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"content": "\u003cp>SpaceX launched its crewed space mission to the International Space Station on Wednesday. On board and heading the expedition as mission commander is Nicole Mann — the first Native American woman to go to space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a Marine Corps pilot and NASA astronaut, as well as a member of the Wailacki tribe of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rvit.org/\">the Round Valley Indian Tribes\u003c/a>. Her milestone moment comes 20 years after John Herrington became the first Native American man to \u003ca href=\"http://www.nativepartnership.org/site/PageServer?pagename=aief_hist_nna_johnherrington\">walk in space, in 2002\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mann’s Crew-5 mission aboard the SpaceX Dragon spacecraft launched from NASA’s Kennedy Space Center. Also on board is Josh Cassada, Anna Kikina and Koichi Wakata. All four are traveling to the International Space Station for a six-month mission, during which they plan to conduct more than 200 experiments, which will include spacewalks and 3D-printing human tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927892\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11927892\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/nicole-mann2022_custom-ee98af8677e1b7702224f6aafea7fff35edf76ef.jpg\" alt=\"Nicole Mann, a Native American woman, sits posing for the camera in NASA uniform, smiling.\" width=\"200\" height=\"245\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/nicole-mann2022_custom-ee98af8677e1b7702224f6aafea7fff35edf76ef.jpg 200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/nicole-mann2022_custom-ee98af8677e1b7702224f6aafea7fff35edf76ef-160x196.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Mann \u003ccite>(Robert Markowitz/NASA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/22/1118843610/nicole-mann-will-be-the-1st-native-woman-in-space\">Mann detailed some of the crew’s plans\u003c/a> to NPR’s \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> this past summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she hoped her trip to space can encourage younger generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These young women, maybe Natives, maybe people from different backgrounds that realize that they have these opportunities and [that] potentially these barriers that used to be there are starting to be broken down,” she said. “And so hopefully that will inspire that younger generation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mann, who is originally from California, said she planned to take some items from home with her on her long journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do have some personal mementos, you know, jewelry charms that I plan to bring. And then I do have this dream catcher that my mother gave me long ago,” she said. “And that’s always just, you know, a little bit, a piece, a memory, I think, of my family back home. And that’s something that I’ll keep with me in my crew quarters while I’m on board [the] space station.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kid, she said, she never really thought that becoming an astronaut was one of her goals. Only after joining the Marine Corps and flying F/A-18s did NASA become a possibility to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has a message to those coming in behind her: “Never discount yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t go after a dream or a goal and if you don’t try, you’re never going to make it. You know, pursue that topic in school, ask for help, meet people that have done that job to learn more about it. You’ll grow so much as a child into an adult, and your interests will vary quite a bit,” she said. “And so it’s exciting to take this opportunity to just chase down all of those dreams and never discount yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Nicole+Mann+becomes+first+Native+woman+to+go+to+space+with+latest+SpaceX+mission&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SpaceX launched its crewed space mission to the International Space Station on Wednesday. On board and heading the expedition as mission commander is Nicole Mann — the first Native American woman to go to space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a Marine Corps pilot and NASA astronaut, as well as a member of the Wailacki tribe of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rvit.org/\">the Round Valley Indian Tribes\u003c/a>. Her milestone moment comes 20 years after John Herrington became the first Native American man to \u003ca href=\"http://www.nativepartnership.org/site/PageServer?pagename=aief_hist_nna_johnherrington\">walk in space, in 2002\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mann’s Crew-5 mission aboard the SpaceX Dragon spacecraft launched from NASA’s Kennedy Space Center. Also on board is Josh Cassada, Anna Kikina and Koichi Wakata. All four are traveling to the International Space Station for a six-month mission, during which they plan to conduct more than 200 experiments, which will include spacewalks and 3D-printing human tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927892\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11927892\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/nicole-mann2022_custom-ee98af8677e1b7702224f6aafea7fff35edf76ef.jpg\" alt=\"Nicole Mann, a Native American woman, sits posing for the camera in NASA uniform, smiling.\" width=\"200\" height=\"245\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/nicole-mann2022_custom-ee98af8677e1b7702224f6aafea7fff35edf76ef.jpg 200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/nicole-mann2022_custom-ee98af8677e1b7702224f6aafea7fff35edf76ef-160x196.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Mann \u003ccite>(Robert Markowitz/NASA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/22/1118843610/nicole-mann-will-be-the-1st-native-woman-in-space\">Mann detailed some of the crew’s plans\u003c/a> to NPR’s \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> this past summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she hoped her trip to space can encourage younger generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These young women, maybe Natives, maybe people from different backgrounds that realize that they have these opportunities and [that] potentially these barriers that used to be there are starting to be broken down,” she said. “And so hopefully that will inspire that younger generation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mann, who is originally from California, said she planned to take some items from home with her on her long journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do have some personal mementos, you know, jewelry charms that I plan to bring. And then I do have this dream catcher that my mother gave me long ago,” she said. “And that’s always just, you know, a little bit, a piece, a memory, I think, of my family back home. And that’s something that I’ll keep with me in my crew quarters while I’m on board [the] space station.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kid, she said, she never really thought that becoming an astronaut was one of her goals. Only after joining the Marine Corps and flying F/A-18s did NASA become a possibility to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has a message to those coming in behind her: “Never discount yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t go after a dream or a goal and if you don’t try, you’re never going to make it. You know, pursue that topic in school, ask for help, meet people that have done that job to learn more about it. You’ll grow so much as a child into an adult, and your interests will vary quite a bit,” she said. “And so it’s exciting to take this opportunity to just chase down all of those dreams and never discount yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"storyMajorUpdateDate\">\u003cstrong>Updated October 4, 2022 at 1:56 PM ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Elon Musk now wants to go through with his original offer to buy Twitter for the previously agreed upon price, a source close to the deal tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The billionaire Tesla CEO sent a letter to Twitter Monday night, the person said, which could put an end to the knock-down, drag-out legal fight over the merger that he tried to abandon in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news, first reported by Bloomberg, sent shares of the struggling social media company soaring 13% before the Nasdaq halted trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk had agreed to buy Twitter for $54.20 per share, or about $44 billion, in May, but then tried to back out of the deal after the company’s value sank, along with other tech stocks and the broader market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter sued to force Musk to abide by the deal. A trial is scheduled to begin in less than two weeks. It’s now up to the company to accept Musk’s renewed offer or force the billionaire to go to court in an effort to seal the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for Musk and Twitter didn’t respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A tumultuous courtship Twitter never sought\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Musk and Twitter have been at odds almost since Musk first revealed his interest in the company in early April. In the course of just a few months, Musk went from being Twitter’s largest individual shareholder to would-be board member to unsolicited bidder to unwilling buyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter, which never put itself up for sale in the first place, found itself in the awkward position of trying to force Musk to buy it, even as it acknowledged the specter of his ownership was causing disruption to its already \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/23/1094324614/twitter-elon-musk-old-problems\">struggling business\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"elon-musk\"]Along the way, Musk has used his Twitter account – which now boasts nearly 108 million followers – to mock the company, critique its products, attack its executives and keep the world guessing about what he’d do next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The billionaire began buying Twitter shares in January. By spring, he’d become its biggest individual shareholder, but delayed notifying regulators or the public until early April. At that point, he told Twitter he saw three options: join its board, buy the company and take it private, or start a competing social network, according to Twitter’s lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After accepting and then reneging an invitation to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/11/1091969075/elon-musk-will-not-join-twitter-board\">join the company’s board\u003c/a>, Musk made an unsolicited offer to buy Twitter for $54.20 a share, or about $44 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter initially resisted, adopting a so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/19/1093408513/twitter-elon-musk-explainer-investors-shareholders\">“poison pill”\u003c/a> to slow down Musk’s advances and give the board and management time to evaluate his offer against other prospects. Musk started tweeting veiled references to making a tender offer directly to Twitter shareholders to get his way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/25/1094604406/twitter-elon-musk-deal\">agreed to sell\u003c/a> to Musk in late April. The company and Musk signed a deal in which Musk waived any further due diligence, pledged tens of billions of his own money, and promised not to use his Twitter megaphone to disparage the company. The deal included another important protection for Twitter: it said if Musk tried to back out, with few exceptions, the company could take him to court to force him to complete the purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Musk’s change-of-heart led to high-stakes legal battle, with trial scheduled for this month\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The ink was barely dry on the agreement when Musk began suggesting he had cold feet. When he struck the deal, he said one of his goals in owning Twitter was to clean up its longstanding problems with spam and automated bot accounts. Soon, he began saying he didn’t want to buy Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/13/1098741154/elon-musk-twitter-deal-hold-pause\">because of the bots\u003c/a> – and accused the company of misleading him and the public about the scale of the problem. (Twitter has for years said it estimates about 5% of daily users are not real people.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early July, he announced he was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110539504/twitter-elon-musk-deal-jeopardy\">terminating the deal\u003c/a>, citing his concerns over Twitter’s user numbers and his allegations that Twitter deceived him. Twitter hit back two days later with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/12/1111032233/elon-musk-twitter-lawsuit-deal\">lawsuit\u003c/a> seeking to hold Musk to the terms of the sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter accused Musk of suffering from buyer’s remorse, noting that the stock market rout since the deal was signed made the price Musk had agreed to pay look high and dented the value of his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/26/1094870412/tesla-shares-sink-twitter-elon-musk\">Tesla stake\u003c/a> – his primary source of wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company argued Musk’s claims about bots were irrelevant to the question of whether he broke the legal agreement, which made no mention of how many accounts on Twitter aren’t real.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Musk amended his legal argument in August, after Twitter’s former security chief filed a federal complaint contending Twitter was putting users’ privacy and sensitive company information at risk through lax security practices. (Twitter has called the allegations inaccurate, inconsistent and opportunistic.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s reversal comes after an unusually eventful discovery phase of the case, in which attorneys for both sides filed more than a hundred subpoenas and took dozens of depositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internal emails and texts were beginning to pour out of the case, including a cache of Musk’s texts in which some of the richest, most powerful, boldface names in Silicon Valley begged to get in on the deal, handed out free advice and generally kissed up to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk is scheduled to sit for a deposition this week. A five-day trial is slated to begin Oct. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Elon+Musk+says+he%27s+willing+to+buy+Twitter+after+all&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cdiv class=\"storyMajorUpdateDate\">\u003cstrong>Updated October 4, 2022 at 1:56 PM ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Elon Musk now wants to go through with his original offer to buy Twitter for the previously agreed upon price, a source close to the deal tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The billionaire Tesla CEO sent a letter to Twitter Monday night, the person said, which could put an end to the knock-down, drag-out legal fight over the merger that he tried to abandon in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news, first reported by Bloomberg, sent shares of the struggling social media company soaring 13% before the Nasdaq halted trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk had agreed to buy Twitter for $54.20 per share, or about $44 billion, in May, but then tried to back out of the deal after the company’s value sank, along with other tech stocks and the broader market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter sued to force Musk to abide by the deal. A trial is scheduled to begin in less than two weeks. It’s now up to the company to accept Musk’s renewed offer or force the billionaire to go to court in an effort to seal the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for Musk and Twitter didn’t respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A tumultuous courtship Twitter never sought\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Musk and Twitter have been at odds almost since Musk first revealed his interest in the company in early April. In the course of just a few months, Musk went from being Twitter’s largest individual shareholder to would-be board member to unsolicited bidder to unwilling buyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter, which never put itself up for sale in the first place, found itself in the awkward position of trying to force Musk to buy it, even as it acknowledged the specter of his ownership was causing disruption to its already \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/23/1094324614/twitter-elon-musk-old-problems\">struggling business\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Along the way, Musk has used his Twitter account – which now boasts nearly 108 million followers – to mock the company, critique its products, attack its executives and keep the world guessing about what he’d do next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The billionaire began buying Twitter shares in January. By spring, he’d become its biggest individual shareholder, but delayed notifying regulators or the public until early April. At that point, he told Twitter he saw three options: join its board, buy the company and take it private, or start a competing social network, according to Twitter’s lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After accepting and then reneging an invitation to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/11/1091969075/elon-musk-will-not-join-twitter-board\">join the company’s board\u003c/a>, Musk made an unsolicited offer to buy Twitter for $54.20 a share, or about $44 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter initially resisted, adopting a so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/19/1093408513/twitter-elon-musk-explainer-investors-shareholders\">“poison pill”\u003c/a> to slow down Musk’s advances and give the board and management time to evaluate his offer against other prospects. Musk started tweeting veiled references to making a tender offer directly to Twitter shareholders to get his way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/25/1094604406/twitter-elon-musk-deal\">agreed to sell\u003c/a> to Musk in late April. The company and Musk signed a deal in which Musk waived any further due diligence, pledged tens of billions of his own money, and promised not to use his Twitter megaphone to disparage the company. The deal included another important protection for Twitter: it said if Musk tried to back out, with few exceptions, the company could take him to court to force him to complete the purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Musk’s change-of-heart led to high-stakes legal battle, with trial scheduled for this month\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The ink was barely dry on the agreement when Musk began suggesting he had cold feet. When he struck the deal, he said one of his goals in owning Twitter was to clean up its longstanding problems with spam and automated bot accounts. Soon, he began saying he didn’t want to buy Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/13/1098741154/elon-musk-twitter-deal-hold-pause\">because of the bots\u003c/a> – and accused the company of misleading him and the public about the scale of the problem. (Twitter has for years said it estimates about 5% of daily users are not real people.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early July, he announced he was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110539504/twitter-elon-musk-deal-jeopardy\">terminating the deal\u003c/a>, citing his concerns over Twitter’s user numbers and his allegations that Twitter deceived him. Twitter hit back two days later with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/12/1111032233/elon-musk-twitter-lawsuit-deal\">lawsuit\u003c/a> seeking to hold Musk to the terms of the sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter accused Musk of suffering from buyer’s remorse, noting that the stock market rout since the deal was signed made the price Musk had agreed to pay look high and dented the value of his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/26/1094870412/tesla-shares-sink-twitter-elon-musk\">Tesla stake\u003c/a> – his primary source of wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company argued Musk’s claims about bots were irrelevant to the question of whether he broke the legal agreement, which made no mention of how many accounts on Twitter aren’t real.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Musk amended his legal argument in August, after Twitter’s former security chief filed a federal complaint contending Twitter was putting users’ privacy and sensitive company information at risk through lax security practices. (Twitter has called the allegations inaccurate, inconsistent and opportunistic.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s reversal comes after an unusually eventful discovery phase of the case, in which attorneys for both sides filed more than a hundred subpoenas and took dozens of depositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internal emails and texts were beginning to pour out of the case, including a cache of Musk’s texts in which some of the richest, most powerful, boldface names in Silicon Valley begged to get in on the deal, handed out free advice and generally kissed up to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk is scheduled to sit for a deposition this week. A five-day trial is slated to begin Oct. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Elon+Musk+says+he%27s+willing+to+buy+Twitter+after+all&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After a tumultuous term that ended in June, the U.S. Supreme Court returns Monday to officially open a second potentially stormy term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to beat last term’s sustained and dramatic turn to the right, which included most prominently the overturning of a half century of precedents that had guaranteed women the right to terminate most pregnancies. But the court may well rock the boat again, despite the fact that it finds its approval ratings plummeting to historic lows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So much so that Chief Justice John Roberts sought to defend the court’s legitimacy while speaking to a conference of judges and lawyers in Colorado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions have always been subject to intense criticism, and that is entirely appropriate,” he said, “but lately, the criticism is phrased in terms of … the legitimacy of the court.” That, he said is “a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is the job of the court to say what the law is, he said, “and that role doesn’t change simply because people disagree with this opinion or that opinion.” After all, he said, “You don’t want the political branches telling you what the law is, and you don’t want public opinion to be the guide of what the appropriate decision is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A dissenting view from Justice Kagan\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Justice Elena Kagan pointedly disagreed with some of what Roberts said, noting in three separate appearances that in her view a court’s legitimacy has to be earned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11917776,news_11917650,news_11910550\"]Precedent should only be reversed in the rarest of cases, she said at Northwestern’s Pritzker School of Law. Precedent, she said, is a “foundation stone of law,” a doctrine of stability that “tells people they can rely on the law.” But if, “all of a sudden everything is up for grabs, all of a sudden very fundamental principles of law are being overthrown … then people have a right to say, ‘You know, what’s going on there? That doesn’t seem very law-like.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or as she put it at Salve Regina University in Rhode Island: “The court shouldn’t be wandering around just inserting itself into every hot-button issue in America, and it especially shouldn’t be doing that in a way that reflects one set of political views over another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kagan can see, probably better than the rest of us, that there may well be more dramatic right turns again this year on everything from affirmative action to voting rights, clean water regulations and an asserted First Amendment right to discriminate against same-sex couples in public accommodations. Indeed, the conservative court’s appetite for hot-button issues appears unabated.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More hot-button issues\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The question of precedent will rear its head again this term in a case challenging the affirmative action programs at Harvard and the University of North Carolina. For more than four decades, the court has ruled that race may be one of many factors considered in college admissions. But the issue is back this term before a very different court. The starkest question is whether the previous decisions were grievously wrong, the same rationale the court majority used last term in overturning Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the affirmative action case, the challengers’ case rests heavily on the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision outlawing segregation in public schools. In other words, affirmative action, they say, is a form of discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Race is also at the heart of a new challenge to a provision of the Voting Rights Act. Since 2013, the court has struck down or neutered key provisions of the landmark 1965 law. And it appears poised to do it again in a case that involves allegations that Alabama engaged in racial gerrymandering to limit the influence of African American voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Race is also central in a challenge to the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act. Texas and a group of white adoptive parents are challenging the law because it mandates that where at all possible, Indian children are to be adopted or fostered in Indian homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two other huge cases before the court that will garner lots of attention. One is a test of civil rights laws that exist in most states requiring that when a commercial entity offers products or services to the public, the business may not discriminate based on race, religion, national origin or gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challenging these laws is Lorie Smith, a web designer in Colorado who doesn’t want to make designs for same-sex couples because she asserts that would violate her religious principles. But the Supreme Court is not hearing the challenge on the basis of Smith’s claim to the free exercise of religion. Instead, the court has limited the case to Smith’s claim that the law violates her right to free expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Georgetown University’s Kelsi Corkran puts it, “if Smith is correct that there’s a free speech right to selectively choose her customers based on the messages she wants to endorse,” the law would also permit a white supremacist to deny services to people of color because that, too, “would be a message of endorsement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fate of elections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last but certainly not least, the court will hear a major election law case involving the so-called independent state legislature theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the current case, the North Carolina Supreme Court struck down a congressional redistricting plan on the grounds that it was an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander barred by the state constitution. The Republican leaders of the state Legislature challenged the state court decision. They contend it violates Article I of the U.S. Constitution, which states that “the times, places, and manner” of congressional elections “shall be prescribed in each state by the [state] legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That argument, in its most extreme form, would mean that no state court and no state agency could interfere with the state legislature’s version of election rules, regardless of the rules set down in the state constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents contend that would mean that state legislatures would be free to do almost anything they want, without any supervision by state courts, and without being able to delegate to local officials rules on how to run elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state judges across the country frequently disagree, in this case the national Conference of Chief Justices, representing all the chief legal officers in the 50 states, has filed a brief opposing much of North Carolina’s argument. State judges, the group says, do have the power under the U.S. Constitution to review state election laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=The+Supreme+Court+will+begin+a+new+term+with+more+contentious+cases+on+its+docket&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After a tumultuous term that ended in June, the U.S. Supreme Court returns Monday to officially open a second potentially stormy term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to beat last term’s sustained and dramatic turn to the right, which included most prominently the overturning of a half century of precedents that had guaranteed women the right to terminate most pregnancies. But the court may well rock the boat again, despite the fact that it finds its approval ratings plummeting to historic lows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So much so that Chief Justice John Roberts sought to defend the court’s legitimacy while speaking to a conference of judges and lawyers in Colorado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions have always been subject to intense criticism, and that is entirely appropriate,” he said, “but lately, the criticism is phrased in terms of … the legitimacy of the court.” That, he said is “a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is the job of the court to say what the law is, he said, “and that role doesn’t change simply because people disagree with this opinion or that opinion.” After all, he said, “You don’t want the political branches telling you what the law is, and you don’t want public opinion to be the guide of what the appropriate decision is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A dissenting view from Justice Kagan\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Justice Elena Kagan pointedly disagreed with some of what Roberts said, noting in three separate appearances that in her view a court’s legitimacy has to be earned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Precedent should only be reversed in the rarest of cases, she said at Northwestern’s Pritzker School of Law. Precedent, she said, is a “foundation stone of law,” a doctrine of stability that “tells people they can rely on the law.” But if, “all of a sudden everything is up for grabs, all of a sudden very fundamental principles of law are being overthrown … then people have a right to say, ‘You know, what’s going on there? That doesn’t seem very law-like.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or as she put it at Salve Regina University in Rhode Island: “The court shouldn’t be wandering around just inserting itself into every hot-button issue in America, and it especially shouldn’t be doing that in a way that reflects one set of political views over another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kagan can see, probably better than the rest of us, that there may well be more dramatic right turns again this year on everything from affirmative action to voting rights, clean water regulations and an asserted First Amendment right to discriminate against same-sex couples in public accommodations. Indeed, the conservative court’s appetite for hot-button issues appears unabated.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More hot-button issues\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The question of precedent will rear its head again this term in a case challenging the affirmative action programs at Harvard and the University of North Carolina. For more than four decades, the court has ruled that race may be one of many factors considered in college admissions. But the issue is back this term before a very different court. The starkest question is whether the previous decisions were grievously wrong, the same rationale the court majority used last term in overturning Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the affirmative action case, the challengers’ case rests heavily on the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision outlawing segregation in public schools. In other words, affirmative action, they say, is a form of discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Race is also at the heart of a new challenge to a provision of the Voting Rights Act. Since 2013, the court has struck down or neutered key provisions of the landmark 1965 law. And it appears poised to do it again in a case that involves allegations that Alabama engaged in racial gerrymandering to limit the influence of African American voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Race is also central in a challenge to the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act. Texas and a group of white adoptive parents are challenging the law because it mandates that where at all possible, Indian children are to be adopted or fostered in Indian homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two other huge cases before the court that will garner lots of attention. One is a test of civil rights laws that exist in most states requiring that when a commercial entity offers products or services to the public, the business may not discriminate based on race, religion, national origin or gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challenging these laws is Lorie Smith, a web designer in Colorado who doesn’t want to make designs for same-sex couples because she asserts that would violate her religious principles. But the Supreme Court is not hearing the challenge on the basis of Smith’s claim to the free exercise of religion. Instead, the court has limited the case to Smith’s claim that the law violates her right to free expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Georgetown University’s Kelsi Corkran puts it, “if Smith is correct that there’s a free speech right to selectively choose her customers based on the messages she wants to endorse,” the law would also permit a white supremacist to deny services to people of color because that, too, “would be a message of endorsement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fate of elections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last but certainly not least, the court will hear a major election law case involving the so-called independent state legislature theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the current case, the North Carolina Supreme Court struck down a congressional redistricting plan on the grounds that it was an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander barred by the state constitution. The Republican leaders of the state Legislature challenged the state court decision. They contend it violates Article I of the U.S. Constitution, which states that “the times, places, and manner” of congressional elections “shall be prescribed in each state by the [state] legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That argument, in its most extreme form, would mean that no state court and no state agency could interfere with the state legislature’s version of election rules, regardless of the rules set down in the state constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents contend that would mean that state legislatures would be free to do almost anything they want, without any supervision by state courts, and without being able to delegate to local officials rules on how to run elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state judges across the country frequently disagree, in this case the national Conference of Chief Justices, representing all the chief legal officers in the 50 states, has filed a brief opposing much of North Carolina’s argument. State judges, the group says, do have the power under the U.S. Constitution to review state election laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=The+Supreme+Court+will+begin+a+new+term+with+more+contentious+cases+on+its+docket&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden’s declaration that “the pandemic is over” could complicate the administration’s effort to battle COVID-19, public health experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden made the remarks in a Sunday broadcast of “60 Minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have a problem with COVID. We’re still doing a lot of work on it. But the pandemic is over,” he said. “If you notice, no one’s wearing masks. Everybody seems to be in pretty good shape. And so I think it’s changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s comments come as public health officials are trying to convince Americans to get a new booster shot, and as the White House has worked unsuccessfully for months to convince Congress to provide more than $22 billion in new funding for the COVID-19 response. Since Sunday night, Republicans have already used his words to question vaccine mandates that are still in place for the nation’s military and other federally funded programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, nearly 400 Americans are dying each day of COVID, \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#trends_dailydeaths_select_00\">according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple public health experts called Biden’s remarks “unfortunate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have the president of the U.S. saying the pandemic is over, why would people line up for their boosters? Why would Congress allocate additional funding for these other strategies and tools?” said Dr. Celine Gounder, an epidemiologist and senior fellow with the Kaiser Family Foundation. “I am profoundly disappointed. I think this is a real lack of leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The remarks could cause political difficulties\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House is currently fighting an uphill battle in Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/02/1120746237/white-house-ukraine-covid-19-monkeypox-supplemental-funding\">to secure $22.4 billion in emergency COVID-19 funding\u003c/a> to support vaccinations, testing and further research. Some Republican support is needed in the Senate to secure the funding, which the administration has been seeking since the spring. It has been hard to come by as some GOP lawmakers argue that there is still unspent money from earlier COVID-19 funding measures that can be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the funding request earlier this month, an official told reporters on a briefing call that there is not currently “enough funding to get through a surge in the fall.” The administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/29/1119880329/the-government-will-no-longer-be-sending-free-covid-19-tests-to-americans\">has already stopped the program to send free test kits to Americans\u003c/a> because of a lack of funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"covid-19\"]The president’s words could undercut the effort to get this money further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are already using the statement to question the justification for ongoing pandemic measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/mikepompeo/status/1571858080110968835\">the military’s vaccine requirement\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RepMaryMiller/status/1571851989046149127\">mandates for vaccines and masks in federally funded Head Start education programs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Biden admitted last night that the COVID pandemic is over. In other words, there is no ‘ongoing emergency’ to justify his proposal for student loan handouts,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MarshaBlackburn/status/1571847319603093504\">said Sen. Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some public health experts agreed with Biden’s characterization of a “change” in the pandemic. “It is a reasonable thing to do as we collectively move on from this emergency footing that we’ve been on for the last couple of years, and try to navigate a new normal,” said Dr. Bob Wachter, chair of UCSF’s Department of Medicine. “It’s an appropriate way of thinking about the threat as it stands today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging the shift shouldn’t stand in the way of funds for COVID-related efforts, said Dr. Tom Frieden, who led the CDC during the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a pandemic of Alzheimer’s disease or influenza or heart disease. But Congress still needs to fund programs to address those problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ongoing booster campaign could face challenges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration’s public health leaders have sometimes struggled at times to present a clear, unified message about COVID-19. His administration has at times been criticized for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/01/07/1071449137/cdc-is-criticized-for-failing-to-communicate-promises-to-do-better\">a lack of communication\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/17/997422911/cdc-criticized-for-confusing-updated-mask-recommendation\">issuing guidance that seemingly conflicts with available data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the president’s remarks have thrown another wrench into the mix at a crucial moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has just rolled out a new bivalent booster shot designed to target the omicron subvariants that have dominated caseloads in the country in recent months, and the agency is working to convince Americans to go out and get it. (Since the CDC recommended the shot earlier this month, hundreds of thousands of Americans have received it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But health officials have long struggled to convince Americans to get their shots. Only \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#vaccinations_vacc-people-additional-dose-totalpop\">68% of Americans completed their original vaccine course\u003c/a>, and fewer than half of those have gotten any booster shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most troubling are booster rates for people over 65, said Jennifer Nuzzo, the director of Brown University’s Pandemic Center. Data from the CDC show that while the vast majority of older Americans got the original vaccines, far fewer — only about a quarter — have also taken the two original boosters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do nothing else to reduce the number of deaths from COVID, we need to make sure that people who are at the greatest risk of severe illness and death — and that’s people over the age of 65 — that they get their booster,” Nuzzo said. “I don’t want to inadvertently send the signal that that’s not something they need to do anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and other public health experts pointed to the winter, when a surge of new cases is likely as cold weather pushes socialization indoors, and holidays prompt people to travel to visit family and friends. A winter wave of cases will require tests, vaccines and other efforts to combat COVID, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say, let’s not declare the pandemic over,” said Dr. Carlos Del Rio, an infectious disease specialist at Emory University. “Let’s say that we’re in a very good place, and we need to continue working hard in order to stay in that good place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=How+Biden%27s+declaring+the+pandemic+%27over%27+complicates+efforts+to+fight+COVID&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden’s declaration that “the pandemic is over” could complicate the administration’s effort to battle COVID-19, public health experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden made the remarks in a Sunday broadcast of “60 Minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have a problem with COVID. We’re still doing a lot of work on it. But the pandemic is over,” he said. “If you notice, no one’s wearing masks. Everybody seems to be in pretty good shape. And so I think it’s changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s comments come as public health officials are trying to convince Americans to get a new booster shot, and as the White House has worked unsuccessfully for months to convince Congress to provide more than $22 billion in new funding for the COVID-19 response. Since Sunday night, Republicans have already used his words to question vaccine mandates that are still in place for the nation’s military and other federally funded programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, nearly 400 Americans are dying each day of COVID, \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#trends_dailydeaths_select_00\">according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple public health experts called Biden’s remarks “unfortunate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have the president of the U.S. saying the pandemic is over, why would people line up for their boosters? Why would Congress allocate additional funding for these other strategies and tools?” said Dr. Celine Gounder, an epidemiologist and senior fellow with the Kaiser Family Foundation. “I am profoundly disappointed. I think this is a real lack of leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The remarks could cause political difficulties\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House is currently fighting an uphill battle in Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/02/1120746237/white-house-ukraine-covid-19-monkeypox-supplemental-funding\">to secure $22.4 billion in emergency COVID-19 funding\u003c/a> to support vaccinations, testing and further research. Some Republican support is needed in the Senate to secure the funding, which the administration has been seeking since the spring. It has been hard to come by as some GOP lawmakers argue that there is still unspent money from earlier COVID-19 funding measures that can be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the funding request earlier this month, an official told reporters on a briefing call that there is not currently “enough funding to get through a surge in the fall.” The administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/29/1119880329/the-government-will-no-longer-be-sending-free-covid-19-tests-to-americans\">has already stopped the program to send free test kits to Americans\u003c/a> because of a lack of funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The president’s words could undercut the effort to get this money further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are already using the statement to question the justification for ongoing pandemic measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/mikepompeo/status/1571858080110968835\">the military’s vaccine requirement\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RepMaryMiller/status/1571851989046149127\">mandates for vaccines and masks in federally funded Head Start education programs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Biden admitted last night that the COVID pandemic is over. In other words, there is no ‘ongoing emergency’ to justify his proposal for student loan handouts,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MarshaBlackburn/status/1571847319603093504\">said Sen. Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some public health experts agreed with Biden’s characterization of a “change” in the pandemic. “It is a reasonable thing to do as we collectively move on from this emergency footing that we’ve been on for the last couple of years, and try to navigate a new normal,” said Dr. Bob Wachter, chair of UCSF’s Department of Medicine. “It’s an appropriate way of thinking about the threat as it stands today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging the shift shouldn’t stand in the way of funds for COVID-related efforts, said Dr. Tom Frieden, who led the CDC during the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a pandemic of Alzheimer’s disease or influenza or heart disease. But Congress still needs to fund programs to address those problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ongoing booster campaign could face challenges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration’s public health leaders have sometimes struggled at times to present a clear, unified message about COVID-19. His administration has at times been criticized for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/01/07/1071449137/cdc-is-criticized-for-failing-to-communicate-promises-to-do-better\">a lack of communication\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/17/997422911/cdc-criticized-for-confusing-updated-mask-recommendation\">issuing guidance that seemingly conflicts with available data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the president’s remarks have thrown another wrench into the mix at a crucial moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration has just rolled out a new bivalent booster shot designed to target the omicron subvariants that have dominated caseloads in the country in recent months, and the agency is working to convince Americans to go out and get it. (Since the CDC recommended the shot earlier this month, hundreds of thousands of Americans have received it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But health officials have long struggled to convince Americans to get their shots. Only \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#vaccinations_vacc-people-additional-dose-totalpop\">68% of Americans completed their original vaccine course\u003c/a>, and fewer than half of those have gotten any booster shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most troubling are booster rates for people over 65, said Jennifer Nuzzo, the director of Brown University’s Pandemic Center. Data from the CDC show that while the vast majority of older Americans got the original vaccines, far fewer — only about a quarter — have also taken the two original boosters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do nothing else to reduce the number of deaths from COVID, we need to make sure that people who are at the greatest risk of severe illness and death — and that’s people over the age of 65 — that they get their booster,” Nuzzo said. “I don’t want to inadvertently send the signal that that’s not something they need to do anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and other public health experts pointed to the winter, when a surge of new cases is likely as cold weather pushes socialization indoors, and holidays prompt people to travel to visit family and friends. A winter wave of cases will require tests, vaccines and other efforts to combat COVID, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say, let’s not declare the pandemic over,” said Dr. Carlos Del Rio, an infectious disease specialist at Emory University. “Let’s say that we’re in a very good place, and we need to continue working hard in order to stay in that good place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=How+Biden%27s+declaring+the+pandemic+%27over%27+complicates+efforts+to+fight+COVID&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Pronouns Don't 'Work' the Same in All Languages. Here's How One Multilingual Family Navigates Gender",
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"content": "\u003cp>In his senior year of high school, Emmett Chen-Ran decided to tell his parents he was transgender. He was grappling with a lot: Would they accept him? Would they be upset? Would they understand?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was another challenge too. Which language should he use to tell them — English or Chinese?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 24 years old and living in San Francisco, Chen-Ran was born in China. When he was 5 years old, his family moved to New York. As a kid, he learned some Mandarin. One summer in elementary school, he and his mom, Yanfei Ran, spent almost every day watching cartoons, playing badminton and practicing Chinese. But as he got older, he mostly just retained enough of the language to do things like order food at a restaurant.\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11899189,news_11744484,news_11438847\"]“I don’t think I’ve ever been prepared my entire life to give a soliloquy about my feelings in Chinese,” Chen-Ran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation was reversed for his parents. They’re both lawyers, and according to Chen-Ran, they mostly use English in the workplace. But they were much more comfortable speaking Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a way to find community when they got to the U.S., Chen-Ran’s parents immersed themselves in Christianity. And around the time Chen-Ran was in middle school, his parents sent him to summer Bible camp. One summer when he was there, Chen-Ran developed a crush on a fellow camper who was “super butch” and “super confident in being masculine.” But he was a bit perplexed — did he want to date them or be them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He explored this question throughout high school, and by the beginning of his senior year, he was seriously considering hormone therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it came time to talk to his parents about his gender, Chen-Ran was torn. He wanted to tell them in their native language, but he wasn’t sure he could find the right words. So he went with English — except for one word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he descended the stairs of his Long Island home, Chen-Ran pulled up the Google translation of “transgender” (biàn xìng, at the time) in Chinese, “just so I could ground that term in their cultural understanding of what it was.” The translation that shows up today is “Kuà xìngbié,” which directly translates to “transgender” — but at the time it was “biàn xìng,” which is more akin to the derogatory “transsexual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a single light on the dining room table lit, and the rest of the living room and dining room were dark,” he said. “And we were just sitting in the living room in the dark.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen-Ran told his parents, “I am biàn xìng,” adding, “I want to be a man.” (Chen-Ran knew that terminology wasn’t quite right, he said, but again — he wanted to “put it in terms of their understanding.”) Chen-Ran was trembling the entire time. “Not because I was scared to tell them, but because just the act of voicing these things was so uncomfortable for me,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For dramatic effect, I was sort of like, ‘I might kill myself if I don’t transition,’” he said. “It wasn’t too much of a stretch to think my quality of life definitely would’ve been severely impacted if I wasn’t allowed to transition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chen-Ran had been having some doubts about his identity (researching online “How do I know that I’m trans for sure?”), he felt a sense of urgency when he came out to his parents. He worried that bringing up any of that doubt would give his parents an opportunity to delay his transition or stand in the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Emmett Chen-Ran\"]‘I’ve never gone in-depth with explaining why I think I’m trans beyond that initial coming-out talk, because I don’t really have the words for it. I feel like I could explain in English, but … I don’t think they would pick up on all the nuance of what I’m saying.’[/pullquote]He still vividly remembers how they responded to his announcement. His mom cried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad was making this face that he does whenever any mention of, like, un-Christian things comes up,” Chen-Ran said. “It’s a twisting of the mouth and a furrowing of the brows. And he just looks very disgusted and uncomfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after that day, Chen-Ran and his parents never really talked about it again. That conversation was the first and last time he spoke to his parents about his gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve honestly never gone in-depth with explaining why I think I’m trans beyond that initial coming-out talk, because I don’t really have the words for it,” he said. “I feel like I could explain in English, but I don’t want to, because I don’t think they would pick up on all the nuance of what I’m saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without knowing exactly what his parents thought about his gender, Chen-Ran was apprehensive about how they’d identify him in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after that initial conversation, he headed off to start college at Yale. On freshman move-in day, his parents were there, and he tried to keep them away from his roommates and their parents. But he braced himself for an awkward moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember before move-in day, in my head I was like, if they do slip up and call me ‘she’ and someone asks about it, I’ll just be like, ‘They’re just bad at English,’” he said with a laugh. “And I was like, I know I’d be sort of problematically throwing them under the bus as immigrants, but it’s life or death here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He made it through move-in day relatively unscathed, but the uncertainty remained. To this day, the language barrier between Chen-Ran and his parents has made it difficult to know what they think of him. It’s been seven years since he told his parents he’s trans, and a lot has changed — he moved to San Francisco and works as a product manager now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he still sits with one question: Do his parents still view him as their daughter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925501\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1330px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925501\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2.jpg\" alt=\"a young child and and their mother plant a tree on a hillside with a banner with Chinese characters hanging behind them\" width=\"1330\" height=\"1774\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2.jpg 1330w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-1020x1361.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1330px) 100vw, 1330px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emmett Chen-Ran and his mother, Yanfei Ran, planting a tree on a mountain in China in 2001 or 2002. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Emmett Chen-Ran)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to tell, he says, because there are no gendered pronouns in spoken Chinese. So when his parents talk about him in Chinese, it’s not clear if they’re misgendering him. And in English, they misgender him constantly. But they also misgender a lot of other people, he said, even their close friends who are cisgender — because of the linguistic differences between Chinese and English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen-Ran’s mom, Yanfei Ran, confirmed this. She said she mixes up Chen-Ran’s pronouns because she’s not used to the differences. Chen-Ran didn’t want to talk directly to his mom for this story, but he was curious about what she would say, and said it was OK with him if we reached out to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, I think it’s the language. In Chinese … when we mention ‘he’ or ‘she,’ we will use ‘ta’ as the same pronunciation,” Ran said. “So there’s no distinguishing between ‘he’ or ‘she.’ We will just use ‘ta.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But language isn’t the only barrier standing in the way of her understanding of Chen-Ran and his gender. Chen-Ran thinks part of the reason she cried when he first told her he’s trans is that she was afraid for his safety, especially when it came to hormone therapy and surgery. She confirmed that fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think health is the (biggest) concern for me,” Ran said. “Even now, I really think he’s just like destroying himself gradually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ran didn’t mention anything about the flip side — how surgery and hormone therapy helped her son’s mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her views about Chen-Ran’s gender are complicated, and they have changed somewhat over time. But she made one thing clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a mother, again, you just always want your child to be happy and to be supported. So even if we don’t support her idea, this family [will] always just tolerate her, or him, and always welcome him home,” Ran said, grappling with the pronouns in real time. “And this is his home, and I am his mother, forever. That’s the most important thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an ideal world, Chen-Ran said he’d like to be able to confide in his parents the way he does with friends. He wants a relationship that would let him express both triumphs and doubts. He wants to be understood in all his complexity. But he has also come to terms with the possibility that he may never get that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think I’m at a point in my life where, like, all of society basically sees me as my gender,” Chen-Ran said. “And so … it doesn’t really matter to me if they misgender me in their heads as long as I don’t feel the ramifications of that in our interactions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chen-Ran wants to be able to talk to his parents about his gender identity the way he talks about it with his friends, right now it’s more important to him that they have a good relationship. It’s a “cherry on top,” he said, when his mom affirms his gender by using his pronouns correctly. But maybe it’s OK, right now, if they can’t yet find the words to fully understand each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally broadcast on NPR’s Code Switch. For more information on the linguistics of gender and pronouns in Chinese, check out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.genderinlanguage.com/mandarin\">Gender in Language Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In his senior year of high school, Emmett Chen-Ran decided to tell his parents he was transgender. He was grappling with a lot: Would they accept him? Would they be upset? Would they understand?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was another challenge too. Which language should he use to tell them — English or Chinese?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 24 years old and living in San Francisco, Chen-Ran was born in China. When he was 5 years old, his family moved to New York. As a kid, he learned some Mandarin. One summer in elementary school, he and his mom, Yanfei Ran, spent almost every day watching cartoons, playing badminton and practicing Chinese. But as he got older, he mostly just retained enough of the language to do things like order food at a restaurant.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I don’t think I’ve ever been prepared my entire life to give a soliloquy about my feelings in Chinese,” Chen-Ran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation was reversed for his parents. They’re both lawyers, and according to Chen-Ran, they mostly use English in the workplace. But they were much more comfortable speaking Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a way to find community when they got to the U.S., Chen-Ran’s parents immersed themselves in Christianity. And around the time Chen-Ran was in middle school, his parents sent him to summer Bible camp. One summer when he was there, Chen-Ran developed a crush on a fellow camper who was “super butch” and “super confident in being masculine.” But he was a bit perplexed — did he want to date them or be them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He explored this question throughout high school, and by the beginning of his senior year, he was seriously considering hormone therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it came time to talk to his parents about his gender, Chen-Ran was torn. He wanted to tell them in their native language, but he wasn’t sure he could find the right words. So he went with English — except for one word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he descended the stairs of his Long Island home, Chen-Ran pulled up the Google translation of “transgender” (biàn xìng, at the time) in Chinese, “just so I could ground that term in their cultural understanding of what it was.” The translation that shows up today is “Kuà xìngbié,” which directly translates to “transgender” — but at the time it was “biàn xìng,” which is more akin to the derogatory “transsexual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a single light on the dining room table lit, and the rest of the living room and dining room were dark,” he said. “And we were just sitting in the living room in the dark.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen-Ran told his parents, “I am biàn xìng,” adding, “I want to be a man.” (Chen-Ran knew that terminology wasn’t quite right, he said, but again — he wanted to “put it in terms of their understanding.”) Chen-Ran was trembling the entire time. “Not because I was scared to tell them, but because just the act of voicing these things was so uncomfortable for me,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For dramatic effect, I was sort of like, ‘I might kill myself if I don’t transition,’” he said. “It wasn’t too much of a stretch to think my quality of life definitely would’ve been severely impacted if I wasn’t allowed to transition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chen-Ran had been having some doubts about his identity (researching online “How do I know that I’m trans for sure?”), he felt a sense of urgency when he came out to his parents. He worried that bringing up any of that doubt would give his parents an opportunity to delay his transition or stand in the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He still vividly remembers how they responded to his announcement. His mom cried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad was making this face that he does whenever any mention of, like, un-Christian things comes up,” Chen-Ran said. “It’s a twisting of the mouth and a furrowing of the brows. And he just looks very disgusted and uncomfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after that day, Chen-Ran and his parents never really talked about it again. That conversation was the first and last time he spoke to his parents about his gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve honestly never gone in-depth with explaining why I think I’m trans beyond that initial coming-out talk, because I don’t really have the words for it,” he said. “I feel like I could explain in English, but I don’t want to, because I don’t think they would pick up on all the nuance of what I’m saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without knowing exactly what his parents thought about his gender, Chen-Ran was apprehensive about how they’d identify him in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after that initial conversation, he headed off to start college at Yale. On freshman move-in day, his parents were there, and he tried to keep them away from his roommates and their parents. But he braced himself for an awkward moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember before move-in day, in my head I was like, if they do slip up and call me ‘she’ and someone asks about it, I’ll just be like, ‘They’re just bad at English,’” he said with a laugh. “And I was like, I know I’d be sort of problematically throwing them under the bus as immigrants, but it’s life or death here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He made it through move-in day relatively unscathed, but the uncertainty remained. To this day, the language barrier between Chen-Ran and his parents has made it difficult to know what they think of him. It’s been seven years since he told his parents he’s trans, and a lot has changed — he moved to San Francisco and works as a product manager now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he still sits with one question: Do his parents still view him as their daughter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925501\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1330px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925501\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2.jpg\" alt=\"a young child and and their mother plant a tree on a hillside with a banner with Chinese characters hanging behind them\" width=\"1330\" height=\"1774\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2.jpg 1330w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-1020x1361.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/image2-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1330px) 100vw, 1330px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emmett Chen-Ran and his mother, Yanfei Ran, planting a tree on a mountain in China in 2001 or 2002. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Emmett Chen-Ran)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to tell, he says, because there are no gendered pronouns in spoken Chinese. So when his parents talk about him in Chinese, it’s not clear if they’re misgendering him. And in English, they misgender him constantly. But they also misgender a lot of other people, he said, even their close friends who are cisgender — because of the linguistic differences between Chinese and English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen-Ran’s mom, Yanfei Ran, confirmed this. She said she mixes up Chen-Ran’s pronouns because she’s not used to the differences. Chen-Ran didn’t want to talk directly to his mom for this story, but he was curious about what she would say, and said it was OK with him if we reached out to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, I think it’s the language. In Chinese … when we mention ‘he’ or ‘she,’ we will use ‘ta’ as the same pronunciation,” Ran said. “So there’s no distinguishing between ‘he’ or ‘she.’ We will just use ‘ta.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But language isn’t the only barrier standing in the way of her understanding of Chen-Ran and his gender. Chen-Ran thinks part of the reason she cried when he first told her he’s trans is that she was afraid for his safety, especially when it came to hormone therapy and surgery. She confirmed that fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think health is the (biggest) concern for me,” Ran said. “Even now, I really think he’s just like destroying himself gradually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ran didn’t mention anything about the flip side — how surgery and hormone therapy helped her son’s mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her views about Chen-Ran’s gender are complicated, and they have changed somewhat over time. But she made one thing clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a mother, again, you just always want your child to be happy and to be supported. So even if we don’t support her idea, this family [will] always just tolerate her, or him, and always welcome him home,” Ran said, grappling with the pronouns in real time. “And this is his home, and I am his mother, forever. That’s the most important thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an ideal world, Chen-Ran said he’d like to be able to confide in his parents the way he does with friends. He wants a relationship that would let him express both triumphs and doubts. He wants to be understood in all his complexity. But he has also come to terms with the possibility that he may never get that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think I’m at a point in my life where, like, all of society basically sees me as my gender,” Chen-Ran said. “And so … it doesn’t really matter to me if they misgender me in their heads as long as I don’t feel the ramifications of that in our interactions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chen-Ran wants to be able to talk to his parents about his gender identity the way he talks about it with his friends, right now it’s more important to him that they have a good relationship. It’s a “cherry on top,” he said, when his mom affirms his gender by using his pronouns correctly. But maybe it’s OK, right now, if they can’t yet find the words to fully understand each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally broadcast on NPR’s Code Switch. For more information on the linguistics of gender and pronouns in Chinese, check out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.genderinlanguage.com/mandarin\">Gender in Language Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Poverty and Uninsured Rates Drop, Thanks to Pandemic-Era Policies",
"title": "Poverty and Uninsured Rates Drop, Thanks to Pandemic-Era Policies",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/income-poverty-health-insurance-coverage.html\">annual report\u003c/a> on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by temporary pandemic-related policies, and without action by policymakers, they could quickly unravel.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Child tax credit key to drop in poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Childhood poverty dropped substantially in 2021, falling from 9.7% in 2020 down to 5.2%. The overall poverty rate for all age groups was just under 8% — a decline from 9.2% in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These figures are based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/11/07/142105558/new-measure-shows-higher-poverty-rate-in-u-s\">Supplemental Poverty Measure\u003c/a>, which takes into account all kinds of expenses families have, as well as that range of pandemic aid many families received.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sabrina Corlette, Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms\"]'As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>Poverty experts attribute much of this improvement to the child tax credit which Congress boosted in 2021 in the American Rescue Plan. Congress also expanded it to include millions more low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The child tax credit gives families more money to spend on essentials, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/sharon-parrott\">Sharon Parrott\u003c/a>, who has researched the issue for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They spend it on their housing, food, education, they're able to do some of those extracurricular activities that high income families take for granted,\" she says. \"They are investing in their kids and their families are able to make ends meet in really important ways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Parrott says all these things can have long term benefits for kids, like doing better in school and being healthier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uninsured rate approaches record lows, thanks to Medicaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The census numbers show 8.3% of Americans – or 27.2 million people – did not have any health insurance in 2021. That's an improvement from 2020, when 8.6% of people were uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The force behind this trend is Medicaid, the public health insurance option for people with low incomes, according to census officials who briefed reporters Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reason the Medicaid rates have increased is because of a COVID relief bill that Congress passed in March of 2020,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://chir.georgetown.edu/faculty_sabrina_corlette/\">Sabrina Corlette\u003c/a> of the Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Families First Coronavirus Response Act essentially mandated that state Medicaid programs not force enrollees to requalify for the program – so states could enroll new people but not kick anyone off. Because of this \"continuous enrollment provision,\" Medicaid has grown significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another area of growth was Medicare, though census officials noted that that's due to more people turning 65 and becoming eligible, not because of a policy change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens when pandemic measures end\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Policy experts say this week's good news may be fleeting. The expanded child tax credit ended in December, just as inflation was starting to climb to historic highs. The policy supporting more people getting health insurance is set to run out in a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away,\" says Corlette. \"And so we could see this historic increase in the rates of the insured be reversed.\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label='Related Articles' tag='poverty']\u003c/span>More than 15 million people could lose Medicaid, according to an estimate from the Department of Health and Human Services \u003ca href=\"https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/60f0ac74ee06eb578d30b0f39ac94323/aspe-end-mcaid-continuous-coverage.pdf?_ga=2.168159075.310828479.1663022160-418932185.1663022160\">released last month\u003c/a>. The analysis suggests nearly half of those losing coverage will be because of administrative issues – such as challenges with filling out the paperwork to reapply – and not because they no longer qualify for coverage. Some will be able to get coverage elsewhere, but millions more may become uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to poverty, inflation could start to affect these rates. In fact, one group already is seeing more poverty in the 2021 numbers and that is seniors. Census officials say this is likely because they're on fixed incomes, and already last year inflation was starting to tick up, really squeezing their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, Census officials stressed that Social Security did keep more than 26 million people out of poverty, and that includes several million children being raised by grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to hold on to temporary gains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In terms of U.S. trends over time, the Census numbers released Tuesday on child poverty and health insurance are encouraging, experts say, and it's now up to policymakers to act to keep these gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of the improvements that we see – whether it's insurance or poverty – are a reflection of political choices,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://government.cornell.edu/jamila-michener\">Jamila Michener\u003c/a> – a professor of government at Cornell and an expert on Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and many Democrats would like to make the expanded child tax credit permanent. The U.S. House passed such a measure but it did not survive in the Senate. Several Republican Senators have proposed more limited ways to expand the child tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we don't know is the trade-offs,\" says Angela Rachidi, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. \"We know inflation increased dramatically over the past year. To what extent did all this government transfer of income contribute to that, I think, is still a question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some researchers note that the U.S. has a long way to go with gains in health and insurance rates, when compared to similar high-income countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Among] our peer countries, we have one of the highest rates of uninsurance in the world and also poorer health outcomes,\" notes Corlette. \"And that's been an issue for us even before the pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/13497/us-health-in-international-perspective-shorter-lives-poorer-health\">landmark study in 2013\u003c/a> enumerated the many ways Americans don't have as healthy or long lives as people do in similarly wealthy countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One striking illustration of this came with the new life expectancy numbers released two weeks ago. Countries all over the world had a drop in life expectancy after the first year of the pandemic, but many have been able to rebound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America has not – instead life expectancy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/08/31/1120192583/life-expectancy-in-the-u-s-continues-to-drop-driven-by-covid-19\">dropped for two years\u003c/a> in a row, the first time that's happened in the U.S. in a century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday. Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's annual report on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year. But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/income-poverty-health-insurance-coverage.html\">annual report\u003c/a> on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by temporary pandemic-related policies, and without action by policymakers, they could quickly unravel.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Child tax credit key to drop in poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Childhood poverty dropped substantially in 2021, falling from 9.7% in 2020 down to 5.2%. The overall poverty rate for all age groups was just under 8% — a decline from 9.2% in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These figures are based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/11/07/142105558/new-measure-shows-higher-poverty-rate-in-u-s\">Supplemental Poverty Measure\u003c/a>, which takes into account all kinds of expenses families have, as well as that range of pandemic aid many families received.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>Poverty experts attribute much of this improvement to the child tax credit which Congress boosted in 2021 in the American Rescue Plan. Congress also expanded it to include millions more low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The child tax credit gives families more money to spend on essentials, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/sharon-parrott\">Sharon Parrott\u003c/a>, who has researched the issue for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They spend it on their housing, food, education, they're able to do some of those extracurricular activities that high income families take for granted,\" she says. \"They are investing in their kids and their families are able to make ends meet in really important ways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Parrott says all these things can have long term benefits for kids, like doing better in school and being healthier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uninsured rate approaches record lows, thanks to Medicaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The census numbers show 8.3% of Americans – or 27.2 million people – did not have any health insurance in 2021. That's an improvement from 2020, when 8.6% of people were uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The force behind this trend is Medicaid, the public health insurance option for people with low incomes, according to census officials who briefed reporters Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reason the Medicaid rates have increased is because of a COVID relief bill that Congress passed in March of 2020,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://chir.georgetown.edu/faculty_sabrina_corlette/\">Sabrina Corlette\u003c/a> of the Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Families First Coronavirus Response Act essentially mandated that state Medicaid programs not force enrollees to requalify for the program – so states could enroll new people but not kick anyone off. Because of this \"continuous enrollment provision,\" Medicaid has grown significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another area of growth was Medicare, though census officials noted that that's due to more people turning 65 and becoming eligible, not because of a policy change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens when pandemic measures end\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Policy experts say this week's good news may be fleeting. The expanded child tax credit ended in December, just as inflation was starting to climb to historic highs. The policy supporting more people getting health insurance is set to run out in a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away,\" says Corlette. \"And so we could see this historic increase in the rates of the insured be reversed.\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>More than 15 million people could lose Medicaid, according to an estimate from the Department of Health and Human Services \u003ca href=\"https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/60f0ac74ee06eb578d30b0f39ac94323/aspe-end-mcaid-continuous-coverage.pdf?_ga=2.168159075.310828479.1663022160-418932185.1663022160\">released last month\u003c/a>. The analysis suggests nearly half of those losing coverage will be because of administrative issues – such as challenges with filling out the paperwork to reapply – and not because they no longer qualify for coverage. Some will be able to get coverage elsewhere, but millions more may become uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to poverty, inflation could start to affect these rates. In fact, one group already is seeing more poverty in the 2021 numbers and that is seniors. Census officials say this is likely because they're on fixed incomes, and already last year inflation was starting to tick up, really squeezing their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, Census officials stressed that Social Security did keep more than 26 million people out of poverty, and that includes several million children being raised by grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to hold on to temporary gains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In terms of U.S. trends over time, the Census numbers released Tuesday on child poverty and health insurance are encouraging, experts say, and it's now up to policymakers to act to keep these gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of the improvements that we see – whether it's insurance or poverty – are a reflection of political choices,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://government.cornell.edu/jamila-michener\">Jamila Michener\u003c/a> – a professor of government at Cornell and an expert on Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and many Democrats would like to make the expanded child tax credit permanent. The U.S. House passed such a measure but it did not survive in the Senate. Several Republican Senators have proposed more limited ways to expand the child tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we don't know is the trade-offs,\" says Angela Rachidi, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. \"We know inflation increased dramatically over the past year. To what extent did all this government transfer of income contribute to that, I think, is still a question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some researchers note that the U.S. has a long way to go with gains in health and insurance rates, when compared to similar high-income countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Among] our peer countries, we have one of the highest rates of uninsurance in the world and also poorer health outcomes,\" notes Corlette. \"And that's been an issue for us even before the pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/13497/us-health-in-international-perspective-shorter-lives-poorer-health\">landmark study in 2013\u003c/a> enumerated the many ways Americans don't have as healthy or long lives as people do in similarly wealthy countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One striking illustration of this came with the new life expectancy numbers released two weeks ago. Countries all over the world had a drop in life expectancy after the first year of the pandemic, but many have been able to rebound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America has not – instead life expectancy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/08/31/1120192583/life-expectancy-in-the-u-s-continues-to-drop-driven-by-covid-19\">dropped for two years\u003c/a> in a row, the first time that's happened in the U.S. in a century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Retired Labor Leader Says His Former Union Must Think Outside the Box to Save Jobs",
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"headTitle": "Retired Labor Leader Says His Former Union Must Think Outside the Box to Save Jobs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The first time James “Spinner” Spinosa saw a driverless machine pick up a massive shipping container and move it through a shipyard was during a trip to Rotterdam in 1989.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was amazed, and in equal measures, alarmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rising star in the West Coast dockworkers union, his mind went immediately to his union brothers and sisters back home – truck drivers and crane operators – whose jobs would be in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t all. The same day, Spinosa peeked through an open door into a room that was not part of the tour.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Robert Cherny, historian and author\"]‘Instead of having 75 or 90 men working on a ship, you might have many fewer, 10 or so, able to do the same amount of work or more work.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo and behold, here was about six or eight people on computers, interfacing with what they were showing us in the yard,” he says. “I knew then, this was major changes. We have to get this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“Machines don’t pay taxes”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fast forward 33 years. Automation poses a bigger threat to union jobs now than ever before. Three terminals at the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach are now partly or fully automated, and several more are contemplating it. It’s become the hot-button issue in the contract negotiations between dockworkers and the shipping industry that started in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now retired, Spinosa takes a forward-looking view, believing the union must look for the jobs of tomorrow to avoid being left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the waterfront, current union dockworkers fear giving up any more ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These machines don’t pay taxes. They don’t help our local economy. They don’t help with infrastructure,” says Yvette Bjazevic, who’s worked on the docks for 20 years. “We should all be outraged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Spinosa’s take on the future is shaped by his experiences leading the International Longshore and Warehouse Union through tumultuous times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than block technological advancements, Spinosa doubled down on the fight for union jobs. Whatever technology was being used on the docks, he wanted to make sure that union workers were there, ready to take on new roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an approach similar to one the ILWU has embraced almost since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Hooks used to bring in crates of fruit. Now cranes haul massive shipping containers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Spinosa followed his uncles to the waterfront in 1969, when the ships crossing the ocean were much smaller — like rowboats, he jokes — and most cargo was still handled by hand. Longshoremen used different types of hooks for different types of cargo, be it crates of fruit, bales of cotton, or sacks of borax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The old-timers that we worked with, they would take you under their wing, and they would show you how to actually handle cargo, stow cargo properly, and stay safe,” Spinosa recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that all changed with the advent of shipping containers, the colorful steel boxes that are now standard across the global shipping industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A controversial agreement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>No longer were gangs of longshoremen needed in the holds of ships. A single crane operator could lift entire containers full of goods at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of having 75 or 90 men working on a ship, you might have many fewer, 10 or so, able to do the same amount of work or more work,” says historian Robert Cherny, author of an upcoming biography of the ILWU’s longtime president Harry Bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union had foreseen the threat to jobs then. In the 1960s, Bridges negotiated a controversial agreement. The union would accept the use of containers and cranes and other forms of mechanization as long as there was something in it for the workers. Above all, guaranteed wages — regardless of whether there was work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far back as the late 1930s, early 1940s, the union had always said they were willing that the employers would introduce labor-saving machinery, but that the union had to be consulted, and the union had to essentially get a piece of it,” says Cherny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spinosa sums it up this way: Union dockworkers would go along with mechanization, as long as mechanization took them along.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“Whatever work is necessary for the future, hopefully we’re there and we’re doing it”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Spinosa clung to that basic tenet throughout his career. In the 1980s, he accepted that computers were bringing efficiencies to the work of marine clerks, who had for decades mapped out the movement of containers by hand. But he fought to ensure that a union worker would be in front of those computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as equipment needs to be moved on the terminals, it’s done by the ILWU,” he says. “The problem arises when it becomes robotic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spinosa worries that the union doesn’t know enough about the technology being brought to the ports today to fight for the jobs that may come open tomorrow. Employers in the shipping industry are not exactly opening their doors and announcing new positions, he says. It’s up to the union to figure it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have an offensive posture. We have to go find those jobs,” he says. “We have to understand this industry like never before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s urged the union to bring on experts in automation to figure out who’s sitting at all the computers and what exactly they’re doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s how we’re going to try to protect the industry, so that whatever work is necessary for the future, hopefully we’re there and we’re doing it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Retired+labor+leader+says+his+former+union+must+think+outside+the+box+to+save+jobs&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "James Spinosa led the West Coast dockworkers union through tumultuous shifts to new technologies over decades. With the shipping industry now pushing for more automation, he reflects on what's ahead.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The first time James “Spinner” Spinosa saw a driverless machine pick up a massive shipping container and move it through a shipyard was during a trip to Rotterdam in 1989.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was amazed, and in equal measures, alarmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rising star in the West Coast dockworkers union, his mind went immediately to his union brothers and sisters back home – truck drivers and crane operators – whose jobs would be in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t all. The same day, Spinosa peeked through an open door into a room that was not part of the tour.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo and behold, here was about six or eight people on computers, interfacing with what they were showing us in the yard,” he says. “I knew then, this was major changes. We have to get this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“Machines don’t pay taxes”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fast forward 33 years. Automation poses a bigger threat to union jobs now than ever before. Three terminals at the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach are now partly or fully automated, and several more are contemplating it. It’s become the hot-button issue in the contract negotiations between dockworkers and the shipping industry that started in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now retired, Spinosa takes a forward-looking view, believing the union must look for the jobs of tomorrow to avoid being left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the waterfront, current union dockworkers fear giving up any more ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These machines don’t pay taxes. They don’t help our local economy. They don’t help with infrastructure,” says Yvette Bjazevic, who’s worked on the docks for 20 years. “We should all be outraged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Spinosa’s take on the future is shaped by his experiences leading the International Longshore and Warehouse Union through tumultuous times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than block technological advancements, Spinosa doubled down on the fight for union jobs. Whatever technology was being used on the docks, he wanted to make sure that union workers were there, ready to take on new roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an approach similar to one the ILWU has embraced almost since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Hooks used to bring in crates of fruit. Now cranes haul massive shipping containers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Spinosa followed his uncles to the waterfront in 1969, when the ships crossing the ocean were much smaller — like rowboats, he jokes — and most cargo was still handled by hand. Longshoremen used different types of hooks for different types of cargo, be it crates of fruit, bales of cotton, or sacks of borax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The old-timers that we worked with, they would take you under their wing, and they would show you how to actually handle cargo, stow cargo properly, and stay safe,” Spinosa recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that all changed with the advent of shipping containers, the colorful steel boxes that are now standard across the global shipping industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A controversial agreement\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>No longer were gangs of longshoremen needed in the holds of ships. A single crane operator could lift entire containers full of goods at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of having 75 or 90 men working on a ship, you might have many fewer, 10 or so, able to do the same amount of work or more work,” says historian Robert Cherny, author of an upcoming biography of the ILWU’s longtime president Harry Bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union had foreseen the threat to jobs then. In the 1960s, Bridges negotiated a controversial agreement. The union would accept the use of containers and cranes and other forms of mechanization as long as there was something in it for the workers. Above all, guaranteed wages — regardless of whether there was work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far back as the late 1930s, early 1940s, the union had always said they were willing that the employers would introduce labor-saving machinery, but that the union had to be consulted, and the union had to essentially get a piece of it,” says Cherny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spinosa sums it up this way: Union dockworkers would go along with mechanization, as long as mechanization took them along.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“Whatever work is necessary for the future, hopefully we’re there and we’re doing it”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Spinosa clung to that basic tenet throughout his career. In the 1980s, he accepted that computers were bringing efficiencies to the work of marine clerks, who had for decades mapped out the movement of containers by hand. But he fought to ensure that a union worker would be in front of those computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as equipment needs to be moved on the terminals, it’s done by the ILWU,” he says. “The problem arises when it becomes robotic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spinosa worries that the union doesn’t know enough about the technology being brought to the ports today to fight for the jobs that may come open tomorrow. Employers in the shipping industry are not exactly opening their doors and announcing new positions, he says. It’s up to the union to figure it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have an offensive posture. We have to go find those jobs,” he says. “We have to understand this industry like never before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s urged the union to bring on experts in automation to figure out who’s sitting at all the computers and what exactly they’re doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s how we’re going to try to protect the industry, so that whatever work is necessary for the future, hopefully we’re there and we’re doing it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Retired+labor+leader+says+his+former+union+must+think+outside+the+box+to+save+jobs&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Citing searing summer temperatures and expected energy shortages, California lawmakers approved legislation aimed at extending the life of the state’s last-operating nuclear power plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Diablo Canyon plant – the state’s largest single source of electricity – had been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/06/21/482997213/californias-last-nuclear-power-plant-to-be-shut-down\">slated to shutter\u003c/a> by 2025. The last-minute proposal passed by the state legislature early Thursday could keep it open five years longer, in part by giving the plant’s owner, Pacific Gas and Electric (PG&E), a $1.4 billion forgivable loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, like other U.S. states and countries, has been struggling to reduce its climate-warming emissions while adapting to a rapidly warming world. Record-breaking heat waves have stressed the state’s increasingly carbon-free electrical grid in recent years, triggering rolling blackouts as recently as 2020. Grid operators, fearing a similar crash, issued a statewide alert to conserve energy last month.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"diablo-canyon\"]The state has set the goal of getting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/09/10/646373423/california-sets-goal-of-100-percent-renewable-electric-power-by-2045\">100 percent\u003c/a> of its electricity from clean and renewable sources by 2045. Advocates for Diablo Canyon claim that target will be difficult to achieve without the 2,250 megawatt nuclear power plant. Diablo Canyon generated \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2021-total-system-electric-generation\">nearly 9 percent\u003c/a> of the state’s electricity last year and roughly 15 percent of the state’s clean energy production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maintaining operations at Diablo Canyon will keep our power on while preventing millions of tons of carbon from being released into the atmosphere,” said Isabelle Boemeke of the group Save Clean Energy. “This is a true win-win for the people of California and our planet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuclear power has seen a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/30/1108264499/nuclear-power-gains-support-years-decline-hurdles\">resurgence\u003c/a> in recent years as the climate crisis has worsened and governments increase efforts to cut climate-warming emissions. The Biden administration launched a $6 billion effort earlier this year aimed at keeping the country’s aging nuclear plants running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Have no doubt, President Biden is serious about doing everything possible to get the U.S. to be powered by clean energy,” Assistant Secretary for Nuclear Energy Kathryn Huff told attendees at a nuclear energy assembly in Washington, D.C., earlier this summer. “Nuclear energy is really essential to this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-fifth of the country’s electricity comes from nuclear power plants. That’s as much as all other clean energy sources combined. But nuclear power isn’t without its warts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite decades of debate and billions of dollars spent, the U.S. still does not have a permanent storage site for its growing amount of nuclear waste. Diablo Canyon, located on California’s Central Coast, sits near several seismic fault lines, inspiring long-held fears of a nuclear disaster similar to the kind experienced in Fukushima, Japan in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has long maintained that Diablo Canyon is safe from tsunamis, earthquakes and flooding. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897239/californias-last-nuclear-plant-is-slated-to-close-in-2025-why-some-scientists-worry-thats-bad-news-for-carbon-emissions\">concerns remain\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliet Christian-Smith, a regional director at the Union of Concerned Scientists estimates an earthquake-induced accident could cause more than $100 billion in damages and 10,000 cancer deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill ignores the plant’s environmental impacts and vulnerability to earthquakes,” she said. “Safety cannot take a back seat in our quest to keep the lights on and reduce global warming emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now heads to Governor Newsom’s desk where he’s expected to sign it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/01/1119778975/california-lawmakers-extend-the-life-of-the-states-last-nuclear-power-plant\">This story was first published in NPR.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state has set the goal of getting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/09/10/646373423/california-sets-goal-of-100-percent-renewable-electric-power-by-2045\">100 percent\u003c/a> of its electricity from clean and renewable sources by 2045. Advocates for Diablo Canyon claim that target will be difficult to achieve without the 2,250 megawatt nuclear power plant. Diablo Canyon generated \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2021-total-system-electric-generation\">nearly 9 percent\u003c/a> of the state’s electricity last year and roughly 15 percent of the state’s clean energy production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maintaining operations at Diablo Canyon will keep our power on while preventing millions of tons of carbon from being released into the atmosphere,” said Isabelle Boemeke of the group Save Clean Energy. “This is a true win-win for the people of California and our planet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuclear power has seen a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/30/1108264499/nuclear-power-gains-support-years-decline-hurdles\">resurgence\u003c/a> in recent years as the climate crisis has worsened and governments increase efforts to cut climate-warming emissions. The Biden administration launched a $6 billion effort earlier this year aimed at keeping the country’s aging nuclear plants running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Have no doubt, President Biden is serious about doing everything possible to get the U.S. to be powered by clean energy,” Assistant Secretary for Nuclear Energy Kathryn Huff told attendees at a nuclear energy assembly in Washington, D.C., earlier this summer. “Nuclear energy is really essential to this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-fifth of the country’s electricity comes from nuclear power plants. That’s as much as all other clean energy sources combined. But nuclear power isn’t without its warts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite decades of debate and billions of dollars spent, the U.S. still does not have a permanent storage site for its growing amount of nuclear waste. Diablo Canyon, located on California’s Central Coast, sits near several seismic fault lines, inspiring long-held fears of a nuclear disaster similar to the kind experienced in Fukushima, Japan in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has long maintained that Diablo Canyon is safe from tsunamis, earthquakes and flooding. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897239/californias-last-nuclear-plant-is-slated-to-close-in-2025-why-some-scientists-worry-thats-bad-news-for-carbon-emissions\">concerns remain\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliet Christian-Smith, a regional director at the Union of Concerned Scientists estimates an earthquake-induced accident could cause more than $100 billion in damages and 10,000 cancer deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill ignores the plant’s environmental impacts and vulnerability to earthquakes,” she said. “Safety cannot take a back seat in our quest to keep the lights on and reduce global warming emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now heads to Governor Newsom’s desk where he’s expected to sign it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/09/01/1119778975/california-lawmakers-extend-the-life-of-the-states-last-nuclear-power-plant\">This story was first published in NPR.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Life expectancy in the U.S. fell in 2021, for the second year in a row. It was the biggest drop in almost 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, someone born in the U.S. had a life expectancy of nearly 80 years. In 202o, because of the pandemic, that dropped to 77 years. In 2021 life-span dropped again — to 76.1 years. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/vsrr/vsrr023.pdf\">for some Americans, life expectancy is even lower, according to a provisional analysis\u003c/a> from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The results of this study are very disturbing,” says \u003ca href=\"https://familymedicine.vcu.edu/about/directories/steven-woolf-md-mph.html\">Dr. Steven Woolf,\u003c/a> a professor of population health and health equity at Virginia Commonwealth University. “This shows that U.S. life expectancy in 2021 was even lower than in 2020,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other high-income countries have seen a rebound in life expectancy, which Woolf says makes the U.S. results, “all the more tragic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most dramatic drops in life expectancy in 2021 was among American Indian and Alaskan Native people. Between 2020 and 2021 the life expectancy for this group fell by almost two years, from 67.1 in 2020 to 65.2 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s horrific,” Woolf says. “The losses in the Native American population have been terrible during the COVID-19 pandemic. And it reflects a lot of barriers that tribal communities face in getting access to care,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White Americans also saw a larger decrease in life expectancy in 2021 than Black and Hispanic Americans. This was the reverse of what happened in 2020 when Hispanic Americans saw a 4 year decline and Black Americans saw a 3 year drop. Life expectancy for white Americans declined by a year in 2021 to 76.4. Black Americans saw a 0.7 year decline to 70.8 years, Hispanic Americans saw a 0.2 year decline to 77.7 years. Asian Americans saw a 0.1 year decline to 83.5 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woolf says the greater drop in life expectancy for white Americans could reflect attitudes in some parts of the country to vaccines and pandemic control measures. The U.S. health care system is fragmented he points out — public health is determined by the states, which means there were 50 different pandemic response plans. The states which were more relaxed about COVID restrictions and have lower vaccination rates saw higher excess deaths during the delta and omicron surges than states which had more aggressive vaccination campaigns, masking and other mitigation requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/19/1098543849/pro-trump-counties-continue-to-suffer-far-higher-covid-death-tolls\">Death rates from COVID-19 in counties that went heavily for Donald Trump saw higher death rates\u003c/a> than counties that favored President Biden, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/19/1098543849/pro-trump-counties-continue-to-suffer-far-higher-covid-death-tolls\">an NPR analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Injuries, heart disease, chronic liver disease and cirrhosis and suicide also contributed to the life expectancy decline. Increases in unintentional injuries in 2021 were largely driven by \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/07/20/1112331075/u-s-death-toll-from-drug-overdoses-is-rising-fast-among-black-and-indigenous-peo\">drug overdose deaths which increased during the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The COVID-19 pandemic has in effect wiped out the health gains that the U.S. has made in the 20th century,” says John Haaga, a member of Maryland’s Commission on Aging. “To have this second year of crash basically wiping out the meager gains made during the century is really pretty shocking,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. has been lagging for years in making improvements in things like heart disease — the country’s number one killer — and the life expectancy gap between the U.S. and other countries has been growing for decades, Haaga says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of much poorer countries do much better than us in life expectancy,” he says. “It’s not genetics, it’s that we have been falling behind for 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Life+expectancy+in+the+U.S.+continues+to+drop%2C+driven+by+COVID-19&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Life expectancy in the U.S. fell in 2021, for the second year in a row. It was the biggest drop in almost 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, someone born in the U.S. had a life expectancy of nearly 80 years. In 202o, because of the pandemic, that dropped to 77 years. In 2021 life-span dropped again — to 76.1 years. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/vsrr/vsrr023.pdf\">for some Americans, life expectancy is even lower, according to a provisional analysis\u003c/a> from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The results of this study are very disturbing,” says \u003ca href=\"https://familymedicine.vcu.edu/about/directories/steven-woolf-md-mph.html\">Dr. Steven Woolf,\u003c/a> a professor of population health and health equity at Virginia Commonwealth University. “This shows that U.S. life expectancy in 2021 was even lower than in 2020,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other high-income countries have seen a rebound in life expectancy, which Woolf says makes the U.S. results, “all the more tragic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most dramatic drops in life expectancy in 2021 was among American Indian and Alaskan Native people. Between 2020 and 2021 the life expectancy for this group fell by almost two years, from 67.1 in 2020 to 65.2 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s horrific,” Woolf says. “The losses in the Native American population have been terrible during the COVID-19 pandemic. And it reflects a lot of barriers that tribal communities face in getting access to care,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White Americans also saw a larger decrease in life expectancy in 2021 than Black and Hispanic Americans. This was the reverse of what happened in 2020 when Hispanic Americans saw a 4 year decline and Black Americans saw a 3 year drop. Life expectancy for white Americans declined by a year in 2021 to 76.4. Black Americans saw a 0.7 year decline to 70.8 years, Hispanic Americans saw a 0.2 year decline to 77.7 years. Asian Americans saw a 0.1 year decline to 83.5 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woolf says the greater drop in life expectancy for white Americans could reflect attitudes in some parts of the country to vaccines and pandemic control measures. The U.S. health care system is fragmented he points out — public health is determined by the states, which means there were 50 different pandemic response plans. The states which were more relaxed about COVID restrictions and have lower vaccination rates saw higher excess deaths during the delta and omicron surges than states which had more aggressive vaccination campaigns, masking and other mitigation requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/19/1098543849/pro-trump-counties-continue-to-suffer-far-higher-covid-death-tolls\">Death rates from COVID-19 in counties that went heavily for Donald Trump saw higher death rates\u003c/a> than counties that favored President Biden, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/19/1098543849/pro-trump-counties-continue-to-suffer-far-higher-covid-death-tolls\">an NPR analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Injuries, heart disease, chronic liver disease and cirrhosis and suicide also contributed to the life expectancy decline. Increases in unintentional injuries in 2021 were largely driven by \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/07/20/1112331075/u-s-death-toll-from-drug-overdoses-is-rising-fast-among-black-and-indigenous-peo\">drug overdose deaths which increased during the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The COVID-19 pandemic has in effect wiped out the health gains that the U.S. has made in the 20th century,” says John Haaga, a member of Maryland’s Commission on Aging. “To have this second year of crash basically wiping out the meager gains made during the century is really pretty shocking,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. has been lagging for years in making improvements in things like heart disease — the country’s number one killer — and the life expectancy gap between the U.S. and other countries has been growing for decades, Haaga says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of much poorer countries do much better than us in life expectancy,” he says. “It’s not genetics, it’s that we have been falling behind for 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Life+expectancy+in+the+U.S.+continues+to+drop%2C+driven+by+COVID-19&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Why Suppressing Wildfires May Be Making the Western Fire Crisis Worse",
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"content": "\u003cp>ASHLAND, Ore. — Jason Fischer watches a firefighting chopper scoop a big bucket of water out of the Klamath River, as it douses hotspots on the McKinney Fire in remote Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flames threatening his sixth-generation cattle farm, Fischer looks across the narrow river canyon at a steep, charred mountainside. All the trees are blackened silhouettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His face twists into a scowl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This whole fire we knew ... it was a bomb,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the forests on the other side of the river burned was the Haystack Fire in 1955.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And after that, they never did anything to manage the land, so all that grew back was brush,\" Fischer says. \"The brush was 10 feet high, so one little spark when it's 113 degrees outside.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fischer's frustration is one you hear a lot in this corner of the West, especially where the timber industry — once mighty — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/12/674612113/rethinking-the-past-in-the-aftermath-of-california-s-deadly-wildfires\">has largely shut down\u003c/a>. The forests are neglected, not being managed, the saying goes. Environmental laws prevent them from being thinned or logged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are tired and worn out from the downturn of the timber industry and the poverty and lack of funds and lack of action,\" says Larry Alexander, director of the Northern California Resource Center in nearby Fort Jones, Calif. \"Then they look up and see everything burn up, and so they get angry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildfires have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nifc.gov/fire-information\">burned about six million acres\u003c/a> of land so far this year, mostly in the West and Alaska. Due to prior forest management decisions, including a century or more of suppressing wildfires, Alexander says many forests are a tinder box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severe drought and prolonged heatwaves — now more common with climate change — have exacerbated the problem. Yet Alexander and other foresters on the ground in Western states say there are finally signs that the needle is starting to move away from full fire suppression and toward more upfront mitigation and prevention work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Really good timing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a ridge, a couple thousand feet above Jason Fischer's farm, Clint Isbell, the fire ecologist for the Klamath National Forest, is looking across at the same forested land with a bit more optimism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We put in these strategic fuel breaks that you can see across the landscape,\" he says, pointing to the west into a brisk wind. \"A lot of them are on ridges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. taxpayers recently paid to bulldoze and clear out these \"strategic fuel breaks,\" which are built with the intention of slowing down a fire before it reaches homes, communities and critical infrastructure such as powerlines. The idea is that firefighters can then try to at least make a stand in places like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A years-long, 10,000-acre hazardous fuels reduction project, including thinning in these rugged mountains and canyons, is ongoing. And to the east, down the mountainside, another federally funded project paid to clear out brush on private land around the perimeter of the town of Yreka, Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remarkably, that last project was completed just three days before the McKinney Fire ignited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Yeah, really good timing,\" Isbell says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency believes this upfront work may have helped firefighters tackle the McKinney Fire, which is believed to have destroyed more than 100 homes and killed four people. But despite fears, it didn't turn into as bad of an inferno as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/08/05/1025127666/paradise-dixie-fire-camp-fire-wildfire-paradise-california\">last summer's Dixie Fire\u003c/a>, which burned more than one million acres in northeastern California, or the\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/20/1099625787/new-mexico-wildfire-sparks-backlash-against-controlled-burns-thats-bad-for-the-w\"> Calf Canyon-Hermits Peak Fire\u003c/a> earlier this year that became the largest in New Mexico's history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We can't do anything about drought, it's climate change,\" says Nickie Johnny, an incident commander who managed the McKinney and Calf Canyon fires this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is growing acknowledgement among veteran managers that these modern wildfires burning amid record heat waves and extreme drought can never be stopped by firefighters alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We just have to figure out how we're going to get out ahead of it or what we're going to do in the aftermath of it,\" Johnny says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recent hot afternoon, as more red flag warnings for extreme fire danger came into effect, Johnny took stock of the conditions that led up to elite teams like hers having to respond to Siskiyou County, Calif., where the McKinney was just one of several fires burning this August. While still too early to assess fully, she suspected some of the upfront mitigation work may have allowed her crews to position in safer places. That allowed them to begin digging a line around the perimeter of parts of the fire, eventually helping to contain it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in extreme drought made worse by climate change, Johnny says preparation work can only go so far. Now the U.S. government and other agencies like Cal Fire have no choice but to throw everything they can at the crisis in the moment. There's just too much at risk, she says, from lives and property to critical watersheds for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, 3,700 firefighters responded to the McKinney Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've been focusing on fire suppression [in California] for the last three years because that's where the need is,\" Johnny says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stopping fires is making things worse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some say we've backed ourselves into this corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters are really good at suppressing almost every wildfire on initial attack, only a few — 3% or less — of ignitions get away and turn into large blazes like McKinney. But every time they stop one, don't they just leave more fuel on the ground for the next fire?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This conundrum is often described as the fire paradox. And there's no easy solution, says forestry professor Andrew Sanchez Meador, who runs the \u003ca href=\"https://eri.nau.edu/\">Ecological Restoration Institute\u003c/a> at Northern Arizona University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It took us 150 years to get into this problem , so it's not a problem we're going to get ourselves out of quickly,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sanchez Meador is encouraged by what he sees is a paradigm shift starting to happen in the nation's hulking firefighting program, sometimes even dubbed the fire-industrial complex. Last year, the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nifc.gov/fire-information/statistics/suppression-costs\">spent a record $4.3 billion\u003c/a> on fire suppression. But there are now tens of millions of federal and state dollars also going toward upfront mitigation work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Allow fires to happen without killing everything \u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just over the mountains from Yreka, Calif., near the historic gold mining town of Jacksonville, Ore., smoke and haze from the McKinney Fire hangs in the air as Rich Fairbanks steers his small pickup up a winding mountain highway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forests with dense stands of trees line the road, up to 300 packed into an acre in places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people that are responsible for the safety of a fire crew, they don't like that at all,\" Fairbanks says looking up toward the dark woods. \" They cannot see that spot fire starting up behind them and maybe trapping their crew.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fairbanks is a retired U.S. Forest Service firefighter who now runs a small forestry company. They got a grant from the new Infrastructure Law that could make a big difference here. Further up the road, crews have already thinned out trees from private land that's peppered with homes and small outbuildings. The trees are stacked in piles awaiting to be burned this Fall when it's cooler and wetter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The idea is to make it so that the fires still happen, but they don't kill everything, and burn people up in their cars for heaven's sakes,\" Fairbanks says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thinning is also intended to create a bigger buffer around this already existing fire break — the highway. Fairbanks says a wildfire is probably inevitable here, but a catastrophic blaze with a chaotic evacuation along this road doesn't have to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This [project] is a good use of tax dollars in my opinion,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone along this road signed up for the free treatments. Fairbanks also is encouraged by what he sees as a paradigm shift in state and federal agencies toward prioritizing work like this, and among Westerners who are starting to understand they have to learn to live with wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some people still don't get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, there are politicians who make hay out of saying, 'They should put out every single fire all the time forever,' which is just really dumb,\" Fairbanks says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For foresters like him, a smarter path is the upfront work like this. It takes longer and doesn't make for dramatic headlines. But it might at least make some of these modern wildfires manageable again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Why+suppressing+wildfires+may+be+making+the+Western+fire+crisis+worse&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>ASHLAND, Ore. — Jason Fischer watches a firefighting chopper scoop a big bucket of water out of the Klamath River, as it douses hotspots on the McKinney Fire in remote Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flames threatening his sixth-generation cattle farm, Fischer looks across the narrow river canyon at a steep, charred mountainside. All the trees are blackened silhouettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His face twists into a scowl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This whole fire we knew ... it was a bomb,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the forests on the other side of the river burned was the Haystack Fire in 1955.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And after that, they never did anything to manage the land, so all that grew back was brush,\" Fischer says. \"The brush was 10 feet high, so one little spark when it's 113 degrees outside.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fischer's frustration is one you hear a lot in this corner of the West, especially where the timber industry — once mighty — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/12/674612113/rethinking-the-past-in-the-aftermath-of-california-s-deadly-wildfires\">has largely shut down\u003c/a>. The forests are neglected, not being managed, the saying goes. Environmental laws prevent them from being thinned or logged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are tired and worn out from the downturn of the timber industry and the poverty and lack of funds and lack of action,\" says Larry Alexander, director of the Northern California Resource Center in nearby Fort Jones, Calif. \"Then they look up and see everything burn up, and so they get angry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildfires have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nifc.gov/fire-information\">burned about six million acres\u003c/a> of land so far this year, mostly in the West and Alaska. Due to prior forest management decisions, including a century or more of suppressing wildfires, Alexander says many forests are a tinder box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severe drought and prolonged heatwaves — now more common with climate change — have exacerbated the problem. Yet Alexander and other foresters on the ground in Western states say there are finally signs that the needle is starting to move away from full fire suppression and toward more upfront mitigation and prevention work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Really good timing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a ridge, a couple thousand feet above Jason Fischer's farm, Clint Isbell, the fire ecologist for the Klamath National Forest, is looking across at the same forested land with a bit more optimism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We put in these strategic fuel breaks that you can see across the landscape,\" he says, pointing to the west into a brisk wind. \"A lot of them are on ridges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. taxpayers recently paid to bulldoze and clear out these \"strategic fuel breaks,\" which are built with the intention of slowing down a fire before it reaches homes, communities and critical infrastructure such as powerlines. The idea is that firefighters can then try to at least make a stand in places like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A years-long, 10,000-acre hazardous fuels reduction project, including thinning in these rugged mountains and canyons, is ongoing. And to the east, down the mountainside, another federally funded project paid to clear out brush on private land around the perimeter of the town of Yreka, Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remarkably, that last project was completed just three days before the McKinney Fire ignited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Yeah, really good timing,\" Isbell says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency believes this upfront work may have helped firefighters tackle the McKinney Fire, which is believed to have destroyed more than 100 homes and killed four people. But despite fears, it didn't turn into as bad of an inferno as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/08/05/1025127666/paradise-dixie-fire-camp-fire-wildfire-paradise-california\">last summer's Dixie Fire\u003c/a>, which burned more than one million acres in northeastern California, or the\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/20/1099625787/new-mexico-wildfire-sparks-backlash-against-controlled-burns-thats-bad-for-the-w\"> Calf Canyon-Hermits Peak Fire\u003c/a> earlier this year that became the largest in New Mexico's history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We can't do anything about drought, it's climate change,\" says Nickie Johnny, an incident commander who managed the McKinney and Calf Canyon fires this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is growing acknowledgement among veteran managers that these modern wildfires burning amid record heat waves and extreme drought can never be stopped by firefighters alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We just have to figure out how we're going to get out ahead of it or what we're going to do in the aftermath of it,\" Johnny says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recent hot afternoon, as more red flag warnings for extreme fire danger came into effect, Johnny took stock of the conditions that led up to elite teams like hers having to respond to Siskiyou County, Calif., where the McKinney was just one of several fires burning this August. While still too early to assess fully, she suspected some of the upfront mitigation work may have allowed her crews to position in safer places. That allowed them to begin digging a line around the perimeter of parts of the fire, eventually helping to contain it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in extreme drought made worse by climate change, Johnny says preparation work can only go so far. Now the U.S. government and other agencies like Cal Fire have no choice but to throw everything they can at the crisis in the moment. There's just too much at risk, she says, from lives and property to critical watersheds for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, 3,700 firefighters responded to the McKinney Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've been focusing on fire suppression [in California] for the last three years because that's where the need is,\" Johnny says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stopping fires is making things worse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some say we've backed ourselves into this corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters are really good at suppressing almost every wildfire on initial attack, only a few — 3% or less — of ignitions get away and turn into large blazes like McKinney. But every time they stop one, don't they just leave more fuel on the ground for the next fire?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This conundrum is often described as the fire paradox. And there's no easy solution, says forestry professor Andrew Sanchez Meador, who runs the \u003ca href=\"https://eri.nau.edu/\">Ecological Restoration Institute\u003c/a> at Northern Arizona University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It took us 150 years to get into this problem , so it's not a problem we're going to get ourselves out of quickly,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sanchez Meador is encouraged by what he sees is a paradigm shift starting to happen in the nation's hulking firefighting program, sometimes even dubbed the fire-industrial complex. Last year, the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nifc.gov/fire-information/statistics/suppression-costs\">spent a record $4.3 billion\u003c/a> on fire suppression. But there are now tens of millions of federal and state dollars also going toward upfront mitigation work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Allow fires to happen without killing everything \u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just over the mountains from Yreka, Calif., near the historic gold mining town of Jacksonville, Ore., smoke and haze from the McKinney Fire hangs in the air as Rich Fairbanks steers his small pickup up a winding mountain highway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forests with dense stands of trees line the road, up to 300 packed into an acre in places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people that are responsible for the safety of a fire crew, they don't like that at all,\" Fairbanks says looking up toward the dark woods. \" They cannot see that spot fire starting up behind them and maybe trapping their crew.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fairbanks is a retired U.S. Forest Service firefighter who now runs a small forestry company. They got a grant from the new Infrastructure Law that could make a big difference here. Further up the road, crews have already thinned out trees from private land that's peppered with homes and small outbuildings. The trees are stacked in piles awaiting to be burned this Fall when it's cooler and wetter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The idea is to make it so that the fires still happen, but they don't kill everything, and burn people up in their cars for heaven's sakes,\" Fairbanks says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thinning is also intended to create a bigger buffer around this already existing fire break — the highway. Fairbanks says a wildfire is probably inevitable here, but a catastrophic blaze with a chaotic evacuation along this road doesn't have to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This [project] is a good use of tax dollars in my opinion,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone along this road signed up for the free treatments. Fairbanks also is encouraged by what he sees as a paradigm shift in state and federal agencies toward prioritizing work like this, and among Westerners who are starting to understand they have to learn to live with wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some people still don't get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, there are politicians who make hay out of saying, 'They should put out every single fire all the time forever,' which is just really dumb,\" Fairbanks says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For foresters like him, a smarter path is the upfront work like this. It takes longer and doesn't make for dramatic headlines. But it might at least make some of these modern wildfires manageable again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Why+suppressing+wildfires+may+be+making+the+Western+fire+crisis+worse&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/24/1118879917/student-loan-forgiveness-biden\">announcement \u003c/a>to forgive up to $10,000 in federal student loan debt and up to $20,000 for Pell Grant recipients has ignited enthusiasm from progressive Democrats lawmakers. But the plan’s high cost has put some moderate Democratic candidates on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wednesday announcement builds on the momentum from Biden’s summer successes of passing major legislation on climate, health care and veterans benefits. And it comes just a few months before the midterm elections — at a time when Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/biden-approval-rating/\">approval rating\u003c/a> has been hovering around 38%, though according to polling from Gallup in the days just before the announcement, he’s enjoying \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/398117/biden-job-rating-rises-highest-year.aspx\">an uptick to 44%, his highest in a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move impacts 43 million borrowers, and particularly targets Black borrowers, who, on average, need to take out more loans to pay for higher education, and take longer to pay it back compared to their white counterparts. Overall, it’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/bidens-move-cancel-student-debt-popular-rcna44658\">politically popular\u003c/a> decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats needed this,” Andre Perry, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, told NPR. “I tend to believe people who deliver policy will win the day. … We’re months away and Biden is building momentum at the right time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans immediately spoke out against student debt forgiveness after Biden’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Biden’s student loan socialism is a slap in the face to every family who sacrificed to save for college, every graduate who paid their debt, and every American who chose a certain career path or volunteered to serve in our Armed Forces in order to avoid taking on debt,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said. “This policy is astonishingly unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has said to Republicans that he won’t apologize for taking steps to help middle- and lower-income Americans. And the White House further pushed their stance with a viral \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/WhiteHouse/status/1562916200866267138?s=20&t=oTidCQB3jvR_hbo4kNUFOw\">tweet thread\u003c/a> posted Thursday night, targeting Republican lawmakers who took out Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans from earlier in the pandemic. Those loans, though, were not designed to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/27/990888476/did-emergency-p-p-p-loans-work-nearly-800-billion-later-we-still-dont-know\">paid back\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the skepticism isn’t just coming from the GOP. Moderate Democrats, particularly those in tight Senate races this year, have also expressed concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohio Senate candidate Rep. Tim Ryan, a Democrat, said Wednesday that the plan sends the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.dispatch.com/story/news/politics/elections/2022/08/24/student-loan-forgiveness-democrat-tim-ryan-criticizes-biden-plan/65418390007/\">wrong message” \u003c/a>to Ohioans who don’t have a college degree. Ryan is up against Trump-backed Republican J.D. Vance in one of the tightest Senate races in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There’s also concern about how much the plan will cost\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another concern is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/25/1119480758/the-economic-arguments-for-and-against-bidens-student-debt-relief-plans\">sheer cost\u003c/a> of forgiving student debt. \u003ca href=\"https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/26/biden-student-loan-forgiveness\">Estimates from the University of Pennsylvania\u003c/a> show the plan could cost around $1 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet, who is up for reelection, said \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/burgessev/status/1562527467273072640?s=20&t=7mKTDasMsh2o3CbyikEBQw\">Wednesday\u003c/a> that the White House should have laid out a more targeted plan, and a way to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While immediate relief to families is important, one-time debt cancellation does not solve the underlying problem,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.bennet.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=9568BC88-E5CA-469A-B22A-2BBFD1B1A364\">Bennet said\u003c/a>. “Moving forward, we need to reform the system that got us here in the first place with solutions to bring down the absurd cost of college. … And we need to continue our work to build career pathways to economic security for every American, including those who choose not to pursue a two or four-year degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennet’s opponent, Joe O’Dea, wrote in an email to supporters: “Joe Biden’s student loan forgiveness scheme doesn’t erase the debt. It puts $300 billion of new debt on the backs of working Americans. The debt is a national crisis. This compounds it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some experts say it’s still a political win for Biden\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite pushback from Republicans and some Democrats, Perry says youth voter turnout due to debt forgiveness will make a critical difference in the election. And he adds the argument that forgiving student loan debt is “unfair” likely won’t cause voters to flip on a candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It certainly energizes young people and people with student loan debt, which also includes many Republicans. I think this will have more of a unifying effect than any negative politics consequences he may face,” Perry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall, it’s a political win for Biden because he’s delivering on his promises, he has a chance to pick up on some moderate Republicans who have debt. … This is a universal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry also says that even groups and lawmakers who are calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/26/1119568495/does-bidens-student-loan-plan-do-enough-for-black-graduates\">more debt cancellation\u003c/a> will have to applaud Biden’s announcement and stay connected to the president, which he says is a “crafty” move from the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Baker, a professor at Southern Methodist University and expert in education policy, said that while there isn’t enough research to say how this debt cancellation policy will play out politically, previous research shows that student loan forgiveness does have a “material improvement” on peoples’ lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that people are more easily able to move around the country, they are earning more money, they are able to reduce the share of defaults that they have on things like credit cards and other types of loans,” Baker said. “It feels like one of the best ways to govern is to try to do things to improve peoples’ lives, and then make sure people know that you did things to improve their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker added that because Biden included more debt forgiveness for Pell Grant recipients in particular, the benefits will extend more to Black and Latinx borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And among some borrowers, it’s providing a bit of hope — and potentially motivation to go to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like a beacon of hope in field of hopelessness when everything else is going wrong,” Sean Wiggs, a junior at UNC Charlotte and a digital strategist for Gen-Z for Change, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Biden’s announcement, Wiggs will have some of his debt forgiven and he says it’s a good first step — and one that he thinks will motivate his peers to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who may have been apathetic about voting saying, hey, if the government actually works for me, then why would I not go and vote? ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Student+loan+forgiveness+is+politically+popular.+But+not+all+Democrats+are+on+board&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/24/1118879917/student-loan-forgiveness-biden\">announcement \u003c/a>to forgive up to $10,000 in federal student loan debt and up to $20,000 for Pell Grant recipients has ignited enthusiasm from progressive Democrats lawmakers. But the plan’s high cost has put some moderate Democratic candidates on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Wednesday announcement builds on the momentum from Biden’s summer successes of passing major legislation on climate, health care and veterans benefits. And it comes just a few months before the midterm elections — at a time when Biden’s \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/biden-approval-rating/\">approval rating\u003c/a> has been hovering around 38%, though according to polling from Gallup in the days just before the announcement, he’s enjoying \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/398117/biden-job-rating-rises-highest-year.aspx\">an uptick to 44%, his highest in a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move impacts 43 million borrowers, and particularly targets Black borrowers, who, on average, need to take out more loans to pay for higher education, and take longer to pay it back compared to their white counterparts. Overall, it’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/bidens-move-cancel-student-debt-popular-rcna44658\">politically popular\u003c/a> decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats needed this,” Andre Perry, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, told NPR. “I tend to believe people who deliver policy will win the day. … We’re months away and Biden is building momentum at the right time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans immediately spoke out against student debt forgiveness after Biden’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Biden’s student loan socialism is a slap in the face to every family who sacrificed to save for college, every graduate who paid their debt, and every American who chose a certain career path or volunteered to serve in our Armed Forces in order to avoid taking on debt,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said. “This policy is astonishingly unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden has said to Republicans that he won’t apologize for taking steps to help middle- and lower-income Americans. And the White House further pushed their stance with a viral \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/WhiteHouse/status/1562916200866267138?s=20&t=oTidCQB3jvR_hbo4kNUFOw\">tweet thread\u003c/a> posted Thursday night, targeting Republican lawmakers who took out Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans from earlier in the pandemic. Those loans, though, were not designed to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/27/990888476/did-emergency-p-p-p-loans-work-nearly-800-billion-later-we-still-dont-know\">paid back\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the skepticism isn’t just coming from the GOP. Moderate Democrats, particularly those in tight Senate races this year, have also expressed concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohio Senate candidate Rep. Tim Ryan, a Democrat, said Wednesday that the plan sends the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.dispatch.com/story/news/politics/elections/2022/08/24/student-loan-forgiveness-democrat-tim-ryan-criticizes-biden-plan/65418390007/\">wrong message” \u003c/a>to Ohioans who don’t have a college degree. Ryan is up against Trump-backed Republican J.D. Vance in one of the tightest Senate races in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>There’s also concern about how much the plan will cost\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another concern is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/25/1119480758/the-economic-arguments-for-and-against-bidens-student-debt-relief-plans\">sheer cost\u003c/a> of forgiving student debt. \u003ca href=\"https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/26/biden-student-loan-forgiveness\">Estimates from the University of Pennsylvania\u003c/a> show the plan could cost around $1 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet, who is up for reelection, said \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/burgessev/status/1562527467273072640?s=20&t=7mKTDasMsh2o3CbyikEBQw\">Wednesday\u003c/a> that the White House should have laid out a more targeted plan, and a way to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While immediate relief to families is important, one-time debt cancellation does not solve the underlying problem,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.bennet.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=9568BC88-E5CA-469A-B22A-2BBFD1B1A364\">Bennet said\u003c/a>. “Moving forward, we need to reform the system that got us here in the first place with solutions to bring down the absurd cost of college. … And we need to continue our work to build career pathways to economic security for every American, including those who choose not to pursue a two or four-year degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennet’s opponent, Joe O’Dea, wrote in an email to supporters: “Joe Biden’s student loan forgiveness scheme doesn’t erase the debt. It puts $300 billion of new debt on the backs of working Americans. The debt is a national crisis. This compounds it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some experts say it’s still a political win for Biden\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite pushback from Republicans and some Democrats, Perry says youth voter turnout due to debt forgiveness will make a critical difference in the election. And he adds the argument that forgiving student loan debt is “unfair” likely won’t cause voters to flip on a candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It certainly energizes young people and people with student loan debt, which also includes many Republicans. I think this will have more of a unifying effect than any negative politics consequences he may face,” Perry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall, it’s a political win for Biden because he’s delivering on his promises, he has a chance to pick up on some moderate Republicans who have debt. … This is a universal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry also says that even groups and lawmakers who are calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/08/26/1119568495/does-bidens-student-loan-plan-do-enough-for-black-graduates\">more debt cancellation\u003c/a> will have to applaud Biden’s announcement and stay connected to the president, which he says is a “crafty” move from the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Baker, a professor at Southern Methodist University and expert in education policy, said that while there isn’t enough research to say how this debt cancellation policy will play out politically, previous research shows that student loan forgiveness does have a “material improvement” on peoples’ lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that people are more easily able to move around the country, they are earning more money, they are able to reduce the share of defaults that they have on things like credit cards and other types of loans,” Baker said. “It feels like one of the best ways to govern is to try to do things to improve peoples’ lives, and then make sure people know that you did things to improve their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker added that because Biden included more debt forgiveness for Pell Grant recipients in particular, the benefits will extend more to Black and Latinx borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And among some borrowers, it’s providing a bit of hope — and potentially motivation to go to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like a beacon of hope in field of hopelessness when everything else is going wrong,” Sean Wiggs, a junior at UNC Charlotte and a digital strategist for Gen-Z for Change, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Biden’s announcement, Wiggs will have some of his debt forgiven and he says it’s a good first step — and one that he thinks will motivate his peers to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who may have been apathetic about voting saying, hey, if the government actually works for me, then why would I not go and vote? ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Student+loan+forgiveness+is+politically+popular.+But+not+all+Democrats+are+on+board&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Biden Is Canceling up to $10K in Student Loans, $20K for Pell Grant Recipients",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"storyMajorUpdateDate\">\u003cstrong>Updated August 24, 2022 at 1:18 PM ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, President Biden announced a sweeping effort to forgive up to $20,000 of federal student loan debt for Pell Grant recipients, and up to $10,000 for other qualifying borrowers. Biden also extended the federal student loan payment pause through Dec. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In keeping with my campaign promise, my Administration is announcing a plan to give working and middle class families breathing room as they prepare to resume federal student loan payments in January 2023,” Biden said in a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/potus/status/1562462774969581570?s=21&t=UJK9CIR6nRX0gqdWgMR-mw\">tweet\u003c/a> on Wednesday.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11923443 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Biden-Student-Debt-1020x678.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona said in a statement, “Today, we’re delivering targeted relief that will help ensure borrowers are not placed in a worse position financially because of the pandemic, and restore trust in a system that should be creating opportunity, not a debt trap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the $10,000 forgiveness, individual borrowers must earn less than $125,000 a year, or less than $250,000 a year for couples. To qualify for the $20,000 forgiveness, borrowers must meet those income requirements and must have received a Pell Grant in college. Pell Grants are designed to \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/understand-aid/types/grants/pell\">help low-income students\u003c/a> pay for higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Education estimates that, among borrowers who are no longer in school, nearly 90% of relief dollars will go to those earning less than $75,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 43 million borrowers will benefit, and 20 million will have their debt completely canceled, according to a senior administration official. The White House said more than 60% of current federal student loan borrowers also received Pell Grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/NPR/status/1562472935138664448\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to benefit from this announcement, most borrowers will have to submit an application to verify their income. The Education Department said nearly 8 million borrowers already have income information on file, and should qualify to have their debts canceled automatically. The department will announce further details on how borrowers can claim this relief in the weeks ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some borrowers are celebrating, others hoped for more\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many borrowers are celebrating Biden’s announcement: Giselle Parks of Orlando, Florida, expects to have her $5,000 in student loan debt completely erased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"student-loans\"]“Holy cow,” she said. “Holy cow… I need to tell my family immediately!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trianna Downing in D.C. said she was in shock. “I can’t even process it yet… At first I was, like, dancing, and then I was like, wait, should I log into my account and see if it actually happened?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downing expects her debts to drop from $16,000 to $6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some higher-debt borrowers were left disappointed, especially after a group of House and Senate Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.warren.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/warren-schumer-pressley-colleagues-president-biden-can-and-should-use-executive-action-to-cancel-up-to-50000-in-federal-student-loan-debt-immediately\">had called on Biden\u003c/a> to cancel $50,000 in federal student debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to be excited about it,” says Briana Ford of Columbia, S.C. She owes almost $60,000 in student loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t give it back, but it’s hard to be excited about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans aren’t too excited either. They’ve long argued against broad-based loan forgiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a slap in the face to those who never went to college, as well as borrowers who upheld their responsibility to taxpayers and paid back their loans,” said Rep. Virginia Foxx of North Carolina, the top Republican on the House Education Committee, in a Tuesday night statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many economists and higher education experts also opposed the move, arguing that widespread debt cancellation would do nothing to fix the rising costs of college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.crfb.org/blogs/means-testing-student-debt-cancellation-still-costly-and-regressive\">In a May analysis\u003c/a>, the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget estimated a policy like the one Biden announced would cost at least $230 billion, and warned that even income limits “would do almost nothing to alleviate the central issues with the policy, namely that it is regressive, inflationary, expensive, and would likely do more to increase the cost of higher education going forward than to reduce it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it make inflation worse?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts have expressed concern that broad-based student loan forgiveness would exacerbate inflation, which is already one of Biden’s greatest political weaknesses heading into this fall’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Student loan debt relief is spending that raises demand and increases inflation,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LHSummers/status/1561701544600428545?s=20&t=_cyMqGhYgwtjk-FRQ0undQ\">tweeted\u003c/a> former U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It consumes resources that could be better used helping those who did not, for whatever reason, have the chance to attend college. It will also tend to be inflationary by raising tuitions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summers’ opposition stirred considerable dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to tell a pretty bizarre story about expectations in order for loan forgiveness to boost inflation,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/dynarski/status/1562219895240237057\">responded\u003c/a> Susan Dynarski, an economist and professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one has been making student loan payments for two years. Forgiveness will *not* increase cash flow to borrowers right now. That increase in available cash happened *2 years ago* when payments were suspended.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Borrowers have been waiting years for loan forgiveness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The loan forgiveness announcement comes more than two years after then-presidential candidate Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/JoeBiden/status/1241869418981920769?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1241869418981920769%7Ctwgr%5Ef647c8db378a99325f87dac930be8cb62765aa1e%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2021%2F12%2F07%2F1062070001%2Fstudent-loan-forgiveness-debt-president-biden-campaign-promise\">pledged to cancel\u003c/a> at least $10,000 in federal student loans. The pledge has followed the administration since. Wednesday’s move comes after several extensions to the student loan moratorium, and attempts by some Democrats to expand forgiveness from the original plan to $50,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/17/1104920545/poll-student-loan-forgiveness\">NPR/Ipsos poll\u003c/a> found a majority of the general public (55%) supported forgiving up to $10,000 of a person’s federal student loan debt. But the more generous the relief, the more that support narrowed. Forty-seven percent of all respondents said they supported forgiving up to $50,000 in debt, while 41% expressed support for wiping the slate completely clean for all borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for debt relief was, not surprisingly, higher among borrowers themselves. But when asked to choose between debt forgiveness and addressing the high cost of college, an overwhelming majority — borrowers and non-borrowers alike — said addressing the rising cost of college was most important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+is+canceling+up+to+%2410K+in+student+loans%2C+%2420K+for+Pell+Grant+recipients&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cdiv class=\"storyMajorUpdateDate\">\u003cstrong>Updated August 24, 2022 at 1:18 PM ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, President Biden announced a sweeping effort to forgive up to $20,000 of federal student loan debt for Pell Grant recipients, and up to $10,000 for other qualifying borrowers. Biden also extended the federal student loan payment pause through Dec. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In keeping with my campaign promise, my Administration is announcing a plan to give working and middle class families breathing room as they prepare to resume federal student loan payments in January 2023,” Biden said in a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/potus/status/1562462774969581570?s=21&t=UJK9CIR6nRX0gqdWgMR-mw\">tweet\u003c/a> on Wednesday.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona said in a statement, “Today, we’re delivering targeted relief that will help ensure borrowers are not placed in a worse position financially because of the pandemic, and restore trust in a system that should be creating opportunity, not a debt trap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the $10,000 forgiveness, individual borrowers must earn less than $125,000 a year, or less than $250,000 a year for couples. To qualify for the $20,000 forgiveness, borrowers must meet those income requirements and must have received a Pell Grant in college. Pell Grants are designed to \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/understand-aid/types/grants/pell\">help low-income students\u003c/a> pay for higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Education estimates that, among borrowers who are no longer in school, nearly 90% of relief dollars will go to those earning less than $75,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 43 million borrowers will benefit, and 20 million will have their debt completely canceled, according to a senior administration official. The White House said more than 60% of current federal student loan borrowers also received Pell Grants.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>In order to benefit from this announcement, most borrowers will have to submit an application to verify their income. The Education Department said nearly 8 million borrowers already have income information on file, and should qualify to have their debts canceled automatically. The department will announce further details on how borrowers can claim this relief in the weeks ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some borrowers are celebrating, others hoped for more\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many borrowers are celebrating Biden’s announcement: Giselle Parks of Orlando, Florida, expects to have her $5,000 in student loan debt completely erased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Holy cow,” she said. “Holy cow… I need to tell my family immediately!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trianna Downing in D.C. said she was in shock. “I can’t even process it yet… At first I was, like, dancing, and then I was like, wait, should I log into my account and see if it actually happened?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downing expects her debts to drop from $16,000 to $6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some higher-debt borrowers were left disappointed, especially after a group of House and Senate Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.warren.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/warren-schumer-pressley-colleagues-president-biden-can-and-should-use-executive-action-to-cancel-up-to-50000-in-federal-student-loan-debt-immediately\">had called on Biden\u003c/a> to cancel $50,000 in federal student debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to be excited about it,” says Briana Ford of Columbia, S.C. She owes almost $60,000 in student loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t give it back, but it’s hard to be excited about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans aren’t too excited either. They’ve long argued against broad-based loan forgiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a slap in the face to those who never went to college, as well as borrowers who upheld their responsibility to taxpayers and paid back their loans,” said Rep. Virginia Foxx of North Carolina, the top Republican on the House Education Committee, in a Tuesday night statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many economists and higher education experts also opposed the move, arguing that widespread debt cancellation would do nothing to fix the rising costs of college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.crfb.org/blogs/means-testing-student-debt-cancellation-still-costly-and-regressive\">In a May analysis\u003c/a>, the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget estimated a policy like the one Biden announced would cost at least $230 billion, and warned that even income limits “would do almost nothing to alleviate the central issues with the policy, namely that it is regressive, inflationary, expensive, and would likely do more to increase the cost of higher education going forward than to reduce it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it make inflation worse?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts have expressed concern that broad-based student loan forgiveness would exacerbate inflation, which is already one of Biden’s greatest political weaknesses heading into this fall’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Student loan debt relief is spending that raises demand and increases inflation,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LHSummers/status/1561701544600428545?s=20&t=_cyMqGhYgwtjk-FRQ0undQ\">tweeted\u003c/a> former U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It consumes resources that could be better used helping those who did not, for whatever reason, have the chance to attend college. It will also tend to be inflationary by raising tuitions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summers’ opposition stirred considerable dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to tell a pretty bizarre story about expectations in order for loan forgiveness to boost inflation,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/dynarski/status/1562219895240237057\">responded\u003c/a> Susan Dynarski, an economist and professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one has been making student loan payments for two years. Forgiveness will *not* increase cash flow to borrowers right now. That increase in available cash happened *2 years ago* when payments were suspended.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Borrowers have been waiting years for loan forgiveness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The loan forgiveness announcement comes more than two years after then-presidential candidate Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/JoeBiden/status/1241869418981920769?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1241869418981920769%7Ctwgr%5Ef647c8db378a99325f87dac930be8cb62765aa1e%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2021%2F12%2F07%2F1062070001%2Fstudent-loan-forgiveness-debt-president-biden-campaign-promise\">pledged to cancel\u003c/a> at least $10,000 in federal student loans. The pledge has followed the administration since. Wednesday’s move comes after several extensions to the student loan moratorium, and attempts by some Democrats to expand forgiveness from the original plan to $50,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/17/1104920545/poll-student-loan-forgiveness\">NPR/Ipsos poll\u003c/a> found a majority of the general public (55%) supported forgiving up to $10,000 of a person’s federal student loan debt. But the more generous the relief, the more that support narrowed. Forty-seven percent of all respondents said they supported forgiving up to $50,000 in debt, while 41% expressed support for wiping the slate completely clean for all borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for debt relief was, not surprisingly, higher among borrowers themselves. But when asked to choose between debt forgiveness and addressing the high cost of college, an overwhelming majority — borrowers and non-borrowers alike — said addressing the rising cost of college was most important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+is+canceling+up+to+%2410K+in+student+loans%2C+%2420K+for+Pell+Grant+recipients&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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},
"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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