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"content": "\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">launched his campaign for governor\u003c/a> this week, touting his record in office as a potential blueprint for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Mahan begins a four-month sprint to the June 2 primary amid a crowded Democratic field, he still has a day job to worry about: leading the state’s third-largest city in the face of fiscal headwinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s allies and critics on the council are split over whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">his run for higher office\u003c/a> is a distraction or an opportunity for San José. The campaign overlaps with the busiest time of year at city hall, when the mayor and council negotiate a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That task could be complicated by a $55 million to $65 million budget shortfall facing the city, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/127403/639019929003530000\">early estimate\u003c/a> by the city manager’s office released in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that deficit represents a much smaller share of San José’s general fund than shortfalls in San Francisco and Oakland, it still sets up difficult choices for Mahan and the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how he plans to balance leading the city while reaching for the brass ring of state politics, Mahan replied: “I still wake up every day thinking about my primary job, which is being mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San José from San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s campaign is likely to lean heavily on his mayoral resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2023, Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">led a major change\u003c/a> in the city’s strategy for reducing homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">consecutive budgets\u003c/a>, he has won support for shifting money from Measure E, a voter-approved real estate tax, away from funding affordable apartments and toward building interim housing and shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has touted a 10% decline in unsheltered homelessness during his time in office. And he has vowed that if elected governor, he would give cities such as San José more money to keep people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a story to tell about how we can bring that same spirit of pragmatism and spirit of problem solving to the entire state of California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Mahan’s critics at city hall, his run for governor is a confirmation of their view that he has used his job as mayor as a political stepping stone.[aside postID=news_12071306 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250312-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg']“This mayor has demonstrated to us that he leverages the communications of this city to his political benefit,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said. “And too often when we see decisions that are driven by what sounds good or what looks good in the moment, it doesn’t always mean it’s what is best for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Mahan’s tenure could be appealing targets for the Democrats running against him. Mahan has sparred with organized labor throughout his time as mayor, most notably in 2023, when he was the lone vote on the city council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">against giving city workers\u003c/a> a 6% raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said Mahan’s signature move on homelessness embodies what she sees as the mayor’s prioritization of quick wins over lasting impact, by diverting city spending on permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redirecting Measure E funds is a reflection of short-term thinking, rather than long-term housing stability for San José,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Mahan leads weekly council meetings and spearheads the budget process, the city manager runs the day-to-day operations of city departments. That “weak mayor” system could make it easier for Mahan to hit the campaign trail and introduce himself to voters across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can produce a governor from the city of San José, I think it would be a boon for the South Bay and San José specifically,” Councilmember Michael Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matt Mahan has more energy than any person I think I’ve ever met, and I think he will do the right thing for the city of San José by making sure he’s paying the attention he needs to in this very critical budget cycle,” Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Matt Mahan speaks with a reporter during an election night party for Matthew Quevedo, San José Council District 3 candidate, in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s budget report highlighted slow growth in property and sales tax revenue, combined with higher-than-expected costs for retiree benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local economy continues to be relatively weak, with stagnant job growth and a suppressed real estate market,” City Manager Jennifer Maguire wrote. “Unfortunately, several major General Fund revenue categories have weakened further since prior forecasts or continue at the previously forecasted low levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan is expected to unveil his initial spending plan in early March. After months of hearings and negotiations, the council will vote on a final budget on June 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that point, Mahan could be on his way to Sacramento — or back on the 18th floor of city hall, licking his political wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">launched his campaign for governor\u003c/a> this week, touting his record in office as a potential blueprint for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Mahan begins a four-month sprint to the June 2 primary amid a crowded Democratic field, he still has a day job to worry about: leading the state’s third-largest city in the face of fiscal headwinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s allies and critics on the council are split over whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">his run for higher office\u003c/a> is a distraction or an opportunity for San José. The campaign overlaps with the busiest time of year at city hall, when the mayor and council negotiate a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That task could be complicated by a $55 million to $65 million budget shortfall facing the city, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/127403/639019929003530000\">early estimate\u003c/a> by the city manager’s office released in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that deficit represents a much smaller share of San José’s general fund than shortfalls in San Francisco and Oakland, it still sets up difficult choices for Mahan and the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how he plans to balance leading the city while reaching for the brass ring of state politics, Mahan replied: “I still wake up every day thinking about my primary job, which is being mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San José from San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s campaign is likely to lean heavily on his mayoral resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2023, Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">led a major change\u003c/a> in the city’s strategy for reducing homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">consecutive budgets\u003c/a>, he has won support for shifting money from Measure E, a voter-approved real estate tax, away from funding affordable apartments and toward building interim housing and shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has touted a 10% decline in unsheltered homelessness during his time in office. And he has vowed that if elected governor, he would give cities such as San José more money to keep people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a story to tell about how we can bring that same spirit of pragmatism and spirit of problem solving to the entire state of California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Mahan’s critics at city hall, his run for governor is a confirmation of their view that he has used his job as mayor as a political stepping stone.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This mayor has demonstrated to us that he leverages the communications of this city to his political benefit,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said. “And too often when we see decisions that are driven by what sounds good or what looks good in the moment, it doesn’t always mean it’s what is best for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Mahan’s tenure could be appealing targets for the Democrats running against him. Mahan has sparred with organized labor throughout his time as mayor, most notably in 2023, when he was the lone vote on the city council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">against giving city workers\u003c/a> a 6% raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said Mahan’s signature move on homelessness embodies what she sees as the mayor’s prioritization of quick wins over lasting impact, by diverting city spending on permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redirecting Measure E funds is a reflection of short-term thinking, rather than long-term housing stability for San José,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Mahan leads weekly council meetings and spearheads the budget process, the city manager runs the day-to-day operations of city departments. That “weak mayor” system could make it easier for Mahan to hit the campaign trail and introduce himself to voters across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can produce a governor from the city of San José, I think it would be a boon for the South Bay and San José specifically,” Councilmember Michael Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matt Mahan has more energy than any person I think I’ve ever met, and I think he will do the right thing for the city of San José by making sure he’s paying the attention he needs to in this very critical budget cycle,” Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Matt Mahan speaks with a reporter during an election night party for Matthew Quevedo, San José Council District 3 candidate, in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s budget report highlighted slow growth in property and sales tax revenue, combined with higher-than-expected costs for retiree benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local economy continues to be relatively weak, with stagnant job growth and a suppressed real estate market,” City Manager Jennifer Maguire wrote. “Unfortunately, several major General Fund revenue categories have weakened further since prior forecasts or continue at the previously forecasted low levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan is expected to unveil his initial spending plan in early March. After months of hearings and negotiations, the council will vote on a final budget on June 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that point, Mahan could be on his way to Sacramento — or back on the 18th floor of city hall, licking his political wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-supreme-court\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a> Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero said she is taking a more proactive stance to preserve access to the judicial system as the Trump administration continues to make arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday, Guerrero — the high court’s first Latina chief — expressed concern over the “chilling effects” of federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066492/us-judge-hears-lawsuits-over-ice-arrests-at-courthouses-immigration-check-ins\">immigration enforcement in California courthouses\u003c/a> and said the Judicial Council has been closely monitoring the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The type of immigration enforcement action that we’ve seen instills fear in witnesses, litigants that creates problems for them being able to access the courts,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration enforcement agencies in general did not make arrests in courthouses during the Biden administration, a policy meant to ensure that people would feel safe participating in the judicial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when President Donald Trump took office. The Republican administration has allowed agents to arrest people in and around courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero’s office has documented immigration enforcement incidents in 17 courthouses, with the most activity reported by the Superior Court of Shasta County. The data tracking has been informal so far, she said, but the Judicial Council will \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/system/files/itc/sp25-05.pdf\">consider a proposal to formalize it on April 24\u003c/a>. That would require courts to regularly submit data to the Judicial Council on civil arrests in and around superior courthouses.[aside postID=news_12068969 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250820-ICEActivity-05_qed.jpg']“The proposal will help ensure consistent and coordinated statewide collection and reporting of data to better assess broader implications for access to justice,” wrote the Trial Court Presiding Judges Advisory Committee and Court Executives Advisory Committee in their proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said the monitoring is passed onto the attorney general’s office and serves to “be better prepared to take any additional further actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president is not going to listen to me if I try to tell him what to do, so what really is the point of that?” she said. “I’m less interested in making statements, trying to tell people what they’re doing wrong, and instead trying to find a way forward so that our courts are informed — that we are available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means looking for ways for state courts to assert their authority, she said. She pointed to remote hearings, educating the branch about its legal authority, and connecting the public with resources so they can pursue additional remedies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic senators this month \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/democrats-immigration-legislation/\">introduced new efforts\u003c/a> to bolster protections in courthouse. Sen. Susan Rubio, a Democrat from West Covina, introduced a bill that would allow remote courthouse appearances for the majority of civil or criminal state court hearings, trials or conferences until January 2029. Sen. Eloise Gómez Reyes, a Democrat from San Bernardino, introduced legislation to prevent federal immigration agents from making “unannounced and indiscriminate” arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/chief-justice-immigration-arrests/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-supreme-court\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a> Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero said she is taking a more proactive stance to preserve access to the judicial system as the Trump administration continues to make arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday, Guerrero — the high court’s first Latina chief — expressed concern over the “chilling effects” of federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066492/us-judge-hears-lawsuits-over-ice-arrests-at-courthouses-immigration-check-ins\">immigration enforcement in California courthouses\u003c/a> and said the Judicial Council has been closely monitoring the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The type of immigration enforcement action that we’ve seen instills fear in witnesses, litigants that creates problems for them being able to access the courts,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration enforcement agencies in general did not make arrests in courthouses during the Biden administration, a policy meant to ensure that people would feel safe participating in the judicial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when President Donald Trump took office. The Republican administration has allowed agents to arrest people in and around courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero’s office has documented immigration enforcement incidents in 17 courthouses, with the most activity reported by the Superior Court of Shasta County. The data tracking has been informal so far, she said, but the Judicial Council will \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/system/files/itc/sp25-05.pdf\">consider a proposal to formalize it on April 24\u003c/a>. That would require courts to regularly submit data to the Judicial Council on civil arrests in and around superior courthouses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The proposal will help ensure consistent and coordinated statewide collection and reporting of data to better assess broader implications for access to justice,” wrote the Trial Court Presiding Judges Advisory Committee and Court Executives Advisory Committee in their proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said the monitoring is passed onto the attorney general’s office and serves to “be better prepared to take any additional further actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president is not going to listen to me if I try to tell him what to do, so what really is the point of that?” she said. “I’m less interested in making statements, trying to tell people what they’re doing wrong, and instead trying to find a way forward so that our courts are informed — that we are available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means looking for ways for state courts to assert their authority, she said. She pointed to remote hearings, educating the branch about its legal authority, and connecting the public with resources so they can pursue additional remedies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic senators this month \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/democrats-immigration-legislation/\">introduced new efforts\u003c/a> to bolster protections in courthouse. Sen. Susan Rubio, a Democrat from West Covina, introduced a bill that would allow remote courthouse appearances for the majority of civil or criminal state court hearings, trials or conferences until January 2029. Sen. Eloise Gómez Reyes, a Democrat from San Bernardino, introduced legislation to prevent federal immigration agents from making “unannounced and indiscriminate” arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/chief-justice-immigration-arrests/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "a-year-after-the-la-fires-a-journalist-looks-back-on-the-stories-from-his-neighborhood",
"title": "A Year After the LA Fires, a Journalist Looks Back on the Stories From His Neighborhood",
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"content": "\u003cp>My biggest concern on the morning of Jan. 7, 2025, was the wind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weather warnings said the Santa Anas would roll in hard with hurricane force velocity. Before sunset, mean wind gusts were already rattling windows and knocking over lawn furniture. Tree branches groaned and palm trees bowed toward the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We followed reports of a fire getting bigger out by the ocean, in the wealthy enclave of Pacific Palisades. Then, around 6:30 p.m., word got out of a brush fire igniting in Eaton Canyon, a few miles from my neighborhood on the southern edge of Altadena. By complying with \u003ca href=\"https://fastfirewatchguards.com\">NFPA fire watch requirements\u003c/a>, commercial and residential buildings will be better protected from fire disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 7 p.m., people were voluntarily evacuating parts of east Altadena and north Pasadena, right below the canyon, as the wind-driven fire exploded and began its destructive western march, eventually tearing a six-mile path across the whole of Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I headed out into the windstorm on foot, around 8:30 p.m. After two decades as a reporter in Southern California, I’ve seen how the Santa Anas can turn a modest brush fire into a virtually unstoppable destructive force that will erase neighborhoods. But this one felt different. There was a fury in the wind that I’d never experienced. And this was my own community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even knowing what I’d do with the material, I started walking east, recording and narrating what I saw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/KdII2e2Nw7s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake Avenue cuts through the middle of Altadena, cleaving it into two distinct halves. I could see a fiery glow to the northeast. Embers were starting to blow down like burning snowflakes. I picked up the unmistakable smell of burning structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I crept out a few more times, snapping pictures and shooting video, trying to stay upright. The wind only seemed to grow angrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 2:30 a.m., I went out once last time. The windstorm of embers was bigger, and hotter, the fire obviously closer. A small fire crew from the city of Alhambra was just around the corner at the intersection of El Molino Avenue and Highland Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two firefighters had pulled out a manhole cover and were somehow drawing water from the sewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Get the f–k out of here, now!” one of the firefighters yelled through the howling winds. Houses just two blocks southeast were fully engulfed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I packed a few things and evacuated to the parking lot of a nearby grocery store, but returned on foot at sunrise. By then the winds had calmed, but the sky above West Altadena was black as ink, the sunrise extinguished.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The stay-behinds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033286/in-fire-scarred-altadena-these-residents-refused-to-leave\">first people I interviewed\u003c/a> after the fire was Justin Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his brother evacuated their 94-year-old mom, Jane, from her home in East Altadena. Then they raced back up to the house to meet the fire head-on as it tore through the neighborhood. They saved Jane’s house and one across the street. Every other house on the cul-de-sac was destroyed.[aside postID=news_12033286 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250312_Stay-Behinds_JB_00010-1020x680.jpg']Murphy chose to stay behind after the fire, to mop up hot spots and protect the house from looters. Everyone else in the neighborhood was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I lived through the fire, and I lived after the fire, and I lived kind of as an outcast really,” Murphy told me, still a bit rattled by his experience. “But in a weird way, it made me look at myself and do some self-review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, I’ve kept walking Altadena, trying to make sense of what happened with as many people who would talk to me, including Eshele Williams. Her family has lived in the same West Altadena neighborhood for 60 years. They lost four houses, all within a block or two of each other. I asked Williams why she and her family have been so willing to tell their story and speak out at local town hall events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve grown up in this community and the only thing that I can do is shine a really bright light on it, on us, and who we have always been and potentially talk about where we should go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Loss and resurrection\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Eaton Fire not only brought flames of destructive fury, it created a demographic earthquake that will shake-up Altadena’s racial and class complexion for the foreseeable future. But that’s something Williams saw coming long before the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Altadena has been in transition for a long time, when I grew up here all of my neighbors were Black,” Williams said. “And that has changed over the years, this gentrification of Altadena.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1170px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1170\" height=\"831\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg 1170w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1170px) 100vw, 1170px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From top left: Steven Cuevas, artist Alma Cielo, photographer James Bernal and journalist Sasha Khokha pose for a selfie on Dec. 28, 2025 at the site of Cielo’s former home and studio, which were completely destroyed in West Altadena during the Eaton fire. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Alma Cielo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, I invited my old friend and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report-magazine\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> host Sasha Khokha to come down from Northern California and see Altadena in the slow process of recovery. I wanted to introduce her to some of the people that I’ve featured in my stories over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khokha arrived on a bright Sunday morning, so naturally, I took her to church. Since the fire, St. Mark’s Episcopal Church has been worshipping in the nearby East LA neighborhood of Eagle Rock after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038756/an-historic-altadena-church-lost-to-the-eaton-fire-begins-the-long-journey-to-resurrection\">its entire campus in the heart of Altadena\u003c/a> burned down. After the service, senior Pastor Carri Grindon told us that even though this temporary space is a 20-minute drive from Altadena, they haven’t lost any parishioners. In fact, they’ve gained new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need the community more than they’ve ever needed it before. They need that sense of, we’ve lost so much, but we have each other and we’re not going anywhere,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would compare it to when you’ve had a death in your family. There’s grief, but also there’s tasks. And now people are, at least in my experience, sharing, expressing and processing their grief,” Grindon continued.[aside postID=news_12038756 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-22-KQED-1020x680.jpg']I’ve talked a lot about grief and trauma over the past year with 94-year-old Jane Murphy. She’s been a mental health therapist for decades and still sees clients every week. Her expansive home, saved from the fire by her sons, is filled with light that floods in from large windows throughout the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love this house. I’ve lived here 64 years,” Murphy told us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy walked us through her later years with grace, irrepressible wonder and with absolute appreciation for whatever or whomever is in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also very funny. Like her answer when I asked her how she’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, I’ve been medium rare,” she said. Now, medium rare for me, is the comedy and the tragedy. Because I walk through all this tragedy every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is literally true. An avid hiker for most of her life, Murphy still gets out and walks a couple of miles every day through her neighborhood, now peppered with vacant lots, reminders of lost homes and neighbors. And she says a blessing in her head as she passes each one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jane Murphy, photographed at her home in Altadena, California, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What I have done is I’ve blessed all these lots, blessed the people. I am deeply grateful more people did not die, but I’m very sad for the people in West Altadena who did die,” Murphy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All but one of the nineteen people who lost their lives in the fire lived in West Altadena. Murphy and I may not have known them personally, but we all shared space together in our community, drove the same streets, hiked the same foothill trails, bought groceries or had our cars repaired at the same places. The connection is undeniable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like me and many others, Murphy worries about what comes next for Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hopeful that Altadena will resurrect,” she said. “My fear is that some builders will come in and want to build condos on lots and change the character,” she says, echoing the sentiments of Williams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rebuilding slowly lurches to a start, outsiders are indeed swooping in and scooping up properties that belonged to Altadena families for decades. Real estate listing firms like Redfin find that roughly half of all vacant lots sold in Altadena since the fire were snapped up by corporate investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire dealt a huge blow not only to homeowners but to renters as well. Scores of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050296/for-altadenas-therapists-trauma-and-healing-from-wildfire-ripple-outwards\">Altadena renters, like Melissa Lopez\u003c/a>, had to scramble to find new places outside Altadena and typically at inflated prices. Standing on the vacant lot where her home once stood on Lake Avenue, Lopez told Khokha and me that coming back to the property is like visiting a grave site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1418\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-1536x1089.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Melissa Lopez photographed a year after her home in Altadena, California was destroyed by the Eaton fire. Right: Melissa Lopez shows the Altadena tattoo she got after the fires. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I know some people are like, ‘I can never go back to Altadena.’ And I always tell folks, I totally respect that, but you can’t avoid grief. It’ll find you, trust me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[But] I find a certain level of comfort when I come, because in many ways, there’s still some foundations, there’s still some rubble, empty lots. It’s the one place where the outsides match my insides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Living now about fifteen miles outside of Altadena, Melissa said renters like her have been largely left out of the re-building process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like we need a survey of — who commits to renting to fire survivors? Who’s committing to rent at reasonable prices?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were starting to really gentrify Altadena even before the fire,” she continued. “There are people saying, yeah, we want renters back. But I haven’t really seen that at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fire followers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Scores of other fire survivors are digging in and taking steps to rebuild. Fresh roots are sinking into the soil that’s come in after the soil that burned. Scorched trees are being rehabilitated, new saplings are being sunk into the earth. Freshly cut wood slats are sinking into freshly poured foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before anyone was drawing up blueprints for a rebuild, others, like Alma Cielo and her husband Paul, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060753/a-look-at-prop-50-meet-the-duduk-whisperer-altadena-homeowners-resettling-in-rvs\">returned with trailers and RVs\u003c/a> to homestead on their scorched lots.[aside postID=news_12050296 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/2-Gabby-Raices-2000x1500.jpg']They’re going to rebuild their place too, in West Altadena, but they’re not quite ready just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to stand here and feel the land healing, and then we’ll be able to know where to go from there,” Alma Cielo said, standing near a cluster of blooming morning glories and next to a fig tree that’s leafing out again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m feeling very grateful, actually, and at peace,” she added. The fire took away a lot of the things that I had been carrying that were simply weight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo lost about thirty years of journals that were destroyed in the fire, notes she thought would be the foundation of a memoir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if I go through those books, you just see a lot of the same cycles of ignorance and trauma. And I really had wanted to burn them years ago, but I didn’t know how I could do that safely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe that’s how she starts the new book, I suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” she continued, “about how it was time to write a whole new story without having to constantly reference the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told Cielo about feeling something similar, about how the fire drew me back to journalism after I’d felt burnt out from covering news for 25 years. The fire gave me a renewed purpose. Maybe I could help my community a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alma Cielo stands for a photograph with a Bodhi tree that survived the fire and is now growing back in the spot where her house once stood. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The fire also deepened my love and appreciation for a place I already held sacred, and helped me connect with my neighbors in a whole new way — by telling their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so much possibility now, there’s so much beauty, there is so much growth,” Cielo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo mentioned the concept of “fire followers,” — the trees and the plants that thrive after a fire, that need the smoke and ash in the soil to get that spark to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She, too, is a fire follower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to be better after this fire than I ever was before,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Steven Cuevas’s life was forever changed after the 2025 Eaton fire destroyed Altadena. He began documenting his and his neighbors’ loss, and the road to recovery. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>My biggest concern on the morning of Jan. 7, 2025, was the wind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weather warnings said the Santa Anas would roll in hard with hurricane force velocity. Before sunset, mean wind gusts were already rattling windows and knocking over lawn furniture. Tree branches groaned and palm trees bowed toward the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We followed reports of a fire getting bigger out by the ocean, in the wealthy enclave of Pacific Palisades. Then, around 6:30 p.m., word got out of a brush fire igniting in Eaton Canyon, a few miles from my neighborhood on the southern edge of Altadena. By complying with \u003ca href=\"https://fastfirewatchguards.com\">NFPA fire watch requirements\u003c/a>, commercial and residential buildings will be better protected from fire disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 7 p.m., people were voluntarily evacuating parts of east Altadena and north Pasadena, right below the canyon, as the wind-driven fire exploded and began its destructive western march, eventually tearing a six-mile path across the whole of Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I headed out into the windstorm on foot, around 8:30 p.m. After two decades as a reporter in Southern California, I’ve seen how the Santa Anas can turn a modest brush fire into a virtually unstoppable destructive force that will erase neighborhoods. But this one felt different. There was a fury in the wind that I’d never experienced. And this was my own community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even knowing what I’d do with the material, I started walking east, recording and narrating what I saw.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/KdII2e2Nw7s'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/KdII2e2Nw7s'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Lake Avenue cuts through the middle of Altadena, cleaving it into two distinct halves. I could see a fiery glow to the northeast. Embers were starting to blow down like burning snowflakes. I picked up the unmistakable smell of burning structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I crept out a few more times, snapping pictures and shooting video, trying to stay upright. The wind only seemed to grow angrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 2:30 a.m., I went out once last time. The windstorm of embers was bigger, and hotter, the fire obviously closer. A small fire crew from the city of Alhambra was just around the corner at the intersection of El Molino Avenue and Highland Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two firefighters had pulled out a manhole cover and were somehow drawing water from the sewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Get the f–k out of here, now!” one of the firefighters yelled through the howling winds. Houses just two blocks southeast were fully engulfed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I packed a few things and evacuated to the parking lot of a nearby grocery store, but returned on foot at sunrise. By then the winds had calmed, but the sky above West Altadena was black as ink, the sunrise extinguished.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The stay-behinds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033286/in-fire-scarred-altadena-these-residents-refused-to-leave\">first people I interviewed\u003c/a> after the fire was Justin Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his brother evacuated their 94-year-old mom, Jane, from her home in East Altadena. Then they raced back up to the house to meet the fire head-on as it tore through the neighborhood. They saved Jane’s house and one across the street. Every other house on the cul-de-sac was destroyed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Murphy chose to stay behind after the fire, to mop up hot spots and protect the house from looters. Everyone else in the neighborhood was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I lived through the fire, and I lived after the fire, and I lived kind of as an outcast really,” Murphy told me, still a bit rattled by his experience. “But in a weird way, it made me look at myself and do some self-review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, I’ve kept walking Altadena, trying to make sense of what happened with as many people who would talk to me, including Eshele Williams. Her family has lived in the same West Altadena neighborhood for 60 years. They lost four houses, all within a block or two of each other. I asked Williams why she and her family have been so willing to tell their story and speak out at local town hall events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve grown up in this community and the only thing that I can do is shine a really bright light on it, on us, and who we have always been and potentially talk about where we should go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Loss and resurrection\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Eaton Fire not only brought flames of destructive fury, it created a demographic earthquake that will shake-up Altadena’s racial and class complexion for the foreseeable future. But that’s something Williams saw coming long before the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Altadena has been in transition for a long time, when I grew up here all of my neighbors were Black,” Williams said. “And that has changed over the years, this gentrification of Altadena.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1170px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1170\" height=\"831\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg 1170w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1170px) 100vw, 1170px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From top left: Steven Cuevas, artist Alma Cielo, photographer James Bernal and journalist Sasha Khokha pose for a selfie on Dec. 28, 2025 at the site of Cielo’s former home and studio, which were completely destroyed in West Altadena during the Eaton fire. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Alma Cielo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, I invited my old friend and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report-magazine\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> host Sasha Khokha to come down from Northern California and see Altadena in the slow process of recovery. I wanted to introduce her to some of the people that I’ve featured in my stories over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khokha arrived on a bright Sunday morning, so naturally, I took her to church. Since the fire, St. Mark’s Episcopal Church has been worshipping in the nearby East LA neighborhood of Eagle Rock after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038756/an-historic-altadena-church-lost-to-the-eaton-fire-begins-the-long-journey-to-resurrection\">its entire campus in the heart of Altadena\u003c/a> burned down. After the service, senior Pastor Carri Grindon told us that even though this temporary space is a 20-minute drive from Altadena, they haven’t lost any parishioners. In fact, they’ve gained new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need the community more than they’ve ever needed it before. They need that sense of, we’ve lost so much, but we have each other and we’re not going anywhere,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would compare it to when you’ve had a death in your family. There’s grief, but also there’s tasks. And now people are, at least in my experience, sharing, expressing and processing their grief,” Grindon continued.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I’ve talked a lot about grief and trauma over the past year with 94-year-old Jane Murphy. She’s been a mental health therapist for decades and still sees clients every week. Her expansive home, saved from the fire by her sons, is filled with light that floods in from large windows throughout the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love this house. I’ve lived here 64 years,” Murphy told us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy walked us through her later years with grace, irrepressible wonder and with absolute appreciation for whatever or whomever is in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also very funny. Like her answer when I asked her how she’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, I’ve been medium rare,” she said. Now, medium rare for me, is the comedy and the tragedy. Because I walk through all this tragedy every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is literally true. An avid hiker for most of her life, Murphy still gets out and walks a couple of miles every day through her neighborhood, now peppered with vacant lots, reminders of lost homes and neighbors. And she says a blessing in her head as she passes each one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jane Murphy, photographed at her home in Altadena, California, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What I have done is I’ve blessed all these lots, blessed the people. I am deeply grateful more people did not die, but I’m very sad for the people in West Altadena who did die,” Murphy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All but one of the nineteen people who lost their lives in the fire lived in West Altadena. Murphy and I may not have known them personally, but we all shared space together in our community, drove the same streets, hiked the same foothill trails, bought groceries or had our cars repaired at the same places. The connection is undeniable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like me and many others, Murphy worries about what comes next for Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hopeful that Altadena will resurrect,” she said. “My fear is that some builders will come in and want to build condos on lots and change the character,” she says, echoing the sentiments of Williams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rebuilding slowly lurches to a start, outsiders are indeed swooping in and scooping up properties that belonged to Altadena families for decades. Real estate listing firms like Redfin find that roughly half of all vacant lots sold in Altadena since the fire were snapped up by corporate investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire dealt a huge blow not only to homeowners but to renters as well. Scores of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050296/for-altadenas-therapists-trauma-and-healing-from-wildfire-ripple-outwards\">Altadena renters, like Melissa Lopez\u003c/a>, had to scramble to find new places outside Altadena and typically at inflated prices. Standing on the vacant lot where her home once stood on Lake Avenue, Lopez told Khokha and me that coming back to the property is like visiting a grave site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1418\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-1536x1089.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Melissa Lopez photographed a year after her home in Altadena, California was destroyed by the Eaton fire. Right: Melissa Lopez shows the Altadena tattoo she got after the fires. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I know some people are like, ‘I can never go back to Altadena.’ And I always tell folks, I totally respect that, but you can’t avoid grief. It’ll find you, trust me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[But] I find a certain level of comfort when I come, because in many ways, there’s still some foundations, there’s still some rubble, empty lots. It’s the one place where the outsides match my insides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Living now about fifteen miles outside of Altadena, Melissa said renters like her have been largely left out of the re-building process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like we need a survey of — who commits to renting to fire survivors? Who’s committing to rent at reasonable prices?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were starting to really gentrify Altadena even before the fire,” she continued. “There are people saying, yeah, we want renters back. But I haven’t really seen that at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fire followers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Scores of other fire survivors are digging in and taking steps to rebuild. Fresh roots are sinking into the soil that’s come in after the soil that burned. Scorched trees are being rehabilitated, new saplings are being sunk into the earth. Freshly cut wood slats are sinking into freshly poured foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before anyone was drawing up blueprints for a rebuild, others, like Alma Cielo and her husband Paul, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060753/a-look-at-prop-50-meet-the-duduk-whisperer-altadena-homeowners-resettling-in-rvs\">returned with trailers and RVs\u003c/a> to homestead on their scorched lots.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>They’re going to rebuild their place too, in West Altadena, but they’re not quite ready just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to stand here and feel the land healing, and then we’ll be able to know where to go from there,” Alma Cielo said, standing near a cluster of blooming morning glories and next to a fig tree that’s leafing out again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m feeling very grateful, actually, and at peace,” she added. The fire took away a lot of the things that I had been carrying that were simply weight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo lost about thirty years of journals that were destroyed in the fire, notes she thought would be the foundation of a memoir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if I go through those books, you just see a lot of the same cycles of ignorance and trauma. And I really had wanted to burn them years ago, but I didn’t know how I could do that safely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe that’s how she starts the new book, I suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” she continued, “about how it was time to write a whole new story without having to constantly reference the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told Cielo about feeling something similar, about how the fire drew me back to journalism after I’d felt burnt out from covering news for 25 years. The fire gave me a renewed purpose. Maybe I could help my community a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alma Cielo stands for a photograph with a Bodhi tree that survived the fire and is now growing back in the spot where her house once stood. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The fire also deepened my love and appreciation for a place I already held sacred, and helped me connect with my neighbors in a whole new way — by telling their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so much possibility now, there’s so much beauty, there is so much growth,” Cielo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo mentioned the concept of “fire followers,” — the trees and the plants that thrive after a fire, that need the smoke and ash in the soil to get that spark to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She, too, is a fire follower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to be better after this fire than I ever was before,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The soaring cost of child care has recently led states like New Mexico to offer universal child care and cities like New York and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069711/san-francisco-expands-child-care-subsidies-to-tackle-affordability-issues\">San Francisco to expand\u003c/a> free and low-cost child care to income-eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could it be done in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two papers published Friday, researchers say, in short: Yes. The state could build upon \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-funding-trends-for-early-care-education-programs/\">its ongoing investments in child care\u003c/a> and work toward universal care for infants and toddlers, aged three and under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost could reach up to $21 billion per year to subsidize all families, but it would generate as much as $23 billion in economic output — essentially paying for itself — by allowing mothers of young children to rejoin the workforce, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/economics-market-early-childhood-care-and-education-california#15\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not considering the many other benefits that accrue to the children themselves, to families and to society from having a robust, high-quality, well-functioning early childhood care and education market,” said Chloe Gibbs, a policy fellow at the institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">Child care prices went up 29%\u003c/a> across the country from 2020 to 2024, according to Child Care Aware of America, a national network of child care resource and referral agencies. The prices outpaced overall inflation as increased demand for care collided with a worsening shortage of child care workers, \u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\">according to the business firm KPMG\u003c/a>, which noted that women with young children are increasingly working part-time, missing work or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">leaving the labor force entirely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child care business owner holds one of the younger children attending her home daycare in Manteca on Oct. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Affordability concerns are front and center for American households, and that also means there is a political and policy window of opportunity to take strides,” said Neale Mahoney, an economics professor and director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care an example of a market failure because the cost of providing care exceeds what families can afford to pay, resulting in an imbalance between supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care for infants and toddlers is harder to come by and costs the most because babies require constant attention. Providers must maintain a low caregiver-to-child ratio, which limits capacity, but have a hard time retaining workers. Policy experts say subsidies can help close the gap between what parents can afford and what it actually costs to provide high-quality care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Stanford economists estimate that California could subsidize infant and toddler care for low- and middle-income earners at a cost of between $4 billion to $8 billion per year, or between $12 billion to $21 billion to scale the subsidies to all families.[aside postID=news_12069711 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00057_TV-KQED.jpg']A universal “zero to three” child care program could allow more than 100,000 mothers of young children to join the workforce, they said. Stanford coordinated the publication of its policy brief with another by researchers at the University of California that outlines ways to build up the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpip.uci.edu/files/briefs/zero-to-three.pdf\">paper by two early childhood policy experts\u003c/a> at UC Irvine and UC Berkeley lays out more than a dozen suggestions to build a child care system that works for families and child providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include consolidating more than a dozen funding streams for child care and simplifying eligibility rules to make it easier for child care providers to enroll families; making Head Start centers eligible for state funding so they can serve more children; cutting fees and easing zoning restrictions to get child care facilities up and running faster; and setting up a comprehensive online portal where families can find the kind of child care they need and providers can respond to market demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We don’t have anybody that’s looking out across California [for child care needs] the way we look at where we should build schools or where we should put bus stops or post offices,” said Jade Jenkins, a professor at UC Irvine’s School of Education. “If we provide families information in this online marketplace to make finding child care as easy as it would be to register for yoga … we could meet families where they are at and draw providers in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said modernizing child care information is one of several low-cost fixes the state can undertake to prepare for expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas called California’s cost of living “the single biggest threat to our future” and set up a select committee to focus on child care costs. He said now that California has fully expanded transitional kindergarten, also known as TK, to offer a free year of schooling for all 4-year-olds, it’s time for the legislature to focus on helping families afford child care for the youngest kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day care worker hugs a child in a playroom at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The committee held three hearings last year but has yet to propose any solution. At a hearing held in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article312533574.html\">only one of 13 members of the committee showed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the most recent hearing in December, Assembly Majority Leader Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, who co-chairs the committee, told KQED that more time is needed to investigate which model of child care expansion works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been working on this ever since I came [to the legislature] in 2016, and I can see that we’ve got more work to do, but we got to do it right, and we just can’t be slapstick,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the quick buildout of TK led to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/transitional-kindergarten-public-preschool-affluent-income-report\">unintended consequences\u003c/a>, including the closure of private or nonprofit-based preschools that lost their 4-year-old students to publicly-funded schools and struggled to pivot to serving younger kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/8658266/dc85b370721c\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"900\" height=\"500\" style=\"overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguiar-Curry said New Mexico could offer universal child care because it has a smaller population and can draw on oil and gas profits to fund the initiative. That’s harder to do in a big state like California, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see how they roll that out,” she said. “I hope that they’re successful and I hope we can all learn from their lessons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email message Thursday, Aguiar-Curry said she looks forward to digging into the new reports. In the meantime, she said she’ll keep working with the legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom to follow through on promises to raise reimbursement rates for child care providers participating in the subsidy system and fund up to 200,000 subsidized child care slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those steps will make a real difference for families across the state, and we’re going to keep pushing to bring costs down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The soaring cost of child care has recently led states like New Mexico to offer universal child care and cities like New York and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069711/san-francisco-expands-child-care-subsidies-to-tackle-affordability-issues\">San Francisco to expand\u003c/a> free and low-cost child care to income-eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could it be done in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two papers published Friday, researchers say, in short: Yes. The state could build upon \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-funding-trends-for-early-care-education-programs/\">its ongoing investments in child care\u003c/a> and work toward universal care for infants and toddlers, aged three and under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost could reach up to $21 billion per year to subsidize all families, but it would generate as much as $23 billion in economic output — essentially paying for itself — by allowing mothers of young children to rejoin the workforce, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/economics-market-early-childhood-care-and-education-california#15\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not considering the many other benefits that accrue to the children themselves, to families and to society from having a robust, high-quality, well-functioning early childhood care and education market,” said Chloe Gibbs, a policy fellow at the institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">Child care prices went up 29%\u003c/a> across the country from 2020 to 2024, according to Child Care Aware of America, a national network of child care resource and referral agencies. The prices outpaced overall inflation as increased demand for care collided with a worsening shortage of child care workers, \u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\">according to the business firm KPMG\u003c/a>, which noted that women with young children are increasingly working part-time, missing work or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">leaving the labor force entirely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child care business owner holds one of the younger children attending her home daycare in Manteca on Oct. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Affordability concerns are front and center for American households, and that also means there is a political and policy window of opportunity to take strides,” said Neale Mahoney, an economics professor and director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care an example of a market failure because the cost of providing care exceeds what families can afford to pay, resulting in an imbalance between supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care for infants and toddlers is harder to come by and costs the most because babies require constant attention. Providers must maintain a low caregiver-to-child ratio, which limits capacity, but have a hard time retaining workers. Policy experts say subsidies can help close the gap between what parents can afford and what it actually costs to provide high-quality care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Stanford economists estimate that California could subsidize infant and toddler care for low- and middle-income earners at a cost of between $4 billion to $8 billion per year, or between $12 billion to $21 billion to scale the subsidies to all families.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A universal “zero to three” child care program could allow more than 100,000 mothers of young children to join the workforce, they said. Stanford coordinated the publication of its policy brief with another by researchers at the University of California that outlines ways to build up the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpip.uci.edu/files/briefs/zero-to-three.pdf\">paper by two early childhood policy experts\u003c/a> at UC Irvine and UC Berkeley lays out more than a dozen suggestions to build a child care system that works for families and child providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include consolidating more than a dozen funding streams for child care and simplifying eligibility rules to make it easier for child care providers to enroll families; making Head Start centers eligible for state funding so they can serve more children; cutting fees and easing zoning restrictions to get child care facilities up and running faster; and setting up a comprehensive online portal where families can find the kind of child care they need and providers can respond to market demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We don’t have anybody that’s looking out across California [for child care needs] the way we look at where we should build schools or where we should put bus stops or post offices,” said Jade Jenkins, a professor at UC Irvine’s School of Education. “If we provide families information in this online marketplace to make finding child care as easy as it would be to register for yoga … we could meet families where they are at and draw providers in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said modernizing child care information is one of several low-cost fixes the state can undertake to prepare for expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas called California’s cost of living “the single biggest threat to our future” and set up a select committee to focus on child care costs. He said now that California has fully expanded transitional kindergarten, also known as TK, to offer a free year of schooling for all 4-year-olds, it’s time for the legislature to focus on helping families afford child care for the youngest kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day care worker hugs a child in a playroom at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The committee held three hearings last year but has yet to propose any solution. At a hearing held in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article312533574.html\">only one of 13 members of the committee showed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the most recent hearing in December, Assembly Majority Leader Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, who co-chairs the committee, told KQED that more time is needed to investigate which model of child care expansion works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been working on this ever since I came [to the legislature] in 2016, and I can see that we’ve got more work to do, but we got to do it right, and we just can’t be slapstick,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the quick buildout of TK led to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/transitional-kindergarten-public-preschool-affluent-income-report\">unintended consequences\u003c/a>, including the closure of private or nonprofit-based preschools that lost their 4-year-old students to publicly-funded schools and struggled to pivot to serving younger kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/8658266/dc85b370721c\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"900\" height=\"500\" style=\"overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguiar-Curry said New Mexico could offer universal child care because it has a smaller population and can draw on oil and gas profits to fund the initiative. That’s harder to do in a big state like California, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see how they roll that out,” she said. “I hope that they’re successful and I hope we can all learn from their lessons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email message Thursday, Aguiar-Curry said she looks forward to digging into the new reports. In the meantime, she said she’ll keep working with the legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom to follow through on promises to raise reimbursement rates for child care providers participating in the subsidy system and fund up to 200,000 subsidized child care slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those steps will make a real difference for families across the state, and we’re going to keep pushing to bring costs down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to impaired driving and the state’s open container law, a rolled and ready joint is more like a can of beer in giving police cause to search a car than a few crumbs of marijuana, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-supreme-court/\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s reasoning: You can smoke a joint and drink a beer, but loose marijuana isn’t readily consumable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www4.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S287164.PDF\">ruling handed down Thursday\u003c/a>, the high court ruled that police must find marijuana in a condition that’s ready to be smoked if they are going to charge a driver with an open container violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hold that at a minimum, to constitute a violation of (the open container law), marijuana in a vehicle must be of a usable quantity, in imminently usable condition, and readily accessible to an occupant,” wrote Associate Justice Goodwin Liu in a unanimous opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loose marijuana found on a car’s floorboards is like spilled beer, the court ruled. “In assessing whether the marijuana is imminently usable or readily accessible, courts should consider whether the marijuana could be consumed with minimal effort by an occupant of the vehicle,” the court found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling reversed a magistrate judge, trial court and the California Court of Appeal, which had all agreed that the loose marijuana constituted an open container violation and gave police cause to search a vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/marijuana/\">Recreational marijuana\u003c/a> has been legal in California since 2016 when voters passed an initiative allowing it. It remains illegal under federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12071253 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/010318-Oakland-PD-CM-01.jpg']The case at issue was out of Sacramento, where police officers stopped a car and searched it, finding 0.36 grams of marijuana crumbs on the floorboards of the backseat, along with a tray on which to roll joints. The driver hadn’t been driving erratically, her registration and license were unblemished and she had no warrants out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No officer suggested he was concerned that (the driver and passenger) could have somehow, while riding in the front of the car, collected the scattered bits of marijuana from the rear floor behind (the passenger) for imminent consumption,” the court ruled. “Nor was there evidence of paraphernalia, such as matches, lighters, rolling papers, blunts, or vaporizers, that could facilitate the marijuana’s consumption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court also found that the officers did not have probable cause to search the car in the first place. The police had argued that the driver’s nervousness and possession of a rolling tray was sufficient to search the car, an argument the court rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/marijauna-laws-driving/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to impaired driving and the state’s open container law, a rolled and ready joint is more like a can of beer in giving police cause to search a car than a few crumbs of marijuana, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-supreme-court/\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s reasoning: You can smoke a joint and drink a beer, but loose marijuana isn’t readily consumable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www4.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S287164.PDF\">ruling handed down Thursday\u003c/a>, the high court ruled that police must find marijuana in a condition that’s ready to be smoked if they are going to charge a driver with an open container violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hold that at a minimum, to constitute a violation of (the open container law), marijuana in a vehicle must be of a usable quantity, in imminently usable condition, and readily accessible to an occupant,” wrote Associate Justice Goodwin Liu in a unanimous opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loose marijuana found on a car’s floorboards is like spilled beer, the court ruled. “In assessing whether the marijuana is imminently usable or readily accessible, courts should consider whether the marijuana could be consumed with minimal effort by an occupant of the vehicle,” the court found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling reversed a magistrate judge, trial court and the California Court of Appeal, which had all agreed that the loose marijuana constituted an open container violation and gave police cause to search a vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/marijuana/\">Recreational marijuana\u003c/a> has been legal in California since 2016 when voters passed an initiative allowing it. It remains illegal under federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The case at issue was out of Sacramento, where police officers stopped a car and searched it, finding 0.36 grams of marijuana crumbs on the floorboards of the backseat, along with a tray on which to roll joints. The driver hadn’t been driving erratically, her registration and license were unblemished and she had no warrants out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No officer suggested he was concerned that (the driver and passenger) could have somehow, while riding in the front of the car, collected the scattered bits of marijuana from the rear floor behind (the passenger) for imminent consumption,” the court ruled. “Nor was there evidence of paraphernalia, such as matches, lighters, rolling papers, blunts, or vaporizers, that could facilitate the marijuana’s consumption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court also found that the officers did not have probable cause to search the car in the first place. The police had argued that the driver’s nervousness and possession of a rolling tray was sufficient to search the car, an argument the court rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/marijauna-laws-driving/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-want-to-raise-taxes-on-for-profit-immigrant-detention-operators",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> lawmakers are seeking to target the deep pockets of for-profit contractors key to the Trump administration’s growing deportation campaign, amid outrage over the killing of U.S. citizens by federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state bill would raise taxes on companies that contract with the federal government to run immigration detention facilities, which hold thousands of men and women in California. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1633\">AB-1633\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, on Tuesday, would tax operators’ detention contract revenue by 50% annually and reinvest those funds into services supporting immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-in-the-nation bill aims to mitigate economic, emotional and social harms caused to the state as immigration authorities detain more residents, businesses lose workers and students skip school due to deportation fears, Haney said during a press conference on the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow these for-profit corporations to make hundreds of millions of dollars off of human suffering and family separation,” Haney said, flanked by Democratic lawmakers, gubernatorial candidate Tony Thurmond and immigrant advocates. “If you are going to impose this kind of terror on our state and on our people, we are going to tax you for the pain and harm that you’re causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as the fatal shootings of protesters Alex Pretti, an intensive care unit nurse, and Renee Macklin Good, a mother of three, have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071018/california-governor-candidates-denounce-ice-at-san-francisco-forum\"> generated intense backlash\u003c/a> in spaces as varied as professional basketball games, social media influencers’ baking feeds and Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5688870\"> voter\u003c/a> surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts with three private prison companies — Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — for about $560 million per year to run detention centers in the state, according to the California Immigrant Policy Center, a bill sponsor. The seven facilities currently jail more than 6,200 immigrants, ICE’s most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management#stats\">figures\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2240148392-scaled-e1769712035624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fences and barbed wire surround the CoreCivic Otay Mesa Detention Center on Oct. 4, 2025, in San Diego, California. \u003ccite>(Kevin Carter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For years, detainees and immigrant advocates, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">California Attorney General,\u003c/a> have reported that the facilities have failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards, with substandard medical care, unsanitary living spaces, inadequate access to food and other serious problems. Last year, 32 people died in ICE custody nationwide, the most in two decades. So far this year, six more detainees have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Wilkes, a spokeswoman for the Day 1 Alliance — a trade organization representing Geo Group, CoreCivic and MTC — declined to comment on the new proposed tax, but defended the companies’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 30 years, contractors have partnered with both Democratic and Republican administrations to provide vital services at their request, including safe, humane housing, quality medical and mental health care, and respectful, dignified care for individuals navigating the U.S. immigration system,” Wilkes said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the contractors’ critical services, she added, more immigrants would likely be held in overcrowded local jails, alongside potentially dangerous individuals.[aside postID=news_12069688 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/KernCountyICEDetentionGetty.jpg']“Contractors do not make arrests, do not decide the length of detention, and play no role in determining the legal status of individuals in their care,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Donald Trump, the federal government approved last summer an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">$170 billion\u003c/a> over four years for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, Border Patrol and other agencies. Those funds include $45 billion for building new immigration detention centers and $30 billion to boost enforcement and deportation operations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">Senate is now considering\u003c/a> a House-approved package that would send additional funding to DHS. The measure is largely opposed by Democrats, who are demanding more guardrails for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Woo, a Bay Area community organizer, said her elderly family members were apprehended by ICE during their final interview to apply for permanent residency, after 20 years of living in the U.S. They were locked up in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">largest and newest detention center\u003c/a> in the Mojave Desert, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words cannot describe what visceral pain of seeing your elder relative who immigrated to this country to build a better life for our family, break down crying behind a glass screen window where it’s impossible to hug them and hold their hand,” said Woo, who works at the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network. “No one deserves to experience the same inhumane pain, suffering, and loneliness that my loved one felt every day in that prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislation previously tried to phase out all for-profit prisons and private detention facilities, but was blocked by the courts. Still, the state has broad authority to tax businesses as it sees fit, including contractors enabling detentions, Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the proposed 50% tax on the gross receipts from detention contracts (before operating expenses) would be much larger than most state taxes, and could threaten the companies’ ability to operate in the state. California’s corporate income tax is 8.84% on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they look at this tax and they say, ‘That’s too high for us to pay,’ then they can leave,” Haney said. “And certainly, we’re not going to shed any tears if that’s the outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States may not impose taxes directly on the federal government, but can tax the income of federal employees and contractors. In addition, taxes are often targeted to activities perceived as causing social harm to discourage the taxpayer from creating additional harm or to mitigate it, said UC Davis law professor Darien Shanske, who teaches tax law.[aside postID=news_12071374 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1.jpg']“You can use the tax system to express values. And so, if you tax alcohol or tobacco or cannabis, maybe you accept that they’re going to be legal, but you have concerns about them,” said Shanske, who specializes in state and local taxation. “To the extent that California wants to express strong disapprobation … using the tax system to do that is not unprecedented or inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB-1633 is signed into law, the impacted companies would likely challenge it in court, as the tax would represent a significant blow to their business, Shanske said. The contractors may argue that the tax is in effect targeting federal agencies to curb the administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Liz Ortega, D-San Leandro, said that while the killings of Pretti and Good were caught on widely circulated bystander cellphone videos, detention centers have continued to operate in relative obscurity, largely away from the public’s gaze. Most immigrants held by ICE have no criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My question is, what is happening to the innocent people inside these detention centers where it’s dark, where there are no cell phones,” Ortega, a cosponsor of AB-1633, said. “This bill will continue to go along the path of holding these corporations accountable and ensuring that if we’re going to use our taxpayer dollars to continue this reign of terror, that they also pay their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate California bill that Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, plans to introduce next week would eliminate state tax breaks for businesses that contract with DHS to provide goods or services, such as software companies, armed security services and transportation providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A new bill would impose a 50% tax on the detention contract revenues of companies that run immigration jails for the federal government, and reinvest those funds back into immigrant communities.",
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"title": "California Lawmakers Want to Raise Taxes on For-Profit Immigrant Detention Operators | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> lawmakers are seeking to target the deep pockets of for-profit contractors key to the Trump administration’s growing deportation campaign, amid outrage over the killing of U.S. citizens by federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state bill would raise taxes on companies that contract with the federal government to run immigration detention facilities, which hold thousands of men and women in California. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1633\">AB-1633\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, on Tuesday, would tax operators’ detention contract revenue by 50% annually and reinvest those funds into services supporting immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-in-the-nation bill aims to mitigate economic, emotional and social harms caused to the state as immigration authorities detain more residents, businesses lose workers and students skip school due to deportation fears, Haney said during a press conference on the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow these for-profit corporations to make hundreds of millions of dollars off of human suffering and family separation,” Haney said, flanked by Democratic lawmakers, gubernatorial candidate Tony Thurmond and immigrant advocates. “If you are going to impose this kind of terror on our state and on our people, we are going to tax you for the pain and harm that you’re causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as the fatal shootings of protesters Alex Pretti, an intensive care unit nurse, and Renee Macklin Good, a mother of three, have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071018/california-governor-candidates-denounce-ice-at-san-francisco-forum\"> generated intense backlash\u003c/a> in spaces as varied as professional basketball games, social media influencers’ baking feeds and Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5688870\"> voter\u003c/a> surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts with three private prison companies — Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — for about $560 million per year to run detention centers in the state, according to the California Immigrant Policy Center, a bill sponsor. The seven facilities currently jail more than 6,200 immigrants, ICE’s most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management#stats\">figures\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2240148392-scaled-e1769712035624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fences and barbed wire surround the CoreCivic Otay Mesa Detention Center on Oct. 4, 2025, in San Diego, California. \u003ccite>(Kevin Carter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For years, detainees and immigrant advocates, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">California Attorney General,\u003c/a> have reported that the facilities have failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards, with substandard medical care, unsanitary living spaces, inadequate access to food and other serious problems. Last year, 32 people died in ICE custody nationwide, the most in two decades. So far this year, six more detainees have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Wilkes, a spokeswoman for the Day 1 Alliance — a trade organization representing Geo Group, CoreCivic and MTC — declined to comment on the new proposed tax, but defended the companies’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 30 years, contractors have partnered with both Democratic and Republican administrations to provide vital services at their request, including safe, humane housing, quality medical and mental health care, and respectful, dignified care for individuals navigating the U.S. immigration system,” Wilkes said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the contractors’ critical services, she added, more immigrants would likely be held in overcrowded local jails, alongside potentially dangerous individuals.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Contractors do not make arrests, do not decide the length of detention, and play no role in determining the legal status of individuals in their care,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Donald Trump, the federal government approved last summer an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">$170 billion\u003c/a> over four years for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, Border Patrol and other agencies. Those funds include $45 billion for building new immigration detention centers and $30 billion to boost enforcement and deportation operations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">Senate is now considering\u003c/a> a House-approved package that would send additional funding to DHS. The measure is largely opposed by Democrats, who are demanding more guardrails for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Woo, a Bay Area community organizer, said her elderly family members were apprehended by ICE during their final interview to apply for permanent residency, after 20 years of living in the U.S. They were locked up in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">largest and newest detention center\u003c/a> in the Mojave Desert, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words cannot describe what visceral pain of seeing your elder relative who immigrated to this country to build a better life for our family, break down crying behind a glass screen window where it’s impossible to hug them and hold their hand,” said Woo, who works at the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network. “No one deserves to experience the same inhumane pain, suffering, and loneliness that my loved one felt every day in that prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislation previously tried to phase out all for-profit prisons and private detention facilities, but was blocked by the courts. Still, the state has broad authority to tax businesses as it sees fit, including contractors enabling detentions, Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the proposed 50% tax on the gross receipts from detention contracts (before operating expenses) would be much larger than most state taxes, and could threaten the companies’ ability to operate in the state. California’s corporate income tax is 8.84% on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they look at this tax and they say, ‘That’s too high for us to pay,’ then they can leave,” Haney said. “And certainly, we’re not going to shed any tears if that’s the outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States may not impose taxes directly on the federal government, but can tax the income of federal employees and contractors. In addition, taxes are often targeted to activities perceived as causing social harm to discourage the taxpayer from creating additional harm or to mitigate it, said UC Davis law professor Darien Shanske, who teaches tax law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“You can use the tax system to express values. And so, if you tax alcohol or tobacco or cannabis, maybe you accept that they’re going to be legal, but you have concerns about them,” said Shanske, who specializes in state and local taxation. “To the extent that California wants to express strong disapprobation … using the tax system to do that is not unprecedented or inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB-1633 is signed into law, the impacted companies would likely challenge it in court, as the tax would represent a significant blow to their business, Shanske said. The contractors may argue that the tax is in effect targeting federal agencies to curb the administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Liz Ortega, D-San Leandro, said that while the killings of Pretti and Good were caught on widely circulated bystander cellphone videos, detention centers have continued to operate in relative obscurity, largely away from the public’s gaze. Most immigrants held by ICE have no criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My question is, what is happening to the innocent people inside these detention centers where it’s dark, where there are no cell phones,” Ortega, a cosponsor of AB-1633, said. “This bill will continue to go along the path of holding these corporations accountable and ensuring that if we’re going to use our taxpayer dollars to continue this reign of terror, that they also pay their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate California bill that Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, plans to introduce next week would eliminate state tax breaks for businesses that contract with DHS to provide goods or services, such as software companies, armed security services and transportation providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor",
"title": "San José Mayor Matt Mahan Announces Run for California Governor",
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"headTitle": "San José Mayor Matt Mahan Announces Run for California Governor | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Matt Mahan, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">centrist mayor\u003c/a> of San José who has frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">sparred with fellow Democrats\u003c/a> over his stances on homelessness and public safety, jumped into the crowded race for California governor on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor of the state’s third-largest city, Mahan has engineered a sea change in homelessness policy. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">spearheaded a shift of funding\u003c/a> from permanent housing toward temporary shelter and has presided over a decrease in unsheltered homelessness during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very optimistic that California’s best days are ahead of it,” Mahan said in an interview with KQED. “I know that we can solve the big challenges facing our communities because we’re proving that in San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has positioned himself outside of the state’s political establishment, which could allow him to run as a “change” candidate in a crowded field of Democratic hopefuls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has clashed repeatedly with local Democrats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">organized labor\u003c/a>. And he emerged as a leading supporter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005230/california-voters-strongly-back-prop-36-to-increase-penalties-for-low-level-crimes\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, a voter-approved, tough-on-crime 2024 ballot measure that put him at odds with Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that what I can most add to the campaign is that as the only current mayor of a large city, I’m closest to the problems and solutions that we need,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055396\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055396\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s popularity has surged as he has battled with President Donald Trump. But San José Mayor Matt Mahan (left) says “trolling Trump” won’t be key to success for Democrats. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED; Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A former tech executive, Mahan enters the race with less statewide recognition than Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064922/eric-swalwell-california-governor-race\">Eric Swalwell\u003c/a> and former Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057638/gubernatorial-candidate-katie-porter-on-kimmel-ice-and-prop-50\">Katie Porter\u003c/a>. And San José’s “weak mayor” system of governance (in which the city manager oversees day-to-day operations of departments) could hamper Mahan’s ability to tout executive government experience akin to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989201/health-secretary-becerra-on-running-for-governor-immigration-and-cannabis\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, who served as California’s Attorney General or Chad Bianco, the sheriff of Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to Mahan’s candidacy could be the desire among Democratic voters in deep blue California for leaders who mount a fight against President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s approval ratings have risen as he has clashed repeatedly with Trump — using a pugilistic social media strategy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055284/fight-or-fix-mahan-gives-rare-rebuke-of-newsoms-combative-tactics\">which Mahan dismissed\u003c/a> as a “sugar high” for voters. By contrast, Mahan has rarely criticized Trump, preferring to focus on local issues such as homelessness and public safety.[aside postID=news_12071206 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-STEVE-HILTON-ON-PB-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg']As governor, Mahan said he would “fight for our values while also fixing our problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not be shy about standing up to this administration for the sake of our people and our democracy,” he said. “I also think it’s important to remember that the best resistance is delivering results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has been an underdog before. He was a little-known city council member less than a year into his first elected position when he launched a campaign for mayor — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932432/cindy-chavez-concedes-race-for-san-jose-mayor-to-matt-mahan\">eventually upsetting\u003c/a> Cindy Chavez, a county supervisor and local political heavyweight, in the 2022 general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After an uneven first year in office, when Mahan was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">bucked by a council majority\u003c/a> on homeless spending and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960949/san-jose-city-council-approves-budget-trims-to-fund-worker-raises\">city worker raises\u003c/a>, he has won the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">passage of successive city budgets\u003c/a> that have funded the buildout of an interim shelter system and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042370/in-san-jose-a-controversial-choice-for-unhoused-shelter-or-arrest\">added new penalties\u003c/a> on people experiencing homelessness who refuse to come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s point-in-time \u003ca href=\"https://osh.santaclaracounty.gov/data-and-reports/point-time-count\">homeless count\u003c/a> found a 10% drop in unsheltered homelessness in San José since Mahan took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, Mahan denied interest in a run for governor. He proposed that leaders of the state’s largest cities collaborate on a shared “Back to Basics Agenda” that could serve as a policy blueprint for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066235/tom-steyer-makes-his-campaign-debut-at-a-governors-forum\">hosted a handful of gubernatorial candidates\u003c/a> at an interim housing site in South San José to tout the city’s progress in developing tiny home communities for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got home from a Valley Transit Authority meeting a few weeks ago, my wife looked at me and said, ‘I think you need to reconsider jumping in this race,’” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She and I are both worried about the direction of the country on the one hand — particularly what we’re seeing out of Minneapolis right now — but also the issues we face locally that we’re starting to get traction on in San José but are going to require a different kind of leadership and partnership from our state government,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014282/bay-area-voters-embrace-political-outsiders-in-historic-mayoral-shake-ups\">sailed to reelection in 2024\u003c/a> after San José voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967395/san-jose-labor-groups-dont-like-mayor-matt-mahan-so-why-does-his-re-election-seem-assured\">moved the mayoral election\u003c/a> to align with presidential election years. That change will allow Mahan to run for governor without having to give up his post — and then potentially run for another term as mayor in 2028 if this campaign is unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Matt Mahan, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">centrist mayor\u003c/a> of San José who has frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">sparred with fellow Democrats\u003c/a> over his stances on homelessness and public safety, jumped into the crowded race for California governor on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor of the state’s third-largest city, Mahan has engineered a sea change in homelessness policy. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">spearheaded a shift of funding\u003c/a> from permanent housing toward temporary shelter and has presided over a decrease in unsheltered homelessness during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very optimistic that California’s best days are ahead of it,” Mahan said in an interview with KQED. “I know that we can solve the big challenges facing our communities because we’re proving that in San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has positioned himself outside of the state’s political establishment, which could allow him to run as a “change” candidate in a crowded field of Democratic hopefuls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has clashed repeatedly with local Democrats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">organized labor\u003c/a>. And he emerged as a leading supporter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005230/california-voters-strongly-back-prop-36-to-increase-penalties-for-low-level-crimes\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, a voter-approved, tough-on-crime 2024 ballot measure that put him at odds with Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that what I can most add to the campaign is that as the only current mayor of a large city, I’m closest to the problems and solutions that we need,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055396\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055396\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s popularity has surged as he has battled with President Donald Trump. But San José Mayor Matt Mahan (left) says “trolling Trump” won’t be key to success for Democrats. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED; Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A former tech executive, Mahan enters the race with less statewide recognition than Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064922/eric-swalwell-california-governor-race\">Eric Swalwell\u003c/a> and former Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057638/gubernatorial-candidate-katie-porter-on-kimmel-ice-and-prop-50\">Katie Porter\u003c/a>. And San José’s “weak mayor” system of governance (in which the city manager oversees day-to-day operations of departments) could hamper Mahan’s ability to tout executive government experience akin to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989201/health-secretary-becerra-on-running-for-governor-immigration-and-cannabis\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, who served as California’s Attorney General or Chad Bianco, the sheriff of Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to Mahan’s candidacy could be the desire among Democratic voters in deep blue California for leaders who mount a fight against President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s approval ratings have risen as he has clashed repeatedly with Trump — using a pugilistic social media strategy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055284/fight-or-fix-mahan-gives-rare-rebuke-of-newsoms-combative-tactics\">which Mahan dismissed\u003c/a> as a “sugar high” for voters. By contrast, Mahan has rarely criticized Trump, preferring to focus on local issues such as homelessness and public safety.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As governor, Mahan said he would “fight for our values while also fixing our problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not be shy about standing up to this administration for the sake of our people and our democracy,” he said. “I also think it’s important to remember that the best resistance is delivering results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has been an underdog before. He was a little-known city council member less than a year into his first elected position when he launched a campaign for mayor — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932432/cindy-chavez-concedes-race-for-san-jose-mayor-to-matt-mahan\">eventually upsetting\u003c/a> Cindy Chavez, a county supervisor and local political heavyweight, in the 2022 general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After an uneven first year in office, when Mahan was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">bucked by a council majority\u003c/a> on homeless spending and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960949/san-jose-city-council-approves-budget-trims-to-fund-worker-raises\">city worker raises\u003c/a>, he has won the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">passage of successive city budgets\u003c/a> that have funded the buildout of an interim shelter system and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042370/in-san-jose-a-controversial-choice-for-unhoused-shelter-or-arrest\">added new penalties\u003c/a> on people experiencing homelessness who refuse to come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s point-in-time \u003ca href=\"https://osh.santaclaracounty.gov/data-and-reports/point-time-count\">homeless count\u003c/a> found a 10% drop in unsheltered homelessness in San José since Mahan took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, Mahan denied interest in a run for governor. He proposed that leaders of the state’s largest cities collaborate on a shared “Back to Basics Agenda” that could serve as a policy blueprint for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066235/tom-steyer-makes-his-campaign-debut-at-a-governors-forum\">hosted a handful of gubernatorial candidates\u003c/a> at an interim housing site in South San José to tout the city’s progress in developing tiny home communities for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got home from a Valley Transit Authority meeting a few weeks ago, my wife looked at me and said, ‘I think you need to reconsider jumping in this race,’” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She and I are both worried about the direction of the country on the one hand — particularly what we’re seeing out of Minneapolis right now — but also the issues we face locally that we’re starting to get traction on in San José but are going to require a different kind of leadership and partnership from our state government,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014282/bay-area-voters-embrace-political-outsiders-in-historic-mayoral-shake-ups\">sailed to reelection in 2024\u003c/a> after San José voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967395/san-jose-labor-groups-dont-like-mayor-matt-mahan-so-why-does-his-re-election-seem-assured\">moved the mayoral election\u003c/a> to align with presidential election years. That change will allow Mahan to run for governor without having to give up his post — and then potentially run for another term as mayor in 2028 if this campaign is unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-a-remarkable-19th-century-revolutionary-priest-from-ukraine-ended-up-in-hayward",
"title": "How a Remarkable 19th-Century Revolutionary Priest From Ukraine Ended Up in Hayward",
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"headTitle": "How a Remarkable 19th-Century Revolutionary Priest From Ukraine Ended Up in Hayward | KQED",
"labelTerm": {},
"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard not to feel glum reading the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070573/a-generation-orphaned-by-war-ukrainian-children-grow-up-amid-loss-and-recovery\">news headlines from Ukraine\u003c/a> these days, even if you’re not Ukrainian or Ukrainian American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, the conflict can feel far away. And yet, in the late 19th century, the Bay Area was home to a Ukrainian man who was exactly the type of revolutionary dissident Russia wanted to silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a historical marker commemorating him in, of all places, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/sites/default/files/garin_honcharenkos_santuary.pdf\">Garin Regional Park\u003c/a>. Tony Divito of San Mateo passed a road sign nearby on his commute, calling attention to that marker and wondered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted to know the backstory,” he told Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer leads to a man of many disparate layers; a devout Orthodox priest, a relentless dissident and outlaw, a groundbreaking publisher, and subsistence farmer. The life of Agapius Honcharenko reads like an epic thriller, albeit one that ends improbably on a quiet hilltop farm tucked high in the Hayward Hills. But let’s start at the very beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A keen intellect and empathetic soul\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The man who came to be known in the Bay Area as Agapius Honcharenko was born Andrii Humnytsky in 1832. The son of an Orthodox priest, he displayed a keen intellect at a young age and caught the attention of the highest-ranking church official in Ukraine at the time, becoming his personal assistant. As a consequence, young Humnytsky bore witness to the hardships endured by peasants and serfs, agricultural laborers bound to their lords’ estates. The very word “slave” comes from the word “Slav.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was appalled by the poverty in these villages,” said Jars Balan, a researcher at the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Father Oleg Kepeshchuk of the Greek Catholic Church of the Immaculate Conception video calls a friend to show them the view of the burial site where Ukrainian patriot and exiled orthodox priest Agapius Honcharenko and his wife Albina are buried at Garin Regional Park in Hayward on Sept. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Humnytsky delivered his ordination sermon, Balan said, he called on the church to melt down all the gold and precious jewels, “and use the money to feed, to help the poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This kind of talk did not go over well in 19th-century Ukraine. Still, Humnytsky would not cool his revolutionary jets. He got acquainted with — and radicalized by — fellow countrymen who, decades before, were involved in a failed attempt to overthrow the czar, the emperor of Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humnytsky’s boss saw trouble brewing, so he sent him out of the country. Because Ukraine was part of Russia at the time, he sent Humnytsky to serve in the chapel of the Imperial Russian Consulate in Greece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there, too, Humnytsky fell in with like-minded revolutionaries. He started writing for a dissident journal called \u003cem>Kolokol\u003c/em>, in English, \u003cem>The Bell\u003c/em>.[aside postID=news_12070415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/20251221_JohnColtraneChurch_December_GH-15_qed.jpg']After publishing searing articles calling for the emancipation of serfs and criticizing the Orthodox Church’s support for tsarist autocracy, Humnytsky was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russian authorities imprisoned him in the hold of a warship, which set sail for what is now Istanbul. According to his later recollections, Humnytsky arranged a daring escape with the help of his family back in Moscow. He would recall years later, “I escaped for an eternal glory, to be a Kozak in the free world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This episode marked the start of a life on the run from Russian justice. Repeatedly over the years that followed, Humnytsky would pop up in a new location, work all sorts of odd hustles, make friends with anarchists, dissidents, and revolutionaries, and then the Russians would catch up with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, he returned to Greece for additional professional spiritual training on the remote peninsula of Mount Athos, home to the world’s largest monastic community. It’s a UNESCO World Heritage Site today. Back then, it was an excellent place to hide from the Russians. He had a facility with languages, so in London, he was a Russian language tutor to Greeks, and a specialist in old coins at the British Museum. In Cairo, he organized sightseeing tours — and survived a knifing paid for by the local Russian consulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By his early thirties, Humnytsky decided to try his luck on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A new life in America\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1865, he landed in Boston, headed to New York, then New Orleans. Around this time, Andrii Humnytsky changed his name to Agapius, or Ahapi, Honcharenko, to seem more Greek and avoid detection from the Russians. But even in the United States, wherever he went, local Russians eventually figured out Father Agapius was not actually a Greek with remarkably good command of Russian. Balan, who wrote a \u003ca href=\"https://ia800309.us.archive.org/25/items/journalofukraini3334cana/journalofukraini3334cana.pdf\">well-regarded study\u003c/a> of Honcharenko’s life, calls him a “renegade monastic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in New York, Honcharenko married the daughter of one of the Italian radicals he met, a young school teacher named Albina Citi. The match was not to the liking of her anti-religious family, Balan said, “but they were in love, and they wanted to go to the West Coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071447\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1289px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071447\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1289\" height=\"2090\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a.jpeg 1289w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a-160x259.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a-947x1536.jpeg 947w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a-1263x2048.jpeg 1263w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1289px) 100vw, 1289px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the photos used to illustrate the book Ahapius Honcharenko “Alaska Man,” by Wasyl Luciw, Ph.D. And Theodore Luciw, M. A., published in Toronto by Slavia Library in 1963. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Jars Balan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And so it was that Honcharenko arrived in San Francisco in the 1860s, bringing with him typesetting skills he had honed in London. He purchased Cyrillic fonts and launched the \u003ca href=\"https://diasporiana.org.ua/wp-content/uploads/books/13652/file.pdf\">\u003cem>Alaska Herald\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which included a Ukrainian-language supplement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paper became a vital resource for Ukrainian and Russian émigrés alike, providing news to people living far from home. But Honcharenko couldn’t resist publishing some biting commentary as well. Here’s an excerpt of an issue celebrating the publication’s second year:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From the day of its birth it assumed a certain attitude, and it has unflinchingly maintained its position and consistency during these two years. It has struggled hard and bitterly because it was on the side of right and justice, and they who champion the oppressed seldom find their work either cheerful or remunerative.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem for Honcharenko was that he was a critic of imperial malfeasance wherever he saw it. Eventually, he bit the hand that fed him, which in this case was none other than the U.S. government, a primary backer of the \u003cem>Alaska Herald\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the administration that the Americans set up had problems with corruption,” Balan explained. “[Honcharenko] was critical of the way the American administration treated Native people. He had some environmental concerns. When he became critical of what was going on in Alaska, they pulled the funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Russian Orthodox Church relocated its U.S. base of operations from Sitka in Alaska to San Francisco in California. It came to their attention that a renegade priest was holding services in the city, and that’s when Honcharenko and his wife decided to decamp for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A quieter life\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Honcharenko sold his printing press, bought a 40-acre farm in the hills above \u003ca href=\"https://www.haywardareahistory.org/agapius-honcharenko\">Hayward\u003c/a>, named the place “Ukraina,” and settled into a relatively calm life for the next 40-odd years. He led weekly Orthodox church services on the farm for local and visiting Slavic immigrants, conducted baptisms and weddings. His homestead became a small but significant hub for Ukrainian-American life on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last years of his life were hard. The couple’s daughter died when she was just ten years old. The subsistence farm didn’t produce enough food to live on. However, Agapius and Albina Hocharenko had given so much to so many over the decades that when they were in need, a lot of locals returned the favor.[aside postID=news_12068602 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251204-EARTHQUAKECOTTAGES00030_TV-KQED.jpg']Still, Honcharenko continued to write, publish, and mentor émigrés. His farm briefly hosted a utopian colony, a dream of community that ultimately failed, but further cemented his reputation among the diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple also gardened. They sent numerous samples of plants and vegetables to the editors of the \u003cem>California Horticulturalist and Floral Magazine\u003c/em>, who wrote back to praise the “monster squash,” and “some of the finest sugar table corn and nutmeg melons we have ever tasted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His life was amazing,” Balan said. “He was eccentric, he was quirky. He had strange ideas about some things; there’s no doubt. But when you look at the trajectory of his life, it’s an amazing story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honcharenko died in 1916 at the age of 84, shortly after his wife. Although his passing was noted in the local papers and inspired a couple of \u003ca href=\"https://diasporiana.org.ua/wp-content/uploads/books/17172/file.pdf\">biographies\u003c/a>, it wasn’t until 1997 that the California Historical Resources Commission designated his farm and gravesite as a state historical landmark. A cairn and plaque followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, there’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906285/ukrainians-in-california-devastated-by-russian-invasion\">sizable\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942336/despite-a-year-of-suffering-some-silicon-valley-companies-tied-to-ukraine-remain-optimistic\">organized\u003c/a> local Ukrainian-American community in the Bay Area, some of whom gather on a mile-long hike every year to \u003ca href=\"https://ohp.parks.ca.gov/ListedResources/Detail/1025\">\u003cem>Ukraina\u003c/em>\u003c/a> to honor Honcharenko’s memory. They sing in Ukrainian and offer prayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057938\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057938\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taras Turiv’s (left) daughter, Victoria (right), wears a Ukrainian flag at the burial site where Ukrainian patriot and exiled orthodox priest Agapius Honcharenko and his wife Albina are buried at Garin Regional Park in Hayward on Sept. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Software engineer Alla Kashaba was among the 20 or so in attendance the last time. She lives in Los Altos now, but comes originally from Kharkiv, in eastern Ukraine. “He was [a] very interesting person, and I hope someday, someone will make an interesting movie about him, like, adventure movie,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This whole story was news to Bay Curious question asker Tony Divito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re incredibly fortunate and lucky to have him as part of Bay Area history,” Divito said. “It goes with our history of allowing refuge, of allowing people from desperate situations to come here and thrive here and contribute to our society, our community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gglueck\">\u003cem>Gabriela Glueck\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We start today’s episode in Garin Regional Park – high in the hills overlooking Hayward. If you drive over this way, you might pass by an intriguing sign. That’s what happened to Tony Divito of San Mateo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Divito: \u003c/strong>I saw a sign for a Ukrainian farm in Hayward. I just wanted to know the backstory.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Deep in the park is California registered historical landmark #1025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE: “Ukraina” is the site of the farm and burial place of the Ukrainian patriot and exiled orthodox priest Agapius Honcharenko (1832-1916) and his wife Albina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: It’s a serene setting now, but the life of this guy – Agapius Honcharenko – was anything but. He spent much of his life fleeing Russian forces, traveling the globe and stirring up revolutionary inklings in his wake. Not exactly the image you might expect from an orthodox priest. Today on the show, we’ll delve into what made Honcharenko so notable that more than 100 years after his death, he’s still celebrated by local communities. Buckle up, it’s a wild ride! I’m Olivia Allen-Price. You’re listening to Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sponsor Message\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In the 19th century, all sorts of curious characters washed up on California’s shores, looking for fortune, a fresh start, or in the case of Father Agapius Honcharenko … a safe place to hide. KQED’s Rachael Myrow found a group of people who gather every year to honor him. She went to find out why…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Singing in Ukrainian\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The mood was contemplative, even somber, at the 9th annual Park Ukraina Hike and Panahdya — a memorial service for Honcharenko. Representatives from local Ukrainian churches hiked a mile to offer prayers over the grave of a remarkable man who established a farm here on this hilltop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Man reading a prayer in Ukrainian\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Software engineer, Alla Kashaba was among the 20 or so in attendance. She lives in Los Altos now, but comes originally from Karghiv, in eastern Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alla Kashaba: \u003c/strong>He was very interesting person, and I hope someday someone will make an interesting movie about him, like, adventure movie. All about how he hide from Russian forces? I don’t know how to translate this. All across the globe. So he was running from them in London, in Egypt, in Jerusalem, and ended up in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Intriguing, no?? Let’s step back in time to understand what exactly this man was running from. Born Andrii Humnytsky in what is now central Ukraine in 1832, this guy was destined to become an Orthodox priest like his father. He certainly caught the eye of the highest-ranking church leader in Ukraine at the time, a man named Metropolitan Philaret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>The Metropolitan of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine at that time, Metropolitan Philaret, saw that this guy was smart and capable, and made him his personal assistant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>That’s Jars Balan, a researcher at the Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta. He’s written the definitive research paper on our man Humnytsky, and he spoke at the unveiling of that plaque in Hayward. Balan says, from childhood, Humnytsky felt a fierce pride in his Ukrainian ancestry and his Christian spirituality. He took the monastic name Agapius, derived from the Greek word \u003cem>agape\u003c/em>, meaning selfless love, and pretty much from the start, his politics leaned progressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>Because he got to travel around with the Metropolitan, he visited a lot of communities, and he was appalled by the poverty in these villages. This is still a time of serfdom, and the church even had serfs, and he found that appalling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The word SLAV is where English speakers get the word slave, because Slavs became synonymous with enslavement in the Middle Ages. A serf, for those of you not up on your Eastern European history, is an agricultural laborer bound to work on their lord’s estate. Humnytsky hated the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>In fact, when he was [in] his first level of ordination, and he gave his ordination sermon, he called on the church to melt down all the gold and precious jewels, all the golden precious metals, and use the money to feed, to help the poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Sounds Christian in the OG sense, but this talk did not go over well in mid-19th-century Ukraine. Still, Humnytsky would not cool his revolutionary jets. He got acquainted with – and radicalized by – locals who, decades before, were involved in a failed attempt to overthrow the czar, the emperor of Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humnytsky’s boss, the Metropolitan, saw trouble brewing, so he sent him out of the country. Because Ukraine was part of Russia at the time, he sent Humnytsky to serve in the chapel of the Imperial Russian Consulate in Greece. But there, too, Humnytsky fell in with like-minded revolutionaries. He started writing for a dissident journal called \u003cem>Kolokol\u003c/em>. In English, \u003cem>The Bell\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After publishing searing articles calling for the emancipation of serfs and criticizing the Orthodox Church’s support for Tsarist autocracy, Humnytsky was arrested and imprisoned in the hold of the Russian warship, which set sail for what is now Istanbul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>He managed to arrange an escape when they were holding him in Istanbul. He had an aunt who was in Moscow. She had some connections, managed to pull a few strings, maybe pay a few bribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>In his memoirs written decades later, the dissident priest recalled his optimism as a young man:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice actor reading from Humnytsky’s memoirs: \u003c/strong>“I escaped for an eternal glory, to be a Kozak in the free world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Things didn’t quite pan out that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>In point of fact, this episode was just the start of a life on the run from Russian justice. Repeatedly over the years that followed, he’d pop up in a new location, work all sorts of odd hustles, and then the Russians would catch up with him. For instance, he had a facility with languages, so in London, he was a Russian language tutor to Greeks, and a specialist in old coins at the British Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>How he picked up the specialty, I’m not sure, but I said he was a very bright guy and interested in history and archeology and theology and all kinds of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>It’s around this time that Humnytsky began using “Honcharenko” as his nom de plume. And – I mean, you can’t make this stuff up, this guy was extraordinarily bright – he picked up a craft – typesetting – that would come in handy later in his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan:\u003c/strong> …in a printer shop and learned how to print. He translated a rare sort of, I think it was a 15th century book called Stoflau // calling for reforms in the Orthodox Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Troublemaker, right? And remember, everywhere Humnytsky goes, he makes friends with anarchists, dissidents and revolutionaries. But he never lost his passion for spirituality. In fact, he returned to Greece for additional professional training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sound of monks chanting\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>…on a remote peninsula in the northeast. It’s home to the largest monastic community in the world, a UNESCO World Heritage Site today, and an excellent place to hide from the Russians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This meant Humnytsky was now able to lead prayers, conduct marriages and baptisms, and otherwise tend to lay people’s spiritual needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humnytsky bounced around for years. Jerusalem, the mountains of Lebanon, Cairo, where he survived a knifing paid for by the local Russian consulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after, he decided to make a break for the New World, quite likely because he wanted to put as much space as he could between himself and the Russians. In 1865, in his early thirties, he landed in Boston, headed to New York, then New Orleans. But even on this side of the Atlantic, local Russians would eventually figure out Father Agapius was not actually a Greek with remarkably good command of Russian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around this time, Andrii Humnytsky changed his name – not just his nom de plum – to Agapius, or Ahapi, Honcharenko, to avoid detection from the Russians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, while in New York, he married the daughter of one of the Italian radicals he met in the U.S., a young school teacher named Albina Citi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>Not to the liking, particularly of her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Her deeply anti-religious family was put off by this…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>… bearded orthodox priest in wearing cassocks and things. But they were in love, and they wanted to go to the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>So, in his mid-30s, Honcharenko landed in San Francisco with his wife, Albina. Remember how he learned about printing in London? He bought a set of Cyrillic fonts and launched the \u003cem>Alaska Herald\u003c/em> — with a Ukrainian-language supplement. That was one of the very first Ukrainian publications in North America, and a must-read for Ukrainian expats from New York to Siberia. A must-read for a lot of Russian expats, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>He was successful in getting the paper going. He got funding from the American government initially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Here’s an excerpt of an issue celebrating the publication’s second year:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reading from newspaper article: \u003c/strong>From the day of its birth it assumed a certain attitude, and it has unflinchingly maintained its position and consistency during these two years. It has struggled hard and bitterly because it was on the side of right and justice, and they who champion the oppressed seldom find their work either cheerful or remunerative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>OK, so Honcharenko could get a little strident and self-aggrandizing…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reading from newspaper article: \u003c/strong>Of course, it has encountered severe hostility at the hands of those whom it has exposed; of course, it has made enemies for itself by the score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The problem for Honcharenko was that he was a critic of imperial malfeasance wherever he saw it, and eventually, he bit the hand that fed him, none other than the U.S. government, a primary backer of the Alaska Herald.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>Because the administration that the Americans set up had problems with corruption. He was critical of the way the American administration treated Native people. He had some environmental concerns. When he became critical of what was going on in Alaska, they pulled the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Meanwhile, the Russian Orthodox Church relocated its U.S. base of operations from Sitka in Alaska to San Francisco in California. And it came to their attention that a renegade priest was holding services in the city. And that’s when the couple decided to decamp for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Honcharenko sold his printing press, bought a 40-acre farm in the hills above Hayward, named the place “Ukraina,” and settled into a relatively calmer life for the next 40-odd years. He led weekly Orthodox church services on the farm for local and visiting Slavic immigrants, conducted baptisms, and weddings. The couple also gardened. They sent numerous samples of plants and vegetables to the editors of the \u003cem>California Horticulturalist and Floral Magazine\u003c/em>, who wrote back to praise the “monster squash,” and “some of the finest sugar table corn and nutmeg melons we have ever tasted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>His life was amazing. He was eccentric, he was quirky. He had strange ideas about some things; there’s no doubt. But when you look at the trajectory of his life, it’s an amazing story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>He continued to publish articles and even a memoir in 1894. His homestead became a stopping place for fellow countrymen passing through. For half a minute, a small group of dreamers tried a utopian colony on his land. The venture failed, but it burnished Honcharenko’s reputation and ensured his lasting memory in the Ukrainian diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>There are stories that say, no, no, he exaggerated or that he made up stories about his life and everything like that. He might have exaggerated certain things, but there are a lot of things that my research has shown actually were based in fact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The last years were hard. Their daughter died when she was just ten years old. The subsistence farming wasn’t enough to subsist on. But they’d given so much to so many over the decades, a lot of locals returned the favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>They were very poor at the end, and really dependent on the charity of ranchers in the surrounding community who took an interest in him and helped the two of them out in their last years. So his life wasn’t any easy life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Honcharenko died at the age of 84 in 1916, a little over a year after his wife. His death was front-page news in several papers, and his life inspired a couple of biographies, but it wasn’t until 1997 that the California Historical Resources Commission designated his ranch and gravesite a state historical landmark, and a couple years later, a cairn and plaque honoring Honcharenko were unveiled there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sounds from the celebration: \u003c/strong>Odyn, dva, tray. Slava Ukraini! Slava Ukraini! Hey, I want to hear it again! Slava Ukraini! Slava Ukraini! OK, that’s better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Back at Garin Regional Park, the group of Ukrainian-Americans we met at the start of this story takes a group photo, with the Ukrainian national salute that translates to “Glory to Ukraine!” This bucolic hilltop with its historic marker and park panels tells the broad arc: émigré priest, dissident publisher, gentleman farmer. Ukrainians here and abroad remember, but what about the rest of us? This whole story is certainly news to our question-asker, Tony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Divito: \u003c/strong>I think we’re incredibly fortunate and lucky to have him as part of Bay Area history. It goes with our history of allowing refuge, of allowing people from desperate situations to come here and thrive here and contribute to our community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>His story was just, like, epic. Right? Like it’s, you know…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Divito: \u003c/strong>It deserves, you know, a series. Like a television mini-series or an audiobook of some sort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Hit me up for the writers’ room, guys!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That was KQED’s Rachael Myrow. Special thanks to Gabriela Glueck, who literally went the extra mile up that hill to help us report this story, and to Dan Brekke, who read Honcharenko’s archival writings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Divito sent in today’s question, and I want you to be like Tony! Head to \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a> to submit a question you’ve been wondering about. We are always on the lookout for great questions and yours could be what we tackle on next! Again, head to \u003ca href=\"http://baycuious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a> to ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Dan Brekke and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. See ya next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard not to feel glum reading the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070573/a-generation-orphaned-by-war-ukrainian-children-grow-up-amid-loss-and-recovery\">news headlines from Ukraine\u003c/a> these days, even if you’re not Ukrainian or Ukrainian American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, the conflict can feel far away. And yet, in the late 19th century, the Bay Area was home to a Ukrainian man who was exactly the type of revolutionary dissident Russia wanted to silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a historical marker commemorating him in, of all places, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/sites/default/files/garin_honcharenkos_santuary.pdf\">Garin Regional Park\u003c/a>. Tony Divito of San Mateo passed a road sign nearby on his commute, calling attention to that marker and wondered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wanted to know the backstory,” he told Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer leads to a man of many disparate layers; a devout Orthodox priest, a relentless dissident and outlaw, a groundbreaking publisher, and subsistence farmer. The life of Agapius Honcharenko reads like an epic thriller, albeit one that ends improbably on a quiet hilltop farm tucked high in the Hayward Hills. But let’s start at the very beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A keen intellect and empathetic soul\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The man who came to be known in the Bay Area as Agapius Honcharenko was born Andrii Humnytsky in 1832. The son of an Orthodox priest, he displayed a keen intellect at a young age and caught the attention of the highest-ranking church official in Ukraine at the time, becoming his personal assistant. As a consequence, young Humnytsky bore witness to the hardships endured by peasants and serfs, agricultural laborers bound to their lords’ estates. The very word “slave” comes from the word “Slav.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was appalled by the poverty in these villages,” said Jars Balan, a researcher at the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01005_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Father Oleg Kepeshchuk of the Greek Catholic Church of the Immaculate Conception video calls a friend to show them the view of the burial site where Ukrainian patriot and exiled orthodox priest Agapius Honcharenko and his wife Albina are buried at Garin Regional Park in Hayward on Sept. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Humnytsky delivered his ordination sermon, Balan said, he called on the church to melt down all the gold and precious jewels, “and use the money to feed, to help the poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This kind of talk did not go over well in 19th-century Ukraine. Still, Humnytsky would not cool his revolutionary jets. He got acquainted with — and radicalized by — fellow countrymen who, decades before, were involved in a failed attempt to overthrow the czar, the emperor of Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humnytsky’s boss saw trouble brewing, so he sent him out of the country. Because Ukraine was part of Russia at the time, he sent Humnytsky to serve in the chapel of the Imperial Russian Consulate in Greece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there, too, Humnytsky fell in with like-minded revolutionaries. He started writing for a dissident journal called \u003cem>Kolokol\u003c/em>, in English, \u003cem>The Bell\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After publishing searing articles calling for the emancipation of serfs and criticizing the Orthodox Church’s support for tsarist autocracy, Humnytsky was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russian authorities imprisoned him in the hold of a warship, which set sail for what is now Istanbul. According to his later recollections, Humnytsky arranged a daring escape with the help of his family back in Moscow. He would recall years later, “I escaped for an eternal glory, to be a Kozak in the free world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This episode marked the start of a life on the run from Russian justice. Repeatedly over the years that followed, Humnytsky would pop up in a new location, work all sorts of odd hustles, make friends with anarchists, dissidents, and revolutionaries, and then the Russians would catch up with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, he returned to Greece for additional professional spiritual training on the remote peninsula of Mount Athos, home to the world’s largest monastic community. It’s a UNESCO World Heritage Site today. Back then, it was an excellent place to hide from the Russians. He had a facility with languages, so in London, he was a Russian language tutor to Greeks, and a specialist in old coins at the British Museum. In Cairo, he organized sightseeing tours — and survived a knifing paid for by the local Russian consulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By his early thirties, Humnytsky decided to try his luck on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A new life in America\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1865, he landed in Boston, headed to New York, then New Orleans. Around this time, Andrii Humnytsky changed his name to Agapius, or Ahapi, Honcharenko, to seem more Greek and avoid detection from the Russians. But even in the United States, wherever he went, local Russians eventually figured out Father Agapius was not actually a Greek with remarkably good command of Russian. Balan, who wrote a \u003ca href=\"https://ia800309.us.archive.org/25/items/journalofukraini3334cana/journalofukraini3334cana.pdf\">well-regarded study\u003c/a> of Honcharenko’s life, calls him a “renegade monastic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in New York, Honcharenko married the daughter of one of the Italian radicals he met, a young school teacher named Albina Citi. The match was not to the liking of her anti-religious family, Balan said, “but they were in love, and they wanted to go to the West Coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071447\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1289px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071447\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1289\" height=\"2090\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a.jpeg 1289w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a-160x259.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a-947x1536.jpeg 947w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/E6B7271A-ABCD-48CC-AE56-C2102783C328_1_201_a-1263x2048.jpeg 1263w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1289px) 100vw, 1289px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the photos used to illustrate the book Ahapius Honcharenko “Alaska Man,” by Wasyl Luciw, Ph.D. And Theodore Luciw, M. A., published in Toronto by Slavia Library in 1963. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Jars Balan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And so it was that Honcharenko arrived in San Francisco in the 1860s, bringing with him typesetting skills he had honed in London. He purchased Cyrillic fonts and launched the \u003ca href=\"https://diasporiana.org.ua/wp-content/uploads/books/13652/file.pdf\">\u003cem>Alaska Herald\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which included a Ukrainian-language supplement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paper became a vital resource for Ukrainian and Russian émigrés alike, providing news to people living far from home. But Honcharenko couldn’t resist publishing some biting commentary as well. Here’s an excerpt of an issue celebrating the publication’s second year:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From the day of its birth it assumed a certain attitude, and it has unflinchingly maintained its position and consistency during these two years. It has struggled hard and bitterly because it was on the side of right and justice, and they who champion the oppressed seldom find their work either cheerful or remunerative.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem for Honcharenko was that he was a critic of imperial malfeasance wherever he saw it. Eventually, he bit the hand that fed him, which in this case was none other than the U.S. government, a primary backer of the \u003cem>Alaska Herald\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the administration that the Americans set up had problems with corruption,” Balan explained. “[Honcharenko] was critical of the way the American administration treated Native people. He had some environmental concerns. When he became critical of what was going on in Alaska, they pulled the funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Russian Orthodox Church relocated its U.S. base of operations from Sitka in Alaska to San Francisco in California. It came to their attention that a renegade priest was holding services in the city, and that’s when Honcharenko and his wife decided to decamp for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A quieter life\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Honcharenko sold his printing press, bought a 40-acre farm in the hills above \u003ca href=\"https://www.haywardareahistory.org/agapius-honcharenko\">Hayward\u003c/a>, named the place “Ukraina,” and settled into a relatively calm life for the next 40-odd years. He led weekly Orthodox church services on the farm for local and visiting Slavic immigrants, conducted baptisms and weddings. His homestead became a small but significant hub for Ukrainian-American life on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last years of his life were hard. The couple’s daughter died when she was just ten years old. The subsistence farm didn’t produce enough food to live on. However, Agapius and Albina Hocharenko had given so much to so many over the decades that when they were in need, a lot of locals returned the favor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, Honcharenko continued to write, publish, and mentor émigrés. His farm briefly hosted a utopian colony, a dream of community that ultimately failed, but further cemented his reputation among the diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple also gardened. They sent numerous samples of plants and vegetables to the editors of the \u003cem>California Horticulturalist and Floral Magazine\u003c/em>, who wrote back to praise the “monster squash,” and “some of the finest sugar table corn and nutmeg melons we have ever tasted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His life was amazing,” Balan said. “He was eccentric, he was quirky. He had strange ideas about some things; there’s no doubt. But when you look at the trajectory of his life, it’s an amazing story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honcharenko died in 1916 at the age of 84, shortly after his wife. Although his passing was noted in the local papers and inspired a couple of \u003ca href=\"https://diasporiana.org.ua/wp-content/uploads/books/17172/file.pdf\">biographies\u003c/a>, it wasn’t until 1997 that the California Historical Resources Commission designated his farm and gravesite as a state historical landmark. A cairn and plaque followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, there’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906285/ukrainians-in-california-devastated-by-russian-invasion\">sizable\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942336/despite-a-year-of-suffering-some-silicon-valley-companies-tied-to-ukraine-remain-optimistic\">organized\u003c/a> local Ukrainian-American community in the Bay Area, some of whom gather on a mile-long hike every year to \u003ca href=\"https://ohp.parks.ca.gov/ListedResources/Detail/1025\">\u003cem>Ukraina\u003c/em>\u003c/a> to honor Honcharenko’s memory. They sing in Ukrainian and offer prayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057938\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057938\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250927-UKRAINIANFARM01016_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taras Turiv’s (left) daughter, Victoria (right), wears a Ukrainian flag at the burial site where Ukrainian patriot and exiled orthodox priest Agapius Honcharenko and his wife Albina are buried at Garin Regional Park in Hayward on Sept. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Software engineer Alla Kashaba was among the 20 or so in attendance the last time. She lives in Los Altos now, but comes originally from Kharkiv, in eastern Ukraine. “He was [a] very interesting person, and I hope someday, someone will make an interesting movie about him, like, adventure movie,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This whole story was news to Bay Curious question asker Tony Divito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re incredibly fortunate and lucky to have him as part of Bay Area history,” Divito said. “It goes with our history of allowing refuge, of allowing people from desperate situations to come here and thrive here and contribute to our society, our community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gglueck\">\u003cem>Gabriela Glueck\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We start today’s episode in Garin Regional Park – high in the hills overlooking Hayward. If you drive over this way, you might pass by an intriguing sign. That’s what happened to Tony Divito of San Mateo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Divito: \u003c/strong>I saw a sign for a Ukrainian farm in Hayward. I just wanted to know the backstory.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Deep in the park is California registered historical landmark #1025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE: “Ukraina” is the site of the farm and burial place of the Ukrainian patriot and exiled orthodox priest Agapius Honcharenko (1832-1916) and his wife Albina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: It’s a serene setting now, but the life of this guy – Agapius Honcharenko – was anything but. He spent much of his life fleeing Russian forces, traveling the globe and stirring up revolutionary inklings in his wake. Not exactly the image you might expect from an orthodox priest. Today on the show, we’ll delve into what made Honcharenko so notable that more than 100 years after his death, he’s still celebrated by local communities. Buckle up, it’s a wild ride! I’m Olivia Allen-Price. You’re listening to Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sponsor Message\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In the 19th century, all sorts of curious characters washed up on California’s shores, looking for fortune, a fresh start, or in the case of Father Agapius Honcharenko … a safe place to hide. KQED’s Rachael Myrow found a group of people who gather every year to honor him. She went to find out why…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Singing in Ukrainian\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The mood was contemplative, even somber, at the 9th annual Park Ukraina Hike and Panahdya — a memorial service for Honcharenko. Representatives from local Ukrainian churches hiked a mile to offer prayers over the grave of a remarkable man who established a farm here on this hilltop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Man reading a prayer in Ukrainian\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Software engineer, Alla Kashaba was among the 20 or so in attendance. She lives in Los Altos now, but comes originally from Karghiv, in eastern Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alla Kashaba: \u003c/strong>He was very interesting person, and I hope someday someone will make an interesting movie about him, like, adventure movie. All about how he hide from Russian forces? I don’t know how to translate this. All across the globe. So he was running from them in London, in Egypt, in Jerusalem, and ended up in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Intriguing, no?? Let’s step back in time to understand what exactly this man was running from. Born Andrii Humnytsky in what is now central Ukraine in 1832, this guy was destined to become an Orthodox priest like his father. He certainly caught the eye of the highest-ranking church leader in Ukraine at the time, a man named Metropolitan Philaret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>The Metropolitan of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine at that time, Metropolitan Philaret, saw that this guy was smart and capable, and made him his personal assistant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>That’s Jars Balan, a researcher at the Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta. He’s written the definitive research paper on our man Humnytsky, and he spoke at the unveiling of that plaque in Hayward. Balan says, from childhood, Humnytsky felt a fierce pride in his Ukrainian ancestry and his Christian spirituality. He took the monastic name Agapius, derived from the Greek word \u003cem>agape\u003c/em>, meaning selfless love, and pretty much from the start, his politics leaned progressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>Because he got to travel around with the Metropolitan, he visited a lot of communities, and he was appalled by the poverty in these villages. This is still a time of serfdom, and the church even had serfs, and he found that appalling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The word SLAV is where English speakers get the word slave, because Slavs became synonymous with enslavement in the Middle Ages. A serf, for those of you not up on your Eastern European history, is an agricultural laborer bound to work on their lord’s estate. Humnytsky hated the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>In fact, when he was [in] his first level of ordination, and he gave his ordination sermon, he called on the church to melt down all the gold and precious jewels, all the golden precious metals, and use the money to feed, to help the poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Sounds Christian in the OG sense, but this talk did not go over well in mid-19th-century Ukraine. Still, Humnytsky would not cool his revolutionary jets. He got acquainted with – and radicalized by – locals who, decades before, were involved in a failed attempt to overthrow the czar, the emperor of Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humnytsky’s boss, the Metropolitan, saw trouble brewing, so he sent him out of the country. Because Ukraine was part of Russia at the time, he sent Humnytsky to serve in the chapel of the Imperial Russian Consulate in Greece. But there, too, Humnytsky fell in with like-minded revolutionaries. He started writing for a dissident journal called \u003cem>Kolokol\u003c/em>. In English, \u003cem>The Bell\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After publishing searing articles calling for the emancipation of serfs and criticizing the Orthodox Church’s support for Tsarist autocracy, Humnytsky was arrested and imprisoned in the hold of the Russian warship, which set sail for what is now Istanbul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>He managed to arrange an escape when they were holding him in Istanbul. He had an aunt who was in Moscow. She had some connections, managed to pull a few strings, maybe pay a few bribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>In his memoirs written decades later, the dissident priest recalled his optimism as a young man:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice actor reading from Humnytsky’s memoirs: \u003c/strong>“I escaped for an eternal glory, to be a Kozak in the free world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Things didn’t quite pan out that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>In point of fact, this episode was just the start of a life on the run from Russian justice. Repeatedly over the years that followed, he’d pop up in a new location, work all sorts of odd hustles, and then the Russians would catch up with him. For instance, he had a facility with languages, so in London, he was a Russian language tutor to Greeks, and a specialist in old coins at the British Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>How he picked up the specialty, I’m not sure, but I said he was a very bright guy and interested in history and archeology and theology and all kinds of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>It’s around this time that Humnytsky began using “Honcharenko” as his nom de plume. And – I mean, you can’t make this stuff up, this guy was extraordinarily bright – he picked up a craft – typesetting – that would come in handy later in his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan:\u003c/strong> …in a printer shop and learned how to print. He translated a rare sort of, I think it was a 15th century book called Stoflau // calling for reforms in the Orthodox Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Troublemaker, right? And remember, everywhere Humnytsky goes, he makes friends with anarchists, dissidents and revolutionaries. But he never lost his passion for spirituality. In fact, he returned to Greece for additional professional training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sound of monks chanting\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>…on a remote peninsula in the northeast. It’s home to the largest monastic community in the world, a UNESCO World Heritage Site today, and an excellent place to hide from the Russians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This meant Humnytsky was now able to lead prayers, conduct marriages and baptisms, and otherwise tend to lay people’s spiritual needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humnytsky bounced around for years. Jerusalem, the mountains of Lebanon, Cairo, where he survived a knifing paid for by the local Russian consulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after, he decided to make a break for the New World, quite likely because he wanted to put as much space as he could between himself and the Russians. In 1865, in his early thirties, he landed in Boston, headed to New York, then New Orleans. But even on this side of the Atlantic, local Russians would eventually figure out Father Agapius was not actually a Greek with remarkably good command of Russian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around this time, Andrii Humnytsky changed his name – not just his nom de plum – to Agapius, or Ahapi, Honcharenko, to avoid detection from the Russians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, while in New York, he married the daughter of one of the Italian radicals he met in the U.S., a young school teacher named Albina Citi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>Not to the liking, particularly of her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Her deeply anti-religious family was put off by this…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>… bearded orthodox priest in wearing cassocks and things. But they were in love, and they wanted to go to the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>So, in his mid-30s, Honcharenko landed in San Francisco with his wife, Albina. Remember how he learned about printing in London? He bought a set of Cyrillic fonts and launched the \u003cem>Alaska Herald\u003c/em> — with a Ukrainian-language supplement. That was one of the very first Ukrainian publications in North America, and a must-read for Ukrainian expats from New York to Siberia. A must-read for a lot of Russian expats, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>He was successful in getting the paper going. He got funding from the American government initially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Here’s an excerpt of an issue celebrating the publication’s second year:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reading from newspaper article: \u003c/strong>From the day of its birth it assumed a certain attitude, and it has unflinchingly maintained its position and consistency during these two years. It has struggled hard and bitterly because it was on the side of right and justice, and they who champion the oppressed seldom find their work either cheerful or remunerative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>OK, so Honcharenko could get a little strident and self-aggrandizing…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reading from newspaper article: \u003c/strong>Of course, it has encountered severe hostility at the hands of those whom it has exposed; of course, it has made enemies for itself by the score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The problem for Honcharenko was that he was a critic of imperial malfeasance wherever he saw it, and eventually, he bit the hand that fed him, none other than the U.S. government, a primary backer of the Alaska Herald.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>Because the administration that the Americans set up had problems with corruption. He was critical of the way the American administration treated Native people. He had some environmental concerns. When he became critical of what was going on in Alaska, they pulled the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Meanwhile, the Russian Orthodox Church relocated its U.S. base of operations from Sitka in Alaska to San Francisco in California. And it came to their attention that a renegade priest was holding services in the city. And that’s when the couple decided to decamp for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Honcharenko sold his printing press, bought a 40-acre farm in the hills above Hayward, named the place “Ukraina,” and settled into a relatively calmer life for the next 40-odd years. He led weekly Orthodox church services on the farm for local and visiting Slavic immigrants, conducted baptisms, and weddings. The couple also gardened. They sent numerous samples of plants and vegetables to the editors of the \u003cem>California Horticulturalist and Floral Magazine\u003c/em>, who wrote back to praise the “monster squash,” and “some of the finest sugar table corn and nutmeg melons we have ever tasted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>His life was amazing. He was eccentric, he was quirky. He had strange ideas about some things; there’s no doubt. But when you look at the trajectory of his life, it’s an amazing story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>He continued to publish articles and even a memoir in 1894. His homestead became a stopping place for fellow countrymen passing through. For half a minute, a small group of dreamers tried a utopian colony on his land. The venture failed, but it burnished Honcharenko’s reputation and ensured his lasting memory in the Ukrainian diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>There are stories that say, no, no, he exaggerated or that he made up stories about his life and everything like that. He might have exaggerated certain things, but there are a lot of things that my research has shown actually were based in fact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The last years were hard. Their daughter died when she was just ten years old. The subsistence farming wasn’t enough to subsist on. But they’d given so much to so many over the decades, a lot of locals returned the favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jars Balan: \u003c/strong>They were very poor at the end, and really dependent on the charity of ranchers in the surrounding community who took an interest in him and helped the two of them out in their last years. So his life wasn’t any easy life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Honcharenko died at the age of 84 in 1916, a little over a year after his wife. His death was front-page news in several papers, and his life inspired a couple of biographies, but it wasn’t until 1997 that the California Historical Resources Commission designated his ranch and gravesite a state historical landmark, and a couple years later, a cairn and plaque honoring Honcharenko were unveiled there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sounds from the celebration: \u003c/strong>Odyn, dva, tray. Slava Ukraini! Slava Ukraini! Hey, I want to hear it again! Slava Ukraini! Slava Ukraini! OK, that’s better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Back at Garin Regional Park, the group of Ukrainian-Americans we met at the start of this story takes a group photo, with the Ukrainian national salute that translates to “Glory to Ukraine!” This bucolic hilltop with its historic marker and park panels tells the broad arc: émigré priest, dissident publisher, gentleman farmer. Ukrainians here and abroad remember, but what about the rest of us? This whole story is certainly news to our question-asker, Tony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Divito: \u003c/strong>I think we’re incredibly fortunate and lucky to have him as part of Bay Area history. It goes with our history of allowing refuge, of allowing people from desperate situations to come here and thrive here and contribute to our community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>His story was just, like, epic. Right? Like it’s, you know…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Divito: \u003c/strong>It deserves, you know, a series. Like a television mini-series or an audiobook of some sort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Hit me up for the writers’ room, guys!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That was KQED’s Rachael Myrow. Special thanks to Gabriela Glueck, who literally went the extra mile up that hill to help us report this story, and to Dan Brekke, who read Honcharenko’s archival writings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Divito sent in today’s question, and I want you to be like Tony! Head to \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a> to submit a question you’ve been wondering about. We are always on the lookout for great questions and yours could be what we tackle on next! Again, head to \u003ca href=\"http://baycuious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a> to ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Dan Brekke and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. See ya next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Ro Khanna is ramping up congressional Democrats’ push for accountability at the California City immigration detention facility in the Mojave Desert after making \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">an oversight visit\u003c/a> this month that he described as “alarming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent letter to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and acting Director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Todd Lyons, Khanna demanded that the Trump administration turn over records on health and safety conditions at the former prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Khanna echoed the widespread condemnation of the administration’s violent immigration enforcement escalation, which has swelled after the shooting of Alex Pretti, the second Minneapolis resident to be killed by DHS agents this month. Khanna said the behavior of immigration agents in Minneapolis and inside ICE detention centers — where a record 70,000 people are now detained — is two facets of the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s lawlessness,” he said. “They’re mistreating immigrants on our streets, and they’re mistreating immigrants in detention. It’s violating the Constitution of the United States, and it’s violating our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six people have died in custody this month alone, according to ICE. That comes on top of 32 deaths in 2025, the highest number in two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049483\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049483\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Ro Khanna holds a town hall meeting at the MLK Community Center in Bakersfield on March 23, 2025, the first of three town hall events Khanna was set to hold in Republican-held congressional districts across the state. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://khanna.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/khanna.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/ice-detention-letter-jan-22-2026-8.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> to Noem and Lyons, sent Jan. 22, Khanna demanded a list of records from DHS about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054544/californias-newest-immigration-facility-is-also-its-biggest-is-it-operating-legally\">operations of the California City facility\u003c/a>, which is owned and run by the private prison company CoreCivic and began housing ICE detainees in late August. He gave them a deadline of Feb. 12 and specifically requested:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Contracts between ICE and CoreCivic and with medical providers;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Logs documenting how long it took to deliver medical care;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Logs documenting use of force and solitary confinement;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Logs documenting grievances filed by detainees;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Food safety and health inspection records;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Records of out-of-cell and recreation time.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>As a member of the House Oversight Committee, Khanna said he has a “responsibility to tell the country about what’s going on” in detention facilities, which are generally hidden from public view. KQED’s request to visit the California City facility earlier this month was denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think people understand the inhumanity,” said Khanna, who visited the facility after constituents in his Santa Clara County district raised concerns about family members who were held there. “I didn’t understand it myself until I went and saw it myself.”[aside postID=news_12070519 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AlexPadillaAdamSchiffAP.jpg']In his letter to Noem and Lyons, Khanna said he was disturbed to see people held in civil detention treated as if they were “high-security prisoners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the fact that all visitors are subjected to invasive patdowns and escorts, detainees reported that everyone, even those classified as low-security, are required to meet lawyers and loved ones behind glass and treated as convicted prisoners,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most alarming,” he told the officials, “were the failures in medical care and grievance processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Both a senior ICE official and facility staff admitted that urgent medical requests and grievances may sit unattended for weeks and are not reviewed on weekends or holidays,” he wrote. “Detainees described even longer delays and reported being placed in solitary confinement when they complained of medical needs — an extraordinarily troubling and punitive practice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to KQED’s request for comment. The agency has consistently said it is detaining and deporting the “worst of the worst” violent criminals, highlighting specific people arrested in daily press releases. However, ICE’s own data show that, as of late December, just 26% of those in detention were convicted of any crime. Another 26% faced some sort of pending criminal charge, while 48% were accused of only a civil immigration violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s oversight demands come as Democrats wage an all-out push to rein in DHS after the weekend killing of Pretti, who was filming immigration agents on a Minneapolis street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Adam Schiff, D-California, and Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-California, right, speak with Vice Chair Liz Cheney, R-Wyoming, as the House select committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol holds its first public hearing to reveal the findings of a yearlong investigation, at the Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(J. Scott Applewhite/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Democrats are vowing to vote against an appropriations bill that includes DHS funding, raising the prospect of a partial government shutdown by week’s end. Last week, all but seven House Democrats voted against the funding bill, but they lacked the votes to stop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area Democrats, including Reps. Zoe Lofgren, Eric Swalwell and Mike Thompson, have signed on to \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-resolution/996/text\">articles of impeachment\u003c/a> against Noem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Raul Ruiz, a Coachella Valley Democrat, tried to make an oversight visit to the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in San Bernardino County on Wednesday but was turned away. Ruiz said he requested the visit more than seven days in advance, following a recent ICE policy with which he disagrees. He said ICE also refused him entry to the Adelanto facility in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. Alex Padilla, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">made an oversight visit\u003c/a> with Sen. Adam Schiff to the California City detention facility last week, has introduced a bill to overhaul ICE detention and increase accountability. The bill, co-authored with Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., would:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>End ICE family detention, where children are held;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Only allow DHS to detain people it can show are a threat to public safety or national security;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Require ICE facilities to meet the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/publications/commission_on_immigration/abaimmdetstds.pdf\">American Bar Association’s Civil Immigration Detention Standards\u003c/a>;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mandate unannounced inspections by the DHS inspector general, along with meaningful penalties if standards are not met;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Phase out private detention facilities, run by for-profit companies;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>End the use of solitary confinement in immigration detention.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12070624 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Adam Schiff, right, walks with Sen. Alex Padilla during a visit to an immigration detention center on Jan. 20, 2026, in California City, California. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE does set \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">standards\u003c/a> for detention facilities, whether operated by the agency itself, a private-prison company or a county jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency is responsible for monitoring compliance with standards, and the DHS inspector general can also inspect. But compliance has long been inconsistent, and ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/fact-sheet/oversight-immigration-detention-overview/\">a history of issuing waivers\u003c/a> to facilities that fail inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna told KQED he’s considering introducing a bill to repeal $75 billion in ICE funding that was part of a July reconciliation package known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. And he said he would like to “tear down” ICE as an agency and replace it with something that’s more accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Ro Khanna is ramping up congressional Democrats’ push for accountability at the California City immigration detention facility in the Mojave Desert after making \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">an oversight visit\u003c/a> this month that he described as “alarming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent letter to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and acting Director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Todd Lyons, Khanna demanded that the Trump administration turn over records on health and safety conditions at the former prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Khanna echoed the widespread condemnation of the administration’s violent immigration enforcement escalation, which has swelled after the shooting of Alex Pretti, the second Minneapolis resident to be killed by DHS agents this month. Khanna said the behavior of immigration agents in Minneapolis and inside ICE detention centers — where a record 70,000 people are now detained — is two facets of the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s lawlessness,” he said. “They’re mistreating immigrants on our streets, and they’re mistreating immigrants in detention. It’s violating the Constitution of the United States, and it’s violating our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six people have died in custody this month alone, according to ICE. That comes on top of 32 deaths in 2025, the highest number in two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049483\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049483\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Ro Khanna holds a town hall meeting at the MLK Community Center in Bakersfield on March 23, 2025, the first of three town hall events Khanna was set to hold in Republican-held congressional districts across the state. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://khanna.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/khanna.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/ice-detention-letter-jan-22-2026-8.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> to Noem and Lyons, sent Jan. 22, Khanna demanded a list of records from DHS about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054544/californias-newest-immigration-facility-is-also-its-biggest-is-it-operating-legally\">operations of the California City facility\u003c/a>, which is owned and run by the private prison company CoreCivic and began housing ICE detainees in late August. He gave them a deadline of Feb. 12 and specifically requested:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Contracts between ICE and CoreCivic and with medical providers;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Logs documenting how long it took to deliver medical care;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Logs documenting use of force and solitary confinement;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Logs documenting grievances filed by detainees;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Food safety and health inspection records;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Records of out-of-cell and recreation time.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>As a member of the House Oversight Committee, Khanna said he has a “responsibility to tell the country about what’s going on” in detention facilities, which are generally hidden from public view. KQED’s request to visit the California City facility earlier this month was denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think people understand the inhumanity,” said Khanna, who visited the facility after constituents in his Santa Clara County district raised concerns about family members who were held there. “I didn’t understand it myself until I went and saw it myself.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In his letter to Noem and Lyons, Khanna said he was disturbed to see people held in civil detention treated as if they were “high-security prisoners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the fact that all visitors are subjected to invasive patdowns and escorts, detainees reported that everyone, even those classified as low-security, are required to meet lawyers and loved ones behind glass and treated as convicted prisoners,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most alarming,” he told the officials, “were the failures in medical care and grievance processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Both a senior ICE official and facility staff admitted that urgent medical requests and grievances may sit unattended for weeks and are not reviewed on weekends or holidays,” he wrote. “Detainees described even longer delays and reported being placed in solitary confinement when they complained of medical needs — an extraordinarily troubling and punitive practice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to KQED’s request for comment. The agency has consistently said it is detaining and deporting the “worst of the worst” violent criminals, highlighting specific people arrested in daily press releases. However, ICE’s own data show that, as of late December, just 26% of those in detention were convicted of any crime. Another 26% faced some sort of pending criminal charge, while 48% were accused of only a civil immigration violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s oversight demands come as Democrats wage an all-out push to rein in DHS after the weekend killing of Pretti, who was filming immigration agents on a Minneapolis street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SchiffLofgrenCheneyAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Adam Schiff, D-California, and Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-California, right, speak with Vice Chair Liz Cheney, R-Wyoming, as the House select committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol holds its first public hearing to reveal the findings of a yearlong investigation, at the Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(J. Scott Applewhite/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Democrats are vowing to vote against an appropriations bill that includes DHS funding, raising the prospect of a partial government shutdown by week’s end. Last week, all but seven House Democrats voted against the funding bill, but they lacked the votes to stop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area Democrats, including Reps. Zoe Lofgren, Eric Swalwell and Mike Thompson, have signed on to \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-resolution/996/text\">articles of impeachment\u003c/a> against Noem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Raul Ruiz, a Coachella Valley Democrat, tried to make an oversight visit to the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in San Bernardino County on Wednesday but was turned away. Ruiz said he requested the visit more than seven days in advance, following a recent ICE policy with which he disagrees. He said ICE also refused him entry to the Adelanto facility in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. Alex Padilla, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">made an oversight visit\u003c/a> with Sen. Adam Schiff to the California City detention facility last week, has introduced a bill to overhaul ICE detention and increase accountability. The bill, co-authored with Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., would:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>End ICE family detention, where children are held;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Only allow DHS to detain people it can show are a threat to public safety or national security;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Require ICE facilities to meet the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/publications/commission_on_immigration/abaimmdetstds.pdf\">American Bar Association’s Civil Immigration Detention Standards\u003c/a>;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mandate unannounced inspections by the DHS inspector general, along with meaningful penalties if standards are not met;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Phase out private detention facilities, run by for-profit companies;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>End the use of solitary confinement in immigration detention.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12070624 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020827442794-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Adam Schiff, right, walks with Sen. Alex Padilla during a visit to an immigration detention center on Jan. 20, 2026, in California City, California. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE does set \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">standards\u003c/a> for detention facilities, whether operated by the agency itself, a private-prison company or a county jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency is responsible for monitoring compliance with standards, and the DHS inspector general can also inspect. But compliance has long been inconsistent, and ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/fact-sheet/oversight-immigration-detention-overview/\">a history of issuing waivers\u003c/a> to facilities that fail inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna told KQED he’s considering introducing a bill to repeal $75 billion in ICE funding that was part of a July reconciliation package known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. And he said he would like to “tear down” ICE as an agency and replace it with something that’s more accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would make it easier for Californians to sue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents and other federal officials for civil rights violations sailed through the state Senate on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 747, dubbed the No Kings Act, would create a first-in-the-nation legal pathway for residents to seek financial damages in state court for excessive force, false arrest and other violations of constitutional rights committed by federal officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, wrote the bill. If state or local law enforcement officers had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071074/heres-what-california-leaders-said-about-latest-minneapolis-killing\">shot Renee Good and Alex Pretti, \u003c/a>two people recently killed by federal agents in Minneapolis, they could be held financially liable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But under current law, it’s almost impossible to file that same lawsuit against a federal agent who does the same thing,” Wiener said. “If the federal government won’t hold these agents accountable for violating the Constitution, we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure passed the state Senate on a 30-10 party-line vote, with Republicans arguing the bill could expose local police to more lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070961\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070961\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Scott Wiener speaks on his support for California Senate Bill 63 at a press conference at Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Jan. 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote is the latest move by Democrats in the state Legislature to create a bulwark against the Trump administration’s deportation crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024851/california-legislature-approves-50m-to-fight-trump-administration-in-court\">set aside $25 million\u003c/a> for legal nonprofits to defend residents facing detention or deportation. They also approved a bill, written by Wiener, to prohibit local and federal law enforcement officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058936/masking-bill-fuels-california-legal-battle-over-federal-immigration-agents\">from wearing masks\u003c/a> on duty — which is currently facing a legal challenge from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 747’s supporters said it would give Californians a chance to hold federal officials accountable in a way that can be difficult under current law.[aside postID=news_12070480 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/CA-TRUMP-VOTERS-4-KQED-1020x574.jpg']“Today we are deliberating an issue to try to solve and also remedy the fear that folks are living with,” Senate President pro Tem Monique Limón, D-Santa Barbara, said. “In combination with the fact that we have not seen due process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener argued that existing law makes it difficult for victims to receive damages in federal court. For example, the Federal Tort Claims Act protects the government from liability arising from decisions made by individual officers and requires plaintiffs to first file an administrative claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of SB 747 include Prosecutors Alliance Action, the advocacy arm of a coalition of progressive district attorneys, and Inland Coalition for Immigrant Justice, which advocates for immigrants in California’s Inland Empire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is opposed by organizations representing California police officers, sheriffs and Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They argued the change will undercut an existing state law, known as the Bane Act, which requires Californians who sue law enforcement officials to show that a civil rights violation was accomplished through “threats, intimidation, or coercion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071291\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters against President Donald Trump’s immigration crackdown confront police on the 101 Freeway near the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles on June 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The question before you is not whether accountability should exist, but what creating a second, overlapping state system actually adds — other than more litigation and more risk for those on the front lines,” Sen. Suzette Martinez Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During debate on the Senate floor, Wiener said local police officers and sheriffs can already be sued under federal law for violating constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The liability that local and state police officers face will be the same after this is signed into law as before,” Wiener said. “It doesn’t change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 747 now heads to the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an analysis of SB 747, staffers on the Senate Judiciary Committee wrote, “the bill is very likely to be challenged by the federal government if signed into law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jan. 28: A previous version of this story said SB 747 was supported by the Prosecutors Alliance. It is backed by the group’s advocacy arm, Prosecutors Alliance Action.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After recent shootings in Minneapolis, Senate Bill 747 would provide a first-in-the-nation legal pathway for civil rights lawsuits against federal agents, supporters said.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill that would make it easier for Californians to sue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents and other federal officials for civil rights violations sailed through the state Senate on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 747, dubbed the No Kings Act, would create a first-in-the-nation legal pathway for residents to seek financial damages in state court for excessive force, false arrest and other violations of constitutional rights committed by federal officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, wrote the bill. If state or local law enforcement officers had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071074/heres-what-california-leaders-said-about-latest-minneapolis-killing\">shot Renee Good and Alex Pretti, \u003c/a>two people recently killed by federal agents in Minneapolis, they could be held financially liable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But under current law, it’s almost impossible to file that same lawsuit against a federal agent who does the same thing,” Wiener said. “If the federal government won’t hold these agents accountable for violating the Constitution, we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure passed the state Senate on a 30-10 party-line vote, with Republicans arguing the bill could expose local police to more lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070961\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070961\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Scott Wiener speaks on his support for California Senate Bill 63 at a press conference at Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Jan. 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s vote is the latest move by Democrats in the state Legislature to create a bulwark against the Trump administration’s deportation crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024851/california-legislature-approves-50m-to-fight-trump-administration-in-court\">set aside $25 million\u003c/a> for legal nonprofits to defend residents facing detention or deportation. They also approved a bill, written by Wiener, to prohibit local and federal law enforcement officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058936/masking-bill-fuels-california-legal-battle-over-federal-immigration-agents\">from wearing masks\u003c/a> on duty — which is currently facing a legal challenge from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 747’s supporters said it would give Californians a chance to hold federal officials accountable in a way that can be difficult under current law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Today we are deliberating an issue to try to solve and also remedy the fear that folks are living with,” Senate President pro Tem Monique Limón, D-Santa Barbara, said. “In combination with the fact that we have not seen due process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener argued that existing law makes it difficult for victims to receive damages in federal court. For example, the Federal Tort Claims Act protects the government from liability arising from decisions made by individual officers and requires plaintiffs to first file an administrative claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of SB 747 include Prosecutors Alliance Action, the advocacy arm of a coalition of progressive district attorneys, and Inland Coalition for Immigrant Justice, which advocates for immigrants in California’s Inland Empire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is opposed by organizations representing California police officers, sheriffs and Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They argued the change will undercut an existing state law, known as the Bane Act, which requires Californians who sue law enforcement officials to show that a civil rights violation was accomplished through “threats, intimidation, or coercion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071291\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ImmigrationAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters against President Donald Trump’s immigration crackdown confront police on the 101 Freeway near the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles on June 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The question before you is not whether accountability should exist, but what creating a second, overlapping state system actually adds — other than more litigation and more risk for those on the front lines,” Sen. Suzette Martinez Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During debate on the Senate floor, Wiener said local police officers and sheriffs can already be sued under federal law for violating constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The liability that local and state police officers face will be the same after this is signed into law as before,” Wiener said. “It doesn’t change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 747 now heads to the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an analysis of SB 747, staffers on the Senate Judiciary Committee wrote, “the bill is very likely to be challenged by the federal government if signed into law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jan. 28: A previous version of this story said SB 747 was supported by the Prosecutors Alliance. It is backed by the group’s advocacy arm, Prosecutors Alliance Action.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-cities-just-saw-their-lowest-homicide-rates-in-decades-its-not-clear-why",
"title": "California Cities Just Saw Their Lowest Homicide Rates in Decades. It’s Not Clear Why",
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"headTitle": "California Cities Just Saw Their Lowest Homicide Rates in Decades. It’s Not Clear Why | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the second year in a row, Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> is celebrating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068975/oaklands-violent-crime-dropped-significantly-in-2025-police-data-shows-what-happened\">California’s declining homicide rate\u003c/a> while using it as a cudgel against his political foes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your state’s homicide rate is 117% higher than California’s,” he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1934678145078288487?lang=en\">told \u003c/a>a Missouri congressman who needled Newsom on social media last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders caught his attention, too. “Your homicide rate is literally DOUBLE California’s,” he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1932849253459898732?s=20\">wrote\u003c/a> on social media addressing her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s been clear for the last three years is that homicides are down in Los Angeles and San Francisco — but also in \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/crime/article314216233.html\">Fresno\u003c/a>, Oakland, Richmond and Lodi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California cities are seeing record-low homicide rates,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">Newsom said\u003c/a> in his state of the state speech earlier this month. “Oakland, the lowest since 1967; LA, the lowest since 1966; and San Francisco, the lowest since 1954.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014262\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014262\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A watch tower is reflected in a mirror at the entrance to California State Prison, Sacramento, known as New Folsom Prison. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a spike during the early days of the pandemic, homicides are in fact down nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason why is far less clear. To put it in the language of crime researchers, the answer is “multifactorial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magnus Lofstrom, policy director of criminal justice at nonpartisan think tank the Public Policy Institute of California, said the spike of homicides during the pandemic may have been the result of disruptions in government activities: Schools were shut down, people were out of work, community-based programs for violence prevention and many basic public services were put on pause, Lofstrom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2020 numbers were a shock. After years of decline, the homicide rate in California surged by 31% in 2020 to 5.5 homicides per 100,000 people. In 2021, it rose again, to about 6 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that trend began to turn in 2022, when the number of homicides dropped by 7%, then in 2023 by 14% and in 2024 by another 12%. By the end of 2024, the homicide rate in California was down to 4.3 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s population was about 20 million people the last time the state recorded such low homicide numbers, half of what it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time the homicide numbers were climbing, the percentage of cases cleared by police was falling. A police department’s “clearance rate” compares the number of crimes reported to the number of arrests made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofstrom said that the homicide clearance rate statewide was 64.7% in 2019, and that it had dropped to 54.6% in 2021 – though \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-crime-numbers/#67e974b0-fc37-45b5-9b84-45e562184981\">the rates can vary dramatically among police departments\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we see now in the data up to 2024 is that we’re back up over 64% for homicide clearances,” Lofstrom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Half as many homicides in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said homicides are down along with major gun crimes including robberies and assaults with firearms. Oakland’s 67 homicides in 2025 were its lowest since 1967. It had 134 homicides in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, homicides dropped by more than 18% to 230 in 2025, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-01-06/la-me-homicide-stats\">\u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> analysis \u003c/a>of LAPD data.[aside postID=news_12069774 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED.jpg']The numbers documenting the recent decline in homicide rates, and the earlier spike, come with a major asterisk: The way crime data is collected is inconsistent. Law enforcement agencies self-report to the FBI, which each year publishes data under the Uniform Crime Reporting Program. The California Department of Justice then produces statewide reports from those numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not every department reports its statistics. And among those that do, some don’t report all their data — or report the information differently. For example, some jurisdictions only report crimes that lead to incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homicide numbers in California are provided by the state Justice Department near the end of the fiscal year in June, so the most recent statistics are from 2024. The Justice Department declined to provide CalMatters with updated numbers through 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drop in homicide rates wasn’t as pronounced in Orange and Orange and Ventura counties, which never experienced a significant pandemic spike, and Kern County, where \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2021/12/kern-county-homicide-rate-gangs/\">the homicide rate maintains a stubborn hold as the state’s highest.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nationwide drop in crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A long-range look at crime statistics, particularly homicide data, shows that the 2020-21 crime rate nationally and in California was still a fraction of its highs in the early 1990s. Simply counting the year-over-year changes belies a larger truth: Crime throughout the 2020s has been down significantly compared to the rate 20 or 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with the long-term homicide rate declines, the recent tapering in California is part of a nationwide trend. A \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/crime-trends-in-u-s-cities-year-end-2025-update/\">report published Thursday\u003c/a> by the Council on Criminal Justice, a nonpartisan Washington, D.C., think tank found that among 35 major cities nationwide, homicides dropped by 21% between 2024 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the FBI publishes its crime statistics later this year, Council on Criminal Justice researchers said in the report that the national homicide rate could drop to 4 per 100,000 people, which would be the lowest homicide rate ever on record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shani Buggs, an associate professor at UC Davis and public health researcher, said in the report that cities with major decreases in their homicide rate tended to spend federal pandemic funds on violence prevention and have police departments that focused on people with repeated allegations of violent crimes, helping them quickly resume pre-pandemic clearance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have reliable, multi-sector data or comparable contextual information available across jurisdictions to definitively identify — now or perhaps ever — what drove these declines,” Buggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/california-homicide-rate/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Homicides in California surged during the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, killings are down to historic lows in Los Angeles, Oakland, San Francisco and many other cities.\r\n",
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"title": "California Cities Just Saw Their Lowest Homicide Rates in Decades. It’s Not Clear Why | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the second year in a row, Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> is celebrating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068975/oaklands-violent-crime-dropped-significantly-in-2025-police-data-shows-what-happened\">California’s declining homicide rate\u003c/a> while using it as a cudgel against his political foes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your state’s homicide rate is 117% higher than California’s,” he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1934678145078288487?lang=en\">told \u003c/a>a Missouri congressman who needled Newsom on social media last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders caught his attention, too. “Your homicide rate is literally DOUBLE California’s,” he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1932849253459898732?s=20\">wrote\u003c/a> on social media addressing her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s been clear for the last three years is that homicides are down in Los Angeles and San Francisco — but also in \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/crime/article314216233.html\">Fresno\u003c/a>, Oakland, Richmond and Lodi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California cities are seeing record-low homicide rates,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">Newsom said\u003c/a> in his state of the state speech earlier this month. “Oakland, the lowest since 1967; LA, the lowest since 1966; and San Francisco, the lowest since 1954.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014262\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014262\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/235_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A watch tower is reflected in a mirror at the entrance to California State Prison, Sacramento, known as New Folsom Prison. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a spike during the early days of the pandemic, homicides are in fact down nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason why is far less clear. To put it in the language of crime researchers, the answer is “multifactorial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magnus Lofstrom, policy director of criminal justice at nonpartisan think tank the Public Policy Institute of California, said the spike of homicides during the pandemic may have been the result of disruptions in government activities: Schools were shut down, people were out of work, community-based programs for violence prevention and many basic public services were put on pause, Lofstrom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2020 numbers were a shock. After years of decline, the homicide rate in California surged by 31% in 2020 to 5.5 homicides per 100,000 people. In 2021, it rose again, to about 6 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that trend began to turn in 2022, when the number of homicides dropped by 7%, then in 2023 by 14% and in 2024 by another 12%. By the end of 2024, the homicide rate in California was down to 4.3 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s population was about 20 million people the last time the state recorded such low homicide numbers, half of what it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time the homicide numbers were climbing, the percentage of cases cleared by police was falling. A police department’s “clearance rate” compares the number of crimes reported to the number of arrests made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofstrom said that the homicide clearance rate statewide was 64.7% in 2019, and that it had dropped to 54.6% in 2021 – though \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-crime-numbers/#67e974b0-fc37-45b5-9b84-45e562184981\">the rates can vary dramatically among police departments\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we see now in the data up to 2024 is that we’re back up over 64% for homicide clearances,” Lofstrom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Half as many homicides in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said homicides are down along with major gun crimes including robberies and assaults with firearms. Oakland’s 67 homicides in 2025 were its lowest since 1967. It had 134 homicides in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, homicides dropped by more than 18% to 230 in 2025, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-01-06/la-me-homicide-stats\">\u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> analysis \u003c/a>of LAPD data.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The numbers documenting the recent decline in homicide rates, and the earlier spike, come with a major asterisk: The way crime data is collected is inconsistent. Law enforcement agencies self-report to the FBI, which each year publishes data under the Uniform Crime Reporting Program. The California Department of Justice then produces statewide reports from those numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not every department reports its statistics. And among those that do, some don’t report all their data — or report the information differently. For example, some jurisdictions only report crimes that lead to incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homicide numbers in California are provided by the state Justice Department near the end of the fiscal year in June, so the most recent statistics are from 2024. The Justice Department declined to provide CalMatters with updated numbers through 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drop in homicide rates wasn’t as pronounced in Orange and Orange and Ventura counties, which never experienced a significant pandemic spike, and Kern County, where \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2021/12/kern-county-homicide-rate-gangs/\">the homicide rate maintains a stubborn hold as the state’s highest.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nationwide drop in crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A long-range look at crime statistics, particularly homicide data, shows that the 2020-21 crime rate nationally and in California was still a fraction of its highs in the early 1990s. Simply counting the year-over-year changes belies a larger truth: Crime throughout the 2020s has been down significantly compared to the rate 20 or 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with the long-term homicide rate declines, the recent tapering in California is part of a nationwide trend. A \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/crime-trends-in-u-s-cities-year-end-2025-update/\">report published Thursday\u003c/a> by the Council on Criminal Justice, a nonpartisan Washington, D.C., think tank found that among 35 major cities nationwide, homicides dropped by 21% between 2024 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the FBI publishes its crime statistics later this year, Council on Criminal Justice researchers said in the report that the national homicide rate could drop to 4 per 100,000 people, which would be the lowest homicide rate ever on record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shani Buggs, an associate professor at UC Davis and public health researcher, said in the report that cities with major decreases in their homicide rate tended to spend federal pandemic funds on violence prevention and have police departments that focused on people with repeated allegations of violent crimes, helping them quickly resume pre-pandemic clearance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have reliable, multi-sector data or comparable contextual information available across jurisdictions to definitively identify — now or perhaps ever — what drove these declines,” Buggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/california-homicide-rate/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "what-to-do-if-you-see-a-mountain-lion-while-hiking-in-the-bay-area",
"title": "What to Do if You See a Mountain Lion in the Bay Area",
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"headTitle": "What to Do if You See a Mountain Lion in the Bay Area | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071216/san-francisco-mountain-lion-is-tranquilized-as-officials-work-to-capture-the-cougar\">young mountain lion\u003c/a> roaming the streets of San Francisco has been captured, city officials said Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities warned residents late Monday that a mountain lion had been spotted in the Lafayette Park area of Pacific Heights. They said Tuesday morning the wild feline had been tranquilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This latest sighting — in a more rare urban setting — might have you wondering: “How exactly \u003cem>should \u003c/em>I react if I see a mountain lion?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Encountering a mountain lion up-close\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two decades ago, Zara McDonald was on a run in Marin near \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1997579/bay-area-hikes-views-clouds-marine-inversion-layer\">Mount Tamalpais\u003c/a> around dusk when a mountain lion suddenly appeared above her, just 5 feet away — and stared at her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its eyes then fixed on something behind her, and the mountain lion disappeared back into the bushes. When she turned around, she saw three deer on the hillside behind her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt really small,” said McDonald, a biologist and researcher who’s now the founder and president of the \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/\">Bay Area Puma Project\u003c/a>, a local wild cat research and conservation organization that’s part of the \u003ca href=\"https://felidaefund.org/\">Felidae Conservation Fund\u003c/a>. “I disrupted his opportunity to get a meal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#avoid-mountain-lions\">How to avoid mountain lions — and what to do if you see one\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And while she had fears, “he was not a threat,” she said. Rather, “I left feeling like I was an intruder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For McDonald, this experience back in the early 2000s was “transformative” in how she saw humans’ relationship to nature. Now, her organization has around \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/our-work/remote-cameras\">200 cameras placed around the Bay Area\u003c/a> that collect data on mountain lion movement — and is also \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/updates/updates/bay-area-puma-project/scat-field-work-2024\">studying their fecal matter for information on genetics and overall population health\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052071\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-2048x1152.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mountain lion stares into a wildlife camera on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Photo by Felidae Conservation Fund/Bay Area Puma Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The mountain lion is the second-largest cat in all of North America and is native to the Bay Area. While you may have never seen one, \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">40% of the state is considered suitable for mountain lion habitat,\u003c/a> making it likely that these elusive animals are around hiking trails or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13897584/here-kitty-kitty-that-mountain-lion-spotted-in-bernal-heights-has-been-captured\">areas you might already be frequenting.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain lions are \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/science/apex-predator\">apex predators\u003c/a>, but experts say for the most part, they just want to do their own thing. \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">According to the state’s Department of Fish and Wildlife\u003c/a>, there have been only 26 total verified mountain lion attacks on humans in California in the last four decades — and four deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how common are these animals, really? And how afraid should you be of them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Education is our best tool for preventing conflict,” McDonald said. “When people understand mountain lion behavior, fear turns into respect. And respect is the foundation of coexistence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I know it’s a mountain lion?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You should know: \u003ca href=\"https://felidaefund.org/news/general/mistaken-mountain-lion-sightings-have-major-consequences\">upwards of 90% of all “mountain lion sightings” in California are not actually mountain lions\u003c/a>. And there are only about 3,200 to 4,500 lions across the entire state, said Mairan Smith, a CDFW unit biologist for the Bay Delta region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, they’re often confused for \u003ca href=\"https://nationalzoo.si.edu/animals/bobcat\">bobcats \u003c/a>or stray domestic cats. But an actual mountain lion will be:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.openspace.org/where-to-go/nature/mountain-lions\">Much larger\u003c/a>, with adult males reaching around 8 feet long and up to 150 pounds\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gray, brown or tan in color with black-tipped ears\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Likely \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">traveling alone.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jCIOIbRtAWs\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where am I most likely to see a mountain lion?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Smith said they thrive in redwood forests, brushland and mountain environments — all of which are habitats found in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the animals can live almost everywhere in the state, most people who report sightings are closer to the rural-urban divide, she said — not only because these areas are more likely to be their habitat, but also because they’re often a source of livestock or other food.[aside postID=news_12042615 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/E.-CSL-Quly-left-and-Togozees_release_8-4-23_photo-by-Bill-Hunnewell-%C2%A9-The-Marine-Mammal-Center-2-1020x754.jpg']Mountain lions are predators, and their main prey is deer. “Wherever deer move, lions are going to follow,” McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For food or other resources, they will travel across large territories — up to around 200 square miles for males, which makes places like urban parks, which connect them from area to area, so important, McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain lions are really trying to figure out how to get that space they need so they can move through it safely and reproduce,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given this movement, conservation experts want to keep populations of mountain lions connected — and join currently siloed groups to one another. John Benson, associate professor of Vertebrate Ecology at the University of Nebraska’s School of Natural Resources, is \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">currently studying population dynamics of mountain lions across California\u003c/a> to better “understand what we can do from a conservation perspective to get more connectivity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benson said in the Bay Area, the waters of the San Francisco Bay itself — \u003ca href=\"https://besjournals.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/2688-8319.12093#:~:text=Our%20results%20indicate%20that%20mountain,human%20activity%20on%20the%20landscape.\">as well as human infrastructure like housing development and roads\u003c/a> — all play a role in dividing up populations. And as they travel from one open space area to another, \u003ca href=\"https://royalsocietypublishing.org/doi/10.1098/rspb.2025.1013\">this may raise your chances of running into a mountain lion. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as mountain lions and human development share more of the same space, the danger to these animals increases. \u003ca href=\"https://www.vetmed.ucdavis.edu/news/mountain-lion-mortality-maps-show-rough-road-cougars\">One of the leading causes of mountain lion mortalities is being struck by a car, McDonald said.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain lions still live in the Bay Area and move through the Bay Area because we’ve preserved enough habitat to support them,” she said. “But along with that privilege comes the responsibility to coexist,” — and it’s a common misconception that mountain lions are becoming more adapted to humans, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0YW3ESNuGWY\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more mountain lion activity near urban edges, not because they’re changing — but because we are, and development is pushing deeper into their habitat,” she said. “It’s really just survival instinct for them. It’s not anything to do with humans — it’s in \u003cem>spite \u003c/em>of humans that they’re going into these areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I avoid \u003ca id=\"avoid-mountain-lions\">\u003c/a>mountain lion encounters altogether?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Around your home\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While attacks on humans by mountain lions are extremely rare, they are nonetheless “a risk to outdoor pets and livestock,” Smith said. “It’s really important to keep your pets inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That goes for outdoor cats and unsupervised dogs in yards as well as livestock like goats and sheep, she said — advising you keep them fully enclosed at night or consider other methods of safeguarding them, like a \u003ca href=\"https://monocounty.ca.gov/animal/page/livestock-protection-dogs\">livestock guardian dog\u003c/a> or noise deterrents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1448\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-2000x1131.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-1536x869.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-2048x1158.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A puma passes by a wildlife camera on March 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Video by Felidae Conservation Fund/ Bay Area Puma Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Anywhere in the Bay Area, if you have livestock, it’s something you should probably be thinking about,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also clear brush around your property or install lights if you’re worried about hiding spots for mountain lions, Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you feed stray cats that approach your home, Smith said that the food you leave out can also attract deer, and mountain lions may follow as they hunt their prey — the food itself might tempt them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain lions will come up and eat cat food off of people’s porches,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the most part, “the last thing most [mountain lions] want to do is encounter us,” Benson said. “In general, they do an excellent job of staying away from people and avoiding areas where they think they’re likely to run into people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the trail\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re concerned about running into a mountain lion while walking or hiking on a trail, remember that they’re nocturnal and crepuscular animals — meaning they are most active at night and during the sunset and sunrise hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means that you can avoid being out on the trail altogether at those times — or allay your fears by traveling in pairs on trails if you know you’re in an area they inhabit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain lions also tend to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/pore/planyourvisit/yoursafety_mountainlions.htm\">stick to densely vegetated areas\u003c/a>. So if you’re worried about stumbling upon one, head to a more open area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What to do if you see a mountain lion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If the mountain lion is still some distance from you, and you think they haven’t yet noticed you, “you could just sort of quietly slip away,” Benson said.[aside postID=news_12050823 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Armstrong-Redwoods-1.png']But if the mountain lion has indeed spotted you, remember: “the last thing you want to do is run or show fear,” Benson said. Stand your ground, he said, and look as big as possible. If you have a dog or child with you, you can pick them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a backpack, you can put that over your head to make yourself seem a bit bigger,” he said. If the mountain lion is advancing toward you, you can even throw rocks or sticks at it, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certainly a lot of stories out there of people that successfully were able to fight the mountain lion off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in general, remember: mountain lion attacks — especially fatal ones — are extremely rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052047\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052047\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE01A_2023Nov12_puma-kittens4-scaled-e1755118173322.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mountain lion kittens are caught on wildlife cameras on Nov. 12, 2023. \u003ccite>( Felidae Conservation Fund/Bay Area Puma Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The most likely thing that will happen is that it will walk away,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember: Even just seeing a mountain lion is “pretty special,” she said. And if you do, you can report your sighting on the \u003ca href=\"https://apps.wildlife.ca.gov/wir\">CDFW website,\u003c/a> which will be forwarded to a regional biologist for study, and the Bay Area Puma Project’s own \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/meet-puma/sightings\">Puma and Bobcat Sightings Map.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeCeDp_MY_h4G6VWj_-VPl-BJlQ3Uya2H0vxRZZd_47BpXwVA/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mountain lion attacks on humans are extremely rare, but they do happen. Here’s how to steer clear of mountain lions altogether and how to respond in the moment if you do see one.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071216/san-francisco-mountain-lion-is-tranquilized-as-officials-work-to-capture-the-cougar\">young mountain lion\u003c/a> roaming the streets of San Francisco has been captured, city officials said Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities warned residents late Monday that a mountain lion had been spotted in the Lafayette Park area of Pacific Heights. They said Tuesday morning the wild feline had been tranquilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This latest sighting — in a more rare urban setting — might have you wondering: “How exactly \u003cem>should \u003c/em>I react if I see a mountain lion?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Encountering a mountain lion up-close\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two decades ago, Zara McDonald was on a run in Marin near \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1997579/bay-area-hikes-views-clouds-marine-inversion-layer\">Mount Tamalpais\u003c/a> around dusk when a mountain lion suddenly appeared above her, just 5 feet away — and stared at her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its eyes then fixed on something behind her, and the mountain lion disappeared back into the bushes. When she turned around, she saw three deer on the hillside behind her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt really small,” said McDonald, a biologist and researcher who’s now the founder and president of the \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/\">Bay Area Puma Project\u003c/a>, a local wild cat research and conservation organization that’s part of the \u003ca href=\"https://felidaefund.org/\">Felidae Conservation Fund\u003c/a>. “I disrupted his opportunity to get a meal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#avoid-mountain-lions\">How to avoid mountain lions — and what to do if you see one\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And while she had fears, “he was not a threat,” she said. Rather, “I left feeling like I was an intruder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For McDonald, this experience back in the early 2000s was “transformative” in how she saw humans’ relationship to nature. Now, her organization has around \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/our-work/remote-cameras\">200 cameras placed around the Bay Area\u003c/a> that collect data on mountain lion movement — and is also \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/updates/updates/bay-area-puma-project/scat-field-work-2024\">studying their fecal matter for information on genetics and overall population health\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052071\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Coe01_Sep-9-2023_puma-2048x1152.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mountain lion stares into a wildlife camera on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Photo by Felidae Conservation Fund/Bay Area Puma Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The mountain lion is the second-largest cat in all of North America and is native to the Bay Area. While you may have never seen one, \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">40% of the state is considered suitable for mountain lion habitat,\u003c/a> making it likely that these elusive animals are around hiking trails or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13897584/here-kitty-kitty-that-mountain-lion-spotted-in-bernal-heights-has-been-captured\">areas you might already be frequenting.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain lions are \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/science/apex-predator\">apex predators\u003c/a>, but experts say for the most part, they just want to do their own thing. \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">According to the state’s Department of Fish and Wildlife\u003c/a>, there have been only 26 total verified mountain lion attacks on humans in California in the last four decades — and four deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how common are these animals, really? And how afraid should you be of them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Education is our best tool for preventing conflict,” McDonald said. “When people understand mountain lion behavior, fear turns into respect. And respect is the foundation of coexistence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I know it’s a mountain lion?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You should know: \u003ca href=\"https://felidaefund.org/news/general/mistaken-mountain-lion-sightings-have-major-consequences\">upwards of 90% of all “mountain lion sightings” in California are not actually mountain lions\u003c/a>. And there are only about 3,200 to 4,500 lions across the entire state, said Mairan Smith, a CDFW unit biologist for the Bay Delta region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, they’re often confused for \u003ca href=\"https://nationalzoo.si.edu/animals/bobcat\">bobcats \u003c/a>or stray domestic cats. But an actual mountain lion will be:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.openspace.org/where-to-go/nature/mountain-lions\">Much larger\u003c/a>, with adult males reaching around 8 feet long and up to 150 pounds\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gray, brown or tan in color with black-tipped ears\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Likely \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">traveling alone.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/jCIOIbRtAWs'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/jCIOIbRtAWs'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>Where am I most likely to see a mountain lion?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Smith said they thrive in redwood forests, brushland and mountain environments — all of which are habitats found in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the animals can live almost everywhere in the state, most people who report sightings are closer to the rural-urban divide, she said — not only because these areas are more likely to be their habitat, but also because they’re often a source of livestock or other food.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mountain lions are predators, and their main prey is deer. “Wherever deer move, lions are going to follow,” McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For food or other resources, they will travel across large territories — up to around 200 square miles for males, which makes places like urban parks, which connect them from area to area, so important, McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain lions are really trying to figure out how to get that space they need so they can move through it safely and reproduce,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given this movement, conservation experts want to keep populations of mountain lions connected — and join currently siloed groups to one another. John Benson, associate professor of Vertebrate Ecology at the University of Nebraska’s School of Natural Resources, is \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Mammals/Mountain-Lion#632445330-statewide-integrated-population-modeling\">currently studying population dynamics of mountain lions across California\u003c/a> to better “understand what we can do from a conservation perspective to get more connectivity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benson said in the Bay Area, the waters of the San Francisco Bay itself — \u003ca href=\"https://besjournals.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/2688-8319.12093#:~:text=Our%20results%20indicate%20that%20mountain,human%20activity%20on%20the%20landscape.\">as well as human infrastructure like housing development and roads\u003c/a> — all play a role in dividing up populations. And as they travel from one open space area to another, \u003ca href=\"https://royalsocietypublishing.org/doi/10.1098/rspb.2025.1013\">this may raise your chances of running into a mountain lion. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as mountain lions and human development share more of the same space, the danger to these animals increases. \u003ca href=\"https://www.vetmed.ucdavis.edu/news/mountain-lion-mortality-maps-show-rough-road-cougars\">One of the leading causes of mountain lion mortalities is being struck by a car, McDonald said.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain lions still live in the Bay Area and move through the Bay Area because we’ve preserved enough habitat to support them,” she said. “But along with that privilege comes the responsibility to coexist,” — and it’s a common misconception that mountain lions are becoming more adapted to humans, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/0YW3ESNuGWY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/0YW3ESNuGWY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“We’re seeing more mountain lion activity near urban edges, not because they’re changing — but because we are, and development is pushing deeper into their habitat,” she said. “It’s really just survival instinct for them. It’s not anything to do with humans — it’s in \u003cem>spite \u003c/em>of humans that they’re going into these areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I avoid \u003ca id=\"avoid-mountain-lions\">\u003c/a>mountain lion encounters altogether?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Around your home\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While attacks on humans by mountain lions are extremely rare, they are nonetheless “a risk to outdoor pets and livestock,” Smith said. “It’s really important to keep your pets inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That goes for outdoor cats and unsupervised dogs in yards as well as livestock like goats and sheep, she said — advising you keep them fully enclosed at night or consider other methods of safeguarding them, like a \u003ca href=\"https://monocounty.ca.gov/animal/page/livestock-protection-dogs\">livestock guardian dog\u003c/a> or noise deterrents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1448\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-2000x1131.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-1536x869.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE06A_2024Feb12_puma3-2048x1158.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A puma passes by a wildlife camera on March 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Video by Felidae Conservation Fund/ Bay Area Puma Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Anywhere in the Bay Area, if you have livestock, it’s something you should probably be thinking about,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also clear brush around your property or install lights if you’re worried about hiding spots for mountain lions, Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you feed stray cats that approach your home, Smith said that the food you leave out can also attract deer, and mountain lions may follow as they hunt their prey — the food itself might tempt them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain lions will come up and eat cat food off of people’s porches,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the most part, “the last thing most [mountain lions] want to do is encounter us,” Benson said. “In general, they do an excellent job of staying away from people and avoiding areas where they think they’re likely to run into people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the trail\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re concerned about running into a mountain lion while walking or hiking on a trail, remember that they’re nocturnal and crepuscular animals — meaning they are most active at night and during the sunset and sunrise hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means that you can avoid being out on the trail altogether at those times — or allay your fears by traveling in pairs on trails if you know you’re in an area they inhabit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain lions also tend to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/pore/planyourvisit/yoursafety_mountainlions.htm\">stick to densely vegetated areas\u003c/a>. So if you’re worried about stumbling upon one, head to a more open area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What to do if you see a mountain lion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If the mountain lion is still some distance from you, and you think they haven’t yet noticed you, “you could just sort of quietly slip away,” Benson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But if the mountain lion has indeed spotted you, remember: “the last thing you want to do is run or show fear,” Benson said. Stand your ground, he said, and look as big as possible. If you have a dog or child with you, you can pick them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a backpack, you can put that over your head to make yourself seem a bit bigger,” he said. If the mountain lion is advancing toward you, you can even throw rocks or sticks at it, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certainly a lot of stories out there of people that successfully were able to fight the mountain lion off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in general, remember: mountain lion attacks — especially fatal ones — are extremely rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052047\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052047\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/COE01A_2023Nov12_puma-kittens4-scaled-e1755118173322.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mountain lion kittens are caught on wildlife cameras on Nov. 12, 2023. \u003ccite>( Felidae Conservation Fund/Bay Area Puma Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The most likely thing that will happen is that it will walk away,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember: Even just seeing a mountain lion is “pretty special,” she said. And if you do, you can report your sighting on the \u003ca href=\"https://apps.wildlife.ca.gov/wir\">CDFW website,\u003c/a> which will be forwarded to a regional biologist for study, and the Bay Area Puma Project’s own \u003ca href=\"https://bapp.org/meet-puma/sightings\">Puma and Bobcat Sightings Map.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeCeDp_MY_h4G6VWj_-VPl-BJlQ3Uya2H0vxRZZd_47BpXwVA/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeCeDp_MY_h4G6VWj_-VPl-BJlQ3Uya2H0vxRZZd_47BpXwVA/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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