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"content": "\u003cp>When Alice Mayall rushed her daughter Hannah to the hospital for a head injury after a water polo tournament a few years ago, she didn’t think twice about whether she could afford it. Her daughter was covered by the Children’s Health Insurance Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayall is a self-employed psychologist in Livermore, in the Bay Area, and the mostly federally funded program has helped her get through tough economic times over the years by insuring her twins. It has kept her kids healthy when she needed to give up work hours to be at home with her son Owen, who is autistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What ends up being an ongoing issue with any of these publicly funded programs is the uncertainty, especially with what is going on right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was referring to the question of whether Congress will reauthorize funding for \u003ca href=\"https://www.medicaid.gov/chip/index.html\">CHIP\u003c/a>, a program that covers more than 1.3 million California children, including hers, but now hangs in the balance. Federal funding expired in September, and state officials are considering what to do if Congress doesn’t act soon—perhaps this week. Coverage for about 32,000 residents is at risk most immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIP has benefited from bipartisan support since its inception in 1997, and lawmakers from both sides of the aisle in Washington say they want to renew it. But there’s been disagreement over where the money should come from, and Congress has lately been focused on the tax overhaul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/07c11dda-cfbe-4978-82e2-54cf61d85939?src=embed\" title=\"CHIP children age\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIP covers children and pregnant women in families that earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal, the federal and state health care program for California’s lowest-income residents, but not enough to afford private insurance. These families earn between 108 percent and 266 percent of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/medi-cal/eligibility/Documents/ACWDL2017/ACWDL17-10.pdf\">federal poverty level\u003c/a>, up to about $65,000 for a family of four, depending on the children’s ages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without congressional action, California expects its federal funds to run out by early January, if not sooner, leaving state officials to figure out how to make up the difference, which could involve taking money from other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a Sophie’s choice we shouldn’t have to make,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://health-access.org/\">Health Access California\u003c/a>, which advocates for consumers. “Part of the evil genius of this is that the cuts show up at the state level and forces state lawmakers to make tough choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I believe we need to make sure these children are insured. I can’t imagine that we would not make up the difference.’\u003ccite>Ed Hernandez, Calif. Senate Committee on Health chairman\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California received $3.1 billion from the federal government for the program for the last federal fiscal year, which ended Sept. 30. Those funds make up 88 percent of the costs, said H.D. Palmer, spokesman for the Department of Finance. The state picks up the rest, about $734 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families in some other states have begun receiving notices that their insurance is going to end. But not in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California expanded Medi-Cal under the Affordable Care Act in 2014, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.medicaid.gov/CHIP/Downloads/CA/CACurrentStatePlan.pdf\">rolled\u003c/a> in nearly all CHIP recipients for administrative purposes. The state \u003ca href=\"https://ccf.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/MOE-fact-sheet-FINAL.pdf\">agreed\u003c/a> with the federal government to keep them enrolled through September 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining 32,000 are in families with slightly higher incomes—up to $79,000 for four—and would no longer be eligible for any publicly funded coverage if CHIP, which in California used to be called Healthy Families, were eliminated. This group includes recipients in three county programs, in San Francisco, Santa Clara and San Mateo Counties, said Anthony Cava, spokesman for California’s Department of Health Care Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state decides to continue covering them, its options include absorbing all of the costs or helping the families pay for insurance on the Obamacare exchange, according to Wright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What it would cost to cover the majority of the 1.3 million recipients if Congress demurs is unclear. Palmer noted that the state could be on the hook for the entire $3.1 billion that Washington had been providing if California is required to maintain most of its current coverage, or the federal government could agree to pay half, as it does for regular Medi-Cal patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f50abe23-4352-450a-84a0-68027585a343?src=embed\" title=\"Chidren's Health Insurance\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The worst-case scenario is that the kids still stay in Medi-Cal and we do the 50/50 match,” said Democratic state Sen. Ed Hernandez of Azusa, chairman of the Senate \u003ca href=\"http://shea.senate.ca.gov/\">Committee\u003c/a> on Health. “I believe we need to make sure these children are insured. I can’t imagine that we would not make up the difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature anticipated a cut in the federal funding and budgeted an extra $396 million for CHIP through June 30, which could allow the program to limp along until the next budget is worked out in mid-2018, Hernandez said. Gov. Jerry Brown will give the Legislature his proposal for that budget by January 10. It is likely to contain possibilities for CHIP funding, especially if Congress’ intentions remain murky, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said that if the state has to fund the program, “then something else has to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could reduce the cost by altering eligibility requirements for adults, lowering payments to doctors, hospitals and other health care providers or changing the menu of benefits, said Kelly Hardy, senior managing director of health policy at Children Now, a research and advocacy organization. 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These families earn between 108 percent and 266 percent of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/medi-cal/eligibility/Documents/ACWDL2017/ACWDL17-10.pdf\">federal poverty level\u003c/a>, up to about $65,000 for a family of four, depending on the children’s ages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without congressional action, California expects its federal funds to run out by early January, if not sooner, leaving state officials to figure out how to make up the difference, which could involve taking money from other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a Sophie’s choice we shouldn’t have to make,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://health-access.org/\">Health Access California\u003c/a>, which advocates for consumers. “Part of the evil genius of this is that the cuts show up at the state level and forces state lawmakers to make tough choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I believe we need to make sure these children are insured. I can’t imagine that we would not make up the difference.’\u003ccite>Ed Hernandez, Calif. Senate Committee on Health chairman\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California received $3.1 billion from the federal government for the program for the last federal fiscal year, which ended Sept. 30. Those funds make up 88 percent of the costs, said H.D. Palmer, spokesman for the Department of Finance. The state picks up the rest, about $734 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families in some other states have begun receiving notices that their insurance is going to end. But not in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California expanded Medi-Cal under the Affordable Care Act in 2014, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.medicaid.gov/CHIP/Downloads/CA/CACurrentStatePlan.pdf\">rolled\u003c/a> in nearly all CHIP recipients for administrative purposes. 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Palmer noted that the state could be on the hook for the entire $3.1 billion that Washington had been providing if California is required to maintain most of its current coverage, or the federal government could agree to pay half, as it does for regular Medi-Cal patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f50abe23-4352-450a-84a0-68027585a343?src=embed\" title=\"Chidren's Health Insurance\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The worst-case scenario is that the kids still stay in Medi-Cal and we do the 50/50 match,” said Democratic state Sen. Ed Hernandez of Azusa, chairman of the Senate \u003ca href=\"http://shea.senate.ca.gov/\">Committee\u003c/a> on Health. “I believe we need to make sure these children are insured. I can’t imagine that we would not make up the difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature anticipated a cut in the federal funding and budgeted an extra $396 million for CHIP through June 30, which could allow the program to limp along until the next budget is worked out in mid-2018, Hernandez said. Gov. Jerry Brown will give the Legislature his proposal for that budget by January 10. It is likely to contain possibilities for CHIP funding, especially if Congress’ intentions remain murky, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said that if the state has to fund the program, “then something else has to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could reduce the cost by altering eligibility requirements for adults, lowering payments to doctors, hospitals and other health care providers or changing the menu of benefits, said Kelly Hardy, senior managing director of health policy at Children Now, a research and advocacy organization. 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"content": "\u003cp>In an Oscars night marked by political statements and pleas for social justice, a singer-songwriter’s brief remarks provided the sharpest jolt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While onstage with rapper Common to accept the Oscar for best original song (“Glory,” from “Selma”), John Legend said:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Nina Simone said it’s an artist’s duty to reflect the times in which we live. We wrote this song for a film based on events that were 50 years ago, but we say that “Selma” is now, because the struggle for justice is right now. We know that the Voting Rights Act that they fought for 50 years ago is being compromised right now in this country today. We know that right now the struggle for freedom and justice is real. We live in the most incarcerated country in the world. There are more black men under correctional control today than were under slavery in 1850. When people are marching with our song, we want to tell you that we’re with you, we see you, we love you and march on. God bless you.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"640\" height=\"386\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"http://www.washingtonpost.com/posttv/c/embed/80c6a69c-bb6f-11e4-9dfb-03366e719af8\" frameborder=\"0\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was not a feel-good moment for the Oscars crowd. The Dolby Theatre fell silent as Legend spoke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jolt comes, of course, from connecting our uneasy present with the most awful chapter of our past: \u003cem>“We live in the most incarcerated country in the world. There are more black men under correctional control today than were under slavery in 1850.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jolt is still sharp, even if you think you have more than a passing familiarity with \u003ca href=\"http://static.sewanee.edu/faculty/Willis/Civil_War/tables/ConfedPop1860.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. history\u003c/a>, knowledge of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.amnestyusa.org/our-work/issues/military-police-and-arms/police-and-human-rights/mass-incarceration-in-the-usa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">high number\u003c/a> of people \u003ca href=\"http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/serials/files/cato-papers-public-policy/2013/6/cppp-2-4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">we imprison\u003c/a> in the United States and an awareness of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sentencingproject.org/template/page.cfm?id=122\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disproportionate number of African-Americans\u003c/a> in our prisons and jails today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what’s behind Legend’s remark?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It appears to derive from \u003ca href=\"http://newjimcrow.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness,”\u003c/a> a 2010 book by Michelle Alexander that analyzed the national policy of mass incarceration adopted as the government’s campaign against some drugs intensified and how it has shredded the social fabric of African-American communities across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander says:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>More African American adults are under correctional control today — in prison or jail, on probation or parole — than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began. The mass incarceration of people of color is a big part of the reason that a black child born today is less likely to be raised by both parents than a black child born during slavery.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>What are we talking about in specific numbers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/through_the_decades/overview/1850.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the 1850 U.S. Census\u003c/a>. The decennial enumeration of those living in the United States recorded a total of 23.2 million people. That included 3,204,313 slaves, of whom 1,747,961 were ages 15 or older. That adult population was split nearly 50-50 by gender (874,514 males, 873,447 females).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, our (reasonably) current incarceration and “correctional control” statistics. It would be beautiful if we could offer exact numbers, but the truth is that given the size of the population and the opacity of some criminal justice statistics, we have to live with some roundish numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The easiest data to come by: the number of people locked up in federal and state prisons and local jails. According to a U.S. Department of Justice report, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/p13.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Prisoners in 2013\u003c/a>,” there were about 526,000 black men and 23,100 black women — total 549,100 — serving state and federal sentences that year, the most recent for which data are available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another DoJ publications, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/jim13st.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jail Inmates at Midyear 2013\u003c/a>,” puts the number of black inmates in local jails across the country at 261,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And one last category: The sizable number of people nationwide who are under what’s euphemistically called “community supervision” — probation and parole. And yes, there’s a Justice Department paper on that, too. The report, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/ppus13.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Probation and Parole in the United States, 2013\u003c/a>,” says that of about 3.9 million people nationwide on probation, roughly 1.2 million are black. Of 850,000 people on parole across the U.S., about 320,000 are black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So adding up those numbers (which do \u003cstrong>not\u003c/strong> include thousands of teenagers detained for juvenile offenses):\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Blacks in state and federal prisons:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>549,100\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Blacks in local jails:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>261,500\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Blacks on probation and parole:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>1,520,000\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Total:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>2,330,600\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not news that African-Americans, and especially African-American men, are imprisoned much more often than any other racial or ethnic population. But just as a reminder: Black men are jailed at a rate nearly six times higher than white men. The lifetime likelihood that a black man will be incarcerated is one in three, compared with one in 17 for whites. Federal statistics show that in 2010, 9.9 percent of black males ages 30 to 34 were in state or federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeah, context is important here. Not that I speak for Michelle Alexander, John Legend or Common, but no one’s drawing a one-to-one comparison between 1850 and 2015. The enslaved population of 1850 represented 90 percent of all blacks living in the United States. The total black adults incarcerated or under supervision is about 6 percent of the African-American population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the numbers say something else, too: The \u003ca href=\"http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/inc_Trends_in_Corrections_Fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_black\" rel=\"noopener\">era of mass imprisonment\u003c/a> has exacted a fantastically disproportionate cost from one American community still recovering from epochs of inhuman maltreatment and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, all that history — Selma, Jim Crow and the rest, going back to the days when census takers didn’t bother to record individual slaves’ names? Yes, it’s still with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just for historical interest: Here’s the section of the 1850 census that details the U.S. slave population:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/256708826/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_23767\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an Oscars night marked by political statements and pleas for social justice, a singer-songwriter’s brief remarks provided the sharpest jolt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While onstage with rapper Common to accept the Oscar for best original song (“Glory,” from “Selma”), John Legend said:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Nina Simone said it’s an artist’s duty to reflect the times in which we live. We wrote this song for a film based on events that were 50 years ago, but we say that “Selma” is now, because the struggle for justice is right now. We know that the Voting Rights Act that they fought for 50 years ago is being compromised right now in this country today. We know that right now the struggle for freedom and justice is real. We live in the most incarcerated country in the world. There are more black men under correctional control today than were under slavery in 1850. When people are marching with our song, we want to tell you that we’re with you, we see you, we love you and march on. God bless you.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"640\" height=\"386\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"http://www.washingtonpost.com/posttv/c/embed/80c6a69c-bb6f-11e4-9dfb-03366e719af8\" frameborder=\"0\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was not a feel-good moment for the Oscars crowd. The Dolby Theatre fell silent as Legend spoke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jolt comes, of course, from connecting our uneasy present with the most awful chapter of our past: \u003cem>“We live in the most incarcerated country in the world. There are more black men under correctional control today than were under slavery in 1850.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jolt is still sharp, even if you think you have more than a passing familiarity with \u003ca href=\"http://static.sewanee.edu/faculty/Willis/Civil_War/tables/ConfedPop1860.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. history\u003c/a>, knowledge of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.amnestyusa.org/our-work/issues/military-police-and-arms/police-and-human-rights/mass-incarceration-in-the-usa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">high number\u003c/a> of people \u003ca href=\"http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/serials/files/cato-papers-public-policy/2013/6/cppp-2-4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">we imprison\u003c/a> in the United States and an awareness of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sentencingproject.org/template/page.cfm?id=122\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disproportionate number of African-Americans\u003c/a> in our prisons and jails today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what’s behind Legend’s remark?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It appears to derive from \u003ca href=\"http://newjimcrow.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness,”\u003c/a> a 2010 book by Michelle Alexander that analyzed the national policy of mass incarceration adopted as the government’s campaign against some drugs intensified and how it has shredded the social fabric of African-American communities across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander says:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>More African American adults are under correctional control today — in prison or jail, on probation or parole — than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began. The mass incarceration of people of color is a big part of the reason that a black child born today is less likely to be raised by both parents than a black child born during slavery.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>What are we talking about in specific numbers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/through_the_decades/overview/1850.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the 1850 U.S. Census\u003c/a>. The decennial enumeration of those living in the United States recorded a total of 23.2 million people. That included 3,204,313 slaves, of whom 1,747,961 were ages 15 or older. That adult population was split nearly 50-50 by gender (874,514 males, 873,447 females).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, our (reasonably) current incarceration and “correctional control” statistics. It would be beautiful if we could offer exact numbers, but the truth is that given the size of the population and the opacity of some criminal justice statistics, we have to live with some roundish numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The easiest data to come by: the number of people locked up in federal and state prisons and local jails. According to a U.S. Department of Justice report, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/p13.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Prisoners in 2013\u003c/a>,” there were about 526,000 black men and 23,100 black women — total 549,100 — serving state and federal sentences that year, the most recent for which data are available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another DoJ publications, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/jim13st.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jail Inmates at Midyear 2013\u003c/a>,” puts the number of black inmates in local jails across the country at 261,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And one last category: The sizable number of people nationwide who are under what’s euphemistically called “community supervision” — probation and parole. And yes, there’s a Justice Department paper on that, too. The report, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/ppus13.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Probation and Parole in the United States, 2013\u003c/a>,” says that of about 3.9 million people nationwide on probation, roughly 1.2 million are black. Of 850,000 people on parole across the U.S., about 320,000 are black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So adding up those numbers (which do \u003cstrong>not\u003c/strong> include thousands of teenagers detained for juvenile offenses):\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Blacks in state and federal prisons:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>549,100\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Blacks in local jails:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>261,500\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Blacks on probation and parole:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>1,520,000\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Total:\u003c/em> \u003cstrong>2,330,600\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not news that African-Americans, and especially African-American men, are imprisoned much more often than any other racial or ethnic population. But just as a reminder: Black men are jailed at a rate nearly six times higher than white men. The lifetime likelihood that a black man will be incarcerated is one in three, compared with one in 17 for whites. Federal statistics show that in 2010, 9.9 percent of black males ages 30 to 34 were in state or federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeah, context is important here. Not that I speak for Michelle Alexander, John Legend or Common, but no one’s drawing a one-to-one comparison between 1850 and 2015. The enslaved population of 1850 represented 90 percent of all blacks living in the United States. The total black adults incarcerated or under supervision is about 6 percent of the African-American population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the numbers say something else, too: The \u003ca href=\"http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/inc_Trends_in_Corrections_Fact_sheet.pdf\" target=\"_black\" rel=\"noopener\">era of mass imprisonment\u003c/a> has exacted a fantastically disproportionate cost from one American community still recovering from epochs of inhuman maltreatment and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, all that history — Selma, Jim Crow and the rest, going back to the days when census takers didn’t bother to record individual slaves’ names? Yes, it’s still with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just for historical interest: Here’s the section of the 1850 census that details the U.S. slave population:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/256708826/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_23767\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-third-strikers-have-to-find-their-own-path-to-freedom",
"title": "California Three Strikers Have to Find Their Own Path to Freedom",
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"headTitle": "California Three Strikers Have to Find Their Own Path to Freedom | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Michael Montgomery, Lisa Pickoff-White and Suzie Racho\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A little more than a year ago, Californians voted to allow the release of third strikers convicted of non-violent, non-serious crimes. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/11/14/a-year-after-three-strikes-california/\">Since then, about 1,000 people have been released.\u003c/a> KQED followed three men from prison to their new lives outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard Brown\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RichardBrown11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118324\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RichardBrown11.jpg\" alt=\"From left, Minard and Vivian Roorda, with Richard Brown. (Sarah Rice/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"419\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Minard and Viviane Roorda, with Richard Brown. (Sarah Rice/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Richard Brown, 61, was sentenced to 25 years to life in 1995 after he was arrested while stealing two car alarms from a Walgreens store in Stockton. Brown, a former heroin addict, served prison time for assault in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120203629\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most three strikers who are released have served so much extra time that they’re not placed on parole or probation. Often that means they don’t have access to substance abuse, mental health and other re-entry programs as well as housing. Brown, who served 17 years for a 5-year sentence, finds the lack of assistance insulting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just get the regular $200 that everyone else gets, with no transitional programs. No type of assistance, no consideration of families being lost, families being separated, people dying, things happening in our lives over the years, or getting older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have any type of transitional programs for people that are getting released that have served a lot of extra time for the crimes that were committed. So it is unfair, the way we’re being treated. I’m… blessed because of the support system that I have and the people that’s been right there for me throughout the course of these 18 years that I was in prison. Everyone doesn’t have this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownfather.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118322\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownfather.jpg\" alt=\"Brown, at home, reads a letter from his friend Shorty, who's still in San Quentin, out loud to Roorda. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED) \" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brown, at home in Ripon with Roorda, reads a letter from his friend Shorty, who’s still in San Quentin. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown met Minard and Vivian Roorda in 1995 after his conviction. They became friends, and the Roordas visited Brown regularly in prison. They visited Brown one night after church. Brown saw their visit as a sign:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went back to my cell and cried like a baby and thanked the Lord because he answered a prayer that I asked. I said, ‘Lord, I’m going to prison with 25 years to life for this petty theft offense and I don’t want to go in there with an attitude, rambunctious. I want to go in there to serve you. So let me know if you’re real in my life and that you hear this prayer.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Brown’s release, the Roordas helped him settle in Ripon, where they own a farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownweld.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118323\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownweld.jpg\" alt=\"Brown operates a forklift, moving almond harvesting equipment. He also welds and paints. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brown operates a forklift, moving almond-harvesting equipment. He also welds and paints. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A longtime singer, Brown formed a gospel group, Neu Dae, while serving time in San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got together with two other prisoners, Rico and Shorty, and we formed this gospel group. …All we had, basically, was a keyboard that we operated with, that had a drum machine set in and all, but for the most part our voices would complement one another when we sang, and we knew that it had to be a gift, which it was a gift, and is a gift, from God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Robert Watts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7607_transform.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7607_transform.jpg\" alt=\"Robert Watts in Berkeley. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Watts in Berkeley. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robert Watts, 41, was sentenced to life under California’s Three Strikes law for possession of stolen property. He had been in and out of prison on assault and robbery charges. He was released from San Quentin and currently is enrolled in a re-entry program in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120204283\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors can challenge Prop. 36 petitions, arguing that the inmates pose an unacceptable public-safety risk. Watts felt his hearing had gone poorly, and was shocked when a parole officer took him to the bus station instead of San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[They took me to the] Greyhound bus station, and the cop asked me when he opened the door, he goes ‘You’re from Kern County?’ and I said ‘Yeah.’ He goes ‘You just walk.’ He walked off. I just went to the phone and called my dad and my dad freaked out. It was kind of weird.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know if it was real or not. They dropped me off, but I’m standing there, and he walks away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/watts03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118354\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/watts03.jpg\" alt=\"Robert Watts in Kern County Prison. (Gregory D. Cook/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"813\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Watts in Kern County Prison. (Gregory D. Cook/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118355\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/wattsfam.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118355\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/wattsfam.jpg\" alt=\"Robert Watts' son, Nicky, and father, Tom, wait before his hearing. (Gregory Cook/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Watts’ son Nicky, and father, Tom, wait before his hearing. (Gregory D. Cook/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Watts’ parents have been raising his 13-year-old son, Nicky, in Bakersfield. Since his release, Watts has moved to Berkeley and into a re-entry program, but he is still having a hard time readjusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think anybody owes me anything. I don’t want to put that off on anybody, but I wish there was some kind of structure. … Like ‘Here, just get out. Here’s $200, leave.’ If you’re on parole, you have somebody looking over you, and if you don’t have no place to stay, parole is going to find you an address because they need an address for you to stay, so you’ve got some place to stay. Right now, you’re done. You’re over it. So in the back of my mind, if I could get a 16-month term, half-time, I’d probably go back real quick so I could be on parole. Just so I could come back and be on parole and I’d have all this funding. Eight months wouldn’t be anything in prison, and I’d be on parole then, and then I’d have this funding to help me through basic needs, I guess, without trying to bother my family for other things that I don’t really want to bother them for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pete Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7603_transform.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118369\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7603_transform.jpg\" alt=\"Pete Marin served 18 years for petty theft. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"425\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pete Marin served 18 years for petty theft. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under Three Strikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120203941\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin says that some inmates feel that their Three Strikes sentences helped them live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What would happen to us if we didn’t get this life sentence? There’s a saying that God rescued us. He sent a black-and-white, and that’s how God rescued us… A police car. I probably would have either OD’d or maybe died, got killed… The lifestyle that we had, I used to do drugs. If I had more money, I’d do more drugs, and keep doing it and doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re facing a life sentence, that really is a rude awakening. It awakens you, and it’s for real.\u003cbr>\nWhen I got busted, and I was in jail, and they told me that I was a Three Strike candidate, it really shook me. It broke me; it really broke me. A lot of things developed that night that I got busted, in my life. It was part of my testimony, how God revealed himself to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118370\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Marin at his sister's home. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marin at his sister’s home. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since his release, Marin spends time helping other former third strikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got out, my mind was running so fast. It was kind of hard to explain. When I was trying to read, I couldn’t read. I caught myself thinking; my mind was running, and it was hard for me to concentrate, because there were so many things happening. I was a little shy and reserved, being amazed at a lot of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For instance, when we got off the freeway, the area where I grew up at, I didn’t even recognize it. They did sidewalks and trees; I couldn’t believe where I was at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cell phone thing; I would be in my cell, and we would see TV, and we would see people, everyone texting and using the cell phone. I would think in my mind, ‘I would never do that. I’ll be out there, and I’ll be talking to people, and have conversations one-on-one with people.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Marin’s nieces and nephews are teaching him how to text. While Marin’s family is supportive, he says his prison time makes many people uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was talking to a gentleman the other day, and he realized that I was in prison. His demeanor changed. I knew what it was. He was uncomfortable. It kind of hurt a little bit. I could understand his not feeling comfortable. I could understand it. I know, every time I was in prison, I realized that a lot of people who are on the streets, they believe that we’re the scum of the earth. That’s one of the reasons why I am sitting here in this interview. There are a lot of good people that had addictions, and that have come out; that have changed their life, and the system did do its job. There’s men that have changed, that have came out, and they’ve changed their life. I would like to be a representative, so to speak, to let them know that there are men that have changed their life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”b486dc817180f8c947cbadcbec3ee55c”]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Michael Montgomery, Lisa Pickoff-White and Suzie Racho\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A little more than a year ago, Californians voted to allow the release of third strikers convicted of non-violent, non-serious crimes. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/11/14/a-year-after-three-strikes-california/\">Since then, about 1,000 people have been released.\u003c/a> KQED followed three men from prison to their new lives outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard Brown\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RichardBrown11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118324\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RichardBrown11.jpg\" alt=\"From left, Minard and Vivian Roorda, with Richard Brown. (Sarah Rice/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"419\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Minard and Viviane Roorda, with Richard Brown. (Sarah Rice/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Richard Brown, 61, was sentenced to 25 years to life in 1995 after he was arrested while stealing two car alarms from a Walgreens store in Stockton. Brown, a former heroin addict, served prison time for assault in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120203629\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most three strikers who are released have served so much extra time that they’re not placed on parole or probation. Often that means they don’t have access to substance abuse, mental health and other re-entry programs as well as housing. Brown, who served 17 years for a 5-year sentence, finds the lack of assistance insulting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just get the regular $200 that everyone else gets, with no transitional programs. No type of assistance, no consideration of families being lost, families being separated, people dying, things happening in our lives over the years, or getting older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have any type of transitional programs for people that are getting released that have served a lot of extra time for the crimes that were committed. So it is unfair, the way we’re being treated. I’m… blessed because of the support system that I have and the people that’s been right there for me throughout the course of these 18 years that I was in prison. Everyone doesn’t have this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownfather.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118322\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownfather.jpg\" alt=\"Brown, at home, reads a letter from his friend Shorty, who's still in San Quentin, out loud to Roorda. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED) \" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brown, at home in Ripon with Roorda, reads a letter from his friend Shorty, who’s still in San Quentin. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown met Minard and Vivian Roorda in 1995 after his conviction. They became friends, and the Roordas visited Brown regularly in prison. They visited Brown one night after church. Brown saw their visit as a sign:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went back to my cell and cried like a baby and thanked the Lord because he answered a prayer that I asked. I said, ‘Lord, I’m going to prison with 25 years to life for this petty theft offense and I don’t want to go in there with an attitude, rambunctious. I want to go in there to serve you. So let me know if you’re real in my life and that you hear this prayer.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Brown’s release, the Roordas helped him settle in Ripon, where they own a farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownweld.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118323\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/brownweld.jpg\" alt=\"Brown operates a forklift, moving almond harvesting equipment. He also welds and paints. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brown operates a forklift, moving almond-harvesting equipment. He also welds and paints. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A longtime singer, Brown formed a gospel group, Neu Dae, while serving time in San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got together with two other prisoners, Rico and Shorty, and we formed this gospel group. …All we had, basically, was a keyboard that we operated with, that had a drum machine set in and all, but for the most part our voices would complement one another when we sang, and we knew that it had to be a gift, which it was a gift, and is a gift, from God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Robert Watts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7607_transform.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7607_transform.jpg\" alt=\"Robert Watts in Berkeley. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Watts in Berkeley. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robert Watts, 41, was sentenced to life under California’s Three Strikes law for possession of stolen property. He had been in and out of prison on assault and robbery charges. He was released from San Quentin and currently is enrolled in a re-entry program in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120204283\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors can challenge Prop. 36 petitions, arguing that the inmates pose an unacceptable public-safety risk. Watts felt his hearing had gone poorly, and was shocked when a parole officer took him to the bus station instead of San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[They took me to the] Greyhound bus station, and the cop asked me when he opened the door, he goes ‘You’re from Kern County?’ and I said ‘Yeah.’ He goes ‘You just walk.’ He walked off. I just went to the phone and called my dad and my dad freaked out. It was kind of weird.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know if it was real or not. They dropped me off, but I’m standing there, and he walks away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/watts03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118354\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/watts03.jpg\" alt=\"Robert Watts in Kern County Prison. (Gregory D. Cook/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"813\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Watts in Kern County Prison. (Gregory D. Cook/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118355\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/wattsfam.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118355\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/wattsfam.jpg\" alt=\"Robert Watts' son, Nicky, and father, Tom, wait before his hearing. (Gregory Cook/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Watts’ son Nicky, and father, Tom, wait before his hearing. (Gregory D. Cook/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Watts’ parents have been raising his 13-year-old son, Nicky, in Bakersfield. Since his release, Watts has moved to Berkeley and into a re-entry program, but he is still having a hard time readjusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think anybody owes me anything. I don’t want to put that off on anybody, but I wish there was some kind of structure. … Like ‘Here, just get out. Here’s $200, leave.’ If you’re on parole, you have somebody looking over you, and if you don’t have no place to stay, parole is going to find you an address because they need an address for you to stay, so you’ve got some place to stay. Right now, you’re done. You’re over it. So in the back of my mind, if I could get a 16-month term, half-time, I’d probably go back real quick so I could be on parole. Just so I could come back and be on parole and I’d have all this funding. Eight months wouldn’t be anything in prison, and I’d be on parole then, and then I’d have this funding to help me through basic needs, I guess, without trying to bother my family for other things that I don’t really want to bother them for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pete Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7603_transform.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118369\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/7603_transform.jpg\" alt=\"Pete Marin served 18 years for petty theft. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"425\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pete Marin served 18 years for petty theft. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under Three Strikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120203941\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin says that some inmates feel that their Three Strikes sentences helped them live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What would happen to us if we didn’t get this life sentence? There’s a saying that God rescued us. He sent a black-and-white, and that’s how God rescued us… A police car. I probably would have either OD’d or maybe died, got killed… The lifestyle that we had, I used to do drugs. If I had more money, I’d do more drugs, and keep doing it and doing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re facing a life sentence, that really is a rude awakening. It awakens you, and it’s for real.\u003cbr>\nWhen I got busted, and I was in jail, and they told me that I was a Three Strike candidate, it really shook me. It broke me; it really broke me. A lot of things developed that night that I got busted, in my life. It was part of my testimony, how God revealed himself to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118370\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Marin at his sister's home. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marin at his sister’s home. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since his release, Marin spends time helping other former third strikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got out, my mind was running so fast. It was kind of hard to explain. When I was trying to read, I couldn’t read. I caught myself thinking; my mind was running, and it was hard for me to concentrate, because there were so many things happening. I was a little shy and reserved, being amazed at a lot of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For instance, when we got off the freeway, the area where I grew up at, I didn’t even recognize it. They did sidewalks and trees; I couldn’t believe where I was at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cell phone thing; I would be in my cell, and we would see TV, and we would see people, everyone texting and using the cell phone. I would think in my mind, ‘I would never do that. I’ll be out there, and I’ll be talking to people, and have conversations one-on-one with people.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Marin’s nieces and nephews are teaching him how to text. While Marin’s family is supportive, he says his prison time makes many people uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was talking to a gentleman the other day, and he realized that I was in prison. His demeanor changed. I knew what it was. He was uncomfortable. It kind of hurt a little bit. I could understand his not feeling comfortable. I could understand it. I know, every time I was in prison, I realized that a lot of people who are on the streets, they believe that we’re the scum of the earth. That’s one of the reasons why I am sitting here in this interview. There are a lot of good people that had addictions, and that have come out; that have changed their life, and the system did do its job. There’s men that have changed, that have came out, and they’ve changed their life. I would like to be a representative, so to speak, to let them know that there are men that have changed their life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118370\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California's 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California’s 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A little more than a year ago, Californians voted for Proposition 36, allowing the release of three-strikers convicted of non-violent, non-serious crimes. Since then, about 1,000 people have been released. \u003cstrong>KQED’s Michael Montgomery\u003c/strong> followed three men as they left prison and adapted to their new lives outside, and interviewed multiple experts and stakeholders about the state’s criminal justice system.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120493008\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">C\u003c/span>onvicted of stealing two car alarms from a Walgreens store, Richard Brown spent 18 years in prison under California’s notorious Three Strikes law. Then, quite suddenly, he was standing outside the gates of San Quentin earlier this year, a free man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me to get off the property,” he says. “I asked if there was a phone booth or something. They said no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Robert Watts, who served 13 years for receiving stolen property, getting out of prison involved an emotional legal tangle with local prosecutors who insisted he was an unredeemed career criminal and should remain behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was unpleasant,” he says. “But at least it’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">The measure does not appear to be endangering public safety.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For both men, freedom came as the result of Proposition 36, the ballot initiative approved last year by voters in every county in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure changed the 1994 law that had allowed judges to impose life sentences for low-level felonies such as petty theft and drug possession. The new law focuses on serious and violent crimes. It’s also retroactive, allowing current inmates whose third strike was non-violent and non-serious to petition the courts for resentencing and possible release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the measure have argued that the original Three Strikes law worked well and contributed to a dramatic fall in violent crime over the past two decades. Granting some inmates early release, they said, would lead to a spike in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee that a significant percentage of them are going to re-offend, and re-offend in serious ways,” said Ed Jagels, the former District Attorney for Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also said prosecutors today are using the law judiciously, pointing out that more than 80 percent of three strikers were sentenced prior to 2000. Changing the law, they said, would remove an important tool from the prosecutorial toolbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But so far, Prop. 36 does not appear to be endangering public safety, according to a recent report by Stanford Law School and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing state data, the report concluded that of the more than 1,000 inmates released from prison under the measure, fewer than 2 percent have been charged with new crimes. By comparison, the average recidivism rate over a similar time period for non-Prop. 36 inmates is 16 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118400\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 242px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-118400\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf-242x300.jpg\" alt=\"From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\" width=\"242\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents’ prediction of the measure unleashing “blood in the streets” was hyperbole, said David Mills, a Stanford law professor who helped fund the initiative. “Millions of dollars have been saved and many lives changed, hopefully for the better,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Like their adopted son\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blessing,” says Richard Brown, a 61-year-old former drug addict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his arrest in 1995, Brown says he was unaware that the Three Strikes law had been implemented the previous year. “I heard about it but I didn’t think they’d be that out of control with the sentencing guidelines,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Brown moved to Ripon, a small farming community south of Stockton, where he found a job with a company that assembles agricultural machinery. An aspiring gospel musician, he also sings in a local church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was drawn to Ripon by Minard and Vivian Roorda, local farmers who learned of his case from a neighbor 18 years ago. The Roordas supported Brown like an adopted son, visiting him regularly in prisons around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minard Roorda says he voted for the original Three Strikes law but realized it cast too wide a net and left men like Brown languishing in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are they not deserved a second chance?” he said. “Are they not deserving our help? Are they not deserving our love?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”65205eb25f5e5994cdf081bee3ffdbd1″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prosecutors have challenged some Prop. 36 petitions, arguing that the inmates pose an unacceptable public safety risk, few of those efforts have been successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Robert Watts’ case, Kern County prosecutors sought to block his release, citing evidence of marijuana use in prison and his prior convictions for robbery and assault. But the effort failed and the judge ordered Watts’ release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, after a flurry of releases earlier this year, the pace has slowed to a trickle. In Los Angeles and some other counties, inmate petitions are getting stuck in the courts, creating a backlog of inmates who are still in prison even though they are eligible for resentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a steady decline in the number of petitions that have been reviewed,” said Bonnie Dumanis, district attorney for San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial round of Prop. 36 reviews mainly involved low-risk inmates who were being fast-tracked for release. Now, courts are facing “hard, challenging cases where people have mental health issues or have some issues that need to be dealt with,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye met with officials from several large counties to discuss ways to make the petition process “more efficient and effective,” Dumanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 2,000 inmates eligible for resentencing under Prop. 36 remain in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘They give you $200 and kick you out’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several former three strikers say their challenge has been coping with life on the streets without the structure of prison and support normally provided to newly released felons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most three strikers who qualify for release have served so much extra time they’re not placed on parole or probation. Often that means that don’t have access to substance abuse, mental health and other re-entry programs as well as housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They give you $200 and kick you out, and they don’t give you any type of papers to indicate that you can go down to this program or (that) program,” said Brown. He considers himself lucky to have a job, home and support network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many people coming out, it’s a nightmare,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Most three strikers have served so much time they aren’t placed on parole or probation when released.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In some counties, prosecutors, public defenders and legal aid groups are starting to develop support networks for three strikers coming out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former inmates are also supporting each other. Twice each week Pete Marin of Bakersfield checks in on his friend Eddie Alwell. Marin and Alwell served 18 years behind bars, one for petty theft, the other for drug possession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alwell, 65, is frail and was recently diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease. Much of his day is spent looking after six grandchildren. He met them for the first time after leaving prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin says he helps out Alwell around his house and drives him to the store and to church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of men who were sentenced under three strikes…have realized that their life before was bad,” he said. “So a lot of them want to change. I think some kind of program to help them get on their feet and lead them in the right way…would be very important.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118370\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California's 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California’s 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A little more than a year ago, Californians voted for Proposition 36, allowing the release of three-strikers convicted of non-violent, non-serious crimes. Since then, about 1,000 people have been released. \u003cstrong>KQED’s Michael Montgomery\u003c/strong> followed three men as they left prison and adapted to their new lives outside, and interviewed multiple experts and stakeholders about the state’s criminal justice system.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120493008\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">C\u003c/span>onvicted of stealing two car alarms from a Walgreens store, Richard Brown spent 18 years in prison under California’s notorious Three Strikes law. Then, quite suddenly, he was standing outside the gates of San Quentin earlier this year, a free man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me to get off the property,” he says. “I asked if there was a phone booth or something. They said no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Robert Watts, who served 13 years for receiving stolen property, getting out of prison involved an emotional legal tangle with local prosecutors who insisted he was an unredeemed career criminal and should remain behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was unpleasant,” he says. “But at least it’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">The measure does not appear to be endangering public safety.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For both men, freedom came as the result of Proposition 36, the ballot initiative approved last year by voters in every county in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure changed the 1994 law that had allowed judges to impose life sentences for low-level felonies such as petty theft and drug possession. The new law focuses on serious and violent crimes. It’s also retroactive, allowing current inmates whose third strike was non-violent and non-serious to petition the courts for resentencing and possible release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the measure have argued that the original Three Strikes law worked well and contributed to a dramatic fall in violent crime over the past two decades. Granting some inmates early release, they said, would lead to a spike in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee that a significant percentage of them are going to re-offend, and re-offend in serious ways,” said Ed Jagels, the former District Attorney for Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also said prosecutors today are using the law judiciously, pointing out that more than 80 percent of three strikers were sentenced prior to 2000. Changing the law, they said, would remove an important tool from the prosecutorial toolbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But so far, Prop. 36 does not appear to be endangering public safety, according to a recent report by Stanford Law School and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing state data, the report concluded that of the more than 1,000 inmates released from prison under the measure, fewer than 2 percent have been charged with new crimes. By comparison, the average recidivism rate over a similar time period for non-Prop. 36 inmates is 16 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118400\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 242px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-118400\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf-242x300.jpg\" alt=\"From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\" width=\"242\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents’ prediction of the measure unleashing “blood in the streets” was hyperbole, said David Mills, a Stanford law professor who helped fund the initiative. “Millions of dollars have been saved and many lives changed, hopefully for the better,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Like their adopted son\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blessing,” says Richard Brown, a 61-year-old former drug addict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his arrest in 1995, Brown says he was unaware that the Three Strikes law had been implemented the previous year. “I heard about it but I didn’t think they’d be that out of control with the sentencing guidelines,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Brown moved to Ripon, a small farming community south of Stockton, where he found a job with a company that assembles agricultural machinery. An aspiring gospel musician, he also sings in a local church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was drawn to Ripon by Minard and Vivian Roorda, local farmers who learned of his case from a neighbor 18 years ago. The Roordas supported Brown like an adopted son, visiting him regularly in prisons around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minard Roorda says he voted for the original Three Strikes law but realized it cast too wide a net and left men like Brown languishing in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are they not deserved a second chance?” he said. “Are they not deserving our help? Are they not deserving our love?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prosecutors have challenged some Prop. 36 petitions, arguing that the inmates pose an unacceptable public safety risk, few of those efforts have been successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Robert Watts’ case, Kern County prosecutors sought to block his release, citing evidence of marijuana use in prison and his prior convictions for robbery and assault. But the effort failed and the judge ordered Watts’ release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, after a flurry of releases earlier this year, the pace has slowed to a trickle. In Los Angeles and some other counties, inmate petitions are getting stuck in the courts, creating a backlog of inmates who are still in prison even though they are eligible for resentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a steady decline in the number of petitions that have been reviewed,” said Bonnie Dumanis, district attorney for San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial round of Prop. 36 reviews mainly involved low-risk inmates who were being fast-tracked for release. Now, courts are facing “hard, challenging cases where people have mental health issues or have some issues that need to be dealt with,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye met with officials from several large counties to discuss ways to make the petition process “more efficient and effective,” Dumanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 2,000 inmates eligible for resentencing under Prop. 36 remain in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘They give you $200 and kick you out’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several former three strikers say their challenge has been coping with life on the streets without the structure of prison and support normally provided to newly released felons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most three strikers who qualify for release have served so much extra time they’re not placed on parole or probation. Often that means that don’t have access to substance abuse, mental health and other re-entry programs as well as housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They give you $200 and kick you out, and they don’t give you any type of papers to indicate that you can go down to this program or (that) program,” said Brown. He considers himself lucky to have a job, home and support network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many people coming out, it’s a nightmare,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Most three strikers have served so much time they aren’t placed on parole or probation when released.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In some counties, prosecutors, public defenders and legal aid groups are starting to develop support networks for three strikers coming out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former inmates are also supporting each other. Twice each week Pete Marin of Bakersfield checks in on his friend Eddie Alwell. Marin and Alwell served 18 years behind bars, one for petty theft, the other for drug possession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alwell, 65, is frail and was recently diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease. Much of his day is spent looking after six grandchildren. He met them for the first time after leaving prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin says he helps out Alwell around his house and drives him to the store and to church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of men who were sentenced under three strikes…have realized that their life before was bad,” he said. “So a lot of them want to change. I think some kind of program to help them get on their feet and lead them in the right way…would be very important.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — A new report by the state prison system’s inspector general reveals numerous examples of extreme misconduct by prison guards and state parole agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_93223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/04/03/report-outlines-abuses-by-california-prison-staff/supreme-court-to-rule-on-californias-overcrowded-prisons-3/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-93223\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-93223 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/04/RS1033_PrisonCrowding-300x194.jpg\" alt=\"Prison guard\" width=\"300\" height=\"194\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A guard keeps watch at Chino State Prison. A new inspector general report documents extreme misconduct by guards in California’s prison system. (Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The cases included a parole agent who is accused of soliciting one of his parolees to kill another and a prison guard who partied with inmates as they were drinking a form of booze the inmates manufactured themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another guard stripped off his duty weapons to duke it out with an inmate, then encouraged other guards to cover up the fight. And numerous corrections department employees are having sex with inmates, including juveniles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incidents are among 278 cases of alleged employee misconduct detailed in the latest report by the independent oversight office. Neither the corrections department nor the union representing prison guards immediately commented Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — A new report by the state prison system's inspector general reveals numerous examples of extreme misconduct by prison guards and state parole agents. The cases included a parole agent who is accused of soliciting one of his parolees to kill another and a prison guard who partied with inmates as they were drinking a form of booze the inmates manufactured themselves. Another guard stripped off his duty weapons to duke it out with an inmate, then encouraged other guards to cover up the fight. And numerous corrections department employees are having sex with inmates, including juveniles. The incidents are",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — A new report by the state prison system’s inspector general reveals numerous examples of extreme misconduct by prison guards and state parole agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_93223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/04/03/report-outlines-abuses-by-california-prison-staff/supreme-court-to-rule-on-californias-overcrowded-prisons-3/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-93223\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-93223 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/04/RS1033_PrisonCrowding-300x194.jpg\" alt=\"Prison guard\" width=\"300\" height=\"194\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A guard keeps watch at Chino State Prison. A new inspector general report documents extreme misconduct by guards in California’s prison system. (Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The cases included a parole agent who is accused of soliciting one of his parolees to kill another and a prison guard who partied with inmates as they were drinking a form of booze the inmates manufactured themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another guard stripped off his duty weapons to duke it out with an inmate, then encouraged other guards to cover up the fight. And numerous corrections department employees are having sex with inmates, including juveniles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incidents are among 278 cases of alleged employee misconduct detailed in the latest report by the independent oversight office. Neither the corrections department nor the union representing prison guards immediately commented Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A guard shot a prisoner and 10 other prisoners were hospitalized with “stab and slash” wounds in a riot at California State Prison Sacramento on Wednesday, the Department of Corrections reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility is also known as “New Folsom” because of its proximity to Folsom State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s the press release:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>California State Prison-sacramento (CSP-SAC) quelled a riot involving an unknown number of inmates that started at 11:17 a.m. on one of the prison’s maximum-security general population yards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the use of less-than-lethal force options to stop the riot, officers discharged rounds from the Mini 14 rifle One inmate suffered a gunshot wound and was taken to an area hospital for treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 10 other inmates were taken to area hospitals for treatment of stab and slash wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least nine other inmates suffered stab sounds; three of them were taken to area hospitals for treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no reports at this time of injuries to staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Updates will be provided later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSP-SAC is a multi-mission institution that houses 2,658 inmates. Opened in 1986, the institution primarily houses maximum-security inmates serving long sentences and those who have proved to be management problems at other institutions.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Want to avoid prison? Then stay in the Bay Area. That’s one conclusion you might draw from a massive database assembled by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cjcj.org/\">Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice\u003c/a> on the people behind bars in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_71848\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://casi.cjcj.org/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-71848 \" title=\"incarceration map\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/07/incarceration-map-300x266.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"266\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">You can see a full interactive version of this map by the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justic at http://casi.cjcj.org/. Or just click on this map.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As part of its California Sentencing Institute project on Monday, the center unveiled an interactive map that shows what proportion of each county’s population is in state prison, what proportion is in county jail, and what each county is paying to send its residents to California prisons for 2009 and 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at the map, some patterns pop out right away. Notably, the counties in the middle of the state generally put more people behind bars in 2010. That includes Central Valley counties like Kings and Tulare, as well as more northern counties including Shasta and Tehama.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\n\u003cp>Somebody has got to be No. 1,” Kings County Deputy District Attorney James Jahn\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For example, combining state and local prisoners, Kings County locked up 1,386 prisoners per 100,000 residents in 2010, compared to only 233 San Franciscans. Kings County leads all other counties in incarceration, in fact: the runner up, Butte County, only imprisons 967 people per 100,000.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To what does Kings County owe this distinction? “Somebody has got to be No. 1,” Kings County Deputy District Attorney James Jahn told me. And that was the extent of his insight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, Kings had a slightly lower reported crime rate than the state average that year (1459 serious crimes per 100,000 people, vs 2010 for the state). But it had a slightly higher poverty rate (16% of residents live below the federal poverty line, vs. 12% for the state as a whole).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get another perspective, I called the Kings County public defender. Or at least I tried to. It turns out there is no public defender in Kings County. Instead the courts rely on attorneys appointed for the purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By checking the website of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpda.org/County/CountyPDWebSites.html\">California Public Defenders Association\u003c/a>, I found a general correlation; those counties with websites indicating that they have full-time public defenders had a lower incarceration rate than those with no listings for public defenders. Coincidence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center released its new database at an interesting time, as the state is in the process of \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/lowdown/tag/realignment/\">“realignment,”\u003c/a> in which the state prisons are accepting fewer convicts, putting more of the responsibility for housing offenders on the counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Michael Montgomery notes the implications:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>There’s been a recent batch of data suggesting that while realignment, broadly speaking, is making progress (25k drop in prison population but not a major increase in local jail pop or crime spike) this is not the case across the board. Some counties are struggling, some are seeing a spike in jail populations and some are actually sending more offenders to state prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Want to avoid prison? Then stay in the Bay Area. That’s one conclusion you might draw from a massive database assembled by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cjcj.org/\">Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice\u003c/a> on the people behind bars in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_71848\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://casi.cjcj.org/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-71848 \" title=\"incarceration map\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/07/incarceration-map-300x266.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"266\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">You can see a full interactive version of this map by the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justic at http://casi.cjcj.org/. Or just click on this map.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As part of its California Sentencing Institute project on Monday, the center unveiled an interactive map that shows what proportion of each county’s population is in state prison, what proportion is in county jail, and what each county is paying to send its residents to California prisons for 2009 and 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at the map, some patterns pop out right away. Notably, the counties in the middle of the state generally put more people behind bars in 2010. That includes Central Valley counties like Kings and Tulare, as well as more northern counties including Shasta and Tehama.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\n\u003cp>Somebody has got to be No. 1,” Kings County Deputy District Attorney James Jahn\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For example, combining state and local prisoners, Kings County locked up 1,386 prisoners per 100,000 residents in 2010, compared to only 233 San Franciscans. Kings County leads all other counties in incarceration, in fact: the runner up, Butte County, only imprisons 967 people per 100,000.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To what does Kings County owe this distinction? “Somebody has got to be No. 1,” Kings County Deputy District Attorney James Jahn told me. And that was the extent of his insight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, Kings had a slightly lower reported crime rate than the state average that year (1459 serious crimes per 100,000 people, vs 2010 for the state). But it had a slightly higher poverty rate (16% of residents live below the federal poverty line, vs. 12% for the state as a whole).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get another perspective, I called the Kings County public defender. Or at least I tried to. It turns out there is no public defender in Kings County. Instead the courts rely on attorneys appointed for the purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By checking the website of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpda.org/County/CountyPDWebSites.html\">California Public Defenders Association\u003c/a>, I found a general correlation; those counties with websites indicating that they have full-time public defenders had a lower incarceration rate than those with no listings for public defenders. Coincidence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center released its new database at an interesting time, as the state is in the process of \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/lowdown/tag/realignment/\">“realignment,”\u003c/a> in which the state prisons are accepting fewer convicts, putting more of the responsibility for housing offenders on the counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Michael Montgomery notes the implications:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>There’s been a recent batch of data suggesting that while realignment, broadly speaking, is making progress (25k drop in prison population but not a major increase in local jail pop or crime spike) this is not the case across the board. Some counties are struggling, some are seeing a spike in jail populations and some are actually sending more offenders to state prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>SAN FRANCISCO (BCN) A bicyclist accused of fatally striking a pedestrian in San Francisco’s Castro District in March pleaded not guilty today [Wednesday] to a felony vehicular manslaughter charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Bucchere, 36, struck 71-year-old Sutchi Hui at Market and Castro streets shortly before 8:10 a.m. on March 29, according to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bucchere, who was riding south on Castro Street, struck Hui as he walked east in a crosswalk with a green light, police said. Hui died at a hospital days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goateed Bucchere, who wore a blazer and slacks in court, did not speak to reporters after his brief arraignment hearing this afternoon, but his attorneys issued a statement on his behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chris anticipates the day when he may express his deepest condolences to the Hui family for their tragic loss. But for now, while the case is ongoing, he will continue to cooperate with the authorities and to respond responsibly to the charges in court,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney George Gascon filed the charges last week, saying that Bucchere was facing a felony rather than a misdemeanor charge because witnesses reported that he committed “a pattern of vehicle code violations” prior to the collision, including running red lights and stop signs at other intersections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascon said that, according to surveillance video footage obtained by prosecutors, it did not appear that Bucchere tried to brake before striking Hui.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case gained further attention when it was revealed that on the day of the collision, someone using the name Chris Bucchere wrote about the accident on an online cycling forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the post, Bucchere expressed hope that Hui was OK, but ended by saying the moral of the story was the importance of wearing a helmet, which elicited criticism from other forum members. The post has since been taken off the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bucchere surrendered to police on Thursday after the charges were filed, but has since posted $150,000 bail and is out of custody, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He will return to court on July 27 to set a date for the preliminary hearing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "SAN FRANCISCO (BCN) A bicyclist accused of fatally striking a pedestrian in San Francisco's Castro District in March pleaded not guilty today to a felony vehicular manslaughter charge. Chris Bucchere, 36, struck 71-year-old Sutchi Hui at Market and Castro streets shortly before 8:10 a.m. on March 29, according to police. Bucchere, who was riding south on Castro Street, struck Hui as he walked east in a crosswalk with a green light, police said. Hui died at a hospital days later. The goateed Bucchere, who wore a blazer and slacks in court, did not speak to reporters after his brief",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SAN FRANCISCO (BCN) A bicyclist accused of fatally striking a pedestrian in San Francisco’s Castro District in March pleaded not guilty today [Wednesday] to a felony vehicular manslaughter charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Bucchere, 36, struck 71-year-old Sutchi Hui at Market and Castro streets shortly before 8:10 a.m. on March 29, according to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bucchere, who was riding south on Castro Street, struck Hui as he walked east in a crosswalk with a green light, police said. Hui died at a hospital days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goateed Bucchere, who wore a blazer and slacks in court, did not speak to reporters after his brief arraignment hearing this afternoon, but his attorneys issued a statement on his behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chris anticipates the day when he may express his deepest condolences to the Hui family for their tragic loss. But for now, while the case is ongoing, he will continue to cooperate with the authorities and to respond responsibly to the charges in court,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney George Gascon filed the charges last week, saying that Bucchere was facing a felony rather than a misdemeanor charge because witnesses reported that he committed “a pattern of vehicle code violations” prior to the collision, including running red lights and stop signs at other intersections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascon said that, according to surveillance video footage obtained by prosecutors, it did not appear that Bucchere tried to brake before striking Hui.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case gained further attention when it was revealed that on the day of the collision, someone using the name Chris Bucchere wrote about the accident on an online cycling forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the post, Bucchere expressed hope that Hui was OK, but ended by saying the moral of the story was the importance of wearing a helmet, which elicited criticism from other forum members. The post has since been taken off the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bucchere surrendered to police on Thursday after the charges were filed, but has since posted $150,000 bail and is out of custody, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He will return to court on July 27 to set a date for the preliminary hearing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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