice kills another person, or when a death occurs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I think that we barely touch the surface on incarcerated people telling their own stories.’\u003ccite>Adnan Khan\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 18, Khan went to court and was resentenced to three years for the Antioch robbery. He has already served five times that amount, and was released. He will no longer have a murder charge on his record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khan is the first person to be released from prison under SB 1437. Prior to the bipartisan bill, state law allowed people who participated in crimes that led to a death — even if they did not assist in the killing — to be convicted of felony murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this new legislation change, the law says that I’m not responsible for the murder,” said Khan. “Although the law has changed, I still do take responsibility for it, and I have since day one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he was in prison, Khan got involved in criminal justice reform work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He co-founded Re:store Justice, which helped sponsor SB 1437. He also mentored youth and worked on the San Quentin video program, \u003ca href=\"https://restorecal.org/firstwatch/#targetfwvideos\">First Watch\u003c/a>, which seeks to humanize incarceration by telling the stories of inmates. He plans to continue this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that we barely touch the surface on incarcerated people telling their own stories,” said Khan. “Being out now, I want to pursue that and continue it from my side, and start telling stories about formerly incarcerated people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that much of the debate around criminal justice — and ultimately, the laws that came out of those debates in years past — was driven by anecdotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714600/california-inmates-convicted-under-felony-murder-rule-prep-for-new-shot-at-freedom\">California Inmates Convicted Under ‘Felony Murder Rule’ Prep for New Shot at Freedom\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714600/california-inmates-convicted-under-felony-murder-rule-prep-for-new-shot-at-freedom\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/featured-image.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“A lot of laws and sentencing reform and criminal justice reform is based around telling stories,” Khan said. “A lot of laws went into effect from telling the other side of the story: The dangers, the monsters, the criminals, that you can’t trust them. And I know that’s not true for many of the men and even formerly incarcerated women I’ve met. We want to highlight the stories of the great, amazing work people are doing, not only once they’re in prison, but once they get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first week out, Khan has been focusing on reconnecting with his friends and family, and adjusting to life on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are times where I wake up in the middle of the night and I’m looking for my [cellmate] and he’s not around,” said Khan. “And then I just smile and go back to sleep. And sometimes I wake up and feel like I’ve been here forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being released, Khan has had to learn to text and use a smartphone, because cellphones didn’t even have cameras yet when he was incarcerated nearly 16 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did I ever expect to get out? That’s a very hard question, because some people like to say that I’m a pessimist. I like to say I’m a realist,” said Khan. “And what that meant for me was I have 25 years to life. And I have 25 years to do before I’m even eligible for a parole board. And so did I ever feel like I was going home? Honestly, sometimes the hope was there. But realistically, it was too far for me to even think if I was or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khan is one of the first to benefit from SB 1437 — but as many as 800 other inmates with murder convictions may be eligible for shorter sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Arrest Rate Down 58 Percent Since 1989, Racial Disparities Remain High",
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"content": "\u003cp>Arrest rates in California are the lowest they’ve been in nearly four decades, but African-Americans continue to be arrested at a disproportionately high rate across the state, according to a new report released Monday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Report co-author Magnus Lofstrom says he hopes the data in the Public Policy Institute of California’s latest analysis can be used as a starting point to finding solutions to those inequalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first step here in moving us toward solutions and less disparity is to create this shared understanding of the facts,” Lofstrom said, “and that’s how we can frame constructive, solutions-oriented discussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofstrom and his colleagues studied arrest data from 1980 to 2016, and found rates had fallen 58 percent from their peak in 1989.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://go.pardot.com/e/156151/arities-and-county-difference-/3qrkc4/901847919\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PPIC analysis\u003c/a> determined that drop was driven primarily by a sharp decrease in the number of misdemeanor arrests and the rate of arrests of young people. The rate for kids 17 or younger dropped by 84 percent, and it went down 63 percent for those ages 18 to 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11709872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 650px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11709872 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"650\" height=\"330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-3.png 650w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-3-160x81.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 650px) 100vw, 650px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t just see a drop in juvenile crime — juvenile crime has fallen off the table in California,” said Mike Males, senior research fellow with the San Francisco-based Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice. “But the thing is, we don’t actually know why it occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are several possibilities, including an evolution in how the state handles young people accused of crimes. In the mid-1990s, Congress required states to deal with disproportionate numbers of incarcerated youth. At the same time, California began shifting responsibility for juvenile offenders to the counties. And in 2007, California counties were allowed to commit only the most serious young offenders to state facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to study these trends more than we have,” Males said. “We haven’t given sufficient attention to why they occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flip side of the drop in youth arrests is that, according to the report, two-thirds of arrests in 2016 were of individuals between the ages of 18 and 39, though these age groups made up less than one-third of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s been recognized that really we’re shifting from an urban gang violence problem, which dominated all the news and attention in the 1990s, to an older, chronic drug-abusing population,” Males said. According to the data, rural counties like Lake, Siskiyou and Shasta have the highest arrest rates, while more urban counties like Riverside, Santa Clara and San Francisco have the lowest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found a decline in arrest rates across all age, gender, and racial and ethnic groups, with African-Americans seeing the largest decline of about 12,000 fewer arrests per 100,000 African-American residents in 2016, compared to the high in 1989. Felony drug and property arrests of African-Americans fell dramatically, fueling the overall decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arrest rates for African-Americans in 2016 were three times higher than those for white people, down from a peak of 3.6 times higher in the early 1990s. Those disparities hold true across the state, with at least 45 counties having an arrest rate for African-Americans that is at least double that of its white residents. Some counties — like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10573411/report-african-american-adults-seven-times-as-likely-as-whites-to-be-arrested-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and San Mateo — have differences of eight and nine times, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11709871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 688px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11709871 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"688\" height=\"332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2.png 688w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-160x77.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-240x116.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-375x181.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-520x251.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 688px) 100vw, 688px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We still see racial disproportion. A lot of it is due to poverty,” Males said, noting that poorer whites also have higher arrest rates. “So it’s partly racial, partly poverty. And it again points to the need for California to do something in a serious way about our income disparities and poverty disparities across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall criminal justice policy in the state has varied widely over the course of the decades captured in the report, from tough-on-crime policies in the 1980s and the state’s three-strikes law passed in the 1990s, to more recent reforms like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10652368/proposition-47-gives-former-felons-a-new-chance\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, which passed in 2014 and reclassified many drug felonies to misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Arrest rates in California are the lowest they’ve been in nearly four decades, but African-Americans continue to be arrested at a disproportionately high rate across the state, according to a new report released Monday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Report co-author Magnus Lofstrom says he hopes the data in the Public Policy Institute of California’s latest analysis can be used as a starting point to finding solutions to those inequalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first step here in moving us toward solutions and less disparity is to create this shared understanding of the facts,” Lofstrom said, “and that’s how we can frame constructive, solutions-oriented discussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofstrom and his colleagues studied arrest data from 1980 to 2016, and found rates had fallen 58 percent from their peak in 1989.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://go.pardot.com/e/156151/arities-and-county-difference-/3qrkc4/901847919\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PPIC analysis\u003c/a> determined that drop was driven primarily by a sharp decrease in the number of misdemeanor arrests and the rate of arrests of young people. The rate for kids 17 or younger dropped by 84 percent, and it went down 63 percent for those ages 18 to 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11709872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 650px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11709872 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"650\" height=\"330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-3.png 650w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-3-160x81.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 650px) 100vw, 650px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t just see a drop in juvenile crime — juvenile crime has fallen off the table in California,” said Mike Males, senior research fellow with the San Francisco-based Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice. “But the thing is, we don’t actually know why it occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are several possibilities, including an evolution in how the state handles young people accused of crimes. In the mid-1990s, Congress required states to deal with disproportionate numbers of incarcerated youth. At the same time, California began shifting responsibility for juvenile offenders to the counties. And in 2007, California counties were allowed to commit only the most serious young offenders to state facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to study these trends more than we have,” Males said. “We haven’t given sufficient attention to why they occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flip side of the drop in youth arrests is that, according to the report, two-thirds of arrests in 2016 were of individuals between the ages of 18 and 39, though these age groups made up less than one-third of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s been recognized that really we’re shifting from an urban gang violence problem, which dominated all the news and attention in the 1990s, to an older, chronic drug-abusing population,” Males said. According to the data, rural counties like Lake, Siskiyou and Shasta have the highest arrest rates, while more urban counties like Riverside, Santa Clara and San Francisco have the lowest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found a decline in arrest rates across all age, gender, and racial and ethnic groups, with African-Americans seeing the largest decline of about 12,000 fewer arrests per 100,000 African-American residents in 2016, compared to the high in 1989. Felony drug and property arrests of African-Americans fell dramatically, fueling the overall decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arrest rates for African-Americans in 2016 were three times higher than those for white people, down from a peak of 3.6 times higher in the early 1990s. Those disparities hold true across the state, with at least 45 counties having an arrest rate for African-Americans that is at least double that of its white residents. Some counties — like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10573411/report-african-american-adults-seven-times-as-likely-as-whites-to-be-arrested-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and San Mateo — have differences of eight and nine times, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11709871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 688px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11709871 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"688\" height=\"332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2.png 688w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-160x77.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-240x116.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-375x181.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/Chart-2-520x251.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 688px) 100vw, 688px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We still see racial disproportion. A lot of it is due to poverty,” Males said, noting that poorer whites also have higher arrest rates. “So it’s partly racial, partly poverty. And it again points to the need for California to do something in a serious way about our income disparities and poverty disparities across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall criminal justice policy in the state has varied widely over the course of the decades captured in the report, from tough-on-crime policies in the 1980s and the state’s three-strikes law passed in the 1990s, to more recent reforms like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10652368/proposition-47-gives-former-felons-a-new-chance\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, which passed in 2014 and reclassified many drug felonies to misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Working Toward a 'More Just System,' Brown OKs Rollback of Harsh Sentencing Laws",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of California inmates serving sentences for murder will now be able to challenge their convictions. On Sunday, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a bill repealing a long-standing law allowing prosecutors to charge accomplices with first-degree murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a huge shift, and one of several bills this year that were opposed by prosecutors and other law enforcement groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday, the governor also signed two bills making it harder for juveniles to be charged with crimes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One law \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB439\">prohibits the criminal prosecution of children 11 and younger\u003c/a> unless they are accused of rape or murder. A second \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1391\">bars prosecutors from charging 14- and 15-year-olds as adults\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s signatures square with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11669703/what-will-jerry-browns-departure-mean-for-criminal-justice-in-california\">his efforts the last eight years to roll back harsh sentencing laws\u003c/a> — many of which originated during his first term as governor more than four decades ago. Those early laws helped pack state prisons to the brim, causing an overcrowding crisis. But in recent years, voters and lawmakers have approved a slew of criminal justice reforms as questions of racial inequity and the fairness of long sentences took hold in the cultural zeitgeist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown also signed a bill Sunday that could shorten many criminal sentences. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1393\">Senate Bill 1393\u003c/a> lets judges decide if they should impose extra years onto a sentence — known as an enhancement — when someone convicted of a new felony had a previous conviction on their record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most closely watched and controversial of these bills, though, was \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">Senate Bill 1437\u003c/a> by state Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat from Oakland. It narrows California law so that only someone with direct involvement in, or planning of, a murder can be charged with that crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘My view is we should continue to work toward a more just system that respects victims, protects public safety, holds youth accountable and also seeks a path of redemption and reformation wherever possible.’\u003ccite>Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The law is retroactive and will allow an estimated 800 inmates serving time for felony murder to request a re-sentencing hearing. Skinner called the change a “fair and reasonable fix.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s murder statute irrationally treated people who did not commit murder the same as those who did,” Skinner said in a written statement. “SB 1437 makes clear there is a distinction, reserving the harshest punishment to those who directly participate in the death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change in law, which will take effect Jan. 1, will have huge ramifications for pending and future cases, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">Neko Wilson’s\u003c/a> case, which KQED profiled earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson was charged nine years ago with murder. He claims he wasn’t present at the killing, and has been in jail and awaiting trial since then. Wilson’s brother and defense attorney, Jacque Wilson, said the new law could let his brother go home to see his aging father and young daughter soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This gives him an opportunity to reunite with his family and community,” Jacque Wilson said. “He’s not a killer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">Not the Killer, But Charged with Murder? The Neko Wilson Case\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/RS32218_wilson-family-qut-1180x834.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The governor’s signature on the felony murder bill wasn’t a shock. His office lobbied lawmakers in the state Assembly to vote for it when the bill appeared on the verge of failing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor appeared to struggle more with the measure barring kids under the age of 16 from being charged as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown attached a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/SB-1391-signing-message.pdf\">signing message\u003c/a> to that signature, noting it was a “difficult bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, any 14 or 15 year old that a district attorney seeks to prosecute as an adult has been accused of very serious crimes,” Brown wrote. “The opposition of certain crime victims and their families to this measure is intense. I have carefully listened to that opposition and it has weighed on me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brown said he has also studied case examples, research and data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the victim’s pleas, Brown wrote that he’s been considering “the stark racial and geographic disparity in how young men and women are treated who have committed similar crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that teens who face charges in a juvenile court can be held beyond their sentence if they are “deemed truly dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a fundamental principle at stake here: Whether we want a society which at least attempts to reform the youngest offenders before consigning them to adult prisons where their likelihood of becoming a lifelong criminal is much higher,” Brown wrote. “My view is we should continue to work toward a more just system that respects victims, protects public safety, holds youth accountable and also seeks a path of redemption and reformation wherever possible.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Jerry Brown signed several criminal justice reform bills that square with his effort to reduce sentences and return more discretion to judges.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of California inmates serving sentences for murder will now be able to challenge their convictions. On Sunday, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a bill repealing a long-standing law allowing prosecutors to charge accomplices with first-degree murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a huge shift, and one of several bills this year that were opposed by prosecutors and other law enforcement groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday, the governor also signed two bills making it harder for juveniles to be charged with crimes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One law \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB439\">prohibits the criminal prosecution of children 11 and younger\u003c/a> unless they are accused of rape or murder. A second \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1391\">bars prosecutors from charging 14- and 15-year-olds as adults\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s signatures square with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11669703/what-will-jerry-browns-departure-mean-for-criminal-justice-in-california\">his efforts the last eight years to roll back harsh sentencing laws\u003c/a> — many of which originated during his first term as governor more than four decades ago. Those early laws helped pack state prisons to the brim, causing an overcrowding crisis. But in recent years, voters and lawmakers have approved a slew of criminal justice reforms as questions of racial inequity and the fairness of long sentences took hold in the cultural zeitgeist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown also signed a bill Sunday that could shorten many criminal sentences. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1393\">Senate Bill 1393\u003c/a> lets judges decide if they should impose extra years onto a sentence — known as an enhancement — when someone convicted of a new felony had a previous conviction on their record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most closely watched and controversial of these bills, though, was \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">Senate Bill 1437\u003c/a> by state Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat from Oakland. It narrows California law so that only someone with direct involvement in, or planning of, a murder can be charged with that crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘My view is we should continue to work toward a more just system that respects victims, protects public safety, holds youth accountable and also seeks a path of redemption and reformation wherever possible.’\u003ccite>Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The law is retroactive and will allow an estimated 800 inmates serving time for felony murder to request a re-sentencing hearing. Skinner called the change a “fair and reasonable fix.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s murder statute irrationally treated people who did not commit murder the same as those who did,” Skinner said in a written statement. “SB 1437 makes clear there is a distinction, reserving the harshest punishment to those who directly participate in the death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change in law, which will take effect Jan. 1, will have huge ramifications for pending and future cases, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">Neko Wilson’s\u003c/a> case, which KQED profiled earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson was charged nine years ago with murder. He claims he wasn’t present at the killing, and has been in jail and awaiting trial since then. Wilson’s brother and defense attorney, Jacque Wilson, said the new law could let his brother go home to see his aging father and young daughter soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This gives him an opportunity to reunite with his family and community,” Jacque Wilson said. “He’s not a killer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">Not the Killer, But Charged with Murder? The Neko Wilson Case\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/RS32218_wilson-family-qut-1180x834.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The governor’s signature on the felony murder bill wasn’t a shock. His office lobbied lawmakers in the state Assembly to vote for it when the bill appeared on the verge of failing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor appeared to struggle more with the measure barring kids under the age of 16 from being charged as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown attached a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/SB-1391-signing-message.pdf\">signing message\u003c/a> to that signature, noting it was a “difficult bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, any 14 or 15 year old that a district attorney seeks to prosecute as an adult has been accused of very serious crimes,” Brown wrote. “The opposition of certain crime victims and their families to this measure is intense. I have carefully listened to that opposition and it has weighed on me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brown said he has also studied case examples, research and data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the victim’s pleas, Brown wrote that he’s been considering “the stark racial and geographic disparity in how young men and women are treated who have committed similar crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that teens who face charges in a juvenile court can be held beyond their sentence if they are “deemed truly dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a fundamental principle at stake here: Whether we want a society which at least attempts to reform the youngest offenders before consigning them to adult prisons where their likelihood of becoming a lifelong criminal is much higher,” Brown wrote. “My view is we should continue to work toward a more just system that respects victims, protects public safety, holds youth accountable and also seeks a path of redemption and reformation wherever possible.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11463141/push-to-limit-money-bail-gains-steam-in-california\">long-awaited\u003c/a> compromise on an ambitious proposal to overhaul the way California treats people accused of crimes was unveiled Thursday and now faces one more hurdle — a vote in the state Assembly — before it can be sent to Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise would end cash bail in California by next fall. Changes made to the bill after months of talks between key players, including Brown, helped the measure clear a key legislative committee but left some of the vociferous critics of the current bail system unhappy with the agreement. Representatives of the ACLU of California, for example, said the organization will not support the legislation, Senate Bill 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But bill author Sen. Bob Hertzberg said the measure will make California’s justice system more “just and fair.” He’s shepherded the legislation through a nearly two-year process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Democrat who has been in politics for more than 20 years said it was perhaps the longest legislative debate he’s ever been involved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been challenging making this fundamental sea change in the criminal justice system in California that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535497/report-bail-hits-people-of-color-hard-strips-15-million-a-year-from-s-f-residents\">discriminates against people who are poor\u003c/a>,” Hertzberg said. “That’s the issue: We have, baked in our law … a system that punishes people, that takes away their liberty because they have less money in their pocket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hertzberg said SB 10 would change all that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill still needs to be approved by the Assembly and signed by Brown, but its passage seems likely given legislative leaders’ support. Brown’s office has been intimately involved with the negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Brown and Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11613892/bail-reform-gets-backing-of-governor-chief-justice-but-put-off-to-2018\">came out in support\u003c/a> of the concept of bail reform last year but asked backers of the change to wait until this year to allow for more time to study the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, cash bail — whereby criminal defendants can get out of jail if they pay a set amount of money or pay a bail company to post a bond — will end Oct. 1, 2019, and be replaced by a pretrial release system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each county will be charged with coming up with its own pretrial system, which would include a risk assessment tool that considers a number of factors to gauge whether a defendant is low, medium or high risk. SB 10 gives state courts in each county a significant amount of leeway to decide what parameters they should consider when weighing whether to release someone and gives considerable power to individual judges to decide which defendants are suitable for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would require that most nonviolent misdemeanor defendants are released from jail within 12 hours. Low-risk offenders would be released on their own recognizance, without any supervision. Medium-risk defendants could be either released or detained, depending on the rules developed by the superior court in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And defendants charged with violent crimes or deemed high risk would be kept in jail until they face trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vesting courts and judges instead of independent pretrial service agencies with that kind of power is at the heart of the ACLU’s decision to remove its support for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ACLU of California lobbyist Natasha Minsker, who has been involved in the negotiations over bail reform, commended Hertzberg for advancing a bill that will “effectively eliminate the exploitative and abusive commercial bail industry that preys on low-income people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, she added, “SB 10 needs to go further to be the model for pretrial justice and racial equity that we are working towards. Any model must include data collection that allows independent analysis to identify racial bias in the system, supports the use of independent pretrial service agencies recognized as the best practice in pretrial justice, and ensures stronger due process protections for all Californians, no matter where they live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other liberal advocacy groups, including the Western Center on Law and Poverty and Californians for Safety and Justice, appeared alongside Hertzberg and Oakland Democratic Assemblyman Rob Bonta, who co-authored the bill, at a press conference to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The previously opposed Chief Probation Officers of California said they are happy with the changes and are now in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the bill strikes a middle ground, and Hertzberg said he plans to introduce future legislation to mandate more data collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of you may have heard rumors along the way to the effect that we were watering down,” Bonta said. “I say take another look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the beginning, we said we were going to reform money bail,” he added, “and with this bill we are actually abolishing it. I would say that is significant fundamental reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the bill’s changes would also protect public safety and “make sure nonviolent, low-risk defendants are not unnecessarily locked in jail and those who are truly a safety risk to others are held in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One group that will not be happy with the bill: The bail industry, which has lobbied hard against any changes and seems likely to challenge SB 10 in court if it becomes law.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11463141/push-to-limit-money-bail-gains-steam-in-california\">long-awaited\u003c/a> compromise on an ambitious proposal to overhaul the way California treats people accused of crimes was unveiled Thursday and now faces one more hurdle — a vote in the state Assembly — before it can be sent to Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise would end cash bail in California by next fall. Changes made to the bill after months of talks between key players, including Brown, helped the measure clear a key legislative committee but left some of the vociferous critics of the current bail system unhappy with the agreement. Representatives of the ACLU of California, for example, said the organization will not support the legislation, Senate Bill 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But bill author Sen. Bob Hertzberg said the measure will make California’s justice system more “just and fair.” He’s shepherded the legislation through a nearly two-year process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Democrat who has been in politics for more than 20 years said it was perhaps the longest legislative debate he’s ever been involved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been challenging making this fundamental sea change in the criminal justice system in California that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535497/report-bail-hits-people-of-color-hard-strips-15-million-a-year-from-s-f-residents\">discriminates against people who are poor\u003c/a>,” Hertzberg said. “That’s the issue: We have, baked in our law … a system that punishes people, that takes away their liberty because they have less money in their pocket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hertzberg said SB 10 would change all that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill still needs to be approved by the Assembly and signed by Brown, but its passage seems likely given legislative leaders’ support. Brown’s office has been intimately involved with the negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Brown and Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11613892/bail-reform-gets-backing-of-governor-chief-justice-but-put-off-to-2018\">came out in support\u003c/a> of the concept of bail reform last year but asked backers of the change to wait until this year to allow for more time to study the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, cash bail — whereby criminal defendants can get out of jail if they pay a set amount of money or pay a bail company to post a bond — will end Oct. 1, 2019, and be replaced by a pretrial release system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each county will be charged with coming up with its own pretrial system, which would include a risk assessment tool that considers a number of factors to gauge whether a defendant is low, medium or high risk. SB 10 gives state courts in each county a significant amount of leeway to decide what parameters they should consider when weighing whether to release someone and gives considerable power to individual judges to decide which defendants are suitable for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would require that most nonviolent misdemeanor defendants are released from jail within 12 hours. Low-risk offenders would be released on their own recognizance, without any supervision. Medium-risk defendants could be either released or detained, depending on the rules developed by the superior court in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And defendants charged with violent crimes or deemed high risk would be kept in jail until they face trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vesting courts and judges instead of independent pretrial service agencies with that kind of power is at the heart of the ACLU’s decision to remove its support for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ACLU of California lobbyist Natasha Minsker, who has been involved in the negotiations over bail reform, commended Hertzberg for advancing a bill that will “effectively eliminate the exploitative and abusive commercial bail industry that preys on low-income people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, she added, “SB 10 needs to go further to be the model for pretrial justice and racial equity that we are working towards. Any model must include data collection that allows independent analysis to identify racial bias in the system, supports the use of independent pretrial service agencies recognized as the best practice in pretrial justice, and ensures stronger due process protections for all Californians, no matter where they live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other liberal advocacy groups, including the Western Center on Law and Poverty and Californians for Safety and Justice, appeared alongside Hertzberg and Oakland Democratic Assemblyman Rob Bonta, who co-authored the bill, at a press conference to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The previously opposed Chief Probation Officers of California said they are happy with the changes and are now in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the bill strikes a middle ground, and Hertzberg said he plans to introduce future legislation to mandate more data collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of you may have heard rumors along the way to the effect that we were watering down,” Bonta said. “I say take another look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the beginning, we said we were going to reform money bail,” he added, “and with this bill we are actually abolishing it. I would say that is significant fundamental reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the bill’s changes would also protect public safety and “make sure nonviolent, low-risk defendants are not unnecessarily locked in jail and those who are truly a safety risk to others are held in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One group that will not be happy with the bill: The bail industry, which has lobbied hard against any changes and seems likely to challenge SB 10 in court if it becomes law.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jacque Wilson’s life changed on Aug. 5, 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always remember that day, because I was at work and I got a call,” Wilson said. “My younger brother, the youngest one, Lance, said, ‘Neko’s been arrested for murder,’ and I was like, ‘Who’d he kill?’ He said, ‘I don’t think he’s killed anyone but he’s been arrested for murder.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson isn’t just any big brother. He has made his life’s work defending people accused of crimes at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office. But for the past nine years, he’s had a second job of sorts: defending his younger sibling of a killing they both insist Neko Wilson had nothing to do with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors disagree. Nine years ago, they charged Neko with first-degree murder — and said they would seek the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was one of six people charged in the murders of a Fresno couple killed during a robbery of a marijuana grow. It’s a killing that prosecutors contend Neko helped to plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re now seeking life without parole, not the death penalty, but Jacque Wilson insists his brother wasn’t even at the robbery and had no involvement in the killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wilsons have spent nearly a decade fighting the charge, which, unusually, still has not gone to trial. In those nine years, Neko has missed out on a lot. His daughter is now 12. His dad is now 83.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I think, like most Californians, it never occurred to me that you could get a life without parole sentence for having, in effect, nothing to do with the murder.’\u003ccite>State Sen. Nancy Skinner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I remember when my father turned 75 and Neko wasn’t there. I remember all the holidays that he’s not there. When we go on any fishing trip, or when I spend time with my dad,” Jacque said. “It’s just a huge, huge void in all of our lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, when he’s not at the public defender’s office, Jacque lives and breathes the case, which could finally go to trial next year. But he has also received new hope by way of a bill currently making its way through the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic State Sen. Nancy Skinner authored legislation, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">Senate Bill 1437\u003c/a>, which would narrow California law so only someone who had direct involvement in a murder or planning of a murder could be charged with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner’s proposal seeks to change a legal principle that dates back to British common law days — but has since been repealed in England, Canada and other common law countries, and more recently in a handful of U.S. states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think, like most Californians, it never occurred to me that you could get a life without parole sentence for having, in effect, nothing to do with the murder,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea behind felony murder is that someone who participates in a crime that results in a person’s death is just as culpable as the actual killer. Prosecutors argue this acts as a deterrent, and someone who participates in a robbery that turns deadly should be held responsible for the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics point to cases where accomplices received harsher sentences than killers who struck plea deals. In some cases, the felony murder rule has been used to \u003ca href=\"https://www.chicagoreader.com/chicago/felony-murder-police-shooting-investigation/Content?oid=23200575\">charge criminal accomplices with murder\u003c/a> when police actually pulled the trigger. In others, robbers have been charged with murder when \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2015/09/24/a-person-can-be-charged-with-murder-even-if-they-haven-t-killed-anyone\">the victim of the underlying crime\u003c/a> was the shooter.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner says the law isn’t just unfair — it’s also unevenly applied to men of color and often to women. She says of the approximately 170 women serving life sentences in the state, “80 percent of them did not commit murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her proposal would still let authorities hold people responsible, but only if they are directly involved in the actual killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t necessarily have to be the murderer. If you planned it, if you directed it, if you paid for the murder, then of course you can be charged with felony murder,” Skinner said. “But if you were just around or near when a murder occurred — or not even present, but just had an association with the folks who committed that murder — it would be far less likely, if not impossible, for you to be charged with felony murder under my bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But SB 1437 wouldn’t just impact pending cases like Neko Wilson’s. It would be applied retroactively and allow an estimated 800 current inmates to challenge their murder convictions through a new resentencing hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing people to challenge previous convictions is at the heart of the opposition from many law enforcement groups, including the powerful California District Attorneys Association. In comments to lawmakers, the association wrote that in cases where inmates made plea deals, there’s no court record “to determine the exact level of participation in the crime,” and that “virtually all participants in murders may qualify for relief to which they may not be entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike some criminal sentencing reforms that prosecutors see as nonstarters, however, this proposal has at least brought both sides to the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Sacramento County District Attorney Anne Marie Schubert, who has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11081078/gov-brown-sees-prop-57-as-key-to-ending-court-prison-oversight\">vocal in her criticism\u003c/a> of some other recent criminal justice changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schubert called the felony murder law “a very harsh rule” and said while she wants to see some tweaks to the bill, “I do agree that there’s area for reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill already has passed the Senate and must clear the Assembly by the end of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes and is signed by Gov. Jerry Brown, Jacque Wilson hopes that the murder charges against his brother will be dropped.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jacque Wilson’s life changed on Aug. 5, 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always remember that day, because I was at work and I got a call,” Wilson said. “My younger brother, the youngest one, Lance, said, ‘Neko’s been arrested for murder,’ and I was like, ‘Who’d he kill?’ He said, ‘I don’t think he’s killed anyone but he’s been arrested for murder.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson isn’t just any big brother. He has made his life’s work defending people accused of crimes at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office. But for the past nine years, he’s had a second job of sorts: defending his younger sibling of a killing they both insist Neko Wilson had nothing to do with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors disagree. Nine years ago, they charged Neko with first-degree murder — and said they would seek the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was one of six people charged in the murders of a Fresno couple killed during a robbery of a marijuana grow. It’s a killing that prosecutors contend Neko helped to plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re now seeking life without parole, not the death penalty, but Jacque Wilson insists his brother wasn’t even at the robbery and had no involvement in the killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wilsons have spent nearly a decade fighting the charge, which, unusually, still has not gone to trial. In those nine years, Neko has missed out on a lot. His daughter is now 12. His dad is now 83.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I think, like most Californians, it never occurred to me that you could get a life without parole sentence for having, in effect, nothing to do with the murder.’\u003ccite>State Sen. Nancy Skinner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I remember when my father turned 75 and Neko wasn’t there. I remember all the holidays that he’s not there. When we go on any fishing trip, or when I spend time with my dad,” Jacque said. “It’s just a huge, huge void in all of our lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, when he’s not at the public defender’s office, Jacque lives and breathes the case, which could finally go to trial next year. But he has also received new hope by way of a bill currently making its way through the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic State Sen. Nancy Skinner authored legislation, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">Senate Bill 1437\u003c/a>, which would narrow California law so only someone who had direct involvement in a murder or planning of a murder could be charged with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner’s proposal seeks to change a legal principle that dates back to British common law days — but has since been repealed in England, Canada and other common law countries, and more recently in a handful of U.S. states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think, like most Californians, it never occurred to me that you could get a life without parole sentence for having, in effect, nothing to do with the murder,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea behind felony murder is that someone who participates in a crime that results in a person’s death is just as culpable as the actual killer. Prosecutors argue this acts as a deterrent, and someone who participates in a robbery that turns deadly should be held responsible for the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics point to cases where accomplices received harsher sentences than killers who struck plea deals. In some cases, the felony murder rule has been used to \u003ca href=\"https://www.chicagoreader.com/chicago/felony-murder-police-shooting-investigation/Content?oid=23200575\">charge criminal accomplices with murder\u003c/a> when police actually pulled the trigger. In others, robbers have been charged with murder when \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2015/09/24/a-person-can-be-charged-with-murder-even-if-they-haven-t-killed-anyone\">the victim of the underlying crime\u003c/a> was the shooter.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner says the law isn’t just unfair — it’s also unevenly applied to men of color and often to women. She says of the approximately 170 women serving life sentences in the state, “80 percent of them did not commit murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her proposal would still let authorities hold people responsible, but only if they are directly involved in the actual killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t necessarily have to be the murderer. If you planned it, if you directed it, if you paid for the murder, then of course you can be charged with felony murder,” Skinner said. “But if you were just around or near when a murder occurred — or not even present, but just had an association with the folks who committed that murder — it would be far less likely, if not impossible, for you to be charged with felony murder under my bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But SB 1437 wouldn’t just impact pending cases like Neko Wilson’s. It would be applied retroactively and allow an estimated 800 current inmates to challenge their murder convictions through a new resentencing hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing people to challenge previous convictions is at the heart of the opposition from many law enforcement groups, including the powerful California District Attorneys Association. In comments to lawmakers, the association wrote that in cases where inmates made plea deals, there’s no court record “to determine the exact level of participation in the crime,” and that “virtually all participants in murders may qualify for relief to which they may not be entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike some criminal sentencing reforms that prosecutors see as nonstarters, however, this proposal has at least brought both sides to the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Sacramento County District Attorney Anne Marie Schubert, who has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11081078/gov-brown-sees-prop-57-as-key-to-ending-court-prison-oversight\">vocal in her criticism\u003c/a> of some other recent criminal justice changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schubert called the felony murder law “a very harsh rule” and said while she wants to see some tweaks to the bill, “I do agree that there’s area for reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill already has passed the Senate and must clear the Assembly by the end of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes and is signed by Gov. Jerry Brown, Jacque Wilson hopes that the murder charges against his brother will be dropped.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trump-administration-defends-campus-sexual-assault-rules",
"title": "Trump Administration Defends New Campus Sexual Assault Rules in Court",
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"content": "\u003cp>Trump administration lawyers are defending their new rules on how campuses should handle cases of sexual assault. Education Secretary Betsy DeVos issued the new guidance last fall, after scrapping Obama-era rules that she said were forcing schools to violate the due process rights of the accused. But survivors’ advocates filed a federal lawsuit shortly after, arguing DeVos’ replacement guidelines discriminate against alleged victims and discourage them from reporting assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message that is sent is that the administration believes that women who report sexual harassment and violence are liars,” says Jennifer Reisch, legal director of Equal Rights Advocates, one of three groups who brought the lawsuit. She spoke to reporters Thursday, after a hearing on the lawsuit at the U.S. District Court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeVos’ interim guidelines allow schools to demand a higher standard of evidence that would make it tougher to prove an assault, permit schools to hear appeals only from the accused, and let investigations go on for an indefinite amount of time. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that was allowed in the Obama era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prior administration also used to require schools to protect alleged victims during investigations; now, that’s up to schools’ discretion. And the old norm of making the accused student stay away from the accuser is now considered unfair. Schools are supposed to be even-handed — prompting some to rely on “no-contact” orders that apply mutually to both students. But Reisch argues that putting the onus on alleged victims unfairly punishes them, by restricting where they can go and live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is sending a message that you come forward at your peril,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robin Thurston, a senior counsel for the Democracy Forward Foundation and one of the attorneys bringing the lawsuit against the Trump administration’s guidance says that “survivors are being chilled from coming forward.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The guidance harms women,” Thurston says. “And we think there’s really significant evidence that the decision-makers at the Department of Education were motivated by a view that women and girls in general make false accusations of sexual assault. And the law is very clear that if the government was motivated by a discriminatory mindset, that’s unconstitutional.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit cites public comments from DeVos that plaintiffs say exaggerate the problem of false accusations. It also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/07/13/537082095/education-department-official-apologizes-for-flippant-campus-sexual-assault-comm\">points to a comment\u003c/a> from the then-acting Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Candice Jackson, who told \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> last summer that she believed “90 percent” of campus sexual assault allegations are really just about drunk sex, or morning-after regrets. Jackson later apologized for the “flippant” remark, insisting it poorly characterized her actual beliefs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also cites comments from President Trump, who has dismissed women who’ve accused him as “phony accusers” out for “some free fame.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This discriminatory and stereotyped view of women and girls has become formal White House policy” the suit argues, and the “administration’s animus toward woman gives license to … Executive branch decision makers who share the same discriminatory views.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government officials declined to comment on pending litigation, but in court papers, attorneys argue that a “handful of statements” do not prove “sexism” or discriminatory intent. They argue the case should be thrown out on procedural grounds, because the plaintiffs haven’t sufficiently established that they were harmed by the new guidance, and because the guidance is only temporary anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Justin Dillon, who represents students accused of sexual assault and who’s not involved with the case, calls it “completely frivolous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11681657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-800x600.jpg\" alt='Sonja Breda, 23, right, holds a sign saying \"Stop Betsy\" as a group of survivors of sexual violence and their supporters gathered to protest proposed changes to Title IX before a speech by Education Secretary Betsy DeVos on Sept. 7, 2017, at the George Mason University Arlington, Va., campus.' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11681657\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonja Breda, 23, right, holds a sign saying “Stop Betsy” as a group of survivors of sexual violence and their supporters gathered to protest proposed changes to Title IX before a speech by Education Secretary Betsy DeVos on Sept. 7, 2017, at the George Mason University Arlington, Va., campus. \u003ccite>(Jacquelyn Martin/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dillon was the lawyer who sued the Obama administration in 2016, arguing its guidance was unlawful because it didn’t go through the proper approval process. But he says that case was different because it specifically named a student and a school harmed by the policy. That lawsuit was withdrawn after the Obama-era guidance was revoked by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dillon calls DeVos’ September 2017 guidance a “good tonal shift, and a good signal to universities that the era of ignoring due process is over.” While he says he’s disappointed that it hasn’t yet sparked more changes in campus policies, he says campuses that are making changes are making things more fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, he says DeVos’ new rules protect students from being “ambushed” without knowing the charges or evidence against them, and interim measures now tend to be less “draconian.” And if not, Dillon says, the new guidance makes it easier to assert accused students’ due process rights, as happened when a school kicked one of his clients off campus while an investigation was still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to them and cited the guidance and said, ‘You can’t do this, you’re interfering with his education,’ ” he recalls. “And in that case I was able to persuade them to let him back on campus.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For schools, the change has brought some measure of confusion. Most are taking a wait-and-see approach, as DeVos is expected to propose permanent rules this fall. It may take until the end of the school year, or longer, for those rules to be finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, campuses continue to face lawsuits from alleged victims and increasingly successful legal challenges from accused students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a lot of ways, it does feel like you’re a bit caught in the middle,” says Martha Alexander, executive director of the Office Of Institutional Equity and Equal Opportunity and Title IX coordinator for the University of Kentucky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UK just changed its policy in June. It keeps the standard of evidence low, but Alexander says “to make it a more balanced policy to make sure all parties had a fair shot,” it builds in more due process protections for accused students. Hearing panels now need to be unanimous when finding a student at fault, and only accused students are now allowed to bring appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that this policy, and these changes, really is a step towards getting to a more fair system,” Alexander says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many campuses say they welcome what they see as more freedom to set rules as they see fit, with less onerous oversight from the government. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter McDonough, vice president and general counsel for the American Council on Education, a group that represents college and university presidents, says many college presidents are no longer operating in constant fear of the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, which oversees enforcement of Title IX, the federal law that bars gender discrimination in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the days of the Obama administration, when an individual student complained to the OCR about his or her school, the office would not only investigate that case — it would automatically trigger a systemic investigation of the school, checking for anything else that might be amiss, which could take years. Campuses felt investigations would stay open “until something was found,” McDonough says, which was viewed as a “gotcha approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Trump administration, a student complaint to the government is treated more like an isolated incident. McDonough says schools now see the government as more ally than adversary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Catherine Lhamon, assistant secretary for civil rights in the Department of Education during the Obama administration, says the OCR must be more aggressive in trying to uncover whether schools are handling all cases fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the government only investigates [complaints that a student] thinks to bring to the government, the government’s not doing its job,” she says. “And I worry every day that [schools are getting] effectively a pass on complying with the law. And that will ruin young lives,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Trump administration’s approach prompts some schools to ease up on how they handle sexual assault cases, it’s also already prompting others schools to double down, according to Andrew Miltenberg, an attorney who has represented hundreds of accused students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s driven very much by personal politics … as opposed to institutional policy,” he says. “There has been a very palpable sense of, ‘Hell no! Women have rights, and I’m not turning around and changing how we treat rape victims just because we have Donald Trump as a president.’ I’ve heard it too many times to discount,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miltenberg says policy corrections are needed, but they must be consistent and measured. Campuses that flout due process protections are as troubling, he says, as schools that are now meting out probations for offenses that used to get expulsions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Administration+Defends+Campus+Sexual+Assault+Rules&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Trump administration lawyers are defending their new rules on how campuses should handle cases of sexual assault. Education Secretary Betsy DeVos issued the new guidance last fall, after scrapping Obama-era rules that she said were forcing schools to violate the due process rights of the accused. But survivors’ advocates filed a federal lawsuit shortly after, arguing DeVos’ replacement guidelines discriminate against alleged victims and discourage them from reporting assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message that is sent is that the administration believes that women who report sexual harassment and violence are liars,” says Jennifer Reisch, legal director of Equal Rights Advocates, one of three groups who brought the lawsuit. She spoke to reporters Thursday, after a hearing on the lawsuit at the U.S. District Court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeVos’ interim guidelines allow schools to demand a higher standard of evidence that would make it tougher to prove an assault, permit schools to hear appeals only from the accused, and let investigations go on for an indefinite amount of time. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that was allowed in the Obama era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prior administration also used to require schools to protect alleged victims during investigations; now, that’s up to schools’ discretion. And the old norm of making the accused student stay away from the accuser is now considered unfair. Schools are supposed to be even-handed — prompting some to rely on “no-contact” orders that apply mutually to both students. But Reisch argues that putting the onus on alleged victims unfairly punishes them, by restricting where they can go and live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is sending a message that you come forward at your peril,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robin Thurston, a senior counsel for the Democracy Forward Foundation and one of the attorneys bringing the lawsuit against the Trump administration’s guidance says that “survivors are being chilled from coming forward.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The guidance harms women,” Thurston says. “And we think there’s really significant evidence that the decision-makers at the Department of Education were motivated by a view that women and girls in general make false accusations of sexual assault. And the law is very clear that if the government was motivated by a discriminatory mindset, that’s unconstitutional.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit cites public comments from DeVos that plaintiffs say exaggerate the problem of false accusations. It also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/07/13/537082095/education-department-official-apologizes-for-flippant-campus-sexual-assault-comm\">points to a comment\u003c/a> from the then-acting Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Candice Jackson, who told \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> last summer that she believed “90 percent” of campus sexual assault allegations are really just about drunk sex, or morning-after regrets. Jackson later apologized for the “flippant” remark, insisting it poorly characterized her actual beliefs. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also cites comments from President Trump, who has dismissed women who’ve accused him as “phony accusers” out for “some free fame.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This discriminatory and stereotyped view of women and girls has become formal White House policy” the suit argues, and the “administration’s animus toward woman gives license to … Executive branch decision makers who share the same discriminatory views.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government officials declined to comment on pending litigation, but in court papers, attorneys argue that a “handful of statements” do not prove “sexism” or discriminatory intent. They argue the case should be thrown out on procedural grounds, because the plaintiffs haven’t sufficiently established that they were harmed by the new guidance, and because the guidance is only temporary anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Justin Dillon, who represents students accused of sexual assault and who’s not involved with the case, calls it “completely frivolous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11681657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-800x600.jpg\" alt='Sonja Breda, 23, right, holds a sign saying \"Stop Betsy\" as a group of survivors of sexual violence and their supporters gathered to protest proposed changes to Title IX before a speech by Education Secretary Betsy DeVos on Sept. 7, 2017, at the George Mason University Arlington, Va., campus.' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11681657\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/ap_17250578528580-e29ca125915e0a954a2f2c4c03069c9f19ad33b3-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonja Breda, 23, right, holds a sign saying “Stop Betsy” as a group of survivors of sexual violence and their supporters gathered to protest proposed changes to Title IX before a speech by Education Secretary Betsy DeVos on Sept. 7, 2017, at the George Mason University Arlington, Va., campus. \u003ccite>(Jacquelyn Martin/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dillon was the lawyer who sued the Obama administration in 2016, arguing its guidance was unlawful because it didn’t go through the proper approval process. But he says that case was different because it specifically named a student and a school harmed by the policy. That lawsuit was withdrawn after the Obama-era guidance was revoked by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dillon calls DeVos’ September 2017 guidance a “good tonal shift, and a good signal to universities that the era of ignoring due process is over.” While he says he’s disappointed that it hasn’t yet sparked more changes in campus policies, he says campuses that are making changes are making things more fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, he says DeVos’ new rules protect students from being “ambushed” without knowing the charges or evidence against them, and interim measures now tend to be less “draconian.” And if not, Dillon says, the new guidance makes it easier to assert accused students’ due process rights, as happened when a school kicked one of his clients off campus while an investigation was still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to them and cited the guidance and said, ‘You can’t do this, you’re interfering with his education,’ ” he recalls. “And in that case I was able to persuade them to let him back on campus.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For schools, the change has brought some measure of confusion. Most are taking a wait-and-see approach, as DeVos is expected to propose permanent rules this fall. It may take until the end of the school year, or longer, for those rules to be finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, campuses continue to face lawsuits from alleged victims and increasingly successful legal challenges from accused students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a lot of ways, it does feel like you’re a bit caught in the middle,” says Martha Alexander, executive director of the Office Of Institutional Equity and Equal Opportunity and Title IX coordinator for the University of Kentucky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UK just changed its policy in June. It keeps the standard of evidence low, but Alexander says “to make it a more balanced policy to make sure all parties had a fair shot,” it builds in more due process protections for accused students. Hearing panels now need to be unanimous when finding a student at fault, and only accused students are now allowed to bring appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that this policy, and these changes, really is a step towards getting to a more fair system,” Alexander says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many campuses say they welcome what they see as more freedom to set rules as they see fit, with less onerous oversight from the government. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter McDonough, vice president and general counsel for the American Council on Education, a group that represents college and university presidents, says many college presidents are no longer operating in constant fear of the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, which oversees enforcement of Title IX, the federal law that bars gender discrimination in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the days of the Obama administration, when an individual student complained to the OCR about his or her school, the office would not only investigate that case — it would automatically trigger a systemic investigation of the school, checking for anything else that might be amiss, which could take years. Campuses felt investigations would stay open “until something was found,” McDonough says, which was viewed as a “gotcha approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Trump administration, a student complaint to the government is treated more like an isolated incident. McDonough says schools now see the government as more ally than adversary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Catherine Lhamon, assistant secretary for civil rights in the Department of Education during the Obama administration, says the OCR must be more aggressive in trying to uncover whether schools are handling all cases fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the government only investigates [complaints that a student] thinks to bring to the government, the government’s not doing its job,” she says. “And I worry every day that [schools are getting] effectively a pass on complying with the law. And that will ruin young lives,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Trump administration’s approach prompts some schools to ease up on how they handle sexual assault cases, it’s also already prompting others schools to double down, according to Andrew Miltenberg, an attorney who has represented hundreds of accused students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s driven very much by personal politics … as opposed to institutional policy,” he says. “There has been a very palpable sense of, ‘Hell no! Women have rights, and I’m not turning around and changing how we treat rape victims just because we have Donald Trump as a president.’ I’ve heard it too many times to discount,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miltenberg says policy corrections are needed, but they must be consistent and measured. Campuses that flout due process protections are as troubling, he says, as schools that are now meting out probations for offenses that used to get expulsions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Administration+Defends+Campus+Sexual+Assault+Rules&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Families searching for relatives in migrant foster care are \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefingerprints\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">submitting to background checks and fingerprinting\u003c/a> that could expose them to arrest by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of a new Trump administration rule, people in the United States who are trying to sponsor relatives currently in a foster facility or shelter for children \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621065383/what-we-know-family-separation-and-zero-tolerance-at-the-border\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">must go through a background check conducted by ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule could lead ICE to arrest family members already in the U.S. or at very least make it more difficult for the Office of Refugee Resettlement to find family members willing to sponsor a migrant child who has been separated from a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Families searching for relatives in migrant foster care are \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefingerprints\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">submitting to background checks and fingerprinting\u003c/a> that could expose them to arrest by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of a new Trump administration rule, people in the United States who are trying to sponsor relatives currently in a foster facility or shelter for children \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621065383/what-we-know-family-separation-and-zero-tolerance-at-the-border\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">must go through a background check conducted by ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule could lead ICE to arrest family members already in the U.S. or at very least make it more difficult for the Office of Refugee Resettlement to find family members willing to sponsor a migrant child who has been separated from a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco Superior Court judge Thursday agreed to release a man from custody ahead of his trial after he spent nearly a year in jail because he couldn’t afford to pay bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Humphrey’s case inspired a \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/A152056.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">landmark decision\u003c/a> earlier this year when the state’s 1st District Court of Appeal in San Francisco ruled that judges must consider a defendant’s ability to pay when setting bail terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Humphrey has been in custody for almost a year without receiving a bail hearing that meets minimum constitutional standards,” said Deputy Public Defender Chesa Boudin, who brought the appellate challenge on Humphrey’s behalf. “He’s one of literally tens of thousands of people across the state of California sitting in jail simply because they’re too poor to purchase their freedom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphrey, 64, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4451988-Kenneth-Humphrey-Information-170726.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">is accused\u003c/a> of entering his elderly neighbor’s home, threatening him and then stealing $5 and a bottle of cologne. He was initially booked into jail last May and charged with burglary, robbery, elder abuse and theft. Humphrey has remained in custody since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors Allison Macbeth and Courtney Burris had \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4451990-Request-for-Detention-180413.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sought to keep\u003c/a> Humphrey in jail, citing previous robbery convictions going back to the 1980s, which they said showed that Humphrey was a threat to public safety and had a pattern of preying on vulnerable victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only does he not follow the rules, but he commits more crimes,” Burris said during a hearing on the case Tuesday. “The idea of releasing him to another residential facility for seniors creates a fox-in-the-hen-house scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Macbeth said Humphrey is facing a 41-year-to-life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brendan Conroy, however, agreed Thursday to grant Deputy Public Defender Anita Nabha’s request that Humphrey be released to a Mission District residential recovery facility for seniors, which has already agreed to take him in. He will remain out of custody — as long as he abides by the conditions of his release — while he awaits trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no police contact for 11 years prior to this incident,” Nabha argued. “The suggestion that he has not been able to be successful on parole is just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conroy said from the bench that if his only choice was to release Humphrey on his own recognizance or detain him, Humphrey would remain in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a detention case,” Conroy said. “This isn’t about poor people being kept in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge noted the seriousness of the charges against Humphrey, but he also said that new options for conditions on his release have emerged in the past year. That includes the option for free electronic monitoring through the city’s Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphrey will be put on house arrest, meaning he can’t leave the treatment facility, will be monitored electronically 24 hours a day and be subject to searches, Conroy ruled. Additionally, he is to stay away from the victim in the case and the Turk Street residential senior facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After issuing his ruling, Conroy told Humphrey that he’d “become somewhat of a symbol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot is on your shoulders,” Conroy said. “I wish you all the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of court, Nabha said of Humphrey, “He’s obviously very happy that he’s going to be able to continue this fight outside of jail and continue to work on his health and progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a monumental decision today by the judge, and we’re very grateful that he is abiding by the new law and he’s recognizing that this case, Mr. Humphrey’s case, changed state law,” Public Defender Jeff Adachi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his 2017 arrest, Humphrey’s bail had initially been set at $600,000 based on the state’s bail schedule, but a judge eventually lowered it to $350,000 after the San Francisco public defender’s office argued that the initial amount was excessive and that Humphrey did not pose a risk to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, after reviewing Humphrey’s case, the state appeals court ruled that a judge must consider the defendant’s ability to pay when setting bail. Setting bail higher than a person can afford effectively jails the defendant for being poor, the ruling concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón has been in favor of changing the money bail system, he sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4451989-Letter-to-Supreme-Court.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> last month to the state Supreme Court requesting clarification on conflicting appellate rulings, and arguing courts should still be allowed to consider a threat to public safety when setting bail amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District Attorney’s Office has championed the use of an algorithmic “\u003ca href=\"http://sfdistrictattorney.org/public-safety-assessment-tool\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">public safety assessment\u003c/a>” tool, which analyzes a defendant’s criminal history and current charges and measures it against thousands of other cases. The tool then makes a recommendation on whether a defendant should be held in jail or released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to make these very important decisions based on science and data, not money,” district attorney spokesman Max Szabo said, noting that the tool recommended Humphrey remain in jail. “We believe that’s a safer approach, but that doesn’t mean everybody gets out either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It looks like Kenneth Humphrey will be released, however, by Wednesday. The state Supreme Court has until the end of this month to decide whether it will weigh in on the constitutionality of monetary bail, according to Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Alex Emslie of KQED News contributed to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco Superior Court judge Thursday agreed to release a man from custody ahead of his trial after he spent nearly a year in jail because he couldn’t afford to pay bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenneth Humphrey’s case inspired a \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/A152056.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">landmark decision\u003c/a> earlier this year when the state’s 1st District Court of Appeal in San Francisco ruled that judges must consider a defendant’s ability to pay when setting bail terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Humphrey has been in custody for almost a year without receiving a bail hearing that meets minimum constitutional standards,” said Deputy Public Defender Chesa Boudin, who brought the appellate challenge on Humphrey’s behalf. “He’s one of literally tens of thousands of people across the state of California sitting in jail simply because they’re too poor to purchase their freedom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphrey, 64, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4451988-Kenneth-Humphrey-Information-170726.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">is accused\u003c/a> of entering his elderly neighbor’s home, threatening him and then stealing $5 and a bottle of cologne. He was initially booked into jail last May and charged with burglary, robbery, elder abuse and theft. Humphrey has remained in custody since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors Allison Macbeth and Courtney Burris had \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4451990-Request-for-Detention-180413.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sought to keep\u003c/a> Humphrey in jail, citing previous robbery convictions going back to the 1980s, which they said showed that Humphrey was a threat to public safety and had a pattern of preying on vulnerable victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only does he not follow the rules, but he commits more crimes,” Burris said during a hearing on the case Tuesday. “The idea of releasing him to another residential facility for seniors creates a fox-in-the-hen-house scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Macbeth said Humphrey is facing a 41-year-to-life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brendan Conroy, however, agreed Thursday to grant Deputy Public Defender Anita Nabha’s request that Humphrey be released to a Mission District residential recovery facility for seniors, which has already agreed to take him in. He will remain out of custody — as long as he abides by the conditions of his release — while he awaits trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no police contact for 11 years prior to this incident,” Nabha argued. “The suggestion that he has not been able to be successful on parole is just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conroy said from the bench that if his only choice was to release Humphrey on his own recognizance or detain him, Humphrey would remain in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a detention case,” Conroy said. “This isn’t about poor people being kept in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge noted the seriousness of the charges against Humphrey, but he also said that new options for conditions on his release have emerged in the past year. That includes the option for free electronic monitoring through the city’s Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphrey will be put on house arrest, meaning he can’t leave the treatment facility, will be monitored electronically 24 hours a day and be subject to searches, Conroy ruled. Additionally, he is to stay away from the victim in the case and the Turk Street residential senior facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After issuing his ruling, Conroy told Humphrey that he’d “become somewhat of a symbol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot is on your shoulders,” Conroy said. “I wish you all the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of court, Nabha said of Humphrey, “He’s obviously very happy that he’s going to be able to continue this fight outside of jail and continue to work on his health and progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a monumental decision today by the judge, and we’re very grateful that he is abiding by the new law and he’s recognizing that this case, Mr. Humphrey’s case, changed state law,” Public Defender Jeff Adachi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his 2017 arrest, Humphrey’s bail had initially been set at $600,000 based on the state’s bail schedule, but a judge eventually lowered it to $350,000 after the San Francisco public defender’s office argued that the initial amount was excessive and that Humphrey did not pose a risk to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, after reviewing Humphrey’s case, the state appeals court ruled that a judge must consider the defendant’s ability to pay when setting bail. Setting bail higher than a person can afford effectively jails the defendant for being poor, the ruling concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón has been in favor of changing the money bail system, he sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4451989-Letter-to-Supreme-Court.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> last month to the state Supreme Court requesting clarification on conflicting appellate rulings, and arguing courts should still be allowed to consider a threat to public safety when setting bail amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District Attorney’s Office has championed the use of an algorithmic “\u003ca href=\"http://sfdistrictattorney.org/public-safety-assessment-tool\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">public safety assessment\u003c/a>” tool, which analyzes a defendant’s criminal history and current charges and measures it against thousands of other cases. The tool then makes a recommendation on whether a defendant should be held in jail or released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to make these very important decisions based on science and data, not money,” district attorney spokesman Max Szabo said, noting that the tool recommended Humphrey remain in jail. “We believe that’s a safer approach, but that doesn’t mean everybody gets out either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It looks like Kenneth Humphrey will be released, however, by Wednesday. The state Supreme Court has until the end of this month to decide whether it will weigh in on the constitutionality of monetary bail, according to Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Alex Emslie of KQED News contributed to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "practice-safe-cs-a-push-to-give-computer-science-class-a-moral-compass",
"title": "Practice Safe CS: A Push to Give Computer Science Class a Moral Compass",
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"content": "\u003cp>Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11659835\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">testimony on Capitol Hill\u003c/a> this week is only the latest focal point in a national conversation about the perils of technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ethical questions surrounding technology become unavoidable, three Stanford professors are thinking about the kind of ethics education that future engineers will need.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing the boundaries of students’ thinking\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a Tuesday afternoon at the Stanford campus, the professors are sitting around a table crowded with laptops and papers. Mehran Sahami, a computer science professor famous on campus for getting Mark Zuckerberg to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2014/02/the-joy-of-teaching-computer-science-in-the-age-of-facebook/283879/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">visit his class\u003c/a> a few years in a row, is at the head of the table. Next to him sits political science professor Rob Reich, infamous for lectures that force students to think critically about their own ethical choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661017\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11661017 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-800x376.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"376\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-800x376.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-160x75.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-1020x480.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-1180x555.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-960x452.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-240x113.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-375x176.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-520x245.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching.jpeg 1700w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford University computer science professor Mehran Sahami teaching a course. Courtesy: The Stanford Daily \u003ccite>(The Stanford Daily)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Together with political science professor Jeremy Weinstein, they’re creating a new computer science ethics course. It’s an idea they’ve talked about for years, but now feel they can’t put off any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tired of having engineers figure stuff out on our behalf,” Reich says. “Allowing ourselves to inhabit a world where engineers are increasingly deciding our future, without the engineers being aware of the ethical responsibilities and considerations of the very technologies they’re pioneering, is a world that I don’t think any of us wants to live in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The professors will be developing the curriculum for the class over the next few months. On this day they’re hashing out a unit about data collection and privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research assistant Michael Dworsky gets them started with a case study. “Facebook has been using facial recognition for a while,” says the fourth-year student, who’s planning to take a job with the social media giant after he graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He explains Facebook is developing technologies that can identify users by clothing, posture or gait; others allow advertisers to target people \u003ca href=\"https://patents.google.com/patent/US20150242679\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">based on their facial expressions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The professors start riffing about the different issues this brings up. Sahami points out that this case study raises questions about when \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/consumer-groups-file-ftc-complaint-against-facebook-1523025141\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">public information becomes private.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m at a supermarket and I’m in line to buy something, the people around me can see what I’m buying in that one basket and I probably don’t care,” Sahami says. “But if I just take that information now aggregated over my shopping lifetime, there is data that I probably would have a reasonable belief to be private.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Reich jumps in: “I’m imagining that part of my task in this section will be to remind students that privacy was a value worth caring about in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sahami says this kind of interdisciplinary collaboration between computer science and other disciplines is rare. There have been CS ethics courses since he was a student at Stanford some 30 years ago, but he says the courses haven’t always kept pace with innovation. The courses usually focus on philosophy or public policy, with a touch of tech, or the engineering side of things with a hint of ethics. The professors hope this class bring the disciplines together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want to push the boundaries of students’ thinking,” Sahami says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students Rise Up\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across campus, a handful of Stanford undergrads are sitting around a dorm lounge, thinking about all this, too. They meet a couple of times a month and try to figure out how to give computer science a moral compass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior Sawyer Birnbaum helped start the group. He explains that at Stanford, CS students are required to meet a “\u003ca href=\"https://ughb.stanford.edu/courses-and-planning/approved-courses/technology-society-courses-2017-18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Technology in Society\u003c/a>” requirement, but it’s really broad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably by far the majority of CS students at Stanford go through their four years here without like really taking any classes that actually force them to think about ethical questions or engage in that kind of ethical analysis,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660982\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11660982 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-1180x789.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-960x642.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-240x161.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-375x251.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-520x348.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751.jpg 1843w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford students Sawyer Birnbaum, Andrew Lesh and Axelle Talma talk ethics and CS. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The students float different ways to address that, including putting in place more stringent requirements and creating ethics courses tailored to specific fields within computer science, but they spend most of the time talking about the need for interdisciplinary instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Noah Arthurs says he became frustrated by what he saw as a trade-school mindset in his computer science classes. “They were so industry-oriented,” he says. “You’re just learning skills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the CS department lacked the kind of intellectual rigor he found in other departments. He came to see it as an extension of the tech industry, rather than an academic discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The professors will always tell you, ‘You’re learning the algorithm that Facebook uses to do facial recognition, or you’re learning the algorithm that Google uses to tell you search results,’ ” he says. “So it’s like there’s always this looming industry that everything is pointing you towards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biology majors can consider a career in bioethics, he points out, so why not a similar specialty for computer science students? He wants to see some option for CS students, aside from working as an engineer at one of the big Silicon Valley firms or launching a startup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Reich believes there’s support for interdisciplinary collaboration. He says the computer science faculty he knows don’t want Stanford University to become a technical university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want the liberal arts tradition to remain at Stanford,” he says. “So as nearly 50 percent of the undergraduate body is majoring in computer science, the computer science faculty themselves want to ensure that (those students) have a broad education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new course takes a step in that direction, Reich says, but it’s only a piece of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I dream of the possibility that we could develop an interdisciplinary major,” he says. Or at the least a concentration for people who are interested in the intersection of ethics, public policy and engineering, “rather than deciding that the engineers do what they do, the ethicists do what they do, and the public policy people can catch up to where the engineers are a decade from now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The professors are hoping to roll out the class in January. One title they’re considering? Practice Safe CS.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11659835\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">testimony on Capitol Hill\u003c/a> this week is only the latest focal point in a national conversation about the perils of technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ethical questions surrounding technology become unavoidable, three Stanford professors are thinking about the kind of ethics education that future engineers will need.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing the boundaries of students’ thinking\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a Tuesday afternoon at the Stanford campus, the professors are sitting around a table crowded with laptops and papers. Mehran Sahami, a computer science professor famous on campus for getting Mark Zuckerberg to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2014/02/the-joy-of-teaching-computer-science-in-the-age-of-facebook/283879/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">visit his class\u003c/a> a few years in a row, is at the head of the table. Next to him sits political science professor Rob Reich, infamous for lectures that force students to think critically about their own ethical choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661017\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11661017 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-800x376.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"376\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-800x376.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-160x75.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-1020x480.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-1180x555.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-960x452.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-240x113.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-375x176.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching-520x245.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Sahami-teaching.jpeg 1700w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford University computer science professor Mehran Sahami teaching a course. Courtesy: The Stanford Daily \u003ccite>(The Stanford Daily)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Together with political science professor Jeremy Weinstein, they’re creating a new computer science ethics course. It’s an idea they’ve talked about for years, but now feel they can’t put off any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tired of having engineers figure stuff out on our behalf,” Reich says. “Allowing ourselves to inhabit a world where engineers are increasingly deciding our future, without the engineers being aware of the ethical responsibilities and considerations of the very technologies they’re pioneering, is a world that I don’t think any of us wants to live in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The professors will be developing the curriculum for the class over the next few months. On this day they’re hashing out a unit about data collection and privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research assistant Michael Dworsky gets them started with a case study. “Facebook has been using facial recognition for a while,” says the fourth-year student, who’s planning to take a job with the social media giant after he graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He explains Facebook is developing technologies that can identify users by clothing, posture or gait; others allow advertisers to target people \u003ca href=\"https://patents.google.com/patent/US20150242679\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">based on their facial expressions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The professors start riffing about the different issues this brings up. Sahami points out that this case study raises questions about when \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/consumer-groups-file-ftc-complaint-against-facebook-1523025141\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">public information becomes private.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m at a supermarket and I’m in line to buy something, the people around me can see what I’m buying in that one basket and I probably don’t care,” Sahami says. “But if I just take that information now aggregated over my shopping lifetime, there is data that I probably would have a reasonable belief to be private.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Reich jumps in: “I’m imagining that part of my task in this section will be to remind students that privacy was a value worth caring about in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sahami says this kind of interdisciplinary collaboration between computer science and other disciplines is rare. There have been CS ethics courses since he was a student at Stanford some 30 years ago, but he says the courses haven’t always kept pace with innovation. The courses usually focus on philosophy or public policy, with a touch of tech, or the engineering side of things with a hint of ethics. The professors hope this class bring the disciplines together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want to push the boundaries of students’ thinking,” Sahami says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students Rise Up\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across campus, a handful of Stanford undergrads are sitting around a dorm lounge, thinking about all this, too. They meet a couple of times a month and try to figure out how to give computer science a moral compass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior Sawyer Birnbaum helped start the group. He explains that at Stanford, CS students are required to meet a “\u003ca href=\"https://ughb.stanford.edu/courses-and-planning/approved-courses/technology-society-courses-2017-18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Technology in Society\u003c/a>” requirement, but it’s really broad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably by far the majority of CS students at Stanford go through their four years here without like really taking any classes that actually force them to think about ethical questions or engage in that kind of ethical analysis,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660982\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11660982 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-1180x789.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-960x642.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-240x161.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-375x251.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751-520x348.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CS-ethics-discussion1-e1523321015751.jpg 1843w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford students Sawyer Birnbaum, Andrew Lesh and Axelle Talma talk ethics and CS. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The students float different ways to address that, including putting in place more stringent requirements and creating ethics courses tailored to specific fields within computer science, but they spend most of the time talking about the need for interdisciplinary instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Noah Arthurs says he became frustrated by what he saw as a trade-school mindset in his computer science classes. “They were so industry-oriented,” he says. “You’re just learning skills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the CS department lacked the kind of intellectual rigor he found in other departments. He came to see it as an extension of the tech industry, rather than an academic discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The professors will always tell you, ‘You’re learning the algorithm that Facebook uses to do facial recognition, or you’re learning the algorithm that Google uses to tell you search results,’ ” he says. “So it’s like there’s always this looming industry that everything is pointing you towards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biology majors can consider a career in bioethics, he points out, so why not a similar specialty for computer science students? He wants to see some option for CS students, aside from working as an engineer at one of the big Silicon Valley firms or launching a startup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Reich believes there’s support for interdisciplinary collaboration. He says the computer science faculty he knows don’t want Stanford University to become a technical university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want the liberal arts tradition to remain at Stanford,” he says. “So as nearly 50 percent of the undergraduate body is majoring in computer science, the computer science faculty themselves want to ensure that (those students) have a broad education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new course takes a step in that direction, Reich says, but it’s only a piece of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I dream of the possibility that we could develop an interdisciplinary major,” he says. Or at the least a concentration for people who are interested in the intersection of ethics, public policy and engineering, “rather than deciding that the engineers do what they do, the ethicists do what they do, and the public policy people can catch up to where the engineers are a decade from now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Stephon Clark Shooting\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On March 18, Stephon Clark, an unarmed 22-year-old black man and father of two young children, was shot and killed by two Sacramento police officers. Since then, the city has experienced nearly two weeks of continuous unrest and volatile protests. State Attorney General Xavier Becerra said his office would investigate the incident, at the request of the Sacramento Police Department. And today, the results of an independent autopsy ordered by Clark’s family were released: It found that Clark had been hit by eight bullets, six of which entered his body from the back and side.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">John Burris, civil rights attorney \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jack Glaser, UC Berkeley Goldman School of Public Policy professor and associate dean\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Katie Orr, KQED Sacramento politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tech News: Trump Attacks Amazon, Turmoil for Facebook and Tesla\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Trump attacked Amazon again yesterday, saying in a tweet that the company doesn’t pay enough taxes and is harming the U.S. economy. Facebook faces continuing fallout over data privacy, and Tesla issued a major recall. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We talk with MarketWatch Tech Editor and San Francisco Bureau Chief Jeremy Owens about the tech news of the week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2018 SFFILM Festival and \u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003ci>Sorry to Bother You\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This year’s centerpiece film at the 2018 SFFilm Festival comes from Boots Riley, an Oakland native who studied film at San Francisco State University and co-founded the hip-hop group The Coup. Riley’s directorial debut, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sorry to Bother You,\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is set in Oakland and takes on race, humor and capitalism through the eyes of an African-American telemarketer. SFFilm Executive Director Noah Cowan also stops by to give a preview of other festival offerings, including a documentary including a documentary about U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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