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"content": "\u003cp>Presidential challengers hoping to glide to victory through California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/californian-influence-presidential-primary-early-march-3-harris/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">newly relevant primary\u003c/a>, a heads-up: Your electoral fate may hinge on convincing enough left-leaning millennials to send postcards over the holiday season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welcome to the quirk-filled world of California election law. Here, voters without a registered political party can participate in the Democratic Party’s “open” presidential primary—but only if they ask for the right ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who vote the old-fashioned way, in person at the polls, can simply request their presidential ballot of choice on the spot. But for those who vote by mail (now a majority of the state’s electorate), that request takes a remarkably analog form: a postcard signed and sent to the county registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters skip that step, the section of their ballot reserved for presidential candidates will be blank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Very few independent voters know that they have to do something to get the presidential ballot,” said Paul Mitchell of Political Data Inc., which analyzes electoral data for campaigns. He predicts the status quo could disenfranchise a million would-be presidential voters in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As political independents and absentee voters make up an increasing share of the California electorate—one disproportionately made up of non-white and young voters—that could leave a large, perhaps determinative, portion of the electorate confused and left out of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pending legislation by Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, a Democrat from San Diego, won’t necessarily make the process easier, but it aims to at least ensure that voters get plenty of advance notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB681\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bill AB 681\u003c/a> would require county election officials to send three notifications to registered voters reminding them which party they’re registered with—and if they’re registered with no party preference but want to vote in a party’s presidential primary, that they’ll need to request that party’s ballot. (Assuming their party of choice allows them to; more about that below.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='election-2020' label='more on the 2020 election'] Currently, county officials are required to send only one notification, a postcard asking independent voters if they want a “crossover” ballot. Given the timing of California’s March 3 primary, that reminder is likely to hit most voters’ mailboxes in November or December—squeezed between all the holiday cards, catalogs and bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Democrats a supermajority in the Legislature, the bill is now in the Senate after sailing through the Assembly, despite almost every Republican voting no. No one argued against the idea, but GOP legislators were unconvinced that the price tag for the extra postcards—pegged in the low tens of millions of dollars—was a worthy state expense, not to mention that it might pump up participation among those less likely to vote conservative on the rest of the ballot. The League of Women Voters expressed support, noting that “voter confusion suppresses turnout, feeds a false narrative of unfairness or fraud, and destabilizes the electoral system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with the Democrats, the American Independent, Green, Libertarian and Peace and Freedom parties have traditionally allowed non-affiliated voters to participate in their presidential primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for over a decade, the Republican Party has been more exclusive: It has allowed only registered Republicans to cast ballots in its presidential contest. Independents who want to vote either for or against President Donald Trump in the 2020 primary will likely need to change their party affiliation to Republican. (The parties will make a formal decision about how to conduct their primaries later this year.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The particular voting bloc that California omits by default from its presidential primary could be crucial this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No party preference voters (that’s election-speak for political independents) now make up the second largest political affiliation in the state, behind Democrats. They’re also by far the fastest growing group. That’s especially true since last year when the state began \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-dmv-voter-registration/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">automatically registering Californians\u003c/a> to vote when they applied for a driver’s license—with no party as the default choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, an expanding majority of California voters now vote by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/voter-visualization/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 3.6 million\u003c/a> independent permanent “absentee ballot” voters in the state, or roughly 18% of all registered voters, according to Political Data Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Political data analyst Paul Mitchell']‘Very few independent voters know that they have to do something to get the presidential ballot.’[/pullquote] In 2016, Mitchell \u003ca href=\"https://capitolweekly.net/ca120-confusion-lurks-primary-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conducted a survey\u003c/a> that found 88% percent of this type of voter saying they intended to participate in the presidential primary, with the vast majority saying they intended to vote in the Democratic race. But a majority did not know that they had to specifically request a ballot to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, in a follow-up poll after Election Day, he found that 45% of surveyed independent voters who cast their ballots by mail said that they wanted to vote in the Democratic primary but were unable to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County Clerk Gail Pellerin saw the fallout first hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She heard from plenty of confused and angry voters on Election Day when many voters opened their mail-in ballots for the first time, only to discover that they hadn’t been given an option to vote in the most eagerly watched contest of all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was also sued. A voter registered with the far-right American Independent Party (but who, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-road-map-american-independent-party-20180330-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">like many American Independents\u003c/a> in the state, mistakenly believed she was a non-affiliated voter) requested a Democratic ballot at her polling station on Election Day and was denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She sued and the judge ruled in her favor and allowed us to go ahead and count her vote for a party candidate, so that was cool,” said Pellerin. “I always tell people they can sue me, and she actually took me up on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellerin said now that California allows same-day voter registration, litigation would no longer be necessary in that situation, since an erroneously registered American Independent will be able to switch affiliation to a lowercase “i” independent on the spot. But those voting by mail at the last minute will have a tougher time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='voting-rights' label='the right to choose']If past voting behavior is any indication, turning out a younger, less-white, less-consistently engaged contingent of voters will benefit Democratic candidates on the left. In 2016, a group of political independents backing Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacermonitor.com/public/case/11502736/Voting_Rights_Defense_Project_v_Padilla_et_al\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sued the state\u003c/a> for denying them the ability to vote in the state’s primary. They lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As things stand now, “if you’re not a hyper-aware voter, you might miss being able to vote for Democrats in one of the most exciting elections of a generation,” said Adriel Hampton, a political consultant who works with progressive candidates. “This bill does go a long way in helping address some of the problems we saw in the 2016 primary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not far enough for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chad Peace, a legal strategist for the Independent Voter Project, which promotes nonpartisan elections, said providing voters with more information would not fix the underlying problem. Unaffiliated voters still would have “a significantly more difficult time participating” in the political process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His solution: Rather than giving independents a blank presidential primary ballot by default, offer them a “public ballot” with all the candidates of all major parties listed together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a proposal that would make the California presidential primary look much more like the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/democratic-dread-party-tries-to-keep-californias-odd-election-rules-from-denying-them-the-u-s-house/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">top two primary system\u003c/a> used for other federal and state races across California. But it would also run afoul of the primary rules set by the national parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So be it, said Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state should not be “subject to any consideration about a private national party’s rules in determining how they’re going to create a process that works for the voters,” he said. He added that the Independent Voter Project plans to sue the state “relatively soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political Data’s Mitchell called such a “public ballot” a “clean” solution, but one that risks creating a conflict between California and the national parties, with the national parties threatening not to accept the state’s votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think anyone wants to play chicken with millions of California voters’ votes,” he said. “But the flipside is you’re probably going to have a million voters who are going to be disenfranchised in 2020 in the primary.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Currently, county officials are required to send only one notification, a postcard asking independent voters if they want a “crossover” ballot. Given the timing of California’s March 3 primary, that reminder is likely to hit most voters’ mailboxes in November or December—squeezed between all the holiday cards, catalogs and bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Democrats a supermajority in the Legislature, the bill is now in the Senate after sailing through the Assembly, despite almost every Republican voting no. No one argued against the idea, but GOP legislators were unconvinced that the price tag for the extra postcards—pegged in the low tens of millions of dollars—was a worthy state expense, not to mention that it might pump up participation among those less likely to vote conservative on the rest of the ballot. The League of Women Voters expressed support, noting that “voter confusion suppresses turnout, feeds a false narrative of unfairness or fraud, and destabilizes the electoral system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with the Democrats, the American Independent, Green, Libertarian and Peace and Freedom parties have traditionally allowed non-affiliated voters to participate in their presidential primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for over a decade, the Republican Party has been more exclusive: It has allowed only registered Republicans to cast ballots in its presidential contest. Independents who want to vote either for or against President Donald Trump in the 2020 primary will likely need to change their party affiliation to Republican. (The parties will make a formal decision about how to conduct their primaries later this year.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The particular voting bloc that California omits by default from its presidential primary could be crucial this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No party preference voters (that’s election-speak for political independents) now make up the second largest political affiliation in the state, behind Democrats. They’re also by far the fastest growing group. That’s especially true since last year when the state began \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-dmv-voter-registration/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">automatically registering Californians\u003c/a> to vote when they applied for a driver’s license—with no party as the default choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, an expanding majority of California voters now vote by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.politicaldata.com/voter-visualization/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nearly 3.6 million\u003c/a> independent permanent “absentee ballot” voters in the state, or roughly 18% of all registered voters, according to Political Data Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> In 2016, Mitchell \u003ca href=\"https://capitolweekly.net/ca120-confusion-lurks-primary-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">conducted a survey\u003c/a> that found 88% percent of this type of voter saying they intended to participate in the presidential primary, with the vast majority saying they intended to vote in the Democratic race. But a majority did not know that they had to specifically request a ballot to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, in a follow-up poll after Election Day, he found that 45% of surveyed independent voters who cast their ballots by mail said that they wanted to vote in the Democratic primary but were unable to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County Clerk Gail Pellerin saw the fallout first hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She heard from plenty of confused and angry voters on Election Day when many voters opened their mail-in ballots for the first time, only to discover that they hadn’t been given an option to vote in the most eagerly watched contest of all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was also sued. A voter registered with the far-right American Independent Party (but who, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-road-map-american-independent-party-20180330-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">like many American Independents\u003c/a> in the state, mistakenly believed she was a non-affiliated voter) requested a Democratic ballot at her polling station on Election Day and was denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She sued and the judge ruled in her favor and allowed us to go ahead and count her vote for a party candidate, so that was cool,” said Pellerin. “I always tell people they can sue me, and she actually took me up on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellerin said now that California allows same-day voter registration, litigation would no longer be necessary in that situation, since an erroneously registered American Independent will be able to switch affiliation to a lowercase “i” independent on the spot. But those voting by mail at the last minute will have a tougher time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If past voting behavior is any indication, turning out a younger, less-white, less-consistently engaged contingent of voters will benefit Democratic candidates on the left. In 2016, a group of political independents backing Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacermonitor.com/public/case/11502736/Voting_Rights_Defense_Project_v_Padilla_et_al\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sued the state\u003c/a> for denying them the ability to vote in the state’s primary. They lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As things stand now, “if you’re not a hyper-aware voter, you might miss being able to vote for Democrats in one of the most exciting elections of a generation,” said Adriel Hampton, a political consultant who works with progressive candidates. “This bill does go a long way in helping address some of the problems we saw in the 2016 primary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not far enough for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chad Peace, a legal strategist for the Independent Voter Project, which promotes nonpartisan elections, said providing voters with more information would not fix the underlying problem. Unaffiliated voters still would have “a significantly more difficult time participating” in the political process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His solution: Rather than giving independents a blank presidential primary ballot by default, offer them a “public ballot” with all the candidates of all major parties listed together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a proposal that would make the California presidential primary look much more like the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/democratic-dread-party-tries-to-keep-californias-odd-election-rules-from-denying-them-the-u-s-house/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">top two primary system\u003c/a> used for other federal and state races across California. But it would also run afoul of the primary rules set by the national parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So be it, said Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state should not be “subject to any consideration about a private national party’s rules in determining how they’re going to create a process that works for the voters,” he said. He added that the Independent Voter Project plans to sue the state “relatively soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political Data’s Mitchell called such a “public ballot” a “clean” solution, but one that risks creating a conflict between California and the national parties, with the national parties threatening not to accept the state’s votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think anyone wants to play chicken with millions of California voters’ votes,” he said. “But the flipside is you’re probably going to have a million voters who are going to be disenfranchised in 2020 in the primary.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last December, Brighid FitzGibbon’s son, Evan, entered a catatonic state. Acute psychosis had hit suddenly a few weeks earlier, toward the end of fall semester of his sophomore year at Bard College in upstate New York. Gripped by terrifying delusions, his body began to shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FitzGibbon and her husband, Taylor, rushed their 20-year-old son to a hospital in Sonoma County, where they live. An acquaintance told them about a promising program for young people experiencing early psychosis. But the family quickly discovered a problem: the program didn’t exist in their county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, geography creates significant barriers to people getting early psychosis treatment, as it does for array of other evidence-based mental health treatments. That’s partly because California’s 58 counties have 58 different public mental health programs, each with their own set of covered services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='mental-health' label='more on mental health']“If you get on a bus in Northern California and take it to Southern California, you get different services depending on where you step out,” said Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, a lobbying group for the state’s hospitals. “That’s just inequitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Tom Insel, whom Gov. Gavin Newsom recently appointed as his top mental health advisor, has likened the fragmented system to playing the piano with \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/if-you-think-the-system-works-youre-dead-wrong-a-discussion-on-californias-mental-health-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">58 fingers\u003c/a>\u003c/u>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no central leadership, really,” said Insel, the former director of the National Institute of Mental Health. “If you ask, ‘What are the counties trying to accomplish? What are their goals? What is their North Star?’ I can’t tell you that. There’s a North Star in L.A. County, in San Mateo, in Alameda. They’re not the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insel and many other mental health experts say California offers too little guidance and oversight to ensure fair access to mental health treatment, missing opportunities to spread best practices from individual counties statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wants the state to identify specific goals for mental health outcomes, such as reducing suicides and the incarceration of people with mental illness. He also wants the state to help counties achieve those goals. Among his top priorities: early psychosis intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For most kids who can get that kind of treatment soon after the onset, they’ll do quite well,” Insel said. “They can go on to really have a life that does not happen today with a diagnosis of schizophrenia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap]bout 100,000 adolescents and young adults nationwide experience first-episode psychosis each year, \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/schizophrenia/raise/fact-sheet-first-episode-psychosis.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to federal figures\u003c/a>\u003c/u>—and three out of 100 people will experience psychosis at some point in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, policymakers and mental health providers have grown enthusiastic about early psychosis intervention programs, which typically involve intensive counseling, psychiatric treatment and peer and family support, with trained providers working closely together to coordinate each patient’s care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the federal government set aside 10% of states’ Community Mental Health Block Grants for early psychosis programming; in California, that totals $9.5 million. Legislators this year have proposed allocating $20 million for early psychosis programming in California’s new budget, which is $5 million less than the governor sought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756756\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11756756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Dennison17_1-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"350\" height=\"525\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Dennison17_1-400x600.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Dennison17_1-400x600-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christine Marie Frey, 18, attended an early psychosis program in San Diego after she began to hear demons as a 12-year-old. She’s the author of “Brain XP: Living with Mental Illness, A Young Teenager’s Perspective.” \u003ccite>(Family photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Done right, research shows, the programs can dramatically help young people experiencing psychotic symptoms, with lasting benefits. The converse is also true: The longer psychosis goes untreated, the worse the outcome. People with an initial diagnosis of psychosis are approximately \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/fullarticle/2670697\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">eight times\u003c/a>\u003c/u> as likely to die during the year following their diagnosis as people in the general population. The cause is often suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to one national study, clients in early psychosis programs stay in treatment longer, experience fewer symptoms are more involved in work or school, compared with patients in other care settings—provided they get into treatment fast. \u003ca href=\"https://ajp.psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.ajp.2017.17050480\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A Canadian study\u003c/a> published last year in the American Journal of Psychiatry showed that people who participated in early psychosis intervention after their first episode were four times less likely to die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the United States, on average, individuals experiencing psychosis went without treatment for 74 weeks. Other countries have dramatically reduced this number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Marie Frey, now 18, attended a program in San Diego after she began to hear demons as a 12-year-old. It offered personal and occupational therapy, as well as help with mindfulness, medication and school. Frey found comfort in talking with peers in similar circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They helped me realize, not just how to cope—they helped me feel like my own self again,” she said. “I went in there ready to give up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early psychosis interventions can target young people with symptoms that put them at high risk for psychosis, or those who have had their first experience of psychosis. Those in the first group might hear whispers and wonder if their brain is playing tricks on them; the second group is more likely to believe the voices are real.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, only about two dozen counties have early psychosis programs. Most lack the money or capacity to make them available to all county residents. Often, the only people eligible are those without insurance or on Medi-Cal for low-income Californians, though in some cases private insurers pay for patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]G[/dropcap]rowing up, Evan had always been a strong student, and a talented musician and athlete, his mother said. But as he approached the end of his fall sophomore semester, he became increasingly worried about choosing a major and meeting music deadlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several nights, he stopped sleeping. On his 20\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> birthday, a friend rushed him to the emergency room. He received medication to help him sleep, but continued to get worse. His father raced across the country to bring him back to Sebastopol, assuming the comfort of home would help. Then the delusions started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his parents heard about the early psychosis program, they said they begged their insurance provider, Kaiser Permanente, for a referral, but Kaiser refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Dr. Sameer Awsare, associate executive director of Kaiser’s Northern California medical group, said Kaiser is not simply an ‘insurer’” that pays for outside services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kaiser Permanente is an integrated health care system that provides expert, evidence-based medical care for our members, including in the area of psychosis,” Awsare said. He added that Kaiser follows federal “best practices” for cognitive behavioral treatment of psychosis and multi-family group treatment, and when clinically appropriate, Kaiser does refer members to outside programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited patient confidentiality in declining to discuss Evan’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756762\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11756762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-1200x750.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-1920x1200.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brighid Fitzgibbon with her son, Evan, who was a sophomore at Bard College when acute psychosis hit. \u003ccite>(Penni Gladstone/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Evan’s parents didn’t feel that what they said Kaiser was offering—a general intensive outpatient program in which most patients didn’t have psychosis, a meeting with a psychiatrist every few weeks, and therapy every week or so—was enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Evan’s father drove him every week or so to the UC Davis Early Diagnosis and Preventive Treatment Clinic, a state-of-the-art program in Sacramento. The drive was about four hours round-trip, and the family paid thousands of dollars for his care, with the help of a GoFundMe account set up by his elementary school teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evan stabilized and began to improve, his mother said. But the long drives wore on her son and his father, who had severe back pain. And the out-of-pocket costs became prohibitive. Coming from so far away, it was difficult for Evan to participate in the peer groups. Although Brighid FitzGibbon said they would have liked to continue, they made the difficult choice to stop a few months into the program in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know,” said FitzGibbon, whose son gave permission for her to share his story. “It’s just disheartening to see how broken the system is. I think we did the best we could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]B[/dropcap]ill Carter, who recently became Sonoma County’s mental health director, said he is committed to bringing an early psychosis program there, calling it “one of the best things going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the kind of thing we in the mental health field have been waiting for,” he said. “Historically, schizophrenia and other thought disorders have the potential really just to ravage someone’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter previously worked for the California Institute of Mental Health, leading efforts to disseminate evidence-based practices, including early psychosis treatment. He also served as mental health director of Napa County, which beginning in 2014 has made early psychosis treatment available to any county resident who needed it, regardless of insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sonoma County mental health director Bill Carter']‘Historically, schizophrenia and other thought disorders have the potential really just to ravage someone’s life.’[/pullquote]Napa managed this in part due to funding from One Mind, a nonprofit founded by the local Staglin family, whose son, Brandon, recovered from schizophrenia in the 1990s and is now the president. The Napa program also receives support from local vintners, a large charity auction and a variety of federal and state funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite Carter’s commitment to bringing early psychosis programming to Sonoma County, he has encountered significant obstacles. After 2017’s wildfires, the county is facing huge budget shortfalls—and making steep cuts to mental health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Convincing the public to invest significantly in a prevention program for relatively few people is challenging, Carter said, especially when so many very sick people are going without care. He’d prefer that the state provide centralized leadership and support to help counties fund and build early psychosis programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hy doesn’t that exist? Why do 58 counties do things 58 ways? By design. Back in 1991, the state faced a budget crisis, and in a process known as “realignment,” it shifted responsibility for mental health delivery to counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also assigned counties dedicated funding from sales taxes and vehicle license fees, creating formulas based on how much each county was spending at the time. Over the years, these funds have neither kept pace with need nor been adjusted to account for changing populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2004, California voters passed the Mental Health Services Act initiative, levying a tax on the state’s millionaires. It has pumped in about \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/act\">$15 billio\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/act\">n more for mental health\u003c/a>\u003c/u>, which the stated doles out to counties to promote flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties say they need to be nimble. In a state as vast and varied as California, the issues facing rural Trinity County differ from those of urban Los Angeles. But the approach has disadvantages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='kaiser-permanente-mental-health' label='mental healthcare access']“There’s not necessarily rhyme or reason to why a county chooses to provide some services and not others,” said Sheree Lowe, vice president of behavioral health for the California Hospital Association. “The best way to describe it is, it’s a broken delivery system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the state needs, Lowe contends, is core services available in every community. Now, she says, the state doesn’t track what services are provided in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, the state shuttered its Department of Mental Health, and moved many of its staff members to the Department of Health Care Services. Some feel the move further sidelined mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think counties have been cast adrift, really,” said Randall Hagar, government relations director for the California Psychiatric Association, which represents the interests of the state’s psychiatrists. “I would agree with the assessment that there is still no state leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t true everywhere. Oregon has a comprehensive, state-run early psychosis program. New York state created \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ontrackny.org/\">OnTrackNY,\u003c/a>\u003c/u> a state-led effort to provide coordinated early psychosis care to young people. Dr. Insel said he would like to see California implement a similar effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]M[/dropcap]any people see hope for the future of early psychosis intervention in California because of the UC Davis clinic that Brighid FitzGibbon’s son Evan attended—and its director, Tara Niendam. In 2008, Dr. Cameron Carter, a prominent psychiatrist with a strong interest in early psychosis, recruited her to the Sacramento clinic he’d founded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the staff includes psychiatrists, therapists, a family advocate and a specialist in education and employment, as well as a worker dedicated to meeting patients’ social needs, such as housing. Patients participate in peer and family support groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Too often, Niendam says, individuals “just float around in our system receiving sometimes inadequate care.” Effective mental health care doesn’t simply make symptoms go away, she said. It gives individuals and families the tools to pursue meaningful lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s more than a pill can do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clinic’s patients, Meheretab — who asked that his last name not be used — began attending Niendam’s clinic after suicidal thoughts and hallucinations. Meheretab, who has Medi-Cal, said the infrequent treatment he was receiving through Kaiser wasn’t working. Niendam’s clinic felt safe. With a combination of medication, counseling, job support and a peer group, he said, his depression subsided and the hallucinations ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’m in a better place right now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niendam helped Napa and Solano counties start early psychosis programs and is currently doing the same with Yolo County. Small counties can struggle to hire and train the staff necessary for a full early psychosis program, so she is developing a way for them to contract with larger counties or use telemedicine. She wants to expand the treatment model statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching people who have been hospitalized 10 times return to school or hold a fulltime job, and showing them they can recover, “are the things that keep me going every day,” she said. “It’s game-changing for everyone. It’s super exciting to be part of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last December, Brighid FitzGibbon’s son, Evan, entered a catatonic state. Acute psychosis had hit suddenly a few weeks earlier, toward the end of fall semester of his sophomore year at Bard College in upstate New York. Gripped by terrifying delusions, his body began to shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FitzGibbon and her husband, Taylor, rushed their 20-year-old son to a hospital in Sonoma County, where they live. An acquaintance told them about a promising program for young people experiencing early psychosis. But the family quickly discovered a problem: the program didn’t exist in their county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, geography creates significant barriers to people getting early psychosis treatment, as it does for array of other evidence-based mental health treatments. That’s partly because California’s 58 counties have 58 different public mental health programs, each with their own set of covered services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you get on a bus in Northern California and take it to Southern California, you get different services depending on where you step out,” said Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, a lobbying group for the state’s hospitals. “That’s just inequitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Tom Insel, whom Gov. Gavin Newsom recently appointed as his top mental health advisor, has likened the fragmented system to playing the piano with \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/if-you-think-the-system-works-youre-dead-wrong-a-discussion-on-californias-mental-health-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">58 fingers\u003c/a>\u003c/u>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no central leadership, really,” said Insel, the former director of the National Institute of Mental Health. “If you ask, ‘What are the counties trying to accomplish? What are their goals? What is their North Star?’ I can’t tell you that. There’s a North Star in L.A. County, in San Mateo, in Alameda. They’re not the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insel and many other mental health experts say California offers too little guidance and oversight to ensure fair access to mental health treatment, missing opportunities to spread best practices from individual counties statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wants the state to identify specific goals for mental health outcomes, such as reducing suicides and the incarceration of people with mental illness. He also wants the state to help counties achieve those goals. Among his top priorities: early psychosis intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For most kids who can get that kind of treatment soon after the onset, they’ll do quite well,” Insel said. “They can go on to really have a life that does not happen today with a diagnosis of schizophrenia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>bout 100,000 adolescents and young adults nationwide experience first-episode psychosis each year, \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/schizophrenia/raise/fact-sheet-first-episode-psychosis.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to federal figures\u003c/a>\u003c/u>—and three out of 100 people will experience psychosis at some point in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, policymakers and mental health providers have grown enthusiastic about early psychosis intervention programs, which typically involve intensive counseling, psychiatric treatment and peer and family support, with trained providers working closely together to coordinate each patient’s care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the federal government set aside 10% of states’ Community Mental Health Block Grants for early psychosis programming; in California, that totals $9.5 million. Legislators this year have proposed allocating $20 million for early psychosis programming in California’s new budget, which is $5 million less than the governor sought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756756\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11756756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Dennison17_1-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"350\" height=\"525\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Dennison17_1-400x600.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Dennison17_1-400x600-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christine Marie Frey, 18, attended an early psychosis program in San Diego after she began to hear demons as a 12-year-old. She’s the author of “Brain XP: Living with Mental Illness, A Young Teenager’s Perspective.” \u003ccite>(Family photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Done right, research shows, the programs can dramatically help young people experiencing psychotic symptoms, with lasting benefits. The converse is also true: The longer psychosis goes untreated, the worse the outcome. People with an initial diagnosis of psychosis are approximately \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/fullarticle/2670697\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">eight times\u003c/a>\u003c/u> as likely to die during the year following their diagnosis as people in the general population. The cause is often suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to one national study, clients in early psychosis programs stay in treatment longer, experience fewer symptoms are more involved in work or school, compared with patients in other care settings—provided they get into treatment fast. \u003ca href=\"https://ajp.psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.ajp.2017.17050480\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A Canadian study\u003c/a> published last year in the American Journal of Psychiatry showed that people who participated in early psychosis intervention after their first episode were four times less likely to die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the United States, on average, individuals experiencing psychosis went without treatment for 74 weeks. Other countries have dramatically reduced this number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christine Marie Frey, now 18, attended a program in San Diego after she began to hear demons as a 12-year-old. It offered personal and occupational therapy, as well as help with mindfulness, medication and school. Frey found comfort in talking with peers in similar circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They helped me realize, not just how to cope—they helped me feel like my own self again,” she said. “I went in there ready to give up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early psychosis interventions can target young people with symptoms that put them at high risk for psychosis, or those who have had their first experience of psychosis. Those in the first group might hear whispers and wonder if their brain is playing tricks on them; the second group is more likely to believe the voices are real.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, only about two dozen counties have early psychosis programs. Most lack the money or capacity to make them available to all county residents. Often, the only people eligible are those without insurance or on Medi-Cal for low-income Californians, though in some cases private insurers pay for patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">G\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>rowing up, Evan had always been a strong student, and a talented musician and athlete, his mother said. But as he approached the end of his fall sophomore semester, he became increasingly worried about choosing a major and meeting music deadlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several nights, he stopped sleeping. On his 20\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> birthday, a friend rushed him to the emergency room. He received medication to help him sleep, but continued to get worse. His father raced across the country to bring him back to Sebastopol, assuming the comfort of home would help. Then the delusions started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his parents heard about the early psychosis program, they said they begged their insurance provider, Kaiser Permanente, for a referral, but Kaiser refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Dr. Sameer Awsare, associate executive director of Kaiser’s Northern California medical group, said Kaiser is not simply an ‘insurer’” that pays for outside services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kaiser Permanente is an integrated health care system that provides expert, evidence-based medical care for our members, including in the area of psychosis,” Awsare said. He added that Kaiser follows federal “best practices” for cognitive behavioral treatment of psychosis and multi-family group treatment, and when clinically appropriate, Kaiser does refer members to outside programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited patient confidentiality in declining to discuss Evan’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756762\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11756762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-1200x750.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800-1920x1200.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/CALMatters-FitzGibbon_015-2880x1800.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brighid Fitzgibbon with her son, Evan, who was a sophomore at Bard College when acute psychosis hit. \u003ccite>(Penni Gladstone/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Evan’s parents didn’t feel that what they said Kaiser was offering—a general intensive outpatient program in which most patients didn’t have psychosis, a meeting with a psychiatrist every few weeks, and therapy every week or so—was enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Evan’s father drove him every week or so to the UC Davis Early Diagnosis and Preventive Treatment Clinic, a state-of-the-art program in Sacramento. The drive was about four hours round-trip, and the family paid thousands of dollars for his care, with the help of a GoFundMe account set up by his elementary school teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evan stabilized and began to improve, his mother said. But the long drives wore on her son and his father, who had severe back pain. And the out-of-pocket costs became prohibitive. Coming from so far away, it was difficult for Evan to participate in the peer groups. Although Brighid FitzGibbon said they would have liked to continue, they made the difficult choice to stop a few months into the program in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know,” said FitzGibbon, whose son gave permission for her to share his story. “It’s just disheartening to see how broken the system is. I think we did the best we could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">B\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ill Carter, who recently became Sonoma County’s mental health director, said he is committed to bringing an early psychosis program there, calling it “one of the best things going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the kind of thing we in the mental health field have been waiting for,” he said. “Historically, schizophrenia and other thought disorders have the potential really just to ravage someone’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter previously worked for the California Institute of Mental Health, leading efforts to disseminate evidence-based practices, including early psychosis treatment. He also served as mental health director of Napa County, which beginning in 2014 has made early psychosis treatment available to any county resident who needed it, regardless of insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Napa managed this in part due to funding from One Mind, a nonprofit founded by the local Staglin family, whose son, Brandon, recovered from schizophrenia in the 1990s and is now the president. The Napa program also receives support from local vintners, a large charity auction and a variety of federal and state funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite Carter’s commitment to bringing early psychosis programming to Sonoma County, he has encountered significant obstacles. After 2017’s wildfires, the county is facing huge budget shortfalls—and making steep cuts to mental health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Convincing the public to invest significantly in a prevention program for relatively few people is challenging, Carter said, especially when so many very sick people are going without care. He’d prefer that the state provide centralized leadership and support to help counties fund and build early psychosis programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hy doesn’t that exist? Why do 58 counties do things 58 ways? By design. Back in 1991, the state faced a budget crisis, and in a process known as “realignment,” it shifted responsibility for mental health delivery to counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also assigned counties dedicated funding from sales taxes and vehicle license fees, creating formulas based on how much each county was spending at the time. Over the years, these funds have neither kept pace with need nor been adjusted to account for changing populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2004, California voters passed the Mental Health Services Act initiative, levying a tax on the state’s millionaires. It has pumped in about \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/act\">$15 billio\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/act\">n more for mental health\u003c/a>\u003c/u>, which the stated doles out to counties to promote flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties say they need to be nimble. In a state as vast and varied as California, the issues facing rural Trinity County differ from those of urban Los Angeles. But the approach has disadvantages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There’s not necessarily rhyme or reason to why a county chooses to provide some services and not others,” said Sheree Lowe, vice president of behavioral health for the California Hospital Association. “The best way to describe it is, it’s a broken delivery system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the state needs, Lowe contends, is core services available in every community. Now, she says, the state doesn’t track what services are provided in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, the state shuttered its Department of Mental Health, and moved many of its staff members to the Department of Health Care Services. Some feel the move further sidelined mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think counties have been cast adrift, really,” said Randall Hagar, government relations director for the California Psychiatric Association, which represents the interests of the state’s psychiatrists. “I would agree with the assessment that there is still no state leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t true everywhere. Oregon has a comprehensive, state-run early psychosis program. New York state created \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ontrackny.org/\">OnTrackNY,\u003c/a>\u003c/u> a state-led effort to provide coordinated early psychosis care to young people. Dr. Insel said he would like to see California implement a similar effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">M\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>any people see hope for the future of early psychosis intervention in California because of the UC Davis clinic that Brighid FitzGibbon’s son Evan attended—and its director, Tara Niendam. In 2008, Dr. Cameron Carter, a prominent psychiatrist with a strong interest in early psychosis, recruited her to the Sacramento clinic he’d founded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the staff includes psychiatrists, therapists, a family advocate and a specialist in education and employment, as well as a worker dedicated to meeting patients’ social needs, such as housing. Patients participate in peer and family support groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Too often, Niendam says, individuals “just float around in our system receiving sometimes inadequate care.” Effective mental health care doesn’t simply make symptoms go away, she said. It gives individuals and families the tools to pursue meaningful lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s more than a pill can do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clinic’s patients, Meheretab — who asked that his last name not be used — began attending Niendam’s clinic after suicidal thoughts and hallucinations. Meheretab, who has Medi-Cal, said the infrequent treatment he was receiving through Kaiser wasn’t working. Niendam’s clinic felt safe. With a combination of medication, counseling, job support and a peer group, he said, his depression subsided and the hallucinations ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’m in a better place right now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niendam helped Napa and Solano counties start early psychosis programs and is currently doing the same with Yolo County. Small counties can struggle to hire and train the staff necessary for a full early psychosis program, so she is developing a way for them to contract with larger counties or use telemedicine. She wants to expand the treatment model statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching people who have been hospitalized 10 times return to school or hold a fulltime job, and showing them they can recover, “are the things that keep me going every day,” she said. “It’s game-changing for everyone. It’s super exciting to be part of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Two State Lawmakers With Rival Strategies for Reducing Police Shootings Share A Powerful Common Experience as Mothers",
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"content": "\u003cp>To reduce the use of force by California police, two Democrats began with competing approaches:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Shirley Weber, a firebrand from a liberal San Diego district, aimed to crack down by setting a tougher standard for justifiable police shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Anna Caballero, a centrist, who flipped a red Central Valley district blue, introduced a more moderate police-backed vision to reduce deadly force through improved officer training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet as mothers —one African American, the other Latina — both lawmakers have had remarkably similar experiences in one respect: They instructed their teenage sons to cautiously navigate encounters with police, and they ultimately felt the police did not treat their sons fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a difficult conversation to have,” Caballero says in an interview for “Force Of Law,” a podcast following California’s effort this year to reduce police shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a woman of color, you have to tell your boys, ‘I don’t care what’s going on… You’re going to follow the instructions and you’re going to do exactly what they say, because they’re not going to know you, and they’re going to see you as a Mexican kid.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='police-violence' label='More on police violence']In the same episode, Weber recalls her son being stopped by police on the campus of San Diego State University, where she was a professor of Africana studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would go through his car, sit him on the curb… and then they’d eventually go to the glove compartment and realize, ‘Oh, this truck is registered to Shirley Weber,’” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And immediately everybody would get nervous because they knew I was gonna call the police… for the campus and say, ‘Why are you still stopping my son, when you haven’t stopped anybody else? He wasn’t driving fast. He didn’t run a light. He was just coming out of the gym exercising and you stop him.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s bill, now advancing through the Legislature, would declare that police use of force is allowed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-shooting-law-debate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">only when “necessary\u003c/a> in defense of human life.” That’s a steeper standard than prosecutors apply now, which says police can shoot when doing so is “reasonable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill initially faced fierce police opposition, and has been amended into \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-use-of-force-standards-lethal-shootings-legislature/\">a compromise\u003c/a> between law enforcement and civil rights advocates. The American Civil Liberties Union still champions the bill, Black Lives Matter withdrew its support, and police groups shifted from fighting it to being “neutral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it has a companion in \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB230\">Caballero’s police-sponsored bill\u003c/a>, which would require all law enforcement departments in California to adopt policies stating that officers must carry out their duties, including the use of force, “in a manner that is fair and unbiased.” It also would require basic officer training to include lessons on cultural competency and overcoming bias.\u003cbr>\n\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size='large' align='right' citation='California Senator Anna Caballero']'As a woman of color, you have to tell your boys, ‘I don’t care what’s going on… You’re going to follow the instructions and you’re going to do exactly what they say, because they’re not going to know you, and they’re going to see you as a Mexican kid.’'[/pullquote]\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers have been wrestling with how to respond following \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-shooting-law-debate/\">the death of Stephon Clark\u003c/a>, a black man who was unarmed when Sacramento Police shot him in his grandparents’ backyard, mistaking the cell phone he was holding for a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the issue is much broader than one incident: The debate in the Capitol reflects growing concern about the disproportionate toll police shootings take on people of color. In California, 63 percent of the people killed in 2017 were African American or Latino, according to the state Department of Justice. Together, those two groups make up 46 percent of the state’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor are Weber and Caballero the only politicians who have shared how profoundly personal the issue is for them. The debate has prompted anguished lawmakers to speak about their own encounters with police or their experiences as former officers, their fears about the safety of their relatives who wear a badge or their worries that their loved ones could be victimized by someone wearing a badge.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>To reduce the use of force by California police, two Democrats began with competing approaches:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Shirley Weber, a firebrand from a liberal San Diego district, aimed to crack down by setting a tougher standard for justifiable police shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Anna Caballero, a centrist, who flipped a red Central Valley district blue, introduced a more moderate police-backed vision to reduce deadly force through improved officer training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet as mothers —one African American, the other Latina — both lawmakers have had remarkably similar experiences in one respect: They instructed their teenage sons to cautiously navigate encounters with police, and they ultimately felt the police did not treat their sons fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a difficult conversation to have,” Caballero says in an interview for “Force Of Law,” a podcast following California’s effort this year to reduce police shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a woman of color, you have to tell your boys, ‘I don’t care what’s going on… You’re going to follow the instructions and you’re going to do exactly what they say, because they’re not going to know you, and they’re going to see you as a Mexican kid.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the same episode, Weber recalls her son being stopped by police on the campus of San Diego State University, where she was a professor of Africana studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would go through his car, sit him on the curb… and then they’d eventually go to the glove compartment and realize, ‘Oh, this truck is registered to Shirley Weber,’” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And immediately everybody would get nervous because they knew I was gonna call the police… for the campus and say, ‘Why are you still stopping my son, when you haven’t stopped anybody else? He wasn’t driving fast. He didn’t run a light. He was just coming out of the gym exercising and you stop him.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s bill, now advancing through the Legislature, would declare that police use of force is allowed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-shooting-law-debate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">only when “necessary\u003c/a> in defense of human life.” That’s a steeper standard than prosecutors apply now, which says police can shoot when doing so is “reasonable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill initially faced fierce police opposition, and has been amended into \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-use-of-force-standards-lethal-shootings-legislature/\">a compromise\u003c/a> between law enforcement and civil rights advocates. The American Civil Liberties Union still champions the bill, Black Lives Matter withdrew its support, and police groups shifted from fighting it to being “neutral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it has a companion in \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB230\">Caballero’s police-sponsored bill\u003c/a>, which would require all law enforcement departments in California to adopt policies stating that officers must carry out their duties, including the use of force, “in a manner that is fair and unbiased.” It also would require basic officer training to include lessons on cultural competency and overcoming bias.\u003cbr>\n\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'As a woman of color, you have to tell your boys, ‘I don’t care what’s going on… You’re going to follow the instructions and you’re going to do exactly what they say, because they’re not going to know you, and they’re going to see you as a Mexican kid.’'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers have been wrestling with how to respond following \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-shooting-law-debate/\">the death of Stephon Clark\u003c/a>, a black man who was unarmed when Sacramento Police shot him in his grandparents’ backyard, mistaking the cell phone he was holding for a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the issue is much broader than one incident: The debate in the Capitol reflects growing concern about the disproportionate toll police shootings take on people of color. In California, 63 percent of the people killed in 2017 were African American or Latino, according to the state Department of Justice. Together, those two groups make up 46 percent of the state’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor are Weber and Caballero the only politicians who have shared how profoundly personal the issue is for them. The debate has prompted anguished lawmakers to speak about their own encounters with police or their experiences as former officers, their fears about the safety of their relatives who wear a badge or their worries that their loved ones could be victimized by someone wearing a badge.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "In California, a Blue Wave and Progressive Governor: So Why Are So Many Leftist Plans Going Under?",
"title": "In California, a Blue Wave and Progressive Governor: So Why Are So Many Leftist Plans Going Under?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>An unprecedented haul of tax dollars generated by a roaring economy. A governor who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714545/newsom-promises-bold-leadership-as-governor-but-can-he-deliver\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">campaigned on a big-ticket policy agenda of long-time lefty favorites\u003c/a>, including universal childcare and state-funded healthcare for all. A Legislature so thoroughly packed with Democrats it gives rise to a new term—\"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/a-deep-blue-sea-of-california-lawmakers-take-oath-of-office-today/\">giga-majority\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians could be forgiven for expecting it all to add up to liberal bonanza, a gusher of policies that the Democratic Party’s base has been clamoring to enact for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11740828,news_11714545\" label=\"Gov. Newsom's Plans So Far\"]But as the new super-blue Legislature sends Gov. Gavin Newsom his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754739/california-passed-a-215-billion-budget-heres-whats-between-the-lines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first state budget\u003c/a> and the Capitol passes the halfway point for making new laws this year, the progressive policies that are advancing amount to less of a torrent than a trickle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California may look pretty far to the left from a national perspective, but state-wise, lawmakers have already killed or downsized major items on the progressive wish list. They rejected bills to rein in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/tighter-charter-school-regulations-local-control-report-newsom-task-force/\">charter school growth\u003c/a>, curb oil production, expand data privacy rights and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/flavored-tobacco-ban-floundering-california-legislature-vaping-electronic-cigarettes/\">regulate e-cigarettes\u003c/a>. They drastically scaled back ambitious agendas to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11751060/a-rare-tenant-win-in-the-capitol-but-why-dont-californias-renters-have-more-political-punch\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">protect renters\u003c/a> and limit \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/soda-taxes-fizzling-california-capitol-legislature/\">soda\u003c/a> consumption. Though they approved some big progressive goals—giving workers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\">more paid time off\u003c/a> to care for a new baby, boosting government funding for healthcare and childcare—those policies have been whittled down from their original versions, making them more incremental than revolutionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters expected last year’s blue wave to upend policymaking-as-usual in Sacramento, it seems, at least for now, that the old rules still apply. Why? Moderating forces are still at work: swing-district Democrats remain tax-wary, lobbying and campaign money still wield a lot of influence, and virtually no one wants to burn through the state's $21 billion budget surplus or its nearly $16 billion rainy day fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a lot of talk that with a supermajority and a very progressive governor, things were going to go crazy. But when you're sitting in that spot and looking at what's going on, you have to hold the line,\" said Dana Williamson, a Democratic political consultant who worked closely with former Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's also not as easy as everyone thinks to get a two-thirds vote, even when you have a supermajority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Holly Mitchell, chair of the Senate budget committee\"]\"All Democrats aren't created equal.\"[/pullquote]Democrats now hold about 75% of the Legislature's seats and most bills need only a simple majority to pass. But some measures—notably, any tax increases—must be approved by two-thirds of both houses. Legislative leaders have historically been strategic about using the supermajority, saving it only for high-priority votes. Even then, getting to two-thirds usually involves a lot of negotiation and heartburn because swing-district Democrats are leery of casting votes that their constituents could see as too liberal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"All Democrats aren't created equal,\" said Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat and chair of the powerful Senate budget committee. \"We all celebrated having a supermajority in both houses. But we have to recognize that some of those areas where we were able to elect Democrats… are probably more purple than blue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders—spooked by last year's successful \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/nuclear-option-why-politicians-are-warily-watching-the-recall-election-of-sen-josh-newman/\">recall of northern Orange County Democratic Sen. Josh Newman\u003c/a> after he voted to increase the gas tax—have shelved almost all \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-taxes-legislature-newsom-surplus-soda-water-tax/\">this year's proposals\u003c/a> to hike taxes. That nixed some progressive hopes to increase education funding by taxing oil, health programs by taxing soda, violence-prevention by taxing guns and environmental clean-up by taxing water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Mary Creasman of the California League of Conservation Voters\"]\"What's the point of having a supermajority if you don't do the hard and scary thing?\"[/pullquote]Instead, lawmakers and Newsom have agreed to clean up toxic drinking water by siphoning some money designated for projects to combat climate change. That frustrated environmentalists who say a progressive legislature and governor should not raid funding for climate programs but instead find another way to pay for water clean-up—even if it means voting for a new tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What's the point of having a supermajority if you don't do the hard and scary thing?\" said Mary Creasman of the California League of Conservation Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A 'sucker state,' or one failing to deliver on its progressive promises?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Of course, moderation is in the eye of the beholder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Governor Newsom proposed one of the most big-hearted and progressive budgets in memory and did so in a responsible way that builds historic reserves and saves more funding for a rainy day than at any point in our history,\" wrote Nathan Click, a spokesman for the governor. \"And in his first six months in office, the Governor has helped thrust the state to the forefront of the fight for justice and the national conversation—from taking on Big Pharma to putting a moratorium on the death penalty to fast-tracking humanitarian and legal aid for asylum seekers and refugees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11753589\"]And on the national spectrum, California is still regarded by many as a leftist outlier. Its plan to become the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11753589/california-lawmakers-agree-to-provide-health-benefits-for-some-undocumented-immigrants\">offer health insurance to low-income undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> under age 26 has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/politics/ingraham-why-are-we-helping-illegal-immigrants-when-we-cant-help-ourselves\">lambasted\u003c/a> on the right, with Fox News commentator Laura Ingraham calling California a 'sucker state.' The governor’s most recent budget proposal puts the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/health-and-medicine/article230243474.html\">annual cost at $98 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that plan is a scaled-down version of a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB29\">Senate proposal\u003c/a> that would have covered undocumented senior citizens as well, with an added yearly cost of $115 million. And it's a far cry from the governor's campaign vow to push California toward a single-payer healthcare system—with an estimated price tag in the hundreds of billions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The hope from this blue wave—more Democrats, more progressive action—that remains to be seen,\" said Stephanie Roberson, a lobbyist with the California Nurses Association, which advocates for a state-funded universal healthcare program and endorsed Newsom last year, spending over $735,000 to help elect him. Earlier this year she said she expected a single-payer bill, but nothing was ever introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11721672\"]\"There are a lot of issues that you would assume would have passed, so yeah, there are some surprises,\" she said. \"What we should be doing with these supermajorities is using them to our advantage to pass really good reform. Hasn't been exercised yet.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Wright of Health Access California, a nonprofit health advocacy group, applauded the governor's \"first steps\" on expanding health care: issuing an executive order to begin creating a way for the state to buy \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lower-california-prescription-drug-costs/\">prescription drugs in bulk\u003c/a>, including in his budget a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721672/newsoms-tactic-not-yet-health-care-for-all-but-health-care-for-more\">mandate\u003c/a> that all Californians buy health insurance, and sending a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/1.7.19-Letter-to-the-White-House-and-Congress.pdf\">request for a waiver\u003c/a>from the Trump administration to redirect federal funds to a future single-payer program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're not going to get to full universal coverage in one year,\" Wright said. \"But he hasn't laid out what his next steps are.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/65985294-1f04-44f1-97b7-2fefce88f88a?src=embed\" title=\"Top donors\" width=\"470\" height=\"1090\" scrolling=\"no\" align=\"right\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California is in the grip of a severe housing crisis, lawmakers rejected several pro-tenant bills, such as one that would have given them more protection from evictions. The lone survivor: a weakened anti-rent-gouging bill that caps annual rent increases at roughly 9%, exempts landlords who own fewer than 10 homes and would expire after three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that with New York, where Democratic lawmakers this week announced an agreement on a package of bills to not only strengthen rent control in New York City but allow it to extend statewide—a move that The New York Times said \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/12/nyregion/landlord-rent-protection-regulation.html\">left big landlords there \"in shock\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has also thus far \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/activists-want-california-fracking-ban-newsom/\">resisted calls to ban fracking\u003c/a>, despite vows to do so on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California progressives have scored a few notable wins. Newsom used his executive power to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-halts-executions-california/\">stop all executions \u003c/a>while he’s in office. The Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11738880/measure-limiting-police-use-of-force-advances-in-state-legislature\">passed a bill\u003c/a> to limit when police can justifiably kill and another to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/will-california-crack-down-predatory-lending-pink-slip-loans/\">cap interest rates\u003c/a> on predatory loans targeted at low-income consumers. The budget includes a sales tax exemption for diapers and tampons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even those wins come with asterisks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors are still \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/09/us/california-death-penalty.html\">seeking the death penalty\u003c/a> in some murder cases because only voters can repeal California's capital punishment law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original version of the police reform measure—proposed by a broad coalition of civil rights groups—didn’t seem to have enough votes to pass. Instead, lawmakers passed a version that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-use-of-force-standards-lethal-shootings-legislature/\">reflects a compromise with law enforcement\u003c/a>, causing Black Lives Matter to remove its support. The American Civil Liberties Union remains a key supporter and the group spent heavily lobbying the statehouse—nearly $1.2 million in the first three months of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11751060\"]Meanwhile, the bill to prohibit triple-digit interest rates on some consumer loans faces an uphill climb in the Senate, where it will go before its first committee next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those who dug into the details of the governor's budget found it was often less than it seemed: His cancellation of the menstrual product tax, for example, would expire in two years. When a Newsom aide told a panel of lawmakers that a future decision to extend the tax break for longer would depend on the state's economic condition at that time, Democratic Assemblywoman Cristina Garcia shot back:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our uteruses shouldn't be used to balance our budget down the road.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relatively restrained pace of change has come as a pleasant surprise to many political moderates and business interests. Of the 31 bills stamped with the California Chamber of Commerce's 'job killer' label—a moniker for the policies it lobbies most strongly against— lawmakers have quashed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/most-job-killer-bills-already-dead/\">all but five.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chamber president Allan Zaremberg attributes his organization's high success rate in a Democratic-dominated Legislature to a combination of \"good lobbying and their bad ideas.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Good lobbying is expensive. The Chamber is among the biggest spenders on lobbying in Sacramento—nearly $720,000 in the year's first quarter. The Chamber joined major tech firms in lobbying against two bills that would have expanded consumer protection under a landmark data privacy measure California passed in 2018. Lawmakers quietly shelved both of them.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/857760e7-24a6-4683-9f85-7e665cd2c899?src=embed\" title=\"Lobby spending 2019\" width=\"570\" height=\"830\" align=\"right\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry—a political bogeyman for many progressives and Sacramento’s most lavish lobbying spender—is so far faring pretty well in the Democratic-controlled statehouse. Lawmakers have already killed nearly half the bills the Western States Petroleum Association lobbied on this year. That includes \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB332\">a bill\u003c/a> to increase reuse of treated wastewater by restricting how much can be released into the ocean, and a proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB345\">prohibit\u003c/a> new oil and gas operations within 2,500 feet of homes, schools, playgrounds and healthcare facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry lobbying helped kill several bills meant to promote public health by limiting vaping and soda consumption. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/soda-taxes-fizzling-california-capitol-legislature/\">Soda companies more than tripled their spending on lobbying\u003c/a> in Sacramento during the first three months of the year. They convinced lawmakers to jettison four of five measures backed by doctors, dentists and public health advocates that sought to limit how much sugar Californians drink. Lawmakers also \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/flavored-tobacco-ban-floundering-california-legislature-vaping-electronic-cigarettes/\">snuffed out bills meant to curb teen use of e-cigarettes\u003c/a> by banning the sale of products with enticing flavors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors, who typically oppose restrictions on property owners, spent over $400,000 on lobbying and nearly $1 million (more than any other group) on campaign spending this year so far. That could help explain why all but one of the state's high-profile pro-renter bills have died already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect of all that money may be put to the test next week as the Senate takes up a bill at the center of one of the year's \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/companies-beg-for-relief-from-pro-labor-gig-worker-ruling/\">biggest battles between organized labor and business interests\u003c/a>. The Assembly has passed the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">proposal\u003c/a>, which would force gig-economy companies such as Uber and Lyft to treat their contractors as employees, guaranteeing them minimum wage and other basic worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big test of Newsom’s progressive agenda remains: whether he'll be able to increase payments to low-income Californians by changing the state tax code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has proposed increasing the Earned Income Tax Credit—an anti-poverty program that has historically garnered bipartisan praise—by bringing California's tax code in line with changes Republicans enacted to the federal code in 2017, such as placing new limits on the losses, workplace-related expenses and interest payments that businesses have traditionally used to lower their tax bills. The governor's office estimates that nixing those deductions would raise an extra $1.7 billion from wealthier Californians and businesses and redirect it to poor people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That sounds like the kind of thing you would expect to pass in a Legislature dominated by Democratic politics,\" said Chris Hoene, president of the California Budget and Policy Center, who supports the governor’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Assembly Democrats—fearful of potential political attacks—have yet to come on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate leader Toni Atkins of San Diego said Democrats in her chamber support Newsom’s proposal. But looking more broadly at negotiations among the governor and both legislative leaders, Atkins observed what may become the motto of 2019: \"All three of us are sort of moderating each other.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"sourceUrl": "https://calmatters.org/articles/california-democrats-progressive-policies-gavin-newsom-legislature/",
"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/ben-christopher/\">Ben Christopher\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/laurel-rosenhall/\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>\u003cbr>CALmatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An unprecedented haul of tax dollars generated by a roaring economy. A governor who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714545/newsom-promises-bold-leadership-as-governor-but-can-he-deliver\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">campaigned on a big-ticket policy agenda of long-time lefty favorites\u003c/a>, including universal childcare and state-funded healthcare for all. A Legislature so thoroughly packed with Democrats it gives rise to a new term—\"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/a-deep-blue-sea-of-california-lawmakers-take-oath-of-office-today/\">giga-majority\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians could be forgiven for expecting it all to add up to liberal bonanza, a gusher of policies that the Democratic Party’s base has been clamoring to enact for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But as the new super-blue Legislature sends Gov. Gavin Newsom his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754739/california-passed-a-215-billion-budget-heres-whats-between-the-lines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first state budget\u003c/a> and the Capitol passes the halfway point for making new laws this year, the progressive policies that are advancing amount to less of a torrent than a trickle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California may look pretty far to the left from a national perspective, but state-wise, lawmakers have already killed or downsized major items on the progressive wish list. They rejected bills to rein in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/tighter-charter-school-regulations-local-control-report-newsom-task-force/\">charter school growth\u003c/a>, curb oil production, expand data privacy rights and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/flavored-tobacco-ban-floundering-california-legislature-vaping-electronic-cigarettes/\">regulate e-cigarettes\u003c/a>. They drastically scaled back ambitious agendas to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11751060/a-rare-tenant-win-in-the-capitol-but-why-dont-californias-renters-have-more-political-punch\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">protect renters\u003c/a> and limit \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/soda-taxes-fizzling-california-capitol-legislature/\">soda\u003c/a> consumption. Though they approved some big progressive goals—giving workers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\">more paid time off\u003c/a> to care for a new baby, boosting government funding for healthcare and childcare—those policies have been whittled down from their original versions, making them more incremental than revolutionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters expected last year’s blue wave to upend policymaking-as-usual in Sacramento, it seems, at least for now, that the old rules still apply. Why? Moderating forces are still at work: swing-district Democrats remain tax-wary, lobbying and campaign money still wield a lot of influence, and virtually no one wants to burn through the state's $21 billion budget surplus or its nearly $16 billion rainy day fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a lot of talk that with a supermajority and a very progressive governor, things were going to go crazy. But when you're sitting in that spot and looking at what's going on, you have to hold the line,\" said Dana Williamson, a Democratic political consultant who worked closely with former Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's also not as easy as everyone thinks to get a two-thirds vote, even when you have a supermajority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\"All Democrats aren't created equal.\"",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Democrats now hold about 75% of the Legislature's seats and most bills need only a simple majority to pass. But some measures—notably, any tax increases—must be approved by two-thirds of both houses. Legislative leaders have historically been strategic about using the supermajority, saving it only for high-priority votes. Even then, getting to two-thirds usually involves a lot of negotiation and heartburn because swing-district Democrats are leery of casting votes that their constituents could see as too liberal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"All Democrats aren't created equal,\" said Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat and chair of the powerful Senate budget committee. \"We all celebrated having a supermajority in both houses. But we have to recognize that some of those areas where we were able to elect Democrats… are probably more purple than blue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders—spooked by last year's successful \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/nuclear-option-why-politicians-are-warily-watching-the-recall-election-of-sen-josh-newman/\">recall of northern Orange County Democratic Sen. Josh Newman\u003c/a> after he voted to increase the gas tax—have shelved almost all \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-taxes-legislature-newsom-surplus-soda-water-tax/\">this year's proposals\u003c/a> to hike taxes. That nixed some progressive hopes to increase education funding by taxing oil, health programs by taxing soda, violence-prevention by taxing guns and environmental clean-up by taxing water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\"What's the point of having a supermajority if you don't do the hard and scary thing?\"",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Instead, lawmakers and Newsom have agreed to clean up toxic drinking water by siphoning some money designated for projects to combat climate change. That frustrated environmentalists who say a progressive legislature and governor should not raid funding for climate programs but instead find another way to pay for water clean-up—even if it means voting for a new tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What's the point of having a supermajority if you don't do the hard and scary thing?\" said Mary Creasman of the California League of Conservation Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A 'sucker state,' or one failing to deliver on its progressive promises?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Of course, moderation is in the eye of the beholder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Governor Newsom proposed one of the most big-hearted and progressive budgets in memory and did so in a responsible way that builds historic reserves and saves more funding for a rainy day than at any point in our history,\" wrote Nathan Click, a spokesman for the governor. \"And in his first six months in office, the Governor has helped thrust the state to the forefront of the fight for justice and the national conversation—from taking on Big Pharma to putting a moratorium on the death penalty to fast-tracking humanitarian and legal aid for asylum seekers and refugees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And on the national spectrum, California is still regarded by many as a leftist outlier. Its plan to become the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11753589/california-lawmakers-agree-to-provide-health-benefits-for-some-undocumented-immigrants\">offer health insurance to low-income undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> under age 26 has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/politics/ingraham-why-are-we-helping-illegal-immigrants-when-we-cant-help-ourselves\">lambasted\u003c/a> on the right, with Fox News commentator Laura Ingraham calling California a 'sucker state.' The governor’s most recent budget proposal puts the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/health-and-medicine/article230243474.html\">annual cost at $98 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that plan is a scaled-down version of a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB29\">Senate proposal\u003c/a> that would have covered undocumented senior citizens as well, with an added yearly cost of $115 million. And it's a far cry from the governor's campaign vow to push California toward a single-payer healthcare system—with an estimated price tag in the hundreds of billions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The hope from this blue wave—more Democrats, more progressive action—that remains to be seen,\" said Stephanie Roberson, a lobbyist with the California Nurses Association, which advocates for a state-funded universal healthcare program and endorsed Newsom last year, spending over $735,000 to help elect him. Earlier this year she said she expected a single-payer bill, but nothing was ever introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"There are a lot of issues that you would assume would have passed, so yeah, there are some surprises,\" she said. \"What we should be doing with these supermajorities is using them to our advantage to pass really good reform. Hasn't been exercised yet.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Wright of Health Access California, a nonprofit health advocacy group, applauded the governor's \"first steps\" on expanding health care: issuing an executive order to begin creating a way for the state to buy \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lower-california-prescription-drug-costs/\">prescription drugs in bulk\u003c/a>, including in his budget a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721672/newsoms-tactic-not-yet-health-care-for-all-but-health-care-for-more\">mandate\u003c/a> that all Californians buy health insurance, and sending a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/1.7.19-Letter-to-the-White-House-and-Congress.pdf\">request for a waiver\u003c/a>from the Trump administration to redirect federal funds to a future single-payer program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're not going to get to full universal coverage in one year,\" Wright said. \"But he hasn't laid out what his next steps are.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/65985294-1f04-44f1-97b7-2fefce88f88a?src=embed\" title=\"Top donors\" width=\"470\" height=\"1090\" scrolling=\"no\" align=\"right\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California is in the grip of a severe housing crisis, lawmakers rejected several pro-tenant bills, such as one that would have given them more protection from evictions. The lone survivor: a weakened anti-rent-gouging bill that caps annual rent increases at roughly 9%, exempts landlords who own fewer than 10 homes and would expire after three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that with New York, where Democratic lawmakers this week announced an agreement on a package of bills to not only strengthen rent control in New York City but allow it to extend statewide—a move that The New York Times said \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/12/nyregion/landlord-rent-protection-regulation.html\">left big landlords there \"in shock\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has also thus far \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/activists-want-california-fracking-ban-newsom/\">resisted calls to ban fracking\u003c/a>, despite vows to do so on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California progressives have scored a few notable wins. Newsom used his executive power to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-halts-executions-california/\">stop all executions \u003c/a>while he’s in office. The Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11738880/measure-limiting-police-use-of-force-advances-in-state-legislature\">passed a bill\u003c/a> to limit when police can justifiably kill and another to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/will-california-crack-down-predatory-lending-pink-slip-loans/\">cap interest rates\u003c/a> on predatory loans targeted at low-income consumers. The budget includes a sales tax exemption for diapers and tampons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even those wins come with asterisks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors are still \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/09/us/california-death-penalty.html\">seeking the death penalty\u003c/a> in some murder cases because only voters can repeal California's capital punishment law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original version of the police reform measure—proposed by a broad coalition of civil rights groups—didn’t seem to have enough votes to pass. Instead, lawmakers passed a version that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-use-of-force-standards-lethal-shootings-legislature/\">reflects a compromise with law enforcement\u003c/a>, causing Black Lives Matter to remove its support. The American Civil Liberties Union remains a key supporter and the group spent heavily lobbying the statehouse—nearly $1.2 million in the first three months of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Meanwhile, the bill to prohibit triple-digit interest rates on some consumer loans faces an uphill climb in the Senate, where it will go before its first committee next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those who dug into the details of the governor's budget found it was often less than it seemed: His cancellation of the menstrual product tax, for example, would expire in two years. When a Newsom aide told a panel of lawmakers that a future decision to extend the tax break for longer would depend on the state's economic condition at that time, Democratic Assemblywoman Cristina Garcia shot back:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our uteruses shouldn't be used to balance our budget down the road.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relatively restrained pace of change has come as a pleasant surprise to many political moderates and business interests. Of the 31 bills stamped with the California Chamber of Commerce's 'job killer' label—a moniker for the policies it lobbies most strongly against— lawmakers have quashed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/most-job-killer-bills-already-dead/\">all but five.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chamber president Allan Zaremberg attributes his organization's high success rate in a Democratic-dominated Legislature to a combination of \"good lobbying and their bad ideas.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Good lobbying is expensive. The Chamber is among the biggest spenders on lobbying in Sacramento—nearly $720,000 in the year's first quarter. The Chamber joined major tech firms in lobbying against two bills that would have expanded consumer protection under a landmark data privacy measure California passed in 2018. Lawmakers quietly shelved both of them.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/857760e7-24a6-4683-9f85-7e665cd2c899?src=embed\" title=\"Lobby spending 2019\" width=\"570\" height=\"830\" align=\"right\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry—a political bogeyman for many progressives and Sacramento’s most lavish lobbying spender—is so far faring pretty well in the Democratic-controlled statehouse. Lawmakers have already killed nearly half the bills the Western States Petroleum Association lobbied on this year. That includes \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB332\">a bill\u003c/a> to increase reuse of treated wastewater by restricting how much can be released into the ocean, and a proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB345\">prohibit\u003c/a> new oil and gas operations within 2,500 feet of homes, schools, playgrounds and healthcare facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry lobbying helped kill several bills meant to promote public health by limiting vaping and soda consumption. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/soda-taxes-fizzling-california-capitol-legislature/\">Soda companies more than tripled their spending on lobbying\u003c/a> in Sacramento during the first three months of the year. They convinced lawmakers to jettison four of five measures backed by doctors, dentists and public health advocates that sought to limit how much sugar Californians drink. Lawmakers also \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/flavored-tobacco-ban-floundering-california-legislature-vaping-electronic-cigarettes/\">snuffed out bills meant to curb teen use of e-cigarettes\u003c/a> by banning the sale of products with enticing flavors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors, who typically oppose restrictions on property owners, spent over $400,000 on lobbying and nearly $1 million (more than any other group) on campaign spending this year so far. That could help explain why all but one of the state's high-profile pro-renter bills have died already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect of all that money may be put to the test next week as the Senate takes up a bill at the center of one of the year's \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/companies-beg-for-relief-from-pro-labor-gig-worker-ruling/\">biggest battles between organized labor and business interests\u003c/a>. The Assembly has passed the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">proposal\u003c/a>, which would force gig-economy companies such as Uber and Lyft to treat their contractors as employees, guaranteeing them minimum wage and other basic worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big test of Newsom’s progressive agenda remains: whether he'll be able to increase payments to low-income Californians by changing the state tax code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has proposed increasing the Earned Income Tax Credit—an anti-poverty program that has historically garnered bipartisan praise—by bringing California's tax code in line with changes Republicans enacted to the federal code in 2017, such as placing new limits on the losses, workplace-related expenses and interest payments that businesses have traditionally used to lower their tax bills. The governor's office estimates that nixing those deductions would raise an extra $1.7 billion from wealthier Californians and businesses and redirect it to poor people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That sounds like the kind of thing you would expect to pass in a Legislature dominated by Democratic politics,\" said Chris Hoene, president of the California Budget and Policy Center, who supports the governor’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Assembly Democrats—fearful of potential political attacks—have yet to come on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate leader Toni Atkins of San Diego said Democrats in her chamber support Newsom’s proposal. But looking more broadly at negotiations among the governor and both legislative leaders, Atkins observed what may become the motto of 2019: \"All three of us are sort of moderating each other.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Passed a $215 Billion Budget. Here’s What’s Between the Lines",
"title": "California Passed a $215 Billion Budget. Here’s What’s Between the Lines",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Despite speculation about bold moves — in a far left direction, even for this blue state — Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative Democrats actually landed a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB74\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">budget\u003c/a> Thursday that’s surgical about new taxing while still keeping promises to help poor Californians and working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11754468,news_11717355\" label=\"More on the Budget\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the $214.8 billion spending plan, the state inched closer to universal health coverage, expanding Medi-Cal to all low-income young adults regardless of immigration status. State lawmakers also charted a course to increase tax credits to the working poor and boost subsidies to middle-income Californians to buy health coverage. There were significant investments in early education and housing, also, while a portion of the surplus was diverted to pay down pension liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Democrats began the year with a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-taxes-legislature-newsom-surplus-soda-water-tax/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">surplus of ideas for taxing Californians\u003c/a>, only a few strategic levies survived the negotiation process, specifically a fine on individuals who don’t have health insurance under a state mandate. There’s even a little tax relief: Parents, for instance, will get a temporary tax exemption on diapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One hitch? The devil is in the details, some which have yet to be worked out. Though Democrats met their deadline for a balanced spending plan, most of the underlying policy to enact the budget wasn’t taken up — and may not be for weeks. Call it a learning curve: This was the new governor’s first time negotiating with seasoned legislative leaders who know how to count votes. Look for more action in coming trailer bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about California’s new budget:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Yes to health care for undocumented young adults. Not yet on health care for all.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature agreed to the governor’s plan to expand Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program for low-income people, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-poised-to-go-further-insuring-the-undocumented-immigrants/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">young adults ages 19-25\u003c/a>. It’s a step toward offering free health care to all undocumented adults since the state already makes Medi-Cal available to children regardless of immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11753589,news_11721672\"]The Senate had proposed going further by offering Medi-Cal to undocumented seniors 65 and older. However, none of the leaders backed offering health care to all low-income immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state expects an estimated 90,000 young adults could gain coverage when the benefit begins next year. Already, 76,000 have registered for a limited version of Medi-Cal that covers emergency services and prenatal care available to low-income people regardless of immigration status. The price tag for this expansion? About \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2019-20/pdf/Revised/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf#page=6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$98 million a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s worth noting the state also affirmed its commitment to restoring \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-eyeglasses-medi-cal-restoring-benefitsr/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">optional Medi-Cal benefits\u003c/a>. During the recession, coverage for audiology, optical, podiatry, speech therapy and incontinence creams had been taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Obamacare lives: A $695 state mandate to carry health coverage\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting next year, California will join New Jersey, Vermont and the District of Columbia in requiring residents carry health coverage or face a $695 state penalty — a fine that will go up each year with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-ideas-counteract-obamacare-mandate-repeal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">individual mandate\u003c/a> aims to replace the federal one that Republicans repealed in their effort to dismantle the Affordable Care Act. The administration says California needs to act because without a mandate, the number of Californians without coverage — 10.4% in 2016 — will go back up. Separately, a study conducted by the University of California estimated the uninsurance rate will rise to \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2018/CA-Coverage-Gains-To-Erode-Without-Further-State-Action.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">12.9% by 2023\u003c/a>, or 4.4 million people, without state action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money raised from the penalties, about $1 billion over three years, will be used to give bigger subsidies to those who purchase private insurance through the state’s health coverage exchange, Covered California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and lawmakers hope to expand assistance to 190,000 middle-income Californians making between $48,000 to $72,000 a year, according to Health Access California, a health advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Fear of recall = Not many new taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget includes a plan to impose a fee — that still needs to be voted on — of no more than \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB96\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">80 cents a month\u003c/a> on each telephone line to help digitize the state’s 911 system, which is still analog. The next generation system would improve call delivery, better location data and incoming text capability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11754744\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11754744\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-800x558.jpg\" alt=\"Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins says she would have liked to use discretionary funds rather than greenhouse gas reduction funds to provide clean water in the Central Valley but called it a compromise.\" width=\"800\" height=\"558\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-800x558.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-1020x711.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570.jpg 1257w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins says she would have liked to use discretionary funds rather than greenhouse gas reduction funds to provide clean water in the Central Valley but called it a compromise. \u003ccite>(Judy Lin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other than that and the health care mandate, lawmakers opted against most of the new taxes proposed early in the session. In fact, California parents and women will get a sales tax exemption on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">diapers and menstrual products\u003c/a> (though only for two years).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notably rejected, given the state’s current $21.5 billion surplus, was Newsom’s push for a 95-cent tax on most residential water bills to fund clean drinking water initiatives in the Central Valley. Instead, the Legislature worked out a deal to clean up toxic water by diverting money generated from big polluters under the state’s cap and trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some environmental groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/83ce9d94e85744a199bc45ecfb295a25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">questioned\u003c/a> using clean air money to pay for drinking water, but supporters reasoned that water is being contaminated with arsenic and other toxic chemicals from the heavy use of fertilizers so it makes sense to draw the $100 million for cleanup from the agriculture industry’s portion of the greenhouse gas fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One issue that won’t be resolved this week is whether California will conform its tax code to match federal changes made by Republicans in 2017. Newsom is relying on the projected $1.7 billion increase in net revenue from that to expand the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/more-bad-homelessness-news-why-college-is-so-pricey-and-special-election-day/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">earned income tax credit\u003c/a>, the centerpiece of his anti-poverty agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Democrats in swing districts are skittish about limiting deductions and losses that can be claimed by some businesses. They know the fate of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/two-victims-of-a-blood-sport-politics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">former Sen. Josh Newman\u003c/a>, who was recalled from his Orange County seat after voting to raise California’s gas tax. Tax conformity requires a two-thirds vote in the Legislature to pass, so the pressure is on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Newsom’s best Jerry Brown: Paying debt and rainy day saving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers embraced the governor’s proposal to use some of the surplus to make extra pension payments, a step Newsom says is necessary to tame the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/newsom-wants-extra-pension-payments-as-retirement-liability-tops-256b/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$256 billion retirement liability for state workers and teachers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature approved supplemental payments of $3 billion to the California Public Employees’ Retirement System and $1.1 billion to the California State Teachers’ Retirement System for the state’s portion of unfunded liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To relieve school districts across the state, the Legislature will contribute a total of $3.15 billion toward paying down their liabilities and reducing their payroll contribution rates. One difference is where it will go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, Newsom had all the extra payments going to the teachers pension fund — a reaction, in part, to teachers strikes that erupted as he took office. Now a portion of that money will be doled out to CalPERS. The change was made in recognition that while teachers are members of CalSTRS, many other school employees from janitors to bus drivers belong in the state’s other public employee pension fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides paying down California’s “wall of debt,” as former Gov. Jerry Brown called it, the state is shoring up for a downturn — or \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/jerry-brown-gavin-newsom-political-lexicon/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in Newsom-speak\u003c/a>, “building budget resiliency.” The new budget carries a roughly $20 billion reserve from several rainy day funds. This amount, while hefty, would be easily \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-recession-trump-newsom-washington-surplus-economy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wiped away in a downturn\u003c/a>. According to the Legislative Analyst’s Office, the state would need as much as $40 billion to cover the budget in a moderate recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Big spending on housing, but fight over where it goes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With new commitments topping $2 billion, the budget represents the most important action the governor has taken so far on housing and homelessness. The lion’s share will target the state’s homeless population, including $650 million in grants for cities and counties to build and maintain emergency shelters and $100 million for wrap-around care for the state’s most vulnerable residents. Another $500 million will go to quintuple the size of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-state-budget-gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state’s affordable housing financing fund\u003c/a>, plus hundreds of millions earmarked for cities to update their often outdated housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11754785\"]While lawmakers and Newsom have agreed to cut big checks, it’s not clear who’ll get the money and with what strings attached. Big city mayors and lawmakers want homelessness grants \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-california-budget-homeless-funding-20190612-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">directed towards the state’s largest 13 cities\u003c/a>, while Newsom wants to spread out the money to include counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to deny transportation funds to cities not building enough housing. As of Thursday, lawmakers were still negotiating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-gavin-newsom-housing-plan-201903011-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">scaled-back version of the proposal\u003c/a>. Another Newsom proposal that speeds construction of homeless shelters by sidestepping environmental laws also remains unresolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lending a hand to working families\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expanding California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/individuals/faq/net/900.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">earned income tax credit\u003c/a> has quickly become one of Newsom’s signature anti-poverty programs because it gives a cost-of-living refund to low-income working families. Lawmakers are poised to triple the program from $400 million to $1.2 billion to provide a $1,000 refund for families with children under 6 and expand income eligibility from $24,950 to $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11754745\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11754745\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/2019-budget-vote-600x407.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Assemblyman Phil Ting, who chairs the Assembly budget committee, calls California’s new budget fiscally responsible while helping working families.\" width=\"600\" height=\"407\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/2019-budget-vote-600x407.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/2019-budget-vote-600x407-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Assemblyman Phil Ting, who chairs the Assembly budget committee, calls California’s new budget fiscally responsible while helping working families. \u003ccite>(Judy Lin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Anti-poverty advocates had wanted Newsom to include undocumented workers who file with individual taxpayer identification numbers instead of Social Security numbers. That proposal did not make the final version of the budget. Still, the administration estimates the current expansion will increase the number of beneficiaries from 2 million to 3 million households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also will make it easier for low-income families with children to qualify for assistance, increasing the CalWORKs asset limit to $10,000 and the motor vehicle exemption to $25,000 — changes that will allow people to save and hang onto cars that can get them to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And parents of all incomes will get a longer paid family leave to care for new babies — 8 weeks, up from the current 6 weeks, starting in July of next year. The goal will be to boost the benefit to 90% of most wages, up from the current maximum of 70%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The K-14 kids did all right\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As required by law, the lion’s share of the budget goes to public schools, with nearly $102 billion in state money to be pumped into California classrooms and community colleges, plus another $389 million in a special reserve fund for schools. Though the figure is an all-time high, California is still viewed as lagging in per pupil spending, in part because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are also demanding more stringent oversight of charter schools, which can operate like private schools, tend to be non-union and have proliferated in big cities such as Oakland and Los Angeles. Newsom proposed prohibiting charter schools from blocking or disenrolling special education students who require more support for disabilities. Lawmakers readily embraced that change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget includes $300 million to build more \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-early-childhood-kindergarten-bathrooms/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">kindergarten classrooms\u003c/a> in an effort to boost full-day kindergarten programs. Newsom had initially proposed $750 million but that was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/5-takeaways-newsom-may-revise-budget-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reduced\u003c/a> after a study found most part-day kindergarten programs are in wealthier communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/after-school-programs-measles-foxs-take-on-the-budget-and-castration/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">After-school programs\u003c/a> will get a $50 million boost to the $600 million or so the state is currently spending. The money will help cover the cost of minimum wage increases enacted during Brown’s tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So did the little ones\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/can-california-afford-newsom-education-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emphasizing early education\u003c/a>, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/early-childhood-universal-preschool-newsom-mccarty/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expand day care and preschool\u003c/a> slots by the thousands while investing in training for child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom gets $50 million in seed money to start \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/child-college-savings-accounts-california-san-francisco-kindergartners-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">child savings accounts\u003c/a> for college and post-secondary education. He initially asked that all of it go toward pilot projects with First 5 California and local governments but the Legislature is designating $25 million. The other $25 million will create a state program with the Scholarshare program in the Treasurer’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More free college and help for student parents\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and legislators delivered on a $45 million promise to fund a second year of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-free-community-college-cost/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tuition-free community college\u003c/a> for first-time, full-time students at campuses participating in the state’s College Promise program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other big winners include students with children, who will be eligible to receive grants of up to $6,000 to help cover their families’ living expenses. The budget boosts by about 15,000 the number of competitive Cal Grants — a significant jump, but far less than the 400,000 qualified students who applied for the state scholarships last year and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-cost-of-college-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">didn’t receive them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California and California State University will receive money to increase enrollment, and waive tuition during the summer to help low-income students graduate faster. Lawmakers also set aside funds for campuses to combat hunger and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homeless-college-students-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">homelessness\u003c/a>, strengthen veterans resource centers, and provide more \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/a-push-for-mental-health-care-at-colleges-depression-and-anxiety-really-eat-up-our-kids/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">mental health counseling\u003c/a>. A center at the University of California San Francisco is getting a $3.5 million earmark for \u003ca href=\"http://dyslexia.yale.edu/story/gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dyslexia\u003c/a> screening and early intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the state’s controversial new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/online-community-college-california-heather-hiles-ceo/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">online community college\u003c/a> fended off an effort to slash the college’s funding, clearing the way to enroll its first class this fall. And CSU will get $4 million to study five possible locations for a new campus: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/how-a-cal-state-campus-would-help-stockton-comeback/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Stockton\u003c/a>, Chula Vista, San Mateo, Concord and Palm Desert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lots for police training, a little for police records\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting the Legislature’s focus this year on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/force-of-law-podcast-episode-one-cycles/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reducing police shootings\u003c/a>, the budget includes $20 million to train police officers on de-escalation tactics and how and when to use force. Outside the budget, bills to set a tougher standard for police to use deadly force and require more officer training are advancing through the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-use-of-force-standards-lethal-shootings-legislature/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reflecting a compromise\u003c/a> between civil rights advocates and law enforcement groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11738880\"]Attorney General Xavier Becerra’s office will get $155,000 to implement the new state law he’d been resisting: making law enforcement misconduct records public. Becerra will also have to report to the Legislature on how many requests his office processes and how much time is spent on that. A judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/05/17/court-rules-against-attorney-general-state-must-disclose-police-records/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled in May\u003c/a> that Becerra must produce the records; previously he had said he would not release them until the courts clarified whether he had to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Powering down to cope with wildfires\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-happens-next-wildfire-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">beefing up the state’s firefighting capability\u003c/a> and disaster preparedness, California will add powering down to its to-do list for coping with climate change-driven \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-worsening-wildfires-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wildfires\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget doles out $75 million to state and local agencies whenever investor-owned utilities decide to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-happens-next-wildfire-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shut off electricity\u003c/a> during red flag weather warnings. One note: The Assembly added language to track how the money is used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters reporters Matt Levin, Felicia Mello and Laurel Rosenhall contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Less tax-and-spendy than expected, California's $215 billion budget delivers more for working and poor families, but avoids most new taxes and stops short of health care for all.",
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"description": "Less tax-and-spendy than expected, California's $215 billion budget delivers more for working and poor families, but avoids most new taxes and stops short of health care for all.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite speculation about bold moves — in a far left direction, even for this blue state — Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative Democrats actually landed a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB74\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">budget\u003c/a> Thursday that’s surgical about new taxing while still keeping promises to help poor Californians and working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the $214.8 billion spending plan, the state inched closer to universal health coverage, expanding Medi-Cal to all low-income young adults regardless of immigration status. State lawmakers also charted a course to increase tax credits to the working poor and boost subsidies to middle-income Californians to buy health coverage. There were significant investments in early education and housing, also, while a portion of the surplus was diverted to pay down pension liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Democrats began the year with a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-taxes-legislature-newsom-surplus-soda-water-tax/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">surplus of ideas for taxing Californians\u003c/a>, only a few strategic levies survived the negotiation process, specifically a fine on individuals who don’t have health insurance under a state mandate. There’s even a little tax relief: Parents, for instance, will get a temporary tax exemption on diapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One hitch? The devil is in the details, some which have yet to be worked out. Though Democrats met their deadline for a balanced spending plan, most of the underlying policy to enact the budget wasn’t taken up — and may not be for weeks. Call it a learning curve: This was the new governor’s first time negotiating with seasoned legislative leaders who know how to count votes. Look for more action in coming trailer bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about California’s new budget:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Yes to health care for undocumented young adults. Not yet on health care for all.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature agreed to the governor’s plan to expand Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program for low-income people, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-poised-to-go-further-insuring-the-undocumented-immigrants/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">young adults ages 19-25\u003c/a>. It’s a step toward offering free health care to all undocumented adults since the state already makes Medi-Cal available to children regardless of immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Senate had proposed going further by offering Medi-Cal to undocumented seniors 65 and older. However, none of the leaders backed offering health care to all low-income immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state expects an estimated 90,000 young adults could gain coverage when the benefit begins next year. Already, 76,000 have registered for a limited version of Medi-Cal that covers emergency services and prenatal care available to low-income people regardless of immigration status. The price tag for this expansion? About \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2019-20/pdf/Revised/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf#page=6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$98 million a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s worth noting the state also affirmed its commitment to restoring \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-eyeglasses-medi-cal-restoring-benefitsr/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">optional Medi-Cal benefits\u003c/a>. During the recession, coverage for audiology, optical, podiatry, speech therapy and incontinence creams had been taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Obamacare lives: A $695 state mandate to carry health coverage\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting next year, California will join New Jersey, Vermont and the District of Columbia in requiring residents carry health coverage or face a $695 state penalty — a fine that will go up each year with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-ideas-counteract-obamacare-mandate-repeal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">individual mandate\u003c/a> aims to replace the federal one that Republicans repealed in their effort to dismantle the Affordable Care Act. The administration says California needs to act because without a mandate, the number of Californians without coverage — 10.4% in 2016 — will go back up. Separately, a study conducted by the University of California estimated the uninsurance rate will rise to \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2018/CA-Coverage-Gains-To-Erode-Without-Further-State-Action.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">12.9% by 2023\u003c/a>, or 4.4 million people, without state action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money raised from the penalties, about $1 billion over three years, will be used to give bigger subsidies to those who purchase private insurance through the state’s health coverage exchange, Covered California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and lawmakers hope to expand assistance to 190,000 middle-income Californians making between $48,000 to $72,000 a year, according to Health Access California, a health advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Fear of recall = Not many new taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget includes a plan to impose a fee — that still needs to be voted on — of no more than \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB96\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">80 cents a month\u003c/a> on each telephone line to help digitize the state’s 911 system, which is still analog. The next generation system would improve call delivery, better location data and incoming text capability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11754744\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11754744\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-800x558.jpg\" alt=\"Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins says she would have liked to use discretionary funds rather than greenhouse gas reduction funds to provide clean water in the Central Valley but called it a compromise.\" width=\"800\" height=\"558\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-800x558.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-1020x711.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/atkins-2-e1560456025570.jpg 1257w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Senate Pro Tem Toni Atkins says she would have liked to use discretionary funds rather than greenhouse gas reduction funds to provide clean water in the Central Valley but called it a compromise. \u003ccite>(Judy Lin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other than that and the health care mandate, lawmakers opted against most of the new taxes proposed early in the session. In fact, California parents and women will get a sales tax exemption on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">diapers and menstrual products\u003c/a> (though only for two years).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notably rejected, given the state’s current $21.5 billion surplus, was Newsom’s push for a 95-cent tax on most residential water bills to fund clean drinking water initiatives in the Central Valley. Instead, the Legislature worked out a deal to clean up toxic water by diverting money generated from big polluters under the state’s cap and trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some environmental groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/83ce9d94e85744a199bc45ecfb295a25\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">questioned\u003c/a> using clean air money to pay for drinking water, but supporters reasoned that water is being contaminated with arsenic and other toxic chemicals from the heavy use of fertilizers so it makes sense to draw the $100 million for cleanup from the agriculture industry’s portion of the greenhouse gas fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One issue that won’t be resolved this week is whether California will conform its tax code to match federal changes made by Republicans in 2017. Newsom is relying on the projected $1.7 billion increase in net revenue from that to expand the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/more-bad-homelessness-news-why-college-is-so-pricey-and-special-election-day/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">earned income tax credit\u003c/a>, the centerpiece of his anti-poverty agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Democrats in swing districts are skittish about limiting deductions and losses that can be claimed by some businesses. They know the fate of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/two-victims-of-a-blood-sport-politics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">former Sen. Josh Newman\u003c/a>, who was recalled from his Orange County seat after voting to raise California’s gas tax. Tax conformity requires a two-thirds vote in the Legislature to pass, so the pressure is on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Newsom’s best Jerry Brown: Paying debt and rainy day saving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers embraced the governor’s proposal to use some of the surplus to make extra pension payments, a step Newsom says is necessary to tame the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/newsom-wants-extra-pension-payments-as-retirement-liability-tops-256b/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$256 billion retirement liability for state workers and teachers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature approved supplemental payments of $3 billion to the California Public Employees’ Retirement System and $1.1 billion to the California State Teachers’ Retirement System for the state’s portion of unfunded liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To relieve school districts across the state, the Legislature will contribute a total of $3.15 billion toward paying down their liabilities and reducing their payroll contribution rates. One difference is where it will go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, Newsom had all the extra payments going to the teachers pension fund — a reaction, in part, to teachers strikes that erupted as he took office. Now a portion of that money will be doled out to CalPERS. The change was made in recognition that while teachers are members of CalSTRS, many other school employees from janitors to bus drivers belong in the state’s other public employee pension fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides paying down California’s “wall of debt,” as former Gov. Jerry Brown called it, the state is shoring up for a downturn — or \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/jerry-brown-gavin-newsom-political-lexicon/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in Newsom-speak\u003c/a>, “building budget resiliency.” The new budget carries a roughly $20 billion reserve from several rainy day funds. This amount, while hefty, would be easily \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-recession-trump-newsom-washington-surplus-economy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wiped away in a downturn\u003c/a>. According to the Legislative Analyst’s Office, the state would need as much as $40 billion to cover the budget in a moderate recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Big spending on housing, but fight over where it goes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With new commitments topping $2 billion, the budget represents the most important action the governor has taken so far on housing and homelessness. The lion’s share will target the state’s homeless population, including $650 million in grants for cities and counties to build and maintain emergency shelters and $100 million for wrap-around care for the state’s most vulnerable residents. Another $500 million will go to quintuple the size of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-state-budget-gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state’s affordable housing financing fund\u003c/a>, plus hundreds of millions earmarked for cities to update their often outdated housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While lawmakers and Newsom have agreed to cut big checks, it’s not clear who’ll get the money and with what strings attached. Big city mayors and lawmakers want homelessness grants \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-california-budget-homeless-funding-20190612-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">directed towards the state’s largest 13 cities\u003c/a>, while Newsom wants to spread out the money to include counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to deny transportation funds to cities not building enough housing. As of Thursday, lawmakers were still negotiating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-gavin-newsom-housing-plan-201903011-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">scaled-back version of the proposal\u003c/a>. Another Newsom proposal that speeds construction of homeless shelters by sidestepping environmental laws also remains unresolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lending a hand to working families\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expanding California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/individuals/faq/net/900.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">earned income tax credit\u003c/a> has quickly become one of Newsom’s signature anti-poverty programs because it gives a cost-of-living refund to low-income working families. Lawmakers are poised to triple the program from $400 million to $1.2 billion to provide a $1,000 refund for families with children under 6 and expand income eligibility from $24,950 to $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11754745\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11754745\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/2019-budget-vote-600x407.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Assemblyman Phil Ting, who chairs the Assembly budget committee, calls California’s new budget fiscally responsible while helping working families.\" width=\"600\" height=\"407\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/2019-budget-vote-600x407.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/2019-budget-vote-600x407-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Assemblyman Phil Ting, who chairs the Assembly budget committee, calls California’s new budget fiscally responsible while helping working families. \u003ccite>(Judy Lin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Anti-poverty advocates had wanted Newsom to include undocumented workers who file with individual taxpayer identification numbers instead of Social Security numbers. That proposal did not make the final version of the budget. Still, the administration estimates the current expansion will increase the number of beneficiaries from 2 million to 3 million households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also will make it easier for low-income families with children to qualify for assistance, increasing the CalWORKs asset limit to $10,000 and the motor vehicle exemption to $25,000 — changes that will allow people to save and hang onto cars that can get them to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And parents of all incomes will get a longer paid family leave to care for new babies — 8 weeks, up from the current 6 weeks, starting in July of next year. The goal will be to boost the benefit to 90% of most wages, up from the current maximum of 70%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The K-14 kids did all right\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As required by law, the lion’s share of the budget goes to public schools, with nearly $102 billion in state money to be pumped into California classrooms and community colleges, plus another $389 million in a special reserve fund for schools. Though the figure is an all-time high, California is still viewed as lagging in per pupil spending, in part because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are also demanding more stringent oversight of charter schools, which can operate like private schools, tend to be non-union and have proliferated in big cities such as Oakland and Los Angeles. Newsom proposed prohibiting charter schools from blocking or disenrolling special education students who require more support for disabilities. Lawmakers readily embraced that change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget includes $300 million to build more \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-early-childhood-kindergarten-bathrooms/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">kindergarten classrooms\u003c/a> in an effort to boost full-day kindergarten programs. Newsom had initially proposed $750 million but that was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/5-takeaways-newsom-may-revise-budget-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reduced\u003c/a> after a study found most part-day kindergarten programs are in wealthier communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/after-school-programs-measles-foxs-take-on-the-budget-and-castration/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">After-school programs\u003c/a> will get a $50 million boost to the $600 million or so the state is currently spending. The money will help cover the cost of minimum wage increases enacted during Brown’s tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So did the little ones\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/can-california-afford-newsom-education-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emphasizing early education\u003c/a>, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/early-childhood-universal-preschool-newsom-mccarty/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expand day care and preschool\u003c/a> slots by the thousands while investing in training for child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom gets $50 million in seed money to start \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/child-college-savings-accounts-california-san-francisco-kindergartners-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">child savings accounts\u003c/a> for college and post-secondary education. He initially asked that all of it go toward pilot projects with First 5 California and local governments but the Legislature is designating $25 million. The other $25 million will create a state program with the Scholarshare program in the Treasurer’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More free college and help for student parents\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and legislators delivered on a $45 million promise to fund a second year of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-free-community-college-cost/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tuition-free community college\u003c/a> for first-time, full-time students at campuses participating in the state’s College Promise program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other big winners include students with children, who will be eligible to receive grants of up to $6,000 to help cover their families’ living expenses. The budget boosts by about 15,000 the number of competitive Cal Grants — a significant jump, but far less than the 400,000 qualified students who applied for the state scholarships last year and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-cost-of-college-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">didn’t receive them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California and California State University will receive money to increase enrollment, and waive tuition during the summer to help low-income students graduate faster. Lawmakers also set aside funds for campuses to combat hunger and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homeless-college-students-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">homelessness\u003c/a>, strengthen veterans resource centers, and provide more \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/a-push-for-mental-health-care-at-colleges-depression-and-anxiety-really-eat-up-our-kids/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">mental health counseling\u003c/a>. A center at the University of California San Francisco is getting a $3.5 million earmark for \u003ca href=\"http://dyslexia.yale.edu/story/gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dyslexia\u003c/a> screening and early intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the state’s controversial new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/online-community-college-california-heather-hiles-ceo/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">online community college\u003c/a> fended off an effort to slash the college’s funding, clearing the way to enroll its first class this fall. And CSU will get $4 million to study five possible locations for a new campus: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/how-a-cal-state-campus-would-help-stockton-comeback/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Stockton\u003c/a>, Chula Vista, San Mateo, Concord and Palm Desert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lots for police training, a little for police records\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting the Legislature’s focus this year on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/force-of-law-podcast-episode-one-cycles/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reducing police shootings\u003c/a>, the budget includes $20 million to train police officers on de-escalation tactics and how and when to use force. Outside the budget, bills to set a tougher standard for police to use deadly force and require more officer training are advancing through the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-police-use-of-force-standards-lethal-shootings-legislature/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reflecting a compromise\u003c/a> between civil rights advocates and law enforcement groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra’s office will get $155,000 to implement the new state law he’d been resisting: making law enforcement misconduct records public. Becerra will also have to report to the Legislature on how many requests his office processes and how much time is spent on that. A judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/05/17/court-rules-against-attorney-general-state-must-disclose-police-records/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled in May\u003c/a> that Becerra must produce the records; previously he had said he would not release them until the courts clarified whether he had to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Powering down to cope with wildfires\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-happens-next-wildfire-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">beefing up the state’s firefighting capability\u003c/a> and disaster preparedness, California will add powering down to its to-do list for coping with climate change-driven \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-worsening-wildfires-explained/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wildfires\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget doles out $75 million to state and local agencies whenever investor-owned utilities decide to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-happens-next-wildfire-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shut off electricity\u003c/a> during red flag weather warnings. One note: The Assembly added language to track how the money is used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters reporters Matt Levin, Felicia Mello and Laurel Rosenhall contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Could Capping Interest Rates Curb Poverty Rates in California?",
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"headTitle": "Could Capping Interest Rates Curb Poverty Rates in California? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last month, the Federal Reserve System \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/publications/files/2018-report-economic-well-being-us-households-201905.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued a report\u003c/a> on “the economic well-being of U.S. households,” and it contained a rather disturbing bit of data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If faced with an unexpected expense of $400,” a survey of American households found, “61% of adults say they would cover it with cash, savings, or a credit card paid off at the next statement – a modest improvement from the prior year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turning that around, 39% of American adults say they couldn’t readily cover an unexpected $400 expense – for a car repair, perhaps, or an emergency room visit. The survey found that two-thirds of them “would borrow or sell something to pay for the expense” and the remainder “would not be able to cover the expense at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='predatory-lending' label='More on small-dollar credit']Not surprisingly, that 39% number coincides rather neatly – if unfortunately – with poverty in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau says that California has the nation’s highest level of poverty when the cost of living is included in the calculation, with about 20% of its 40 million residents impoverished. The Public Policy Institute of California, using a similar methodology, calculates that another 20% are living in “near-poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a stretch to conclude, therefore, that the 40% of Californians in economic distress probably are incapable of meeting a sudden $400 expense — which brings us to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB539\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 539\u003c/a>, which passed the Assembly on a 60-4 vote on the same day that the Federal Reserve report was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, carried by Assemblywoman Monique Limón, a Santa Barbara Democrat, is aimed at curbing the very high-interest loans that poor Californians often take out to meet their living costs because they are unable to qualify for conventional credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would place a 36% annual interest rate cap on loans made by state-licensed lenders, more than a third of which have interest rates above 100%, according to the Department of Business Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such ultra-high rates are, a legislative analysis of the bill says, “a relatively new phenomenon in California,” growing from 8,468 such loans in 2009 to more than 350,000 per year now, totaling more than $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='poverty' label='Poverty in California']Critics call it “predatory lending” that takes advantage of poor people, who often lack the education or consumer awareness to steer clear of these legal loan sharks. Unable to afford the high payments such loans demand, their unpaid balances are often folded into new loans with high fees and interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limón says she wants to affect the “small number of lenders” that specialize in such loans. “I’ve worked hard to find a compromise,” she told the Assembly, saying her bill would “benefit both consumers and responsible lenders alike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, now pending in the Senate, is clearly a sincere effort to protect the poor. However, it does nothing about the underlying fact that so many Californians live on the edges of financial precipices and turn to high-interest lenders in desperation when cars break down, when landlords demand rent, or when some other sudden expense rears its ugly head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is one of dozens of legislative measures that seek to alleviate the effects of California’s embarrassingly high poverty. There is, however, not nearly enough political action on poverty at the source — such as building more housing to bring down its cost, getting more kids through high school, improving skills to fill well-paying jobs now going unfilled for a lack of trained workers, and/or making California more attractive to investment in more jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We sometimes lose sight of the well-proven fact that the best anti-poverty program is a good job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last month, the Federal Reserve System \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/publications/files/2018-report-economic-well-being-us-households-201905.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued a report\u003c/a> on “the economic well-being of U.S. households,” and it contained a rather disturbing bit of data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If faced with an unexpected expense of $400,” a survey of American households found, “61% of adults say they would cover it with cash, savings, or a credit card paid off at the next statement – a modest improvement from the prior year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turning that around, 39% of American adults say they couldn’t readily cover an unexpected $400 expense – for a car repair, perhaps, or an emergency room visit. The survey found that two-thirds of them “would borrow or sell something to pay for the expense” and the remainder “would not be able to cover the expense at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Not surprisingly, that 39% number coincides rather neatly – if unfortunately – with poverty in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau says that California has the nation’s highest level of poverty when the cost of living is included in the calculation, with about 20% of its 40 million residents impoverished. The Public Policy Institute of California, using a similar methodology, calculates that another 20% are living in “near-poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a stretch to conclude, therefore, that the 40% of Californians in economic distress probably are incapable of meeting a sudden $400 expense — which brings us to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB539\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 539\u003c/a>, which passed the Assembly on a 60-4 vote on the same day that the Federal Reserve report was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, carried by Assemblywoman Monique Limón, a Santa Barbara Democrat, is aimed at curbing the very high-interest loans that poor Californians often take out to meet their living costs because they are unable to qualify for conventional credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would place a 36% annual interest rate cap on loans made by state-licensed lenders, more than a third of which have interest rates above 100%, according to the Department of Business Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such ultra-high rates are, a legislative analysis of the bill says, “a relatively new phenomenon in California,” growing from 8,468 such loans in 2009 to more than 350,000 per year now, totaling more than $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Critics call it “predatory lending” that takes advantage of poor people, who often lack the education or consumer awareness to steer clear of these legal loan sharks. Unable to afford the high payments such loans demand, their unpaid balances are often folded into new loans with high fees and interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limón says she wants to affect the “small number of lenders” that specialize in such loans. “I’ve worked hard to find a compromise,” she told the Assembly, saying her bill would “benefit both consumers and responsible lenders alike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, now pending in the Senate, is clearly a sincere effort to protect the poor. However, it does nothing about the underlying fact that so many Californians live on the edges of financial precipices and turn to high-interest lenders in desperation when cars break down, when landlords demand rent, or when some other sudden expense rears its ugly head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is one of dozens of legislative measures that seek to alleviate the effects of California’s embarrassingly high poverty. There is, however, not nearly enough political action on poverty at the source — such as building more housing to bring down its cost, getting more kids through high school, improving skills to fill well-paying jobs now going unfilled for a lack of trained workers, and/or making California more attractive to investment in more jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We sometimes lose sight of the well-proven fact that the best anti-poverty program is a good job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California tenants just scored a rare victory in the state Capitol—emphasis on the rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A high-profile bill passed Wednesday night by the state Assembly would impose \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rent-control-cap-california-housing-gouging/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a “rent-gouging cap” on annual rent increases\u003c/a> for the vast majority of renters. If approved by the state Senate and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, it would make California the second state to provide such protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11677380,news_11732880,news_11728558\" label=\"More on Renter Protections\"]“I’m thrilled that the Assembly has taken one step forward to providing some relief to millions of tenants one rent increase away from losing their homes,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco and author of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant rights group can rightfully celebrate today’s vote as an achievement—mostly because of the near-herculean effort it took to get a renter bill this far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482&firstNav=tracking\">AB 1482\u003c/a> was significantly watered down to accommodate reluctant lawmakers and appease opposing interest groups: The proposed rent cap was raised from 5% to 7% plus inflation; it exempts landlords who own less than 10 single family homes; and it would expire in 2023. And it still just squeaked by the Assembly. The fate of a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1481&firstNav=tracking\">twin bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated landlords evict tenants only for “just cause”—which many argue is necessary for Chiu’s bill to be effective—remains uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect California’s 17 million renters to have more juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40% of Californians are tenants, including 12 million of voting age—a major swath of the potential electorate. Rents have soared to alarming highs, causing more than half the state’s tenants to meet the federal definition of “housing-cost burdened.” In one of his first addresses in office, the state’s new progressive governor called on a Democratic supermajority of state lawmakers to send him a package of tenant protection bill as soon as possible. This weekend a recently formed Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/renters-caucus-california-democratic-state-convention-2019-tickets-62122943396\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“renters caucus”\u003c/a> will host an event at the state party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, legislation aimed at helping California’s renters almost always has struggled to get through the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742791/bill-to-expand-rent-control-in-california-stalls-in-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a bill that would have allowed California cities to expand rent control\u003c/a> to more residences was withdrawn by its author when it became clear the bill couldn’t even muster enough support to pass its first committee hearing. A proposal that would have created a \u003ca href=\"https://a15.asmdc.org/press-releases/20190318-california-lawmakers-announce-measures-protect-renters-and-combat-housing\">statewide rental database\u003c/a> to reliably track evictions and prices—data that’s hard to come by for anyone but landlords—was quietly buried before it could advance to a full floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Paul Mitchell, Political Data Inc\"]“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout.”[/pullquote]“We have in California in both houses a supermajority of Democrats, many of whom will tell you that they’re concerned about the housing crisis,” said Brian Augusta, legislative advocate for the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation and a lobbyist for tenant interests who has watched a handful of tenant protection bills die or get watered down in recent years. “And yet when we go to try to secure their vote for what seem like very reasonable policies, they’re not going up [to vote].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why can’t tenant groups wield the political muscle you’d think their numbers would warrant?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money is the easy answer: Landlords have it, renters don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have to have plausible arguments, and our arguments still have to resonate,” said Deb Carlton, lobbyist for the California Apartment Association.”A lot of these bills are extreme and they’re not willing to compromise on these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s more to it than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>California renters are more likely to be lower income, younger and immigrants—all demographic blocs less likely to vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Who’s your typical California renter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Picture a Latina woman in her early 40s, making around $26,000 a year. There’s about a 1 in 3 chance that’s she’s foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that to your typical California homeowner—white, ten years older, making about $12,000 more a year. There’s about a 25% chance she was born in another country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost all of the demographic characteristics associated with homeownership—nativity, race and ethnicity, income level, age—make homeowners much more likely to vote than renters. And lawmakers are acutely aware of who votes and who doesn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/17564e7a-9f02-4e29-86e6-a30ac2d19a73?src=embed\" title=\"Renter v homeowner\" width=\"600\" height=\"860\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout,” said Paul Mitchell, a political consultant with Political Data Inc, which provides voter roll services to state political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite comprising more than 40% of the population, renters make up only about 20% of registered California voters, according to data analyzed by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, tenant advocates hoped that a rent control initiative put on the ballot would gin up turnout from renters who finally had a clear and compelling economic interest to show up to the polls. Although precise data on the rental status of voters is hard to obtain, an analysis of voters identified as renters by Political Data Inc. shows that registered homeowners were still about 25 percent more likely to vote than registered renters. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\">rent control initiative lost\u003c/a> by an overwhelming margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>It’s not just what’s associated with being a renter that depresses turnout. Just being a renter, itself, makes you less likely to vote.\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2016, simply owning a home in California meant you were nearly 6% more likely to be a registered voter than if you rented, even controlling for factors like ethnicity and level of education, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renting had roughly as strong an impact on your likelihood to register as being unemployed or being single. That disparity in renter-versus-homeowner registration and turnout has persisted election after election, in California and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you buy a house, you become settled in a community,” said Eric McGhee, research fellow at the institute. “When you’re settled in a community, you’re more likely to sign up and register to vote, and when you’re registered, you’re more likely to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-11751072\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"450\" height=\"454\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-160x161.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-800x807.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png 1102w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 450px) 100vw, 450px\">\u003c/a>There are some very practical reasons renting keeps Californians from the ballot box. Renters tend to move more, meaning they need to re-register to vote at each new address. Political mailers and turn-out-the-vote campaigns can have a tough time infiltrating apartment complexes and keeping track of who moved where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beyond these structural barriers, there’s the thorny question of why more renters aren’t more politically organized and active, especially compared to homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the answer–many renters consider their identity as a tenant temporary, and aspire to be homeowners some day. Why spend time on something like campaigning for rent control if you won’t benefit from it in a few years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone in America and certainly everyone in California, from when you’re born, the expectation is you rent until you have enough money to buy a house,” said Shanti Singh, communications director for Tenants Together, a statewide coalition of local tenants groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh likens the difficulty tenants unions have mobilizing renters to the difficulty labor unions have mobilizing workers who aspire to one day rise to management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Brian Augusta, lobbyist for tenant interests\"]“That’s the question we’re always asking ourselves.”[/pullquote]“We’re like 20 to 30 years behind the labor movement, and even the labor movement is always trying to get people to understand their identity as workers,” said Singh. “We’re trying to do the same thing and kind of trying to follow that path.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic may be changing as the cost of homeownership becomes less and less feasible for younger Californians, who may consider renting less a temporary station and more the only viable means of remaining in the state. In 1970, the average California home \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\">cost about three times\u003c/a> the median income for a 25 to 34-year-old family. Today the average home costs about seven times a young family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The money imbalance is important, but it doesn’t explain everything\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To many in the tenants rights movement, the answer to why pro-renter bills die in the Capitol is simple: Landlords and their allies have lots of money for campaign contributions, lobbying and independent political expenditures. Tenants don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, the primary interest group representing large landlords on statewide issues, poured $280,000 into general lobbying in the first three months of this year. The California Association of Realtors, a longtime political ally of the landlords and a staunch opponent of rent control, spent $418,000. In the last election cycle, those interest groups lavished nearly $1 million on campaign contributions to candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re doing your rounds on lobbying, it’s just sort of a black box when you have groups like the realtors and (landlords) on the other side,” said Augusta, the pro-tenant lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while certainly important, money doesn’t explain everything about why Democratic lawmakers shy away from tenant bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11741220\"]Many legislators who have not supported tenant legislation represent solidly blue legislative districts, and have little fear of losing to a Republican challenger funded by a punitive real estate lobby or a Democratic challenger in a primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the question we’re always asking ourselves,” said Augusta. “I don’t know the answer as to why they would run scared in a safe district from a bill that benefits their constituents even though it might upset groups from the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers could obviously be worried about rubbing the industry the wrong way if they seek higher office, or have other legislative priorities in need of industry support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s another underlying reason tenant groups believe they have trouble resonating with lawmakers: Almost all the legislators are homeowners, and many are landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741220/lawmakers-and-landlords-more-than-a-quarter-of-california-legislators-are-both\">themselves.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CALmatters could only identify one state lawmaker who was not a homeowner—Assemblyman Todd Gloria, Democrat from San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"sourceUrl": "https://calmatters.org/articles/california-renters-lack-power-despite-rare-tenant-win/",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-renters-lack-power-despite-rare-tenant-win/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California tenants just scored a rare victory in the state Capitol—emphasis on the rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A high-profile bill passed Wednesday night by the state Assembly would impose \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rent-control-cap-california-housing-gouging/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a “rent-gouging cap” on annual rent increases\u003c/a> for the vast majority of renters. If approved by the state Senate and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, it would make California the second state to provide such protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m thrilled that the Assembly has taken one step forward to providing some relief to millions of tenants one rent increase away from losing their homes,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco and author of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant rights group can rightfully celebrate today’s vote as an achievement—mostly because of the near-herculean effort it took to get a renter bill this far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482&firstNav=tracking\">AB 1482\u003c/a> was significantly watered down to accommodate reluctant lawmakers and appease opposing interest groups: The proposed rent cap was raised from 5% to 7% plus inflation; it exempts landlords who own less than 10 single family homes; and it would expire in 2023. And it still just squeaked by the Assembly. The fate of a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1481&firstNav=tracking\">twin bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated landlords evict tenants only for “just cause”—which many argue is necessary for Chiu’s bill to be effective—remains uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect California’s 17 million renters to have more juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40% of Californians are tenants, including 12 million of voting age—a major swath of the potential electorate. Rents have soared to alarming highs, causing more than half the state’s tenants to meet the federal definition of “housing-cost burdened.” In one of his first addresses in office, the state’s new progressive governor called on a Democratic supermajority of state lawmakers to send him a package of tenant protection bill as soon as possible. This weekend a recently formed Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/renters-caucus-california-democratic-state-convention-2019-tickets-62122943396\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“renters caucus”\u003c/a> will host an event at the state party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, legislation aimed at helping California’s renters almost always has struggled to get through the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742791/bill-to-expand-rent-control-in-california-stalls-in-legislature\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a bill that would have allowed California cities to expand rent control\u003c/a> to more residences was withdrawn by its author when it became clear the bill couldn’t even muster enough support to pass its first committee hearing. A proposal that would have created a \u003ca href=\"https://a15.asmdc.org/press-releases/20190318-california-lawmakers-announce-measures-protect-renters-and-combat-housing\">statewide rental database\u003c/a> to reliably track evictions and prices—data that’s hard to come by for anyone but landlords—was quietly buried before it could advance to a full floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We have in California in both houses a supermajority of Democrats, many of whom will tell you that they’re concerned about the housing crisis,” said Brian Augusta, legislative advocate for the California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation and a lobbyist for tenant interests who has watched a handful of tenant protection bills die or get watered down in recent years. “And yet when we go to try to secure their vote for what seem like very reasonable policies, they’re not going up [to vote].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why can’t tenant groups wield the political muscle you’d think their numbers would warrant?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money is the easy answer: Landlords have it, renters don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have to have plausible arguments, and our arguments still have to resonate,” said Deb Carlton, lobbyist for the California Apartment Association.”A lot of these bills are extreme and they’re not willing to compromise on these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s more to it than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>California renters are more likely to be lower income, younger and immigrants—all demographic blocs less likely to vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Who’s your typical California renter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Picture a Latina woman in her early 40s, making around $26,000 a year. There’s about a 1 in 3 chance that’s she’s foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that to your typical California homeowner—white, ten years older, making about $12,000 more a year. There’s about a 25% chance she was born in another country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost all of the demographic characteristics associated with homeownership—nativity, race and ethnicity, income level, age—make homeowners much more likely to vote than renters. And lawmakers are acutely aware of who votes and who doesn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/17564e7a-9f02-4e29-86e6-a30ac2d19a73?src=embed\" title=\"Renter v homeowner\" width=\"600\" height=\"860\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about renters, you’re looking at a lower socioeconomic status, younger people, people who move more often. That’s all negatively correlated to turnout,” said Paul Mitchell, a political consultant with Political Data Inc, which provides voter roll services to state political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite comprising more than 40% of the population, renters make up only about 20% of registered California voters, according to data analyzed by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, tenant advocates hoped that a rent control initiative put on the ballot would gin up turnout from renters who finally had a clear and compelling economic interest to show up to the polls. Although precise data on the rental status of voters is hard to obtain, an analysis of voters identified as renters by Political Data Inc. shows that registered homeowners were still about 25 percent more likely to vote than registered renters. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\">rent control initiative lost\u003c/a> by an overwhelming margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>It’s not just what’s associated with being a renter that depresses turnout. Just being a renter, itself, makes you less likely to vote.\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2016, simply owning a home in California meant you were nearly 6% more likely to be a registered voter than if you rented, even controlling for factors like ethnicity and level of education, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renting had roughly as strong an impact on your likelihood to register as being unemployed or being single. That disparity in renter-versus-homeowner registration and turnout has persisted election after election, in California and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you buy a house, you become settled in a community,” said Eric McGhee, research fellow at the institute. “When you’re settled in a community, you’re more likely to sign up and register to vote, and when you’re registered, you’re more likely to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-11751072\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"450\" height=\"454\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-1020x1029.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-160x161.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM-800x807.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Screen-Shot-2019-05-30-at-9.07.42-AM.png 1102w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 450px) 100vw, 450px\">\u003c/a>There are some very practical reasons renting keeps Californians from the ballot box. Renters tend to move more, meaning they need to re-register to vote at each new address. Political mailers and turn-out-the-vote campaigns can have a tough time infiltrating apartment complexes and keeping track of who moved where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beyond these structural barriers, there’s the thorny question of why more renters aren’t more politically organized and active, especially compared to homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the answer–many renters consider their identity as a tenant temporary, and aspire to be homeowners some day. Why spend time on something like campaigning for rent control if you won’t benefit from it in a few years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone in America and certainly everyone in California, from when you’re born, the expectation is you rent until you have enough money to buy a house,” said Shanti Singh, communications director for Tenants Together, a statewide coalition of local tenants groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh likens the difficulty tenants unions have mobilizing renters to the difficulty labor unions have mobilizing workers who aspire to one day rise to management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re like 20 to 30 years behind the labor movement, and even the labor movement is always trying to get people to understand their identity as workers,” said Singh. “We’re trying to do the same thing and kind of trying to follow that path.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic may be changing as the cost of homeownership becomes less and less feasible for younger Californians, who may consider renting less a temporary station and more the only viable means of remaining in the state. In 1970, the average California home \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\">cost about three times\u003c/a> the median income for a 25 to 34-year-old family. Today the average home costs about seven times a young family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The money imbalance is important, but it doesn’t explain everything\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To many in the tenants rights movement, the answer to why pro-renter bills die in the Capitol is simple: Landlords and their allies have lots of money for campaign contributions, lobbying and independent political expenditures. Tenants don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, the primary interest group representing large landlords on statewide issues, poured $280,000 into general lobbying in the first three months of this year. The California Association of Realtors, a longtime political ally of the landlords and a staunch opponent of rent control, spent $418,000. In the last election cycle, those interest groups lavished nearly $1 million on campaign contributions to candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re doing your rounds on lobbying, it’s just sort of a black box when you have groups like the realtors and (landlords) on the other side,” said Augusta, the pro-tenant lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while certainly important, money doesn’t explain everything about why Democratic lawmakers shy away from tenant bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many legislators who have not supported tenant legislation represent solidly blue legislative districts, and have little fear of losing to a Republican challenger funded by a punitive real estate lobby or a Democratic challenger in a primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the question we’re always asking ourselves,” said Augusta. “I don’t know the answer as to why they would run scared in a safe district from a bill that benefits their constituents even though it might upset groups from the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers could obviously be worried about rubbing the industry the wrong way if they seek higher office, or have other legislative priorities in need of industry support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s another underlying reason tenant groups believe they have trouble resonating with lawmakers: Almost all the legislators are homeowners, and many are landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741220/lawmakers-and-landlords-more-than-a-quarter-of-california-legislators-are-both\">themselves.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CALmatters could only identify one state lawmaker who was not a homeowner—Assemblyman Todd Gloria, Democrat from San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Push for 4 A.M. Last Call Gets Fresh Shot With Winemaker Gavin Newsom",
"title": "Push for 4 A.M. Last Call Gets Fresh Shot With Winemaker Gavin Newsom",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would extend last call from 2 a.m. to 4 a.m. in several California cities has a fresh shot at becoming law after it was unceremoniously vetoed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed? The person in the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener is hoping his alcohol extension bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB58\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 58\u003c/a>, will find friendlier reception in winemaker-turned-governor Gavin Newsom, who founded \u003ca href=\"https://plumpjackwines.com/pages/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PlumpJack \u003c/a>in 1992 by opening a wine shop in San Francisco with philanthropist Gordon Getty. The brand has since flourished into a chain of boutique wineries, restaurants and bars throughout Northern California. [pullquote align='right' citation='State Sen. Scott Wiener']'I believe that Gov. Newsom will have an open mind and hearing us out on why this bill is a good idea.'[/pullquote]Wiener’s legislation cleared the state Senate this week with \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB58\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan support\u003c/a> and will now make its way through the Assembly. Former Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13841872/jerry-brown-vetoes-4am-nightlife-bill-for-california-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">had struck down Wiener’s nearly identical measure last year\u003c/a>, saying that while businesses would generate more money, the state doesn’t need more inebriated people on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The businesses and cities in support of this bill see that as a good source of revenue. The California Highway Patrol, however, strongly believes that this increased drinking will lead to more drunk driving,” Brown penned in his veto message. “California’s laws regulating late night drinking have been on the books since 1913. I believe we have enough mischief from midnight to 2 without adding two more hours of mayhem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, who has made several attempts at putting the bill on the governor’s desk, isn’t breaking out the champagne just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to make a prediction about what Gov. Newsom will do,” Wiener said in an interview. “I believe that Gov. Newsom will have an open mind and hearing us out on why this bill is a good idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were very disappointed that Gov. Brown vetoed it,” Wiener added. “His veto message, with all respect, was unfounded.”[aside postID=arts_13841872,arts_13833883,forum_2010101858776]SB 58 would allow 10 cities — San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, Sacramento, West Hollywood, Long Beach, Coachella, Cathedral City, Fresno and Palm Springs — to decide if they want to extend alcohol service at bars to 4 a.m. through a five-year pilot program. While most states mandate last call at 2 a.m., the bill would allow these California cities to join New York City’s 4 a.m. service cutoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Newsom put the company in a blind trust, PlumpJack could be one of the many businesses across the state to benefit from the bill. His sister, Hilary Newsom, and cousin, Jeremy Scherer, run the \u003ca href=\"https://www.plumpjack.com/team\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">day-to-day operation\u003c/a> of the PlumpJack Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson noted that the cities, not the state, will ultimately determine whether to keep bars open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the governor has been very open about his businesses and his interest in his businesses,” Levinson said. “[SB 58] feels like something we’ve talked about for a while. This doesn’t seem like the type of change he would drive through for financial benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spokesman Brian Ferguson said the governor will evaluate the bill on its own merits if it passes, and hasn’t yet taken a position on it.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A new bill cleared the state Senate this week that would allow 10 Californian cities to decide to extend last call by two hours.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill that would extend last call from 2 a.m. to 4 a.m. in several California cities has a fresh shot at becoming law after it was unceremoniously vetoed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed? The person in the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener is hoping his alcohol extension bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB58\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 58\u003c/a>, will find friendlier reception in winemaker-turned-governor Gavin Newsom, who founded \u003ca href=\"https://plumpjackwines.com/pages/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PlumpJack \u003c/a>in 1992 by opening a wine shop in San Francisco with philanthropist Gordon Getty. The brand has since flourished into a chain of boutique wineries, restaurants and bars throughout Northern California. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Wiener’s legislation cleared the state Senate this week with \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB58\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan support\u003c/a> and will now make its way through the Assembly. Former Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13841872/jerry-brown-vetoes-4am-nightlife-bill-for-california-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">had struck down Wiener’s nearly identical measure last year\u003c/a>, saying that while businesses would generate more money, the state doesn’t need more inebriated people on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The businesses and cities in support of this bill see that as a good source of revenue. The California Highway Patrol, however, strongly believes that this increased drinking will lead to more drunk driving,” Brown penned in his veto message. “California’s laws regulating late night drinking have been on the books since 1913. I believe we have enough mischief from midnight to 2 without adding two more hours of mayhem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, who has made several attempts at putting the bill on the governor’s desk, isn’t breaking out the champagne just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to make a prediction about what Gov. Newsom will do,” Wiener said in an interview. “I believe that Gov. Newsom will have an open mind and hearing us out on why this bill is a good idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were very disappointed that Gov. Brown vetoed it,” Wiener added. “His veto message, with all respect, was unfounded.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>SB 58 would allow 10 cities — San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, Sacramento, West Hollywood, Long Beach, Coachella, Cathedral City, Fresno and Palm Springs — to decide if they want to extend alcohol service at bars to 4 a.m. through a five-year pilot program. While most states mandate last call at 2 a.m., the bill would allow these California cities to join New York City’s 4 a.m. service cutoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Newsom put the company in a blind trust, PlumpJack could be one of the many businesses across the state to benefit from the bill. His sister, Hilary Newsom, and cousin, Jeremy Scherer, run the \u003ca href=\"https://www.plumpjack.com/team\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">day-to-day operation\u003c/a> of the PlumpJack Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson noted that the cities, not the state, will ultimately determine whether to keep bars open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the governor has been very open about his businesses and his interest in his businesses,” Levinson said. “[SB 58] feels like something we’ve talked about for a while. This doesn’t seem like the type of change he would drive through for financial benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spokesman Brian Ferguson said the governor will evaluate the bill on its own merits if it passes, and hasn’t yet taken a position on it.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Earlier this year, Democrats in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">introduced several measures\u003c/a> intended to limit Californians’ consumption of soda, arguing that rotting teeth and rising diabetes presented a public health crisis demanding action akin to regulations on cigarettes. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11732419/california-has-a-giant-surplus-of-ideas-for-new-taxes-whats-up-with-that\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed taxing soda\u003c/a>, banning Big Gulps, prohibiting in-store discounts on soft drinks, banishing them from the front of convenience stores and slapping safety warning labels on all sugary beverages from Coca-Cola and sports drinks to sweet tea and chocolate milk.[pullquote align='right' citation='State Sen. Bill Monning']‘There is no doubt that the industry has a very strong voice in Sacramento and unlimited resources. That’s a tough opponent.’[/pullquote]The soda industry responded by drastically ramping up its lobbying in the statehouse, more than tripling the amount it spent in the first three months of this year, compared with the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the Legislature hits the session’s halfway point, three of the anti-soda measures have fizzled. The two that remain in play — one \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB764\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prohibiting discount pricing\u003c/a> on soda and another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB347\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">requiring warning labels\u003c/a> — face difficult floor votes by the end of the month, as some lawmakers are likely to argue that the measures amount to “nanny government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda’s success so far in thwarting an agenda backed by doctors, dentists and public health advocates shows that despite Democrats’ historically large majority, some corporate interests remain influential in a Capitol dominated by varying shades of blue. The soda industry has gained clout by spending millions on lobbying and campaign donations, hiring well-connected former Capitol aides and forming alliances with labor unions that lend additional political muscle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d8d7ac70-83a4-4b41-bc08-cd9d94b3cfcb?src=embed\" title=\"soda lobbying\" width=\"550\" height=\"884\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n“There is no doubt that the industry has a very strong voice in Sacramento and unlimited resources. That’s a tough opponent,” said Sen. Bill Monning, who is carrying the bill to require warning labels on sugar-sweetened beverages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we try to use moral persuasion, health persuasion to overcome the political forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning, a Carmel Democrat, points to research by the national Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that shows drinking sugary beverages is associated with obesity, diabetes and other ailments. Nationwide, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nutrition/data-statistics/sugar-sweetened-beverages-intake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDC report\u003c/a> says, 63% of youth and 49% of adults drink a sugary beverage on a typical day — though consumption is lower in California than in most of the states surveyed. Other reports suggest Americans are drinking more water and less soda since the time of the CDC study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning has carried several unsuccessful bills to tax soda or require warning labels. His current measure would require that sugar-sweetened drinks sold in California carry a notice saying: “STATE OF CALIFORNIA SAFETY WARNING: Drinking beverages with added sugar(s) may contribute to obesity, type 2 diabetes and tooth decay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recently narrowed the bill to drop the requirement on flavored milk. No surprise, that hasn’t appeased soda companies.[aside postID=news_11677975,news_11727515,news_11722524 label='More Soda Tax Coverage']“There are already more effective ways to help people manage their overall sugar consumption rather than through mandatory and misleading messages,” said a statement from Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant working for the American Beverage Association, which includes Coke, Pepsi and the Dr. Pepper Snapple company and which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ameribev.org/education-resources/blog/post/reducing-sugar-through-innovation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">promoting their drinks\u003c/a> with less sugar than standard sodas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association hired Fredericka McGee, an attorney and longtime Capitol aide who advised five Assembly speakers, to lead its government affairs in California. The last speaker McGee worked for was Toni Atkins, who is now the leader of the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first three months of this year, the lobbying operation McGee oversees involved taking five legislators and 16 aides to a Sacramento Kings basketball game, and treating many of them to food and drinks. Such goodies account for nearly $6,800 of the $273,704 the American Beverage Association spent on lobbying during the first quarter — a massive jump from the $76,754 it spent during the same period last year. Much of the spending this year went toward \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2380858&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hiring political strategists and pollsters\u003c/a> who worked on Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying ramped up, Maviglio said, in response to the “very comprehensive and well-financed attack on the beverage industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associations representing dentists and doctors, which support the anti-soda bills introduced this year, also spend big bucks lobbying in the statehouse and bestowing legislators with campaign cash. The California Medical Association spent $457,219 lobbying in the first quarter of this year, though it reported work on far more bills than the soda group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soda companies fight proposals they believe could harm their business, the message is often amplified by labor unions that carry clout in a Democratic-controlled Legislature. Roughly 25,000 Californians work in the soda industry, many of them in union jobs at bottling plants or delivering beverages to stores and restaurants. Fearing that a decline in soda drinking will reduce their jobs, Teamsters are lobbying against the bill to require warning labels, as they did against the measure to tax soda to pay for public health programs, which stalled last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the employer that has a unionized workforce and the union are on the same side in a legislative fight, it is a very powerful message,” said Shane Gusman, the Teamsters’ lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing the concern from workers makes some Democrats think twice about health policies that could hurt the middle class, Gusman said. The soda tax stalled when the chair of the Assembly’s tax committee said she couldn’t support a regressive tax that would burden people who are poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The argument that cracking down on soda would be costly to families would likely have emerged had the ban on Big Gulps advanced to a vote. Its author, Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu, pulled the bill before lawmakers could vote on it, following a Twitter dig from one of his fellow Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LorenaSGonzalez/status/1098308711276208128\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, who wields significant power as chair of the appropriations committee, said later that her tweet was a joke, not a policy position. Still, the comment was a clear indication of where debate in the Capitol was heading. The National Association of Theatre Owners made the same argument as Gonzalez in opposing Chiu’s bill. Retailers argued that a size ban wouldn’t decrease consumption because customers would just refill their cups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t mean it in any way to affect the outcome of the bill,” Gonzalez said. “It was just a comment about what happens at the movie theater with my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda politics roiled the Capitol last year when the industry teamed up with the powerful Service Employees International Union to get lawmakers to ban cities from passing new taxes on soda or other grocery items until 2031. Frustrated with local soda bans voters approved in San Francisco, Berkeley and Oakland, beverage companies last year poured $8.3 million into a committee crafting a statewide ballot measure that sought to raise the threshold necessary to pass a new tax.[pullquote align='left' citation='Anthony York, California Medical Association.']‘We saw in the early days of the tobacco fight that it was hard to shake the influence of industry in the Legislature.’[/pullquote]Labor unions wanted to keep the lower threshold but didn’t want to spend money fighting the ballot measure. So they struck a deal: If soda companies pulled their initiative off the ballot, the union would support a ban on local grocery taxes. Lobbying together, SEIU and the soda companies persuaded the Legislature to pass the deal, which then-Gov. Jerry Brown promptly signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deal does not preclude a statewide tax on soda, something doctors and dentists are now working on as they craft an initiative for the 2020 ballot. They’re building an argument that soda industry tactics are similar to those of cigarette companies, and should be taxed and regulated accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw in the early days of the tobacco fight that it was hard to shake the influence of industry in the Legislature,” said Anthony York, a spokesman for the California Medical Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tobacco regulation and taxes had more success … going to voters. And you’re seeing a similar dynamic here, quite frankly. The public is ahead of where their regulators are in many places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or maybe health advocates are taking a page from soda’s successful playbook, crafting a ballot initiative they can use as leverage to get what they want from the Legislature next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/laurel-rosenhall/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Earlier this year, Democrats in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">introduced several measures\u003c/a> intended to limit Californians’ consumption of soda, arguing that rotting teeth and rising diabetes presented a public health crisis demanding action akin to regulations on cigarettes. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11732419/california-has-a-giant-surplus-of-ideas-for-new-taxes-whats-up-with-that\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed taxing soda\u003c/a>, banning Big Gulps, prohibiting in-store discounts on soft drinks, banishing them from the front of convenience stores and slapping safety warning labels on all sugary beverages from Coca-Cola and sports drinks to sweet tea and chocolate milk.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The soda industry responded by drastically ramping up its lobbying in the statehouse, more than tripling the amount it spent in the first three months of this year, compared with the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the Legislature hits the session’s halfway point, three of the anti-soda measures have fizzled. The two that remain in play — one \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB764\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prohibiting discount pricing\u003c/a> on soda and another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB347\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">requiring warning labels\u003c/a> — face difficult floor votes by the end of the month, as some lawmakers are likely to argue that the measures amount to “nanny government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda’s success so far in thwarting an agenda backed by doctors, dentists and public health advocates shows that despite Democrats’ historically large majority, some corporate interests remain influential in a Capitol dominated by varying shades of blue. The soda industry has gained clout by spending millions on lobbying and campaign donations, hiring well-connected former Capitol aides and forming alliances with labor unions that lend additional political muscle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d8d7ac70-83a4-4b41-bc08-cd9d94b3cfcb?src=embed\" title=\"soda lobbying\" width=\"550\" height=\"884\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n“There is no doubt that the industry has a very strong voice in Sacramento and unlimited resources. That’s a tough opponent,” said Sen. Bill Monning, who is carrying the bill to require warning labels on sugar-sweetened beverages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we try to use moral persuasion, health persuasion to overcome the political forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning, a Carmel Democrat, points to research by the national Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that shows drinking sugary beverages is associated with obesity, diabetes and other ailments. Nationwide, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nutrition/data-statistics/sugar-sweetened-beverages-intake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDC report\u003c/a> says, 63% of youth and 49% of adults drink a sugary beverage on a typical day — though consumption is lower in California than in most of the states surveyed. Other reports suggest Americans are drinking more water and less soda since the time of the CDC study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning has carried several unsuccessful bills to tax soda or require warning labels. His current measure would require that sugar-sweetened drinks sold in California carry a notice saying: “STATE OF CALIFORNIA SAFETY WARNING: Drinking beverages with added sugar(s) may contribute to obesity, type 2 diabetes and tooth decay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recently narrowed the bill to drop the requirement on flavored milk. No surprise, that hasn’t appeased soda companies.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There are already more effective ways to help people manage their overall sugar consumption rather than through mandatory and misleading messages,” said a statement from Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant working for the American Beverage Association, which includes Coke, Pepsi and the Dr. Pepper Snapple company and which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ameribev.org/education-resources/blog/post/reducing-sugar-through-innovation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">promoting their drinks\u003c/a> with less sugar than standard sodas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association hired Fredericka McGee, an attorney and longtime Capitol aide who advised five Assembly speakers, to lead its government affairs in California. The last speaker McGee worked for was Toni Atkins, who is now the leader of the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first three months of this year, the lobbying operation McGee oversees involved taking five legislators and 16 aides to a Sacramento Kings basketball game, and treating many of them to food and drinks. Such goodies account for nearly $6,800 of the $273,704 the American Beverage Association spent on lobbying during the first quarter — a massive jump from the $76,754 it spent during the same period last year. Much of the spending this year went toward \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2380858&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hiring political strategists and pollsters\u003c/a> who worked on Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying ramped up, Maviglio said, in response to the “very comprehensive and well-financed attack on the beverage industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associations representing dentists and doctors, which support the anti-soda bills introduced this year, also spend big bucks lobbying in the statehouse and bestowing legislators with campaign cash. The California Medical Association spent $457,219 lobbying in the first quarter of this year, though it reported work on far more bills than the soda group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soda companies fight proposals they believe could harm their business, the message is often amplified by labor unions that carry clout in a Democratic-controlled Legislature. Roughly 25,000 Californians work in the soda industry, many of them in union jobs at bottling plants or delivering beverages to stores and restaurants. Fearing that a decline in soda drinking will reduce their jobs, Teamsters are lobbying against the bill to require warning labels, as they did against the measure to tax soda to pay for public health programs, which stalled last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, who wields significant power as chair of the appropriations committee, said later that her tweet was a joke, not a policy position. Still, the comment was a clear indication of where debate in the Capitol was heading. The National Association of Theatre Owners made the same argument as Gonzalez in opposing Chiu’s bill. Retailers argued that a size ban wouldn’t decrease consumption because customers would just refill their cups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t mean it in any way to affect the outcome of the bill,” Gonzalez said. “It was just a comment about what happens at the movie theater with my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda politics roiled the Capitol last year when the industry teamed up with the powerful Service Employees International Union to get lawmakers to ban cities from passing new taxes on soda or other grocery items until 2031. Frustrated with local soda bans voters approved in San Francisco, Berkeley and Oakland, beverage companies last year poured $8.3 million into a committee crafting a statewide ballot measure that sought to raise the threshold necessary to pass a new tax.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Labor unions wanted to keep the lower threshold but didn’t want to spend money fighting the ballot measure. So they struck a deal: If soda companies pulled their initiative off the ballot, the union would support a ban on local grocery taxes. Lobbying together, SEIU and the soda companies persuaded the Legislature to pass the deal, which then-Gov. Jerry Brown promptly signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deal does not preclude a statewide tax on soda, something doctors and dentists are now working on as they craft an initiative for the 2020 ballot. They’re building an argument that soda industry tactics are similar to those of cigarette companies, and should be taxed and regulated accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw in the early days of the tobacco fight that it was hard to shake the influence of industry in the Legislature,” said Anthony York, a spokesman for the California Medical Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tobacco regulation and taxes had more success … going to voters. And you’re seeing a similar dynamic here, quite frankly. The public is ahead of where their regulators are in many places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or maybe health advocates are taking a page from soda’s successful playbook, crafting a ballot initiative they can use as leverage to get what they want from the Legislature next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Asbestos in Your Makeup? Legislature Rejects Proposal to Ban Toxics From Cosmetics",
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"content": "\u003cp>Vivian Song of Sacramento tries to keep up with the latest makeup trends. While she pays attention to the ingredients in her beauty routine, she says others are clueless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not a lot of girls know what they’re putting on their face,” she said. “Whatever’s trending, they’re going to put it on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Legislature considered banning the sale of of cosmetics containing any of at least 15 toxic chemicals and minerals — including formaldehyde, asbestos and mercury. But after major pushback from powerful players such as the California Chamber of Commerce, which put the bill on its annual list of “\u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/policy/bill-tracking/job-killers/2019-job-killer-list/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">job killers\u003c/a>,” \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB495\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 495\u003c/a> failed to survive its first committee hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748557\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11748557 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1280\" height=\"1070\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1.jpg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-160x134.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-800x669.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-1020x853.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-1200x1003.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vivian Song, 19, says she wears organic makeup to alleviate breakouts. \u003ccite>(Elizabeth Castillo/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The goal of this bill is to bring California up to par with the majority of European and other nations that have already banned these cosmetics with highly toxic chemicals,” said Democratic Assemblyman Al Muratsuchi of Torrance, the bill’s author. “We certainly don’t want to kill jobs, but we want to make sure that these products are not being sold when there’s strong scientific evidence indicating there are harmful impacts on women, men and children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Chamber said it would have imposed “onerous and unnecessary economic burdens on California manufacturers and retailers by immediately banning thousands of personal care products from being sold in California….The mere presence of a chemical in a product cannot be a proxy for ‘exposure.’ Actual exposure at a level sufficient to cause harm, as determined via rigorous analysis, should be the standard for more regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates said the bill would allow California to step in where the federal government had failed to protect consumers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the federal Food and Drug Administration identified asbestos in makeup sold at Claire’s, a retailer located in malls nationwide. The agency asked Claire’s to recall the makeup, but it did not. Only after the FDA released a public statement did the retailer pull the product from its shelves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At Claire’s, customer safety is paramount, and we pride ourselves on providing our customers with the highest quality and safest products,” the retailer said in a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/claires/status/1103303881776422912/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1103303881776422912&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Farticles%2Fblog%2Ftoxics-in-cosmetics-california-legislature-rejects-makeup-ban%2F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a>. “Out of an abundance of caution, we have removed the three products identified by the FDA from our stores, and are also removing any remaining talc based cosmetic products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/claires/status/1103303881776422912?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1103303881776422912&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Farticles%2Fblog%2Ftoxics-in-cosmetics-california-legislature-rejects-makeup-ban%2F\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, the FDA \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/news-events/press-announcements/statement-fda-commissioner-scott-gottlieb-md-and-susan-mayne-phd-director-center-food-safety-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">noted\u003c/a>: “To be clear, there are currently no legal requirements for any cosmetic manufacturer marketing products to American consumers to test their products for safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ultimately still the honor system,” said Scott Faber of the Environmental Working Group, a sponsor of the Muratsuchi’s bill in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no amount of contact with asbestos — a combination of six naturally occurring minerals — that is considered safe, according to multiple government agencies, including the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/toxprofiles/tp61.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Centers for Disease Control\u003c/a>. Asbestos also appears on California’s Proposition 65 \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/proposition-65/chemicals/asbestos\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">list\u003c/a> and is known to cause cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asbestos can sometimes be found in talc, a mineral frequently used in certain personal care products like baby powder and eye shadow. A Reuters \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/johnsonandjohnson-cancer/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> concluded that Johnson and Johnson knew its baby powder was sometimes contaminated with asbestos and the company knowingly kept that information from the public and regulators. The company faced thousands of lawsuits from those who claimed the asbestos-tainted products caused cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='science_1941369,news_11732921,science_1937767' label='chemical regulation']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others argue that there is enough cosmetic regulation and the bill would make it difficult for manufacturers and retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill proposes an outright \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-hotel-shampoo-bottles-plastic-toiletries/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban\u003c/a> on many ingredients extensively reviewed by independent experts worldwide and found safe for use in cosmetics,” said Jay Ansell of the Personal Care Products Council at the bill’s committee hearing. (The Council also opposes a bill that plans to ban tiny hotel toiletries.) “The ban would adversely affect tens of thousands of products and potentially compromise the ability to provide consumers with the safe high-quality products they expect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade ago, the state launched the California Safe Cosmetics Program, which features an updated, searchable \u003ca href=\"https://safecosmetics.cdph.ca.gov/search/Default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">database\u003c/a> of products containing potentially harmful chemicals and minerals. Last year then-Gov. Jerry Brown line-item vetoed money to update the program and boost staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It currently features more than two dozen common cosmetics containing lead, for instance, and nearly a dozen containing arsenic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While companies are required to report harmful chemicals, there is no enforcement of company disclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lead, another element the bill sought to ban, is more difficult to navigate. The substance is commonly found in small amounts in water and soil, according to the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/lead/learn-about-lead\">Environmental Protection Agency\u003c/a>. Opponents argued that companies wouldn’t intentionally add lead to products, but since it’s so commonplace, trace amount of the element can still be found in makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So where do Californians go from here? Muratsuchi said he plans to try again next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CALmatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Vivian Song of Sacramento tries to keep up with the latest makeup trends. While she pays attention to the ingredients in her beauty routine, she says others are clueless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not a lot of girls know what they’re putting on their face,” she said. “Whatever’s trending, they’re going to put it on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Legislature considered banning the sale of of cosmetics containing any of at least 15 toxic chemicals and minerals — including formaldehyde, asbestos and mercury. But after major pushback from powerful players such as the California Chamber of Commerce, which put the bill on its annual list of “\u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/policy/bill-tracking/job-killers/2019-job-killer-list/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">job killers\u003c/a>,” \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB495\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 495\u003c/a> failed to survive its first committee hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748557\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11748557 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1280\" height=\"1070\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1.jpg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-160x134.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-800x669.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-1020x853.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/toxic-cosmetics-photo-1-1200x1003.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vivian Song, 19, says she wears organic makeup to alleviate breakouts. \u003ccite>(Elizabeth Castillo/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The goal of this bill is to bring California up to par with the majority of European and other nations that have already banned these cosmetics with highly toxic chemicals,” said Democratic Assemblyman Al Muratsuchi of Torrance, the bill’s author. “We certainly don’t want to kill jobs, but we want to make sure that these products are not being sold when there’s strong scientific evidence indicating there are harmful impacts on women, men and children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Chamber said it would have imposed “onerous and unnecessary economic burdens on California manufacturers and retailers by immediately banning thousands of personal care products from being sold in California….The mere presence of a chemical in a product cannot be a proxy for ‘exposure.’ Actual exposure at a level sufficient to cause harm, as determined via rigorous analysis, should be the standard for more regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates said the bill would allow California to step in where the federal government had failed to protect consumers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the federal Food and Drug Administration identified asbestos in makeup sold at Claire’s, a retailer located in malls nationwide. The agency asked Claire’s to recall the makeup, but it did not. Only after the FDA released a public statement did the retailer pull the product from its shelves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At Claire’s, customer safety is paramount, and we pride ourselves on providing our customers with the highest quality and safest products,” the retailer said in a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/claires/status/1103303881776422912/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1103303881776422912&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Farticles%2Fblog%2Ftoxics-in-cosmetics-california-legislature-rejects-makeup-ban%2F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a>. “Out of an abundance of caution, we have removed the three products identified by the FDA from our stores, and are also removing any remaining talc based cosmetic products.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Even so, the FDA \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/news-events/press-announcements/statement-fda-commissioner-scott-gottlieb-md-and-susan-mayne-phd-director-center-food-safety-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">noted\u003c/a>: “To be clear, there are currently no legal requirements for any cosmetic manufacturer marketing products to American consumers to test their products for safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ultimately still the honor system,” said Scott Faber of the Environmental Working Group, a sponsor of the Muratsuchi’s bill in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no amount of contact with asbestos — a combination of six naturally occurring minerals — that is considered safe, according to multiple government agencies, including the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/toxprofiles/tp61.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Centers for Disease Control\u003c/a>. Asbestos also appears on California’s Proposition 65 \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/proposition-65/chemicals/asbestos\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">list\u003c/a> and is known to cause cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asbestos can sometimes be found in talc, a mineral frequently used in certain personal care products like baby powder and eye shadow. A Reuters \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/johnsonandjohnson-cancer/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> concluded that Johnson and Johnson knew its baby powder was sometimes contaminated with asbestos and the company knowingly kept that information from the public and regulators. The company faced thousands of lawsuits from those who claimed the asbestos-tainted products caused cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others argue that there is enough cosmetic regulation and the bill would make it difficult for manufacturers and retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill proposes an outright \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-hotel-shampoo-bottles-plastic-toiletries/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban\u003c/a> on many ingredients extensively reviewed by independent experts worldwide and found safe for use in cosmetics,” said Jay Ansell of the Personal Care Products Council at the bill’s committee hearing. (The Council also opposes a bill that plans to ban tiny hotel toiletries.) “The ban would adversely affect tens of thousands of products and potentially compromise the ability to provide consumers with the safe high-quality products they expect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade ago, the state launched the California Safe Cosmetics Program, which features an updated, searchable \u003ca href=\"https://safecosmetics.cdph.ca.gov/search/Default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">database\u003c/a> of products containing potentially harmful chemicals and minerals. Last year then-Gov. Jerry Brown line-item vetoed money to update the program and boost staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It currently features more than two dozen common cosmetics containing lead, for instance, and nearly a dozen containing arsenic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While companies are required to report harmful chemicals, there is no enforcement of company disclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lead, another element the bill sought to ban, is more difficult to navigate. The substance is commonly found in small amounts in water and soil, according to the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/lead/learn-about-lead\">Environmental Protection Agency\u003c/a>. Opponents argued that companies wouldn’t intentionally add lead to products, but since it’s so commonplace, trace amount of the element can still be found in makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So where do Californians go from here? Muratsuchi said he plans to try again next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://CALmatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Industry Aims to Snuff Out First Statewide Ban on Flavored Tobacco",
"title": "Industry Aims to Snuff Out First Statewide Ban on Flavored Tobacco",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Despite skyrocketing teen use of e-cigarettes, a proposal to make California the nation’s first state to ban flavored tobacco is struggling in the Legislature — and health advocates blame the political potency of the tobacco industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With negotiations underway behind-the-scenes, vaping interests hope to at least weaken the legislation, if not turn it in the industry’s favor.[aside label=\"More on E-Cigarettes\" tag=\"e-cigarettes\"]On the Assembly side, all tobacco-related bills were effectively snuffed out last month when a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-legislators-killing-bills-committee-democrats/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opted not to hear them\u003c/a>. The committee’s chairman, Merced Democrat Adam Gray, declined to be interviewed. In an email, he wrote that “the authors of the various proposals and the committee are working together to develop a comprehensive proposal that addresses the issue from all sides. We will develop a thoughtful package of reforms and move legislation forward this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state Senate, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a flavored-tobacco ban\u003c/a> has advanced and is heading for a Senate floor vote, but only after it was amended to exempt hookah products and products patented before 2000, except menthol cigarettes. Even if it passes the Senate, its future in the Assembly is doubtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are seeing there is the influence of big money,” said Kati Phillips of California Common Cause, a government watchdog. “When you can afford to have direct access to lawmakers, they tend to listen to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco money is nothing new in Sacramento, but now San Francisco-based Juul Labs, the largest electronic cigarette maker, is also moving thousands of dollars to elected officials — particularly targeting members of the Assembly’s Governmental Organization Committee that Gray chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic cigarettes — known as e-cigarettes or vape pens — heat, for purposes of inhaling, a liquid that typically contains nicotine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates say California needs to ban flavored tobacco because these products, with flavors such as cotton candy, mango and green apple, lure teenagers and young adults into using e-cigarettes, or vaping, and then to smoking combustible cigarettes and, ultimately, nicotine addiction. Manufacturers and other opponents of a ban insist the products are not targeted to or intended for young people, and that flavored e-cigarettes help long-time smokers quit traditional cigarettes.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Tim Gibbs, American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network']'[The Governmental Organization committee] has a long and sordid history of bottling up tobacco bills.'[/pullquote]It’s unclear exactly what compromise might emerge from negotiations. Gray mentioned alternatives in his email, suggesting “retailer penalties for selling to kids, penalties for youth in possession, advertising restrictions, age verified online sales, track and trace systems, regulated packaging and flavors are all areas where we need to take a good look at how the current law is failing. There is no single solution to this problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray’s committee “has a long and sordid history of bottling up tobacco bills,” countered Tim Gibbs, senior director of government relations for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fightcancer.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network\u003c/a>. “That’s often where good tobacco bills go to die. There is no mystery why the tobacco companies disproportionately target their campaign contributions to that committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibbs said no one has invited the network, the American Heart Association or the American Lung Association to be a part of negotiations to create a package of tobacco bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s telling that the deadlines were missed and that they haven’t invited public health stakeholders to any broader negotiation,” he said. “I would go further and say that it’s a farce, a charade, to try and avoid the real issue — to avoid doing anything to hurt the tobacco companies’ bottom line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates reject the idea of criminalizing youth possession, but say they welcome stricter penalties on retailers who sell vaping products to kids. Still, they maintain, that’s not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a way to pretend that something was done without actually doing anything,” Gibbs said. “We are all in favor of stepping up enforcement and making sure retailers are not selling tobacco products to minors. However, it’s not sufficient. Prohibiting the sale of flavored tobacco products is the most important thing we can do to halt the use of teenage e-cigarette use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cancer Action Network has created a \u003ca href=\"http://action.fightcancer.org/site/PageNavigator/CA_tobacco_money_home.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tracker of elected officials\u003c/a> who accept tobacco money, and those who refuse. Of the 21 members of Gray’s committee, 11 didn’t receive tobacco money.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size='large' citation='Lindsey Freitas, American Lung Association']'We need more folks to stand up and say no to the tobacco industry.'[/pullquote]Another possibility: The vaping industry might agree to weaker state restriction if the Legislature simultaneously preempts stricter local bans. It’s the same strategy the soda industry used last year, when it escaped city soda taxes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/special-interests-win-as-lawmakers-cut-last-minute-deals-to-pull-initiatives-off-your-ballot/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">by convincing the Legislature\u003c/a> to pass a statewide prohibition on local soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, at least 26 counties and cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have restricted flavored tobacco\u003c/a> in some fashion, after Hayward became the first by prohibiting its sale within 500 feet of schools. San Francisco banned its sale entirely — and city voters then overwhelmingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/06/06/san-francisco-approves-ban-on-menthol-cigarettes-and-flavored-e-cigarette-liquids.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rejected a ballot initiative\u003c/a> to overturn the ban. Campaign mailers and TV commercials advocating the overturn were required to acknowledge the source of funding behind the campaign to cancel the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local campaigns can backfire because the more they do, the more you know it’s paid for by the tobacco industry. And it turns voters off at the local level,” said Larry Tramutola, a campaign consultant who defended the ban. “More money spent at the Sacramento level, who cares? It’s just more money for politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray insisted the contributions are irrelevant to his actions. “If you want to support my agenda, my voting record and the things I stand for, I’m happy to receive that support,” he wrote. “But it has zero role in how I represent my district or how I make decisions on public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more folks to stand up and say no to the tobacco industry,” said Lindsey Freitas, senior director of advocacy in California for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Lung Association\u003c/a>. “This is how they get the next generation of people addicted to their products, they entice them with these sweet flavors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Greg Conley, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://vaping.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Vaping Association\u003c/a>, credited watermelon-flavored tobacco for getting him to quit traditional cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vaping products are essential to helping adult smokers quit,” said Conley. “Some members may not want to hear this bill because it will shut down multiple small businesses in their districts. This bans 90% of the nicotine-containing products sold at vape shops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Senate bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 38\u003c/a> introduced by San Mateo Democratic Senator Jerry Hill, passes the full Senate by the end of the month, it will go to the Assembly, where it’s likely to land in Gray’s committee. That’s the same committee where a similar ban on tobacco-flavored products, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB739\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 739\u003c/a> introduced by Sacramento Democratic Assemblyman Kevin McCarty, stalled without even a vote. McCarty declined to be interviewed about his bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, Governmental Organization committee members \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2381476&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have received $23,500 from Juul Labs\u003c/a>, the maker of e-cigarettes and flavored pods, in political contributions. Those members have also \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2379898&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">taken in $89,300 from the R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company\u003c/a>, which makes the popular Newport brand of menthol cigarettes. In addition, the “Valley Solutions Ballot Measure Committee,” an initiative committee Gray controls, took in $25,000 from Philip Morris, a tobacco subsidiary of Altria, last year. Altria also has a stake in Juul Labs.\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-11748544\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg\" alt=\"tobacco money\" width=\"510\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-160x295.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-800x1475.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-651x1200.jpg 651w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1.jpg 1111w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 510px) 100vw, 510px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our philosophy,” Juul spokesman Ted Kwong wrote in an email, “is to support people and organizations to improve the lives of the world’s one billion smokers and to combat underage uses we keep Juul products out of the hands of young people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://e-cigarettes.surgeongeneral.gov/documents/surgeon-generals-advisory-on-e-cigarette-use-among-youth-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Surgeon General issued an advisory\u003c/a> about youth use of e-cigarettes, calling out Juul for making an e-cigarette that looks like a sleek USB flash drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must take aggressive steps to protect our children from these highly potent products that risk exposing a new generation of young people to nicotine,” the advisory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, use of e-cigarettes among middle and high schoolers soared 78% over the year before, according to the federal Centers for Disease Control. The agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vitalsigns/youth-tobacco-use/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported that more than 1 in 5 students\u003c/a> were now using them. The popularity of e-cigarettes alone drove a 36% annual rise in tobacco use among those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juul \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/2018/11/13/juul-labs-action-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contends\u003c/a> it has never intended for its products to be used by youth. The company said that in the fall, it stopped selling its flavored product through retailers and now offers them only online, which it says is more secure because of a third-party age verification process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the company has been working to educate legislators about its youth prevention efforts, emphasizing that it is focused on adult smokers who are using vaping to quit combustible cigarettes. Juul has been running full-page ads in The Sacramento Bee and prominent ads in Politico’s California newsletter, both read by Sacramento insiders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also said it is being mixed up with other smaller players that make candy-flavored pods, which can be used in Juul’s USB-looking vape pens. Juul makes four flavors: mint, mango, creme and fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we do not and will not sell flavors which are clearly targeted to youth, we also understand that flavors that drive adults from cigarettes have the potential to appeal to youth,” said Kwong in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Hill said in an email that his focus is on the Senate floor vote, and that he remains “committed to protecting children and teens from the health risks of flavored tobacco products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/elizabeth-aguilera/\">Elizabeth Aguilera\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite skyrocketing teen use of e-cigarettes, a proposal to make California the nation’s first state to ban flavored tobacco is struggling in the Legislature — and health advocates blame the political potency of the tobacco industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With negotiations underway behind-the-scenes, vaping interests hope to at least weaken the legislation, if not turn it in the industry’s favor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>On the Assembly side, all tobacco-related bills were effectively snuffed out last month when a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-legislators-killing-bills-committee-democrats/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opted not to hear them\u003c/a>. The committee’s chairman, Merced Democrat Adam Gray, declined to be interviewed. In an email, he wrote that “the authors of the various proposals and the committee are working together to develop a comprehensive proposal that addresses the issue from all sides. We will develop a thoughtful package of reforms and move legislation forward this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state Senate, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a flavored-tobacco ban\u003c/a> has advanced and is heading for a Senate floor vote, but only after it was amended to exempt hookah products and products patented before 2000, except menthol cigarettes. Even if it passes the Senate, its future in the Assembly is doubtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are seeing there is the influence of big money,” said Kati Phillips of California Common Cause, a government watchdog. “When you can afford to have direct access to lawmakers, they tend to listen to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco money is nothing new in Sacramento, but now San Francisco-based Juul Labs, the largest electronic cigarette maker, is also moving thousands of dollars to elected officials — particularly targeting members of the Assembly’s Governmental Organization Committee that Gray chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic cigarettes — known as e-cigarettes or vape pens — heat, for purposes of inhaling, a liquid that typically contains nicotine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates say California needs to ban flavored tobacco because these products, with flavors such as cotton candy, mango and green apple, lure teenagers and young adults into using e-cigarettes, or vaping, and then to smoking combustible cigarettes and, ultimately, nicotine addiction. Manufacturers and other opponents of a ban insist the products are not targeted to or intended for young people, and that flavored e-cigarettes help long-time smokers quit traditional cigarettes.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s unclear exactly what compromise might emerge from negotiations. Gray mentioned alternatives in his email, suggesting “retailer penalties for selling to kids, penalties for youth in possession, advertising restrictions, age verified online sales, track and trace systems, regulated packaging and flavors are all areas where we need to take a good look at how the current law is failing. There is no single solution to this problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray’s committee “has a long and sordid history of bottling up tobacco bills,” countered Tim Gibbs, senior director of government relations for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fightcancer.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network\u003c/a>. “That’s often where good tobacco bills go to die. There is no mystery why the tobacco companies disproportionately target their campaign contributions to that committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibbs said no one has invited the network, the American Heart Association or the American Lung Association to be a part of negotiations to create a package of tobacco bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s telling that the deadlines were missed and that they haven’t invited public health stakeholders to any broader negotiation,” he said. “I would go further and say that it’s a farce, a charade, to try and avoid the real issue — to avoid doing anything to hurt the tobacco companies’ bottom line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates reject the idea of criminalizing youth possession, but say they welcome stricter penalties on retailers who sell vaping products to kids. Still, they maintain, that’s not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a way to pretend that something was done without actually doing anything,” Gibbs said. “We are all in favor of stepping up enforcement and making sure retailers are not selling tobacco products to minors. However, it’s not sufficient. Prohibiting the sale of flavored tobacco products is the most important thing we can do to halt the use of teenage e-cigarette use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cancer Action Network has created a \u003ca href=\"http://action.fightcancer.org/site/PageNavigator/CA_tobacco_money_home.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tracker of elected officials\u003c/a> who accept tobacco money, and those who refuse. Of the 21 members of Gray’s committee, 11 didn’t receive tobacco money.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another possibility: The vaping industry might agree to weaker state restriction if the Legislature simultaneously preempts stricter local bans. It’s the same strategy the soda industry used last year, when it escaped city soda taxes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/special-interests-win-as-lawmakers-cut-last-minute-deals-to-pull-initiatives-off-your-ballot/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">by convincing the Legislature\u003c/a> to pass a statewide prohibition on local soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, at least 26 counties and cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have restricted flavored tobacco\u003c/a> in some fashion, after Hayward became the first by prohibiting its sale within 500 feet of schools. San Francisco banned its sale entirely — and city voters then overwhelmingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/06/06/san-francisco-approves-ban-on-menthol-cigarettes-and-flavored-e-cigarette-liquids.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rejected a ballot initiative\u003c/a> to overturn the ban. Campaign mailers and TV commercials advocating the overturn were required to acknowledge the source of funding behind the campaign to cancel the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local campaigns can backfire because the more they do, the more you know it’s paid for by the tobacco industry. And it turns voters off at the local level,” said Larry Tramutola, a campaign consultant who defended the ban. “More money spent at the Sacramento level, who cares? It’s just more money for politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray insisted the contributions are irrelevant to his actions. “If you want to support my agenda, my voting record and the things I stand for, I’m happy to receive that support,” he wrote. “But it has zero role in how I represent my district or how I make decisions on public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more folks to stand up and say no to the tobacco industry,” said Lindsey Freitas, senior director of advocacy in California for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Lung Association\u003c/a>. “This is how they get the next generation of people addicted to their products, they entice them with these sweet flavors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Greg Conley, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://vaping.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Vaping Association\u003c/a>, credited watermelon-flavored tobacco for getting him to quit traditional cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vaping products are essential to helping adult smokers quit,” said Conley. “Some members may not want to hear this bill because it will shut down multiple small businesses in their districts. This bans 90% of the nicotine-containing products sold at vape shops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Senate bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 38\u003c/a> introduced by San Mateo Democratic Senator Jerry Hill, passes the full Senate by the end of the month, it will go to the Assembly, where it’s likely to land in Gray’s committee. That’s the same committee where a similar ban on tobacco-flavored products, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB739\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 739\u003c/a> introduced by Sacramento Democratic Assemblyman Kevin McCarty, stalled without even a vote. McCarty declined to be interviewed about his bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, Governmental Organization committee members \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2381476&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have received $23,500 from Juul Labs\u003c/a>, the maker of e-cigarettes and flavored pods, in political contributions. Those members have also \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2379898&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">taken in $89,300 from the R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company\u003c/a>, which makes the popular Newport brand of menthol cigarettes. In addition, the “Valley Solutions Ballot Measure Committee,” an initiative committee Gray controls, took in $25,000 from Philip Morris, a tobacco subsidiary of Altria, last year. Altria also has a stake in Juul Labs.\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-11748544\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg\" alt=\"tobacco money\" width=\"510\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-160x295.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-800x1475.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-651x1200.jpg 651w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1.jpg 1111w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 510px) 100vw, 510px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our philosophy,” Juul spokesman Ted Kwong wrote in an email, “is to support people and organizations to improve the lives of the world’s one billion smokers and to combat underage uses we keep Juul products out of the hands of young people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://e-cigarettes.surgeongeneral.gov/documents/surgeon-generals-advisory-on-e-cigarette-use-among-youth-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Surgeon General issued an advisory\u003c/a> about youth use of e-cigarettes, calling out Juul for making an e-cigarette that looks like a sleek USB flash drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must take aggressive steps to protect our children from these highly potent products that risk exposing a new generation of young people to nicotine,” the advisory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, use of e-cigarettes among middle and high schoolers soared 78% over the year before, according to the federal Centers for Disease Control. The agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vitalsigns/youth-tobacco-use/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported that more than 1 in 5 students\u003c/a> were now using them. The popularity of e-cigarettes alone drove a 36% annual rise in tobacco use among those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juul \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/2018/11/13/juul-labs-action-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contends\u003c/a> it has never intended for its products to be used by youth. The company said that in the fall, it stopped selling its flavored product through retailers and now offers them only online, which it says is more secure because of a third-party age verification process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the company has been working to educate legislators about its youth prevention efforts, emphasizing that it is focused on adult smokers who are using vaping to quit combustible cigarettes. 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"content": "\u003cp>If you’ve been following California’s housing crisis, you’ve probably heard of NIMBY, or, \"Not In My Backyard.\" And you might have heard of YIMBY, or, “Yes In My Backyard.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, we've got another one to add to your housing vocabulary, PIMBY. That's \"Parents In My Backyard.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More and more California seniors are turning to Accessory Dwelling Units, or ADU's, as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our \u003ca href=\"https://grayingcalifornia.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Graying California\u003c/a> series, Matt Levin of CALmatters brings us this profile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"onourwatch": {
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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