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"content": "\u003cp>Barring a breakthrough in negotiations, the California State University faculty will go on one-day strikes at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/cal-state-strike/\">four campuses next week\u003c/a> as they fight for 12% wage hikes this academic year plus other key concessions — increases that the system of nearly 460,000 students says it cannot afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kevin Wehr, bargaining team chair and professor, California Faculty Association and Sacramento State\"]‘We’re going to demonstrate to them that we can shut down any campus we want with only a couple of weeks’ notice.’[/pullquote]The action would dash hopes of a labor peace between the union of 29,000 professors, lecturers, librarians, counselors, and coaches on one end and management of the nation’s largest public four-year university system on the other. And it would only be the beginning: If Cal State leadership doesn’t meet faculty demands, union leadership is promising more labor unrest in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The decision was made to start on the smaller side…to allow us to give some space to escalate,” said Kevin Wehr, bargaining team chair for the California Faculty Association and a professor at Sacramento State. “We don’t feel the need necessarily to go from zero to 60.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"20\">The planned dates and campuses are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul data-reader-unique-id=\"24\">\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"25\">Dec. 4, Cal Poly Pomona\u003c/li>\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"26\">Dec. 5, San Francisco State\u003c/li>\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"27\">Dec. 6, CSU Los Angeles\u003c/li>\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"28\">Dec. 7, Sacramento State\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The four schools are among the largest in the system and \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.calstate.edu/views/SelfEnrollmentDashboard/EnrollmentSummary?iframeSizedToWindow=true&%3Aembed=y&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3AshowVizHome=no\">enroll around\u003c/a> 105,000 students combined. The labor walkouts are meant to signal to Cal State leadership that the union can quickly organize its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to demonstrate to them that we can shut down any campus we want with only a couple of weeks’ notice,” Wehr said, who added the union doesn’t plan to stage any other work stoppages in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State officials will hold a virtual press conference on Friday to discuss the state of play between the system and the California Faculty Association. Friday will also mark the end of a state labor mediation process that \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/FAQ-2023-web.pdf\">began in August\u003c/a>. By then, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/factfinding-begins-as-campus-activism-increases/\">fact-finding report \u003c/a>written by a third-party labor negotiator should become public, shedding more light on why the two sides are at loggerheads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, 95% of faculty members who voted approved a resolution granting union leaders the ability to call for a strike. The union refused to say what percentage of its membership participated in that vote. In response, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/cal-state-faculty-strike/\">Cal State spokesperson told CalMatters \u003c/a>that it “remains committed to the collective bargaining process and reaching a negotiated agreement with the (faculty union) as we have done with five of our other employee unions in recent weeks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11967471,news_11961149,news_11955960\" label=\"Related Stories\"]In the past month, Cal State has \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/csu-system/faculty-staff/labor-and-employee-relations/Documents/multiple/communique_union-update_a-11-9-23.pdf\">come to agreements with five other unions\u003c/a> representing around 30,000 non-academic staff. The labor deals ensured that Cal State wouldn’t contend with all its unionized workers striking, which would have been calamitous for the system. A smaller union of about 1,100 trade workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/11/14/teamsters-strike-for-the-day-on-all-csu-campuses-over-stalled-contract-negotiations\">went on strike for one day this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cal State lacks revenue\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cal State has grappled with what it says are insufficient revenues to properly educate its students. In May, officials said the system \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/05/cal-state-tuition/\">needs to generate at least $1.5 billion more \u003c/a>annually to provide students with the academic, cultural and supportive services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report triggered a multi-month discussion about upping revenue, culminating with the system’s board of trustees approving tuition hikes of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/cal-state-tuition-2/\">6% for each of the next five years\u003c/a>, starting next fall. But even those hikes aren’t enough to fully fund the system, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/cal-state-tuition-2/#:~:text=But%20even%20with,staff%2C%20it%20says.\">Cal State officials said\u003c/a>. The faculty union and student groups \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/cal-state-tuition-2/#:~:text=The%20union%20reiterated%20its%20opposition\">bitterly opposed\u003c/a> those hikes. The union also \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Bunsis-CFA-Assembly-presentation-October-2023.pdf\">released an accounting study last month\u003c/a> that argued Cal State can tap more of its reserves to cover academic expenses, such as faculty pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impasse over finances and tuition played out in the same year Cal State’s new chancellor received a nearly $800,000 base salary — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/csu-university-tuition-increase-18348382.php#:~:text=66%25%20higher%20than%20Chancellor%20Timothy%20White%20earned%20when%20he%20retired%20in%202020\">66% more than what a predecessor earned in 2020\u003c/a>. Last year, several campus presidents \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Exec-Comp-1.pdf#page=4\">received raises of as much as 29%\u003c/a> after a system report said \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/cal-state-presidents-to-see-at-least-7-salary-increase/675482\">many were underpaid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its most recent offer on Monday, Cal State leaders proposed 5% raises this year to the faculty union and two years of subsequent 5% raises between 2024-25 and 2025-26. On paper, that adds up to 15% across three years, above the 12% faculty seek in 2023-24.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Lack of trust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But those future hikes are contingent on the system receiving funding that Gov. Gavin Newsom has promised Cal State for the next three years as part of his five-year compact of 5% annual increases. These are promised, but not guaranteed, jumps in state support in exchange for improvements in graduation rates and other academic advances. Newsom and the Legislature approved the 5% increases in state aid to Cal State — and the University of California — \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2023-24/pdf/Enacted/BudgetSummary/HigherEducation.pdf#page=3\">in each of the last two years\u003c/a>, despite facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-deal-what-you-need-to-know/\">multi-billion deficit in June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the union doesn’t want to take a deal that is at the mercy of a state budget negotiation process between the governor and lawmakers. Labor leaders feel spurned already; in 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/csu-system/faculty-staff/labor-and-employee-relations/Documents/unit3-cfa/article31.pdf#page=3\">they expected\u003c/a> Cal State to receive enough state support for faculty \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/2022-Tentative-Agreement-FAQs-final-1.20.2022.pdf\">to get 4% raises\u003c/a>. Instead, the system lawmakers and the governor provided the system \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/governor-legislative-leaders-take-back-on-promises-to-faculty-cut-increases-in-11th-hour-budget-agreement/#:~:text=And%20because%20of%20this%20last%2Dminute%20political%20trade%2Daway%20from%20the%20Governor%20and%20legislative%20leaders%2C%20as%20of%20now%2C%20CSU%20faculty%20will%20receive%20three%20percent%20raises.\">enough to approve 3% salary bumps\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a definite lack of trust with any budget contingency language now,” Wehr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union is also hesitant to accept any multi-year deal now because of a technicality in its contract with Cal State. Right now, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfabargaining.org/#:~:text=Throughout%202023%2C%20we%20are%20bargaining%20with%20CSU%20management%20on%20selected%20portions%20of%20our%20contract%20(Articles%2020%2C%2023%2C%2031%2C%20and%2037).\">the two sides are able to negotiate\u003c/a> on just the salary portion of the collective bargaining agreement and several benefits provisions. The full contract expires June 30, 2024, meaning that the union cannot negotiate on other details that will only become fair game to discuss next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agreeing to a multi-year contract now overrides that expiration date and locks into place any matter the two sides haven’t yet discussed. In effect, Wehr said the union would need to agree to a whole new contract now to approve a full multi-year deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Management must think that faculty can’t do math,” a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Message-to-Members-CFA-Members-Picket-Lines-Start-Next-Week-2.pdf\">faculty union letter to its members said\u003c/a>. “Management claims their latest salary offer as ‘15 percent over three years’ (even they acknowledge that is not guaranteed). We are demanding a 12-percent General Salary Increase for just 2023-24 to keep pace with rising costs of living. We will fight for more when the full contract opens next year. The three-year nature of management’s proposal would mean that we cannot bargain over other workplace issues for three years!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the wage increases of 12% for all faculty, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfabargaining.org/proposals#:~:text=The%20CFA%20Bargaining,other%20correspondence%20below.\">the union seeks\u003c/a> to lift pay for the lowest-paid instructors, expand parental leave, provide lactation rooms for new parents and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State would need to give the faculty union a deal that matches, or comes close, to its demands to end the wave of strikes, Wehr said.” If they come at us with seven (percent), I don’t think faculty would accept that,” he said. “It would have to be 12% or very close to it.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Cal State officials offered a 5% increase for each of the next three years, although those raises are not guaranteed. The union plans to strike at four campuses.",
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"title": "Cal State Faculty Plans to Strike as Officials Reject a 12% Salary Increase | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Barring a breakthrough in negotiations, the California State University faculty will go on one-day strikes at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/cal-state-strike/\">four campuses next week\u003c/a> as they fight for 12% wage hikes this academic year plus other key concessions — increases that the system of nearly 460,000 students says it cannot afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The action would dash hopes of a labor peace between the union of 29,000 professors, lecturers, librarians, counselors, and coaches on one end and management of the nation’s largest public four-year university system on the other. And it would only be the beginning: If Cal State leadership doesn’t meet faculty demands, union leadership is promising more labor unrest in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The decision was made to start on the smaller side…to allow us to give some space to escalate,” said Kevin Wehr, bargaining team chair for the California Faculty Association and a professor at Sacramento State. “We don’t feel the need necessarily to go from zero to 60.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"20\">The planned dates and campuses are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul data-reader-unique-id=\"24\">\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"25\">Dec. 4, Cal Poly Pomona\u003c/li>\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"26\">Dec. 5, San Francisco State\u003c/li>\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"27\">Dec. 6, CSU Los Angeles\u003c/li>\n\u003cli data-reader-unique-id=\"28\">Dec. 7, Sacramento State\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The four schools are among the largest in the system and \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.calstate.edu/views/SelfEnrollmentDashboard/EnrollmentSummary?iframeSizedToWindow=true&%3Aembed=y&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3AshowVizHome=no\">enroll around\u003c/a> 105,000 students combined. The labor walkouts are meant to signal to Cal State leadership that the union can quickly organize its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to demonstrate to them that we can shut down any campus we want with only a couple of weeks’ notice,” Wehr said, who added the union doesn’t plan to stage any other work stoppages in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State officials will hold a virtual press conference on Friday to discuss the state of play between the system and the California Faculty Association. Friday will also mark the end of a state labor mediation process that \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/FAQ-2023-web.pdf\">began in August\u003c/a>. By then, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/factfinding-begins-as-campus-activism-increases/\">fact-finding report \u003c/a>written by a third-party labor negotiator should become public, shedding more light on why the two sides are at loggerheads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, 95% of faculty members who voted approved a resolution granting union leaders the ability to call for a strike. The union refused to say what percentage of its membership participated in that vote. In response, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/cal-state-faculty-strike/\">Cal State spokesperson told CalMatters \u003c/a>that it “remains committed to the collective bargaining process and reaching a negotiated agreement with the (faculty union) as we have done with five of our other employee unions in recent weeks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the past month, Cal State has \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/csu-system/faculty-staff/labor-and-employee-relations/Documents/multiple/communique_union-update_a-11-9-23.pdf\">come to agreements with five other unions\u003c/a> representing around 30,000 non-academic staff. The labor deals ensured that Cal State wouldn’t contend with all its unionized workers striking, which would have been calamitous for the system. A smaller union of about 1,100 trade workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/11/14/teamsters-strike-for-the-day-on-all-csu-campuses-over-stalled-contract-negotiations\">went on strike for one day this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cal State lacks revenue\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cal State has grappled with what it says are insufficient revenues to properly educate its students. In May, officials said the system \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/05/cal-state-tuition/\">needs to generate at least $1.5 billion more \u003c/a>annually to provide students with the academic, cultural and supportive services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report triggered a multi-month discussion about upping revenue, culminating with the system’s board of trustees approving tuition hikes of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/cal-state-tuition-2/\">6% for each of the next five years\u003c/a>, starting next fall. But even those hikes aren’t enough to fully fund the system, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/cal-state-tuition-2/#:~:text=But%20even%20with,staff%2C%20it%20says.\">Cal State officials said\u003c/a>. The faculty union and student groups \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/cal-state-tuition-2/#:~:text=The%20union%20reiterated%20its%20opposition\">bitterly opposed\u003c/a> those hikes. The union also \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Bunsis-CFA-Assembly-presentation-October-2023.pdf\">released an accounting study last month\u003c/a> that argued Cal State can tap more of its reserves to cover academic expenses, such as faculty pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impasse over finances and tuition played out in the same year Cal State’s new chancellor received a nearly $800,000 base salary — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/csu-university-tuition-increase-18348382.php#:~:text=66%25%20higher%20than%20Chancellor%20Timothy%20White%20earned%20when%20he%20retired%20in%202020\">66% more than what a predecessor earned in 2020\u003c/a>. Last year, several campus presidents \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Exec-Comp-1.pdf#page=4\">received raises of as much as 29%\u003c/a> after a system report said \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/cal-state-presidents-to-see-at-least-7-salary-increase/675482\">many were underpaid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its most recent offer on Monday, Cal State leaders proposed 5% raises this year to the faculty union and two years of subsequent 5% raises between 2024-25 and 2025-26. On paper, that adds up to 15% across three years, above the 12% faculty seek in 2023-24.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Lack of trust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But those future hikes are contingent on the system receiving funding that Gov. Gavin Newsom has promised Cal State for the next three years as part of his five-year compact of 5% annual increases. These are promised, but not guaranteed, jumps in state support in exchange for improvements in graduation rates and other academic advances. Newsom and the Legislature approved the 5% increases in state aid to Cal State — and the University of California — \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2023-24/pdf/Enacted/BudgetSummary/HigherEducation.pdf#page=3\">in each of the last two years\u003c/a>, despite facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-deal-what-you-need-to-know/\">multi-billion deficit in June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the union doesn’t want to take a deal that is at the mercy of a state budget negotiation process between the governor and lawmakers. Labor leaders feel spurned already; in 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/csu-system/faculty-staff/labor-and-employee-relations/Documents/unit3-cfa/article31.pdf#page=3\">they expected\u003c/a> Cal State to receive enough state support for faculty \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/2022-Tentative-Agreement-FAQs-final-1.20.2022.pdf\">to get 4% raises\u003c/a>. Instead, the system lawmakers and the governor provided the system \u003ca href=\"https://www.calfac.org/governor-legislative-leaders-take-back-on-promises-to-faculty-cut-increases-in-11th-hour-budget-agreement/#:~:text=And%20because%20of%20this%20last%2Dminute%20political%20trade%2Daway%20from%20the%20Governor%20and%20legislative%20leaders%2C%20as%20of%20now%2C%20CSU%20faculty%20will%20receive%20three%20percent%20raises.\">enough to approve 3% salary bumps\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a definite lack of trust with any budget contingency language now,” Wehr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union is also hesitant to accept any multi-year deal now because of a technicality in its contract with Cal State. Right now, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfabargaining.org/#:~:text=Throughout%202023%2C%20we%20are%20bargaining%20with%20CSU%20management%20on%20selected%20portions%20of%20our%20contract%20(Articles%2020%2C%2023%2C%2031%2C%20and%2037).\">the two sides are able to negotiate\u003c/a> on just the salary portion of the collective bargaining agreement and several benefits provisions. The full contract expires June 30, 2024, meaning that the union cannot negotiate on other details that will only become fair game to discuss next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agreeing to a multi-year contract now overrides that expiration date and locks into place any matter the two sides haven’t yet discussed. In effect, Wehr said the union would need to agree to a whole new contract now to approve a full multi-year deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Management must think that faculty can’t do math,” a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Message-to-Members-CFA-Members-Picket-Lines-Start-Next-Week-2.pdf\">faculty union letter to its members said\u003c/a>. “Management claims their latest salary offer as ‘15 percent over three years’ (even they acknowledge that is not guaranteed). We are demanding a 12-percent General Salary Increase for just 2023-24 to keep pace with rising costs of living. We will fight for more when the full contract opens next year. The three-year nature of management’s proposal would mean that we cannot bargain over other workplace issues for three years!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the wage increases of 12% for all faculty, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfabargaining.org/proposals#:~:text=The%20CFA%20Bargaining,other%20correspondence%20below.\">the union seeks\u003c/a> to lift pay for the lowest-paid instructors, expand parental leave, provide lactation rooms for new parents and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State would need to give the faculty union a deal that matches, or comes close, to its demands to end the wave of strikes, Wehr said.” If they come at us with seven (percent), I don’t think faculty would accept that,” he said. “It would have to be 12% or very close to it.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "More California Pharmacies Stop Offering Flavored Kids’ Meds Amid New Rules | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>More than 3,000 California pharmacies earlier this month ended a service they had long provided to help the medicine go down, and it’s unclear when they’ll restore it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pharmacies suspended their practice of flavoring medication because they’re awaiting rules from a state regulator charged with applying federal guidance that characterized the service as drug compounding, meaning the mixing of prescription medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medicines that are commonly flavored include flu syrups, like Tamiflu, and various antibiotic prescriptions, including amoxicillin and Augmentin. Parents are worried about the change, especially as respiratory diseases and infections become more prevalent during the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sonya Frausto, pharmacist\"]‘When we talk about flavoring, we’re really talking about products that are manufactured, have expiration dates, and are quality controlled from the manufacturer themselves.’[/pullquote]Brenda Alvarez of Anaheim said her four kids don’t like taking unflavored medication. “It’s harder for them to get the medication, especially when they’re sick because the taste is just really bad,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspension of flavoring services by pharmacies follows new guidance from the United States Pharmacopeia, a nonprofit agency that advises the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a shift from California’s past policy. In 2010, the \u003ca href=\"https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/document?repid=rep1&type=pdf&doi=15a3be64df3d5e6d2a16af7cd935d73c10a32b70\">California Board of Pharmacy\u003c/a> explicitly stated in its lawbook that drug compounding does not include “the addition of flavoring agent(s) to enhance palatability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Board of Pharmacy is now preparing rules that will adopt the federal guidance. While these rules will not ban flavoring, pharmacists must comply with more stringent regulations when providing the service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chad Baker, senior vice president of marketing at flavoring manufacturer FLAVORx, said it is easier for California pharmacies to drop service than deal with potential costs and citations from the state regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been particularly rough because California has had a language in place at the Board of Pharmacy for the past 14 years that said flavoring is not compounding. And so that was what a lot of pharmacies base their investments on and what they wanted to provide to customers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968612\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968612\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05.jpg\" alt=\"Hands are seen now holding a syringe inserted into a red plastic bottle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pharmacist Sonya Frausto, who owns and runs Ten Acres Pharmacy in Sacramento, shows the process she previously used to flavor children’s medication on Nov. 21, 2023.\u003cbr>Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pharmacists are also worried about losing customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about flavoring, we’re really talking about products that are manufactured, have expiration dates, and are quality controlled from the manufacturer themselves,” said Sonya Frausto, pharmacist and owner of a Sacramento pharmacy. “We’re not making a new compound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"science_1981094,forum_2010101894368,news_11961481\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Assemblymember Tina McKinnor, an Inglewood Democrat, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB782/2023\">introduced a bill this year\u003c/a> that would have prevented the confusion by excluding flavoring from being considered drug compounding. The bill passed overwhelmingly in the Legislature, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I appreciate the author’s intention to maintain the current availability of flavored medication, this bill would create standards for California that do not meet the United States Pharmacopeia-National Formulary’s guidelines regarding compounding that have been put in place to minimize patients’ risk of harm,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/AB-782-VETO.pdf\">Newsom wrote in his veto\u003c/a> message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The veto surprised some of the lawmakers who backed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody that’s been a parent knows that medication is only good when consumed, and when you have a child that is resisting taking the medication, that’s a big problem,” said Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a Republican from Palmdale who was a co-author of one of the versions of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusion over pharmacy rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is bound to the federal guidance because of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB973\">a law Newsom signed in 2019\u003c/a> that requires the Board of Pharmacy to adopt regulations based on US Pharmacopeia standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2022, US Pharmacopeia put forward an \u003ca href=\"https://storage.pardot.com/323321/1676042053uuJdHazV/USP22_HQS_Compounding_795_Flavoring_V5a.pdf\">updated guidance\u003c/a> on compounding that included stricter regulations but was unclear on the flavoring issue. Later, it released a supplement to the guidance saying that flavoring has been within the scope of drug compounding since 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, pharmacists attended a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pharmacy.ca.gov/meetings/minutes/2023/23_apr_bd_min.pdf\">Board of Pharmacy meeting\u003c/a> where they urged regulators to exempt flavoring from the compounding rules. Board Vice President Maria Serpa told them, “Such action would run contrary to the board’s authority and would create conflict with federal law. California cannot adopt a lesser standard than those established” by US Pharmacopeia, according to meeting minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968611\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968611\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04.jpg\" alt=\"A hand points to a LCD panel with images and different colored bottles.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pharmacist Sonya Frausto, who owns and runs Ten Acres Pharmacy in Sacramento, shows the process she previously used to flavor children’s medication on Nov. 21, 2023.\u003cbr>Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists representing pharmacies and flavoring manufacturers wrote several letters to the state board asking it to reconsider its position. “The board has treated \u003ca href=\"https://pharmacy.ca.gov/meetings/agendas/2023/23_aug_bd_mat_sup.pdf\">medication flavoring as a pharmacy practice\u003c/a> outside of the realm of compounding for decades,” they wrote in one \u003ca href=\"https://www.pharmacy.ca.gov/meetings/agendas/2023/23_aug_bd_mat_sup.pdf\">letter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the board didn’t budge, and Newsom vetoed the bill that would have given the pharmacies more leeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compliance, according to the US Pharmacopeia, would include stricter hygiene regulations as well as documentation of the compounding process. Some pharmacists are concerned the policies could drive up their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a statement by the California Board of Pharmacy, “there are no provisions in pharmacy law that require a pharmacy to obtain a special or secondary license to compound nonsterile preparations,” which includes flavoring. “A pharmacy engaging in the practice of nonsterile compounding must comply with federal law, national standards, and state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California parents worry about kids’ medication\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parents worry that the lack of flavors will deter their children from taking their medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Special needs parents like myself really struggle with children wanting to take their medication,” said Alvarez, whose oldest son, 9, was diagnosed with autism and sensory processing disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968610\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a white lab coat stands behind a counter that has several items on display.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pharmacist Sonya Frausto, who owns and runs Ten Acres Pharmacy in Sacramento, helps a customer at the cash register on Nov. 21, 2023. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frausto, the Sacramento pharmacist, also is a mother of two children. She said when medication is flavored, kids are more likely to take the full dose of the medication for the prescribed time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make them feel comfortable,” she said. “Not doing flavoring sometimes can leave a lasting impression on the kids. They can say, ‘Oh, I remember when I tasted that amoxicillin, and it was disgusting,’ versus, ‘I remember taking that medication, and it tasted like grape, and I can continue to take the medication the next time I get prescribed the medication,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacy chains, including CVS and Rite Aid, have stopped offering flavors in medications. Smaller pharmacies, like Frausto’s Ten Acres Pharmacy, an independent local pharmacy in Sacramento, are worried about the increased costs that could come with the federal guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have the capital to reinvest in new hoods or new types of ventilation systems based on what [the board’s] requirements are,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the number of pharmacies still offering flavoring \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24177586-medicine-flavoring-availability-in-california-pre-post-nov-1-2023?responsive=1&title=1\">fell to about 50\u003c/a> from more than 3,000 locations. This means families, especially those living in rural areas, could have to travel far to continue to get their kids’ medications flavored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez said she would continue to give her children flavored medication, even if it means she has to drive a greater distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be more of an inconvenience now,” she said. “But I think that would be the only way, just because I don’t see (my son) taking his medication otherwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>www.chcf.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Parents say flavored medication can help ensure their kids finish a prescription. Far fewer California pharmacies are offering that service as they await new rules from a state regulator.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 3,000 California pharmacies earlier this month ended a service they had long provided to help the medicine go down, and it’s unclear when they’ll restore it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pharmacies suspended their practice of flavoring medication because they’re awaiting rules from a state regulator charged with applying federal guidance that characterized the service as drug compounding, meaning the mixing of prescription medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medicines that are commonly flavored include flu syrups, like Tamiflu, and various antibiotic prescriptions, including amoxicillin and Augmentin. Parents are worried about the change, especially as respiratory diseases and infections become more prevalent during the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Brenda Alvarez of Anaheim said her four kids don’t like taking unflavored medication. “It’s harder for them to get the medication, especially when they’re sick because the taste is just really bad,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspension of flavoring services by pharmacies follows new guidance from the United States Pharmacopeia, a nonprofit agency that advises the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a shift from California’s past policy. In 2010, the \u003ca href=\"https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/document?repid=rep1&type=pdf&doi=15a3be64df3d5e6d2a16af7cd935d73c10a32b70\">California Board of Pharmacy\u003c/a> explicitly stated in its lawbook that drug compounding does not include “the addition of flavoring agent(s) to enhance palatability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Board of Pharmacy is now preparing rules that will adopt the federal guidance. While these rules will not ban flavoring, pharmacists must comply with more stringent regulations when providing the service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chad Baker, senior vice president of marketing at flavoring manufacturer FLAVORx, said it is easier for California pharmacies to drop service than deal with potential costs and citations from the state regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been particularly rough because California has had a language in place at the Board of Pharmacy for the past 14 years that said flavoring is not compounding. And so that was what a lot of pharmacies base their investments on and what they wanted to provide to customers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968612\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968612\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05.jpg\" alt=\"Hands are seen now holding a syringe inserted into a red plastic bottle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_05-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pharmacist Sonya Frausto, who owns and runs Ten Acres Pharmacy in Sacramento, shows the process she previously used to flavor children’s medication on Nov. 21, 2023.\u003cbr>Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pharmacists are also worried about losing customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about flavoring, we’re really talking about products that are manufactured, have expiration dates, and are quality controlled from the manufacturer themselves,” said Sonya Frausto, pharmacist and owner of a Sacramento pharmacy. “We’re not making a new compound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Assemblymember Tina McKinnor, an Inglewood Democrat, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB782/2023\">introduced a bill this year\u003c/a> that would have prevented the confusion by excluding flavoring from being considered drug compounding. The bill passed overwhelmingly in the Legislature, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I appreciate the author’s intention to maintain the current availability of flavored medication, this bill would create standards for California that do not meet the United States Pharmacopeia-National Formulary’s guidelines regarding compounding that have been put in place to minimize patients’ risk of harm,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/AB-782-VETO.pdf\">Newsom wrote in his veto\u003c/a> message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The veto surprised some of the lawmakers who backed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody that’s been a parent knows that medication is only good when consumed, and when you have a child that is resisting taking the medication, that’s a big problem,” said Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a Republican from Palmdale who was a co-author of one of the versions of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusion over pharmacy rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is bound to the federal guidance because of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB973\">a law Newsom signed in 2019\u003c/a> that requires the Board of Pharmacy to adopt regulations based on US Pharmacopeia standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2022, US Pharmacopeia put forward an \u003ca href=\"https://storage.pardot.com/323321/1676042053uuJdHazV/USP22_HQS_Compounding_795_Flavoring_V5a.pdf\">updated guidance\u003c/a> on compounding that included stricter regulations but was unclear on the flavoring issue. Later, it released a supplement to the guidance saying that flavoring has been within the scope of drug compounding since 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, pharmacists attended a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pharmacy.ca.gov/meetings/minutes/2023/23_apr_bd_min.pdf\">Board of Pharmacy meeting\u003c/a> where they urged regulators to exempt flavoring from the compounding rules. Board Vice President Maria Serpa told them, “Such action would run contrary to the board’s authority and would create conflict with federal law. California cannot adopt a lesser standard than those established” by US Pharmacopeia, according to meeting minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968611\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968611\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04.jpg\" alt=\"A hand points to a LCD panel with images and different colored bottles.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pharmacist Sonya Frausto, who owns and runs Ten Acres Pharmacy in Sacramento, shows the process she previously used to flavor children’s medication on Nov. 21, 2023.\u003cbr>Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists representing pharmacies and flavoring manufacturers wrote several letters to the state board asking it to reconsider its position. “The board has treated \u003ca href=\"https://pharmacy.ca.gov/meetings/agendas/2023/23_aug_bd_mat_sup.pdf\">medication flavoring as a pharmacy practice\u003c/a> outside of the realm of compounding for decades,” they wrote in one \u003ca href=\"https://www.pharmacy.ca.gov/meetings/agendas/2023/23_aug_bd_mat_sup.pdf\">letter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the board didn’t budge, and Newsom vetoed the bill that would have given the pharmacies more leeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compliance, according to the US Pharmacopeia, would include stricter hygiene regulations as well as documentation of the compounding process. Some pharmacists are concerned the policies could drive up their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a statement by the California Board of Pharmacy, “there are no provisions in pharmacy law that require a pharmacy to obtain a special or secondary license to compound nonsterile preparations,” which includes flavoring. “A pharmacy engaging in the practice of nonsterile compounding must comply with federal law, national standards, and state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California parents worry about kids’ medication\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parents worry that the lack of flavors will deter their children from taking their medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Special needs parents like myself really struggle with children wanting to take their medication,” said Alvarez, whose oldest son, 9, was diagnosed with autism and sensory processing disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968610\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a white lab coat stands behind a counter that has several items on display.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/112123_Medicine-Falvoring_FG_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pharmacist Sonya Frausto, who owns and runs Ten Acres Pharmacy in Sacramento, helps a customer at the cash register on Nov. 21, 2023. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frausto, the Sacramento pharmacist, also is a mother of two children. She said when medication is flavored, kids are more likely to take the full dose of the medication for the prescribed time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make them feel comfortable,” she said. “Not doing flavoring sometimes can leave a lasting impression on the kids. They can say, ‘Oh, I remember when I tasted that amoxicillin, and it was disgusting,’ versus, ‘I remember taking that medication, and it tasted like grape, and I can continue to take the medication the next time I get prescribed the medication,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacy chains, including CVS and Rite Aid, have stopped offering flavors in medications. Smaller pharmacies, like Frausto’s Ten Acres Pharmacy, an independent local pharmacy in Sacramento, are worried about the increased costs that could come with the federal guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have the capital to reinvest in new hoods or new types of ventilation systems based on what [the board’s] requirements are,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the number of pharmacies still offering flavoring \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24177586-medicine-flavoring-availability-in-california-pre-post-nov-1-2023?responsive=1&title=1\">fell to about 50\u003c/a> from more than 3,000 locations. This means families, especially those living in rural areas, could have to travel far to continue to get their kids’ medications flavored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez said she would continue to give her children flavored medication, even if it means she has to drive a greater distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be more of an inconvenience now,” she said. “But I think that would be the only way, just because I don’t see (my son) taking his medication otherwise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>www.chcf.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "The Controversial Housing Law That’s Changing San Diego’s Landscape",
"headTitle": "The Controversial Housing Law That’s Changing San Diego’s Landscape | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>In the minds of most Californians, accessory dwelling units — ADUs, short — bring to mind words like “small,” “subtle” and “cute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of which describe the side-by-side ADU duplexes on E Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched at the edge of San Diego’s desirable Golden Hill neighborhood, there’s nothing dainty or diminutive about these three-story structures. “Backyard cottage” is another term used to describe accessory dwelling units, but these are out front, practically hiding the five-unit multiplex to which they are technically “accessory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like dozens of small and not-so-small apartment buildings across San Diego, the structures on E Street are ADUs in only one way: They were permitted under the city’s ADU Bonus Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s one-of-a-kind ordinance offers landlords a one-for-one deal. If they agree to construct an ADU and keep the rent low enough for San Diegans making under a certain income, they’re automatically permitted to build a second “bonus” unit, which they can rent at whatever price they like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In parts of the city far from public transit, the 2021 city program offers a one-off: Alongside the main house and the two ADUs already permitted under state law, the city allows for a maximum of five units on one property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Andrew Wofford, graduate student researcher, UC Berkeley Center for Community Innovation\"]‘San Diego may have stumbled on to the quickest solution to producing a lot of ‘missing middle’ housing.’[/pullquote]But in bus-and train-adjacent “transit priority” areas — a designation that \u003ca href=\"https://webmaps.sandiego.gov/portal/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=4efd01a2e06246adb36122fcf136f95d\">covers much of San Diego’s urban core\u003c/a> — a landlord can alternate affordable and bonus units again and again and again. Technically, there are limits. City zoning sets a maximum height on buildings, and a \u003ca href=\"https://library.qcode.us/lib/upland_ca/pub/municipal_code/item/title_17-part_3-chapter_17_10-17_10_080\">more complicated regulatory formula\u003c/a> caps how much built floorspace can dominate a parcel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you can squeeze in an awful lot of ADUs within those parameters. Hence, the project on E Street: A single-family lot with nine apartment units on it, four of them ADUs, two of them affordable. And that’s not an especially extravagant use of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A typical ADU bonus project application includes between 4 and 7 additional units, according to data provided by San Diego’s Development Services Department. Projects with a dozen or more units are not unheard of. The largest proposed project to date, planned for the city’s gentrifying majority Black and Latino \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofsandiego.org/2021/11/15/pushed-out-of-san-diego-by-housing-costs-black-voters-fight-for-county-representation/\">Encanto neighborhood\u003c/a>, is 148 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Pearson, whose design shop, PALO, designed the E Street duplexes, said his largest permitted project, located behind an existing 76-unit apartment building, comes with 36 “ADUs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a word for 36 units stacked in a row on top of one another. Even Pearson can’t help but grin and use scare quotes when he uses the term “ADU.” The city’s “crafty little maneuver” allows developers to “effectively build an apartment building out of ADUs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really ADUs only in name,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968510\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"A man standing outside wearing a dark buttoned shirt. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Pearson, co-founder of PALO, in Imperial Beach on Nov. 2, 2023. PALO, an architecture company, helps homeowners in San Diego build different types of housing. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Depending on your perspective, San Diego’s “crafty little maneuver” is either an ingeniously clever use of state law to provide a much-needed boost to the local housing supply or a sneak effort to foist an intolerable degree of construction and density upon unsuspecting residents while only providing a token degree of affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11966342,news_11897977,news_11770372\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The program is just beginning to take off. A total of 159 projects with 1,200 units have been submitted to the city as of October. Less than half of the projects have actually been permitted. Far fewer have broken ground. Even so, supporters, detractors, researchers and policymakers are sitting up and taking note.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Diego may have stumbled on to the quickest solution to producing a lot of ‘\u003ca href=\"https://opticosdesign.com/missing-middle-housing/\">missing middle’ housing\u003c/a>,” said Andrew Wofford, a graduate student researcher at the UC Berkeley Center for Community Innovation who has been evaluating the program for the state’s housing department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Missing middle” describes an approachable (and, one hopes, more affordable) scale of development that occupies a middle ground between uber-dense highrises and sprawling single-family homes. Adding an ADU behind an existing home represents the mildest housing of this type. The novelty of San Diego’s program is in redefining “ADU” from a specific building type to a broad privileged regulatory chute into which developers are now encouraged to throw small apartment buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968519\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30.jpg\" alt='A white, blue and green sign that reads \"Save our Neighborhoods\" on a lawn.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign in opposition to the construction of ADUs or granny flats in the Talmadge neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31.jpg\" alt='A white, blue and green sign that reads \"No backyard granny towers.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign in opposition to the construction of ADUs or granny flats in the Talmadge neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, local critics of the program have already begun to mobilize. Signs inveighing against “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2021-08-31/granny-flats-san-diego-california\">granny towers\u003c/a>” and “backyard apartments” are common lawn ornaments in many of the city’s residential neighborhoods. The local backlash has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/business/story/2023-05-18/will-senate-bill-10-destroy-san-diegos-single-family-neighborhoods-experts-arent-so-sure\">spilled over to other areas of local housing policy\u003c/a> and now threatens Mayor Todd Gloria’s broader “Yes In My Backyard” vision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters are surprised by the program’s ambition. Denise Pinkston said her experience with local housing politics would have led her to rule out anything quite so far-reaching. A San Francisco real estate developer and the go-to ADU whisperer for state lawmakers hoping to hop aboard the “backyard revolution,” Pinkston is also the founder and board president of the Casita Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for ADU-friendly policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But looking at the results so far in San Diego, she paraphrases Shakespeare: “\u003ca href=\"https://nosweatshakespeare.com/quotes/famous/rose-by-any-other-name/\">What’s in a name?\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actually, it doesn’t really matter what you call it,” Pinkston said. “What you get is more housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego: ‘Above and beyond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California legislators have spent the last half-decade passing bill after bill to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-07/ADUHandbookUpdate.pdf\">encourage homeowners to build backyard cottages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, anywhere in California, city permit review is limited to 60 days. Development fees and construction-cramping setback requirements are capped. Public hearings and design reviews are banned. In many cases, so are the impositions of costly parking, landscaping and storage requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, California has experienced an ADU boom. While other, more ambitious and controversial pro-housing policies have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/01/newsom-sb50-dead-failure-ceqa-housing-crisis-shortage-failure/\">flamed out in the state Capitol\u003c/a> or made it through the legislative gauntlet only to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-18/new-california-duplex-law-housing-sb9-homeowners\">produce less impressive results\u003c/a> in the real world, ADUs now make roughly one-in-six of all new units permitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities have found ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/policy-and-research/ordinance-review-letters/adu-ordinance-review-letters.xlsx\">quietly obstruct those efforts\u003c/a>. Others have rolled along with them. None have gone quite so far as San Diego with its bonus program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaning in on development-friendly housing policy is on brand for San Diego. The city has a history of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/03/housing-san-diego-mayor-became-yimby/\">serving as a laboratory of YIMBYism for California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill ramping up the added density afforded to apartment projects in exchange for additional affordable units. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/business/story/2023-11-03/california-bill-passes-middle-income-housing-bill-will-it-work-in-san-diego#:~:text=In%202016%2C%20the%20San%20Diego,the%20law%20was%20hardly%20used.\">modeled on a San Diego ordinance\u003c/a>. When state lawmakers passed a law banning local parking requirements for many new housing projects, they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/columnists/story/2023-09-29/michael-smolens-state-gets-onboard-with-lifting-parking-requirements\">following San Diego’s lead\u003c/a>. And as California rolled out its various laws greasing the skids for ADUs, San Diego passed its own rules that greased them further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a lot of cities, the only reforms they’re doing on housing are those that are triggered by the state,” said Colin Parent, a state Assembly candidate and CEO of Circulate San Diego, a nonprofit that advocates for public transit and dense housing. “San Diego has done a bunch of things that go above and beyond what the state reforms require.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ADU bonus program is the latest example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968518\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a neighborhood.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The University Heights neighborhood of San Diego, where there are several ADU units, on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, state lawmakers passed a bill requiring local governments to “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB671\">incentivize and promote\u003c/a>” the building of more affordable ADUs. City planners in San Diego took this directive to heart in a way that no other city did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To fans of the program, San Diego offers a policy lesson that goes far beyond backyard cottages. Cities don’t “have to reinvent the wheel to build more housing,” said Muhammad Alameldin, a researcher at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, who wrote an overview of \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/san-diego-adu-bonus-program/\">San Diego’s ADU program\u003c/a> earlier this year. The promise of nearly unlimited density is an irresistible perk for many developers. Cities that want more of a particular type of housing — or more housing in general — can tack on an uncapped density bonus and watch the permit applications flood in, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They found the formula.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are reasons to believe that this particular formula might not work quite so well in other parts of the state. Even by the standards of auto-oriented Southern California cities, San Diego’s lots are on the big side, making it easier for developers to pack more onto the average parcel while staying beneath other zoning limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local economics play a role, too. In San Diego, the median apartment rent (\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/data/\">roughly $2,700 a month, according to Zillow\u003c/a>) is less than $400 over the maximum allowable rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://sdhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/AMIIncomeRentChart-2023.pdf\">state-designated affordable apartment\u003c/a> in San Diego County. That’s good news for landlords, who don’t have to take quite so large a hit when they set aside certain units for lower-income renters. In places where that gap is larger, the incentive to participate is smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jake Wegmann, a professor of urban planning at the University of Texas at Austin, said he thinks the same “slam dunk economics” of the program in San Diego would likely apply in “other very high rent regions, like the Bay Area,” though perhaps not so much in lower-cost metro areas, such as Sacramento or Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even within San Diego, there are only so many parcels where it makes sense to pack in a cluster of multiplexes: Some lots are just weirdly shaped or lack access to water and power, for example. “We should be cautious in assuming it’s going to run rampant over the whole city like kudzu,” Wegmann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting for copycats\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jared Basler, an ADU architect and the Casita Coalition’s policy director, said “There are a lot of people who are already looking into how to take it up to the state level” — though none of the state legislators interviewed for this story would confirm as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even a program booster like Basler isn’t quite so sure going statewide with the idea would be a good thing: “When we take these really successful local programs statewide, they do get watered down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “watered-down” version of the program might include higher affordability requirements or some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">stringent labor standards\u003c/a> that have been tacked onto other high-profile housing bills. Those added requirements would raise costs and result in fewer overall units. That’s a trade-off proponents aren’t willing to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968515\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968515\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a long beard wearing a blue shirt stands outside near bushes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jared Basler, director of policy and strategic initiatives at Casita Coalition, at Liberty Station in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other places — and even the state as a whole — are welcome to take a look at the program, said Gary Geiler, assistant director of the Development Services Department. But they should proceed with caution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Other jurisdictions might have a different geography and topography and built environment,” he said. Instead of opting for the “unlimited option,” allowing for as many affordable bonus pairs as can fit on the lot, a single bonus allowance “could always be the starting point,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing that “unlimited” option also carries a broader political risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the reasons ADUs have been such a political success in California is that backyard cottages are, generally speaking, human-scale. Grandma’s backyard bungalow will not cast \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SF-supervisors-reject-housing-project-that-would-13755026.php\">unsightly shadows on nearby parks\u003c/a> or jam the nearby side streets with cars. Unlike large apartment complexes that might be railed against as the work of faceless, greedy developers, ADUs are generally paid for by and stand to financially benefit a neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turning ADU policy into a backdoor apartment program threatens to bring those faceless developers back into the debate, upending a tried and true strategy, Parent of Circulate San Diego said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people who own a house — the vast majority of them — are never going to build an apartment building,” he said. Under the San Diego program, “there are some projects that are really, really big because there are an unlimited number of allowable units,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That word ‘unlimited’ is going to be challenging for some people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlash begins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From the roundabout at Adams and 49th, in San Diego’s historic Talmadge neighborhood, the two ADU duplexes peek over the single-story house out front like a pair of peeping Toms. To Geoffrey Hueter, they’re about as welcome here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are the first ADUs built under the San Diego bonus program and the reason that Hueter got into housing activism. They’re the reason he rallied his friends and co-founded Neighbors for a Better San Diego. They’re the reason that just a few houses down, a front yard sports a sign calling for “No Backyard Apartment Buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hueter is the soft-spoken, bespectacled face of the political backlash that housing advocates like Parent worry about. With a retired software engineer’s mind for detail, Hueter will respond to a simple question (“What do you think of the city’s bonus ADU program?”) with a seeking verbal essay on the history of Southern California automobile culture, the rate of local land turnover, social housing in Vienna, and optimal property tax rates for small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But eventually, he will reply: “It’s bad policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968516\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of several homes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A single-family home with an ADU complex in the backyard area in the Talmadge neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before developers got their hands on the 49th Street site, it was a single home. Now there are six: Four new one-bedroom units, plus a new studio carved off from the main house’s garage. When it wrapped up in the late summer of 2022, Mayor Gloria showcased the project as an example of “\u003ca href=\"https://c92f4009-7cd5-46ff-8380-2badc9a02bbd.usrfiles.com/ugd/c92f40_7b01e00ac0704cd2b0c56f6fbeb4e757.pdf\">gentle density\u003c/a>” even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbs8.com/article/news/local/controversial-multi-unit-housing-project-completed-talmadge/509-207027a1-2124-4d8a-be84-fa02ff0ddf35\">some neighbors started to complain\u003c/a>. Their chief sources of angst were a decline in privacy and the prospect of noisy college kids renting out the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing a few houses down from the 49th Street project, Hueter acknowledged that the buildings aren’t especially imposing or out of character. “It’s not \u003cem>horrible\u003c/em> horrible,” he said, though he still worries about the lack of parking and the sheer number of trash cans required to service the new tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than the details, it’s what he sees as the duplicity of the program that encroaches on “lawlessness” that bothers him most. “Don’t call them ‘accessory’ if they’re dominant,” he said. “If you say something is ‘gentle density,’ it should be gentle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://c92f4009-7cd5-46ff-8380-2badc9a02bbd.usrfiles.com/ugd/c92f40_7b01e00ac0704cd2b0c56f6fbeb4e757.pdf\">weekly newsletter\u003c/a> published just after his visit to the site last year, Gloria also noted that the project was “a huge improvement aesthetically from what it was before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Hueter, who has helped fundraise to beautify Talmadge and who is married to the president of the neighborhood historical society, that was an unforgivable insult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t tell people they live in a s–t neighborhood,” he said. “Be smarter about who you pick a fight with. This is a very politically active neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s administration has learned that the hard way. Earlier this year, Gloria introduced a collection of housing proposals, which he branded “Housing Package 2.0.” One of the proposals would have adopted a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB10\">state law\u003c/a> that allows small apartment projects of as many as 10 units to skip environmental review if they’re close to transit — so long as a city opts in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That proposal was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/08/california-election-ballot-measures/#wm-story-1\">swatted down by the city’s planning commission\u003c/a> after hundreds of residents, many under the banner of Neighbors for a Better San Diego, led a months-long protest movement against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the reason [that law] got beaten here is because there was a lot of experience from the bonus ADU law,” Hueter said. “People were already sensitized to what was going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the city council rejected the mayor’s entire housing package. Gloria has said he plans to reintroduce a revised version next year, but Neighbors for a Better San Diego were \u003ca href=\"https://www.neighborsforabettersandiego.org/\">happy to consider it a feather in their cap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Technically affordable vs. truly affordable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hueter stressed that the group isn’t anti-ADU. The group’s membership leans propertied and graying, so more than a few have backyard units of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most local groups pushing back on new housing laws, the members of Neighbors for a Better San Diego have an easier time rallying around what they oppose than what they would like to see instead. At public hearings and protests, historic preservation, a lack of parking, the unseemly prospect of developer profits, an influx of rental apartments — or a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FromBenC/status/1687198547563933696\">more naked condemnation of lower-income renters themselves\u003c/a> — all motivate opposition to new city housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe the most popular argument of all against the city’s ADU program is the claim that the resulting units aren’t “truly” affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968517\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An ADU building in the College Area neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In College Area, the residential neighborhood anchored around San Diego State University, a newly built ADU may rent for a little more than $3,000. The “affordable” units are cheaper, but not much. In order to qualify for the program, rent can’t exceed 30% of the monthly paycheck of someone earning 110% of the county’s median income. That works out to \u003ca href=\"https://sdhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/AMIIncomeRentChart-2023.pdf\">$2,249 per month for a studio\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And unlike traditional affordable housing, which has to be set aside at those lower rates for 55 years, the bonus ADU program only requires a 15-year commitment. If a landlord lowers the rent further to someone earning 80% of the typical area income, the commitment is only 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That second option remains a hypothetical. So far, each of the 159 projects submitted to the city has targeted the highest “affordable” income level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the bonus program as an affordable housing solution, city planning director Heidi Vonblum confessed that the question made her nervous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of neighborhood opposition groups that will go on Zillow and find the most outrageously expensive ADU and then use it to oppose any kind of ADU incentive program,” she said in a Zoom interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the program isn’t serving the most desperate, making it easier to build modest duplexes provides an escape valve for young professionals, essential workers and other middle-class San Diegans who would otherwise be competing for the region’s scarce rentals, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe an ADU that comes online might have really high rents, but then that frees up housing within the housing ecosystem for people to live in,” Vonblum said. “That’s really hard to explain to, you know, an average community member, because everybody wants us to solve everything with some silver bullet right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pitching the program\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a Saturday morning in early November, Mayor Gloria dropped by a conference center in San Diego’s master-planned Liberty Station neighborhood to meet up with the builders, housing financiers, politicians and academics gathered at the Casita Coalition’s annual convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If any of the efforts by Hueter and his fellow activists have shaken his confidence, the mayor doesn’t show it. He recalls his visit to that first ADU bonus project on 49th Street. “It’s no surprise that new developments typically get a lot of notice and a lot of signage,” he said. “But the people I met that live there are service members and college students. And where are they gonna go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968513\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12.jpg\" alt=\"A man standing at a podium with white signs and posters around him.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria speaks to attendees of Casita Coalition’s event, Build the Middle: A National Housing Convening, in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On paper, the conference is a celebration of the ADU-ification of the California housing market and an industry meeting of the minds. But much of the programming serves as an unofficial advertisement for the host city’s out-there ADU program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Gloria departs, the conference attendees line up outside for a morning bus tour of the city’s built-up backyards. The tour passes by the 49th Street site but does not stop in Talmadge. In College Area, outside a seven-unit project, bus riders are advised to keep their voices down, lest an already irate neighbor grow more irate. The ADU tourists disembark at each site to pad around the stacked in-law units on display, cooing with giddy disbelief and inquiring about square footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968512\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11.jpg\" alt=\"Several people walking near buildings.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees tour an ADU complex during a Casita Coalition’s event, Build the Middle: A National Housing Convening, in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14.jpg\" alt=\"Several people are looking up at three people at the top of the stairs on a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees tour an ADU complex during a Casita Coalition’s event, Build the Middle: A National Housing Convening, in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Getting off the bus back at the convention center, Analise Ortiz, a Democratic Arizona state representative marvels at what San Diego has done. Phoenix \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox10phoenix.com/news/phoenix-could-soon-legalize-building-guest-houses-in-backyards\">legalized backyard “casitas”\u003c/a> this fall, though without the other developer-friendly goodies that San Diego offers. Recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.azmirror.com/2023/03/14/sweeping-bill-to-address-arizonas-housing-crisis-shot-down/\">efforts to permit ADUs statewide\u003c/a> and to otherwise \u003ca href=\"https://www.12news.com/article/news/local/arizona/legislature-creating-committee-to-study-arizonas-housing-crisis/75-61bdf4db-7d1d-4cb4-9d46-d32ebecfe8fc\">make it easier to build\u003c/a> dense housing have failed in the Arizona Legislature. The debate there is a familiar one, Ortiz said: Concerns about affordability, neighborhood character and parking dominated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this shows that a lot of those concerns are exaggerated…We’re going to try again next year, and I think putting a visualization of what it can look like will hopefully help move some of our colleagues along,” she said. “We’re hoping we can have the same thing in Arizona.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A 2021 state law has radically changed the housing equation in San Diego. Advocates, developers, and policymakers are split on whether it should be exported to other jurisdictions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the minds of most Californians, accessory dwelling units — ADUs, short — bring to mind words like “small,” “subtle” and “cute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of which describe the side-by-side ADU duplexes on E Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched at the edge of San Diego’s desirable Golden Hill neighborhood, there’s nothing dainty or diminutive about these three-story structures. “Backyard cottage” is another term used to describe accessory dwelling units, but these are out front, practically hiding the five-unit multiplex to which they are technically “accessory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like dozens of small and not-so-small apartment buildings across San Diego, the structures on E Street are ADUs in only one way: They were permitted under the city’s ADU Bonus Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s one-of-a-kind ordinance offers landlords a one-for-one deal. If they agree to construct an ADU and keep the rent low enough for San Diegans making under a certain income, they’re automatically permitted to build a second “bonus” unit, which they can rent at whatever price they like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In parts of the city far from public transit, the 2021 city program offers a one-off: Alongside the main house and the two ADUs already permitted under state law, the city allows for a maximum of five units on one property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘San Diego may have stumbled on to the quickest solution to producing a lot of ‘missing middle’ housing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But in bus-and train-adjacent “transit priority” areas — a designation that \u003ca href=\"https://webmaps.sandiego.gov/portal/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=4efd01a2e06246adb36122fcf136f95d\">covers much of San Diego’s urban core\u003c/a> — a landlord can alternate affordable and bonus units again and again and again. Technically, there are limits. City zoning sets a maximum height on buildings, and a \u003ca href=\"https://library.qcode.us/lib/upland_ca/pub/municipal_code/item/title_17-part_3-chapter_17_10-17_10_080\">more complicated regulatory formula\u003c/a> caps how much built floorspace can dominate a parcel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you can squeeze in an awful lot of ADUs within those parameters. Hence, the project on E Street: A single-family lot with nine apartment units on it, four of them ADUs, two of them affordable. And that’s not an especially extravagant use of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A typical ADU bonus project application includes between 4 and 7 additional units, according to data provided by San Diego’s Development Services Department. Projects with a dozen or more units are not unheard of. The largest proposed project to date, planned for the city’s gentrifying majority Black and Latino \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofsandiego.org/2021/11/15/pushed-out-of-san-diego-by-housing-costs-black-voters-fight-for-county-representation/\">Encanto neighborhood\u003c/a>, is 148 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Pearson, whose design shop, PALO, designed the E Street duplexes, said his largest permitted project, located behind an existing 76-unit apartment building, comes with 36 “ADUs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a word for 36 units stacked in a row on top of one another. Even Pearson can’t help but grin and use scare quotes when he uses the term “ADU.” The city’s “crafty little maneuver” allows developers to “effectively build an apartment building out of ADUs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really ADUs only in name,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968510\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"A man standing outside wearing a dark buttoned shirt. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110223_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Pearson, co-founder of PALO, in Imperial Beach on Nov. 2, 2023. PALO, an architecture company, helps homeowners in San Diego build different types of housing. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Depending on your perspective, San Diego’s “crafty little maneuver” is either an ingeniously clever use of state law to provide a much-needed boost to the local housing supply or a sneak effort to foist an intolerable degree of construction and density upon unsuspecting residents while only providing a token degree of affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The program is just beginning to take off. A total of 159 projects with 1,200 units have been submitted to the city as of October. Less than half of the projects have actually been permitted. Far fewer have broken ground. Even so, supporters, detractors, researchers and policymakers are sitting up and taking note.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Diego may have stumbled on to the quickest solution to producing a lot of ‘\u003ca href=\"https://opticosdesign.com/missing-middle-housing/\">missing middle’ housing\u003c/a>,” said Andrew Wofford, a graduate student researcher at the UC Berkeley Center for Community Innovation who has been evaluating the program for the state’s housing department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Missing middle” describes an approachable (and, one hopes, more affordable) scale of development that occupies a middle ground between uber-dense highrises and sprawling single-family homes. Adding an ADU behind an existing home represents the mildest housing of this type. The novelty of San Diego’s program is in redefining “ADU” from a specific building type to a broad privileged regulatory chute into which developers are now encouraged to throw small apartment buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968519\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30.jpg\" alt='A white, blue and green sign that reads \"Save our Neighborhoods\" on a lawn.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_30-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign in opposition to the construction of ADUs or granny flats in the Talmadge neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31.jpg\" alt='A white, blue and green sign that reads \"No backyard granny towers.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_31-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign in opposition to the construction of ADUs or granny flats in the Talmadge neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, local critics of the program have already begun to mobilize. Signs inveighing against “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2021-08-31/granny-flats-san-diego-california\">granny towers\u003c/a>” and “backyard apartments” are common lawn ornaments in many of the city’s residential neighborhoods. The local backlash has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/business/story/2023-05-18/will-senate-bill-10-destroy-san-diegos-single-family-neighborhoods-experts-arent-so-sure\">spilled over to other areas of local housing policy\u003c/a> and now threatens Mayor Todd Gloria’s broader “Yes In My Backyard” vision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters are surprised by the program’s ambition. Denise Pinkston said her experience with local housing politics would have led her to rule out anything quite so far-reaching. A San Francisco real estate developer and the go-to ADU whisperer for state lawmakers hoping to hop aboard the “backyard revolution,” Pinkston is also the founder and board president of the Casita Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for ADU-friendly policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But looking at the results so far in San Diego, she paraphrases Shakespeare: “\u003ca href=\"https://nosweatshakespeare.com/quotes/famous/rose-by-any-other-name/\">What’s in a name?\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actually, it doesn’t really matter what you call it,” Pinkston said. “What you get is more housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego: ‘Above and beyond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California legislators have spent the last half-decade passing bill after bill to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-07/ADUHandbookUpdate.pdf\">encourage homeowners to build backyard cottages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, anywhere in California, city permit review is limited to 60 days. Development fees and construction-cramping setback requirements are capped. Public hearings and design reviews are banned. In many cases, so are the impositions of costly parking, landscaping and storage requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, California has experienced an ADU boom. While other, more ambitious and controversial pro-housing policies have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/01/newsom-sb50-dead-failure-ceqa-housing-crisis-shortage-failure/\">flamed out in the state Capitol\u003c/a> or made it through the legislative gauntlet only to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-18/new-california-duplex-law-housing-sb9-homeowners\">produce less impressive results\u003c/a> in the real world, ADUs now make roughly one-in-six of all new units permitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities have found ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/policy-and-research/ordinance-review-letters/adu-ordinance-review-letters.xlsx\">quietly obstruct those efforts\u003c/a>. Others have rolled along with them. None have gone quite so far as San Diego with its bonus program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaning in on development-friendly housing policy is on brand for San Diego. The city has a history of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/03/housing-san-diego-mayor-became-yimby/\">serving as a laboratory of YIMBYism for California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill ramping up the added density afforded to apartment projects in exchange for additional affordable units. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/business/story/2023-11-03/california-bill-passes-middle-income-housing-bill-will-it-work-in-san-diego#:~:text=In%202016%2C%20the%20San%20Diego,the%20law%20was%20hardly%20used.\">modeled on a San Diego ordinance\u003c/a>. When state lawmakers passed a law banning local parking requirements for many new housing projects, they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/columnists/story/2023-09-29/michael-smolens-state-gets-onboard-with-lifting-parking-requirements\">following San Diego’s lead\u003c/a>. And as California rolled out its various laws greasing the skids for ADUs, San Diego passed its own rules that greased them further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a lot of cities, the only reforms they’re doing on housing are those that are triggered by the state,” said Colin Parent, a state Assembly candidate and CEO of Circulate San Diego, a nonprofit that advocates for public transit and dense housing. “San Diego has done a bunch of things that go above and beyond what the state reforms require.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ADU bonus program is the latest example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968518\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a neighborhood.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_28-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The University Heights neighborhood of San Diego, where there are several ADU units, on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, state lawmakers passed a bill requiring local governments to “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB671\">incentivize and promote\u003c/a>” the building of more affordable ADUs. City planners in San Diego took this directive to heart in a way that no other city did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To fans of the program, San Diego offers a policy lesson that goes far beyond backyard cottages. Cities don’t “have to reinvent the wheel to build more housing,” said Muhammad Alameldin, a researcher at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, who wrote an overview of \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/san-diego-adu-bonus-program/\">San Diego’s ADU program\u003c/a> earlier this year. The promise of nearly unlimited density is an irresistible perk for many developers. Cities that want more of a particular type of housing — or more housing in general — can tack on an uncapped density bonus and watch the permit applications flood in, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They found the formula.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are reasons to believe that this particular formula might not work quite so well in other parts of the state. Even by the standards of auto-oriented Southern California cities, San Diego’s lots are on the big side, making it easier for developers to pack more onto the average parcel while staying beneath other zoning limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local economics play a role, too. In San Diego, the median apartment rent (\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/data/\">roughly $2,700 a month, according to Zillow\u003c/a>) is less than $400 over the maximum allowable rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://sdhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/AMIIncomeRentChart-2023.pdf\">state-designated affordable apartment\u003c/a> in San Diego County. That’s good news for landlords, who don’t have to take quite so large a hit when they set aside certain units for lower-income renters. In places where that gap is larger, the incentive to participate is smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jake Wegmann, a professor of urban planning at the University of Texas at Austin, said he thinks the same “slam dunk economics” of the program in San Diego would likely apply in “other very high rent regions, like the Bay Area,” though perhaps not so much in lower-cost metro areas, such as Sacramento or Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even within San Diego, there are only so many parcels where it makes sense to pack in a cluster of multiplexes: Some lots are just weirdly shaped or lack access to water and power, for example. “We should be cautious in assuming it’s going to run rampant over the whole city like kudzu,” Wegmann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting for copycats\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jared Basler, an ADU architect and the Casita Coalition’s policy director, said “There are a lot of people who are already looking into how to take it up to the state level” — though none of the state legislators interviewed for this story would confirm as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even a program booster like Basler isn’t quite so sure going statewide with the idea would be a good thing: “When we take these really successful local programs statewide, they do get watered down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “watered-down” version of the program might include higher affordability requirements or some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">stringent labor standards\u003c/a> that have been tacked onto other high-profile housing bills. Those added requirements would raise costs and result in fewer overall units. That’s a trade-off proponents aren’t willing to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968515\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968515\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a long beard wearing a blue shirt stands outside near bushes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_21-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jared Basler, director of policy and strategic initiatives at Casita Coalition, at Liberty Station in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other places — and even the state as a whole — are welcome to take a look at the program, said Gary Geiler, assistant director of the Development Services Department. But they should proceed with caution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Other jurisdictions might have a different geography and topography and built environment,” he said. Instead of opting for the “unlimited option,” allowing for as many affordable bonus pairs as can fit on the lot, a single bonus allowance “could always be the starting point,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing that “unlimited” option also carries a broader political risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the reasons ADUs have been such a political success in California is that backyard cottages are, generally speaking, human-scale. Grandma’s backyard bungalow will not cast \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SF-supervisors-reject-housing-project-that-would-13755026.php\">unsightly shadows on nearby parks\u003c/a> or jam the nearby side streets with cars. Unlike large apartment complexes that might be railed against as the work of faceless, greedy developers, ADUs are generally paid for by and stand to financially benefit a neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turning ADU policy into a backdoor apartment program threatens to bring those faceless developers back into the debate, upending a tried and true strategy, Parent of Circulate San Diego said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people who own a house — the vast majority of them — are never going to build an apartment building,” he said. Under the San Diego program, “there are some projects that are really, really big because there are an unlimited number of allowable units,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That word ‘unlimited’ is going to be challenging for some people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlash begins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From the roundabout at Adams and 49th, in San Diego’s historic Talmadge neighborhood, the two ADU duplexes peek over the single-story house out front like a pair of peeping Toms. To Geoffrey Hueter, they’re about as welcome here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are the first ADUs built under the San Diego bonus program and the reason that Hueter got into housing activism. They’re the reason he rallied his friends and co-founded Neighbors for a Better San Diego. They’re the reason that just a few houses down, a front yard sports a sign calling for “No Backyard Apartment Buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hueter is the soft-spoken, bespectacled face of the political backlash that housing advocates like Parent worry about. With a retired software engineer’s mind for detail, Hueter will respond to a simple question (“What do you think of the city’s bonus ADU program?”) with a seeking verbal essay on the history of Southern California automobile culture, the rate of local land turnover, social housing in Vienna, and optimal property tax rates for small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But eventually, he will reply: “It’s bad policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968516\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of several homes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_24-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A single-family home with an ADU complex in the backyard area in the Talmadge neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before developers got their hands on the 49th Street site, it was a single home. Now there are six: Four new one-bedroom units, plus a new studio carved off from the main house’s garage. When it wrapped up in the late summer of 2022, Mayor Gloria showcased the project as an example of “\u003ca href=\"https://c92f4009-7cd5-46ff-8380-2badc9a02bbd.usrfiles.com/ugd/c92f40_7b01e00ac0704cd2b0c56f6fbeb4e757.pdf\">gentle density\u003c/a>” even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbs8.com/article/news/local/controversial-multi-unit-housing-project-completed-talmadge/509-207027a1-2124-4d8a-be84-fa02ff0ddf35\">some neighbors started to complain\u003c/a>. Their chief sources of angst were a decline in privacy and the prospect of noisy college kids renting out the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing a few houses down from the 49th Street project, Hueter acknowledged that the buildings aren’t especially imposing or out of character. “It’s not \u003cem>horrible\u003c/em> horrible,” he said, though he still worries about the lack of parking and the sheer number of trash cans required to service the new tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than the details, it’s what he sees as the duplicity of the program that encroaches on “lawlessness” that bothers him most. “Don’t call them ‘accessory’ if they’re dominant,” he said. “If you say something is ‘gentle density,’ it should be gentle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://c92f4009-7cd5-46ff-8380-2badc9a02bbd.usrfiles.com/ugd/c92f40_7b01e00ac0704cd2b0c56f6fbeb4e757.pdf\">weekly newsletter\u003c/a> published just after his visit to the site last year, Gloria also noted that the project was “a huge improvement aesthetically from what it was before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Hueter, who has helped fundraise to beautify Talmadge and who is married to the president of the neighborhood historical society, that was an unforgivable insult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t tell people they live in a s–t neighborhood,” he said. “Be smarter about who you pick a fight with. This is a very politically active neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s administration has learned that the hard way. Earlier this year, Gloria introduced a collection of housing proposals, which he branded “Housing Package 2.0.” One of the proposals would have adopted a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB10\">state law\u003c/a> that allows small apartment projects of as many as 10 units to skip environmental review if they’re close to transit — so long as a city opts in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That proposal was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/08/california-election-ballot-measures/#wm-story-1\">swatted down by the city’s planning commission\u003c/a> after hundreds of residents, many under the banner of Neighbors for a Better San Diego, led a months-long protest movement against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the reason [that law] got beaten here is because there was a lot of experience from the bonus ADU law,” Hueter said. “People were already sensitized to what was going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the city council rejected the mayor’s entire housing package. Gloria has said he plans to reintroduce a revised version next year, but Neighbors for a Better San Diego were \u003ca href=\"https://www.neighborsforabettersandiego.org/\">happy to consider it a feather in their cap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Technically affordable vs. truly affordable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hueter stressed that the group isn’t anti-ADU. The group’s membership leans propertied and graying, so more than a few have backyard units of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most local groups pushing back on new housing laws, the members of Neighbors for a Better San Diego have an easier time rallying around what they oppose than what they would like to see instead. At public hearings and protests, historic preservation, a lack of parking, the unseemly prospect of developer profits, an influx of rental apartments — or a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FromBenC/status/1687198547563933696\">more naked condemnation of lower-income renters themselves\u003c/a> — all motivate opposition to new city housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe the most popular argument of all against the city’s ADU program is the claim that the resulting units aren’t “truly” affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968517\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968517\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110523_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_25-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An ADU building in the College Area neighborhood of San Diego on Nov. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In College Area, the residential neighborhood anchored around San Diego State University, a newly built ADU may rent for a little more than $3,000. The “affordable” units are cheaper, but not much. In order to qualify for the program, rent can’t exceed 30% of the monthly paycheck of someone earning 110% of the county’s median income. That works out to \u003ca href=\"https://sdhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/AMIIncomeRentChart-2023.pdf\">$2,249 per month for a studio\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And unlike traditional affordable housing, which has to be set aside at those lower rates for 55 years, the bonus ADU program only requires a 15-year commitment. If a landlord lowers the rent further to someone earning 80% of the typical area income, the commitment is only 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That second option remains a hypothetical. So far, each of the 159 projects submitted to the city has targeted the highest “affordable” income level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the bonus program as an affordable housing solution, city planning director Heidi Vonblum confessed that the question made her nervous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of neighborhood opposition groups that will go on Zillow and find the most outrageously expensive ADU and then use it to oppose any kind of ADU incentive program,” she said in a Zoom interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the program isn’t serving the most desperate, making it easier to build modest duplexes provides an escape valve for young professionals, essential workers and other middle-class San Diegans who would otherwise be competing for the region’s scarce rentals, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe an ADU that comes online might have really high rents, but then that frees up housing within the housing ecosystem for people to live in,” Vonblum said. “That’s really hard to explain to, you know, an average community member, because everybody wants us to solve everything with some silver bullet right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pitching the program\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a Saturday morning in early November, Mayor Gloria dropped by a conference center in San Diego’s master-planned Liberty Station neighborhood to meet up with the builders, housing financiers, politicians and academics gathered at the Casita Coalition’s annual convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If any of the efforts by Hueter and his fellow activists have shaken his confidence, the mayor doesn’t show it. He recalls his visit to that first ADU bonus project on 49th Street. “It’s no surprise that new developments typically get a lot of notice and a lot of signage,” he said. “But the people I met that live there are service members and college students. And where are they gonna go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968513\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12.jpg\" alt=\"A man standing at a podium with white signs and posters around him.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_12-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria speaks to attendees of Casita Coalition’s event, Build the Middle: A National Housing Convening, in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On paper, the conference is a celebration of the ADU-ification of the California housing market and an industry meeting of the minds. But much of the programming serves as an unofficial advertisement for the host city’s out-there ADU program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Gloria departs, the conference attendees line up outside for a morning bus tour of the city’s built-up backyards. The tour passes by the 49th Street site but does not stop in Talmadge. In College Area, outside a seven-unit project, bus riders are advised to keep their voices down, lest an already irate neighbor grow more irate. The ADU tourists disembark at each site to pad around the stacked in-law units on display, cooing with giddy disbelief and inquiring about square footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968512\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11.jpg\" alt=\"Several people walking near buildings.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110323_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees tour an ADU complex during a Casita Coalition’s event, Build the Middle: A National Housing Convening, in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14.jpg\" alt=\"Several people are looking up at three people at the top of the stairs on a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110423_ADU-San-Diego_AH_CM_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees tour an ADU complex during a Casita Coalition’s event, Build the Middle: A National Housing Convening, in San Diego on Nov. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Getting off the bus back at the convention center, Analise Ortiz, a Democratic Arizona state representative marvels at what San Diego has done. Phoenix \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox10phoenix.com/news/phoenix-could-soon-legalize-building-guest-houses-in-backyards\">legalized backyard “casitas”\u003c/a> this fall, though without the other developer-friendly goodies that San Diego offers. Recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.azmirror.com/2023/03/14/sweeping-bill-to-address-arizonas-housing-crisis-shot-down/\">efforts to permit ADUs statewide\u003c/a> and to otherwise \u003ca href=\"https://www.12news.com/article/news/local/arizona/legislature-creating-committee-to-study-arizonas-housing-crisis/75-61bdf4db-7d1d-4cb4-9d46-d32ebecfe8fc\">make it easier to build\u003c/a> dense housing have failed in the Arizona Legislature. The debate there is a familiar one, Ortiz said: Concerns about affordability, neighborhood character and parking dominated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this shows that a lot of those concerns are exaggerated…We’re going to try again next year, and I think putting a visualization of what it can look like will hopefully help move some of our colleagues along,” she said. “We’re hoping we can have the same thing in Arizona.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Is New State Construction Bond Measure Enough to Help Fix Scores of Dilapidated Schools in Rural California?",
"headTitle": "Is New State Construction Bond Measure Enough to Help Fix Scores of Dilapidated Schools in Rural California? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2023/11/muchas-comunidades-rurales-de-california-buscan-conseguir-dinero-para-construir-escuelas-podra-una-nueva-medida-de-bonos-ofrecer-suficiente-ayuda/\">español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s fund to fix crumbling schools dwindles to nothing, lawmakers are negotiating behind the scenes to craft a ballot measure that would be the state’s largest school construction bond in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some beleaguered school superintendents say the money will not be nearly enough to fix all the dry rot, leaky roofs and broken air conditioners in the state’s thousands of school buildings. And it won’t change a system that they say favors wealthier, urban, left-leaning areas that can easily pass local bond measures to make needed repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Helio Brasil, superintendent of Keyes Union School District\"]‘The big question is, why can’t our kids have school buildings that are safe and as nice as other kids’ schools just a few miles away?’[/pullquote]“The big question is, why can’t our kids have school buildings that are safe and as nice as other kids’ schools just a few miles away?” said Helio Brasil, superintendent of Keyes Union School District, a rural TK-8 district in a lower-income area south of Modesto. “This school is in such bad shape it can feel like a jail. … I’m speaking up about this because I feel the system needs to be fixed. I don’t want the next generation of students to have to experience this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two bills are currently under consideration in the state Legislature, which would bring in billions to repair school facilities. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB247\">Assembly Bill 247\u003c/a> would raise $14 billion for K-12 schools and community colleges, while \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB28\">Senate Bill 28\u003c/a>, at $15.5 billion, includes the University of California and California State University, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators will likely pick only one bill to send to Gov. Gavin Newsom for approval. AB 247 might have the advantage because it doesn’t include the state’s four-year university systems, both of which have the means to raise their own revenue. So far, it’s garnered little opposition, while SB 28 is opposed by two contractors’ associations because the bill prioritizes projects that use union labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association is neutral on AB 247 but opposes SB 28 because it would increase the amount of money school districts could borrow, leading to higher property taxes. AB 247 doesn’t change the borrowing limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/SYlkv/3/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should also be remembered that the school districts get to write the ballot questions, and they always use wording that encourages a ‘Yes’ vote and buries the part about the tax increase,” said association spokesman David Kline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-addressing-the-new-reality\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Addressing ‘the new reality’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, chair of the Assembly education committee and co-author of AB 247, said he’s confident the governor will approve a school bond for the November 2024 ballot despite competition from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/california-housing-crisis-bonds/\">a handful of other pricey bond proposals\u003c/a> addressing housing, the fentanyl crisis and flood protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Muratsuchi, a Democrat from Torrance, fixing broken schools should be California’s top priority, especially as wildfires and extreme weather intensify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our classrooms are aging, but we also need to address our new reality,” he said. “Classrooms of the 21st century should not only address students’ technical needs, but the reality of climate change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968327\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1588px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968327\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM.png\" alt=\"A collage of 4 photos showing water damage from two different schools.\" width=\"1588\" height=\"1070\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM.png 1588w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-800x539.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-1020x687.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-160x108.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-1536x1035.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1588px) 100vw, 1588px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First: Water damage inside a classroom at Pacific Elementary School in Santa Cruz on Nov. 14, 2023. Second: A rusted roof at Pacific Elementary School in Santa Cruz on Nov. 14, 2023. Third: A building used as a storage facility boarded up and no longer in use at the Keyes Elementary School in Keyes on Nov. 15, 2023. Fourth: Construction sites in the hallways of Keyes Elementary School in Keyes on Nov. 15, 2023. Multiple projects continue at the campus due to a lack of funds. \u003ccite>(Clara Mokri/CalMatters and arry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike most other states, California has no permanent funding stream for repairing school facilities. Money comes from state and local bonds, which generate finite amounts, usually through property taxes. Although California has lavished money on schools in the past few years, most of that money is earmarked for helping students recover from the pandemic. It can’t be spent on construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, larger, urban and more affluent districts, which also tend to be more liberal, have an easier time raising funds. Not only are voters more likely to approve new taxes — the usual way that districts repay bonds — but property values are higher, thereby bringing in more money. In addition, districts can qualify for matching funds from the state, so “the more you have, the more you get,” said Julien Lafortune, a researcher at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, for example, the Mill Valley School District in Marin County raised $194 million through a \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Mill_Valley_School_District,_California,_Measure_G,_Bond_Issue_(June_2022)\">bond\u003c/a> that taxed local property owners just 2.6 cents per $100 of a property’s assessed value — in a city where the average home price hovers around $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the same year, in rural San Lucas, south of King City in Monterey County, the \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Lucas_Union_School_District,_California,_Measure_C,_School_Facilities_Bond_Issue_(June_2022)\">school district tried passing a bond\u003c/a> that would have taxed property owners more than twice that rate, but because the average home price is below $300,000, the bond would have raised only $3.6 million. Regardless, voters rejected it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system is inequitable. More (school facilities) money goes to higher-income students than lower-income students,” Lafortune said. “There’s an understanding in California that we shouldn’t have these big inequities when it comes to books, supplies, resources. There’s all these efforts to correct inequities. And yet that’s not something that exists for school facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has a hardship fund for school districts that can’t cover their share of the matching funds. But getting hardship money is complicated, time-consuming and it can be overly burdensome for rural superintendents who may also be teaching classes, driving the bus and serving lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/equitable-state-funding-for-school-facilities/\">a recent report\u003c/a>, the Public Policy Institute of California recommends that California survey the condition of the state’s thousands of school buildings and adopt a system that ensures the neediest districts get more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/IldQ4/1/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although both bills in the Legislature include tweaks to make funding more equitable, they don’t go far enough, said Jeff Vincent, co-founder of the Center for Cities and Schools at UC Berkeley. Nearly 40% of California’s school districts can’t raise enough through local bonds — those that manage to pass them — to cover necessary repair costs. Any statewide bond should include significant aid for rural, small and lower-income districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Districts in areas with lower property values are really struggling,” Vincent said. “This means that children in more disadvantaged communities tend to have schools in a greater state of disrepair. … It’s not just a matter of aesthetics. It’s an issue of environmental health and safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-better-facilities-higher-achievement\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Better facilities, higher achievement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high: Students whose schools are in good condition perform 5% to 17% higher on standardized tests, are less likely to be suspended, and are more likely to attend school regularly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/fa/re/documents/learnercenter.pdf\">according to the California Department of Education\u003c/a>. The reason, according to researchers, is that students focus better and have more pride in their school when buildings are comfortable and safe, with good air ventilation and temperature control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Gross, superintendent at Pacific Elementary School District in Santa Cruz County, has noticed that firsthand. For at least two decades, the roof has leaked so badly that staff have had to put trash cans in classrooms and hallways to collect rainwater during storms. Two engineers have recommended that one classroom be condemned, but it took years before the state finally approved plans to rebuild it earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968328\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968328\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03.jpeg\" alt=\"A view inside a classroom with a white bucket on the floor below a missing ceiling panel. \" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bucket catches water due to a leak in a sixth-grade classroom at Pacific Elementary School in Santa Cruz on Nov. 14, 2023. According to Superintendent Eric Gross, the ceiling leaks even on foggy mornings. \u003ccite>(Clara Mokri/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other day, a teacher came to me and said, ‘The siding in my room is rotting.’ I said, ‘Yeah, I know.’ She said, ‘OK, just wanted to make sure you knew.’ … Our staff is great, but there’s a level of demoralization. It’s frustrating, but everyone just accepts it,” Gross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s come to rely on parent volunteers to perform basic maintenance at the 150-student school in the town of Davenport. Parents replace broken door handles, prune blackberry bushes, fix broken windows and build benches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the first day of school, I tell the families there are no passengers on this ship. Everyone rows,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small districts like his desperately need more assistance from the state, he said. This assistance should include not only more money but also help managing large projects. Gross is too busy running the school to hire consultants, negotiate with contractors, submit the reams of required paperwork, or oversee major projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can teach your kids to read, but I am not a construction manager,” he said. “The state needs to step in to help superintendents like me because we don’t have the time or expertise to do this on our own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-dry-rot-and-gophers\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Dry rot and gophers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Keyes Union School District, where Brasil has been superintendent for seven years, is a patchwork of deferred maintenance and jerry-rigging. Any money for repairs is long gone: The last time local voters passed a school construction bond was in 2005, and the state fund is depleted, as well. The elementary school gym, for example, doubles as a cafeteria, which means staff haul dozens of folding tables in and out daily. The middle school gym was never finished, so it lacks seating and locker rooms; students change in small, stuffy portables across the playground. Some of the roofs are 40 years old. A decade ago, an electrical malfunction sparked a pre-dawn fire in the Head Start building, engulfing it in flames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the past two years, Keyes’ most pressing issue has been gophers. Lured by the adjacent almond orchards, gophers invaded the middle school soccer field — one of only two fields in the town and shared with the community. The field was so pocked with divots and holes that anyone running across it risked an ankle injury or worse. The only way to make it usable again was to dig it up, regrade it and install new sod.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brasil didn’t have many financing options. The state rejected the district’s request for repair money, so it had to borrow $700,000 to complete the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted kids to have a nice, safe place to play, to run, to blow off steam after the pandemic. I would have rather spent that money on tutoring or after-school programs, but to me, this felt like the most important thing,” Brasil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968330\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968330\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04.jpeg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man in a multicolored sweater stands next to caution tape in a school courtyard.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Helio Brasil stands in the hallway next to construction tape where new classrooms are being built at Keyes Elementary School in Keyes on Nov. 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jeff Roberts, superintendent of Plumas Lake Elementary School District in Yuba County, has a different problem. His school buildings are in good shape, but the district is growing so fast he needs to build an entire new school — or risk cutting programs and increasing class sizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, the district had only 100 students. But due to a housing boom in the region, he anticipates 2,200 students by 2030. The amount of money needed to build a new school is daunting: an estimated cost of $70 million to $100 million. The district can only raise $18 million through a local bond. Developers’ fees will bring in an additional $20 million, but that still leaves the district with only half the money it needs. Roberts is relying on the state to pass a new school construction bond so he can apply for the remainder of the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went into education for teaching and learning. Now, what I spend most of my time on is worrying about housing students,” Roberts said. “If we can’t figure this out, we’re going to have to cut things like P.E., art, music to make room for students. It’s extremely frustrating because we know that’s not what’s best for students’ education.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Small, rural districts often struggle to pass local bond measures to pay for school construction and repairs. In some cases, leaking roofs, dry rot, and broken air conditioners have gone unfixed for years.",
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"description": "Small, rural districts often struggle to pass local bond measures to pay for school construction and repairs. In some cases, leaking roofs, dry rot, and broken air conditioners have gone unfixed for years.",
"title": "Is New State Construction Bond Measure Enough to Help Fix Scores of Dilapidated Schools in Rural California? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2023/11/muchas-comunidades-rurales-de-california-buscan-conseguir-dinero-para-construir-escuelas-podra-una-nueva-medida-de-bonos-ofrecer-suficiente-ayuda/\">español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s fund to fix crumbling schools dwindles to nothing, lawmakers are negotiating behind the scenes to craft a ballot measure that would be the state’s largest school construction bond in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some beleaguered school superintendents say the money will not be nearly enough to fix all the dry rot, leaky roofs and broken air conditioners in the state’s thousands of school buildings. And it won’t change a system that they say favors wealthier, urban, left-leaning areas that can easily pass local bond measures to make needed repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The big question is, why can’t our kids have school buildings that are safe and as nice as other kids’ schools just a few miles away?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The big question is, why can’t our kids have school buildings that are safe and as nice as other kids’ schools just a few miles away?” said Helio Brasil, superintendent of Keyes Union School District, a rural TK-8 district in a lower-income area south of Modesto. “This school is in such bad shape it can feel like a jail. … I’m speaking up about this because I feel the system needs to be fixed. I don’t want the next generation of students to have to experience this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two bills are currently under consideration in the state Legislature, which would bring in billions to repair school facilities. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB247\">Assembly Bill 247\u003c/a> would raise $14 billion for K-12 schools and community colleges, while \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB28\">Senate Bill 28\u003c/a>, at $15.5 billion, includes the University of California and California State University, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators will likely pick only one bill to send to Gov. Gavin Newsom for approval. AB 247 might have the advantage because it doesn’t include the state’s four-year university systems, both of which have the means to raise their own revenue. So far, it’s garnered little opposition, while SB 28 is opposed by two contractors’ associations because the bill prioritizes projects that use union labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association is neutral on AB 247 but opposes SB 28 because it would increase the amount of money school districts could borrow, leading to higher property taxes. AB 247 doesn’t change the borrowing limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/SYlkv/3/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should also be remembered that the school districts get to write the ballot questions, and they always use wording that encourages a ‘Yes’ vote and buries the part about the tax increase,” said association spokesman David Kline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-addressing-the-new-reality\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Addressing ‘the new reality’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, chair of the Assembly education committee and co-author of AB 247, said he’s confident the governor will approve a school bond for the November 2024 ballot despite competition from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/california-housing-crisis-bonds/\">a handful of other pricey bond proposals\u003c/a> addressing housing, the fentanyl crisis and flood protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Muratsuchi, a Democrat from Torrance, fixing broken schools should be California’s top priority, especially as wildfires and extreme weather intensify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our classrooms are aging, but we also need to address our new reality,” he said. “Classrooms of the 21st century should not only address students’ technical needs, but the reality of climate change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968327\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1588px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968327\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM.png\" alt=\"A collage of 4 photos showing water damage from two different schools.\" width=\"1588\" height=\"1070\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM.png 1588w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-800x539.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-1020x687.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-160x108.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-27-at-11.16.19-AM-1536x1035.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1588px) 100vw, 1588px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First: Water damage inside a classroom at Pacific Elementary School in Santa Cruz on Nov. 14, 2023. Second: A rusted roof at Pacific Elementary School in Santa Cruz on Nov. 14, 2023. Third: A building used as a storage facility boarded up and no longer in use at the Keyes Elementary School in Keyes on Nov. 15, 2023. Fourth: Construction sites in the hallways of Keyes Elementary School in Keyes on Nov. 15, 2023. Multiple projects continue at the campus due to a lack of funds. \u003ccite>(Clara Mokri/CalMatters and arry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike most other states, California has no permanent funding stream for repairing school facilities. Money comes from state and local bonds, which generate finite amounts, usually through property taxes. Although California has lavished money on schools in the past few years, most of that money is earmarked for helping students recover from the pandemic. It can’t be spent on construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, larger, urban and more affluent districts, which also tend to be more liberal, have an easier time raising funds. Not only are voters more likely to approve new taxes — the usual way that districts repay bonds — but property values are higher, thereby bringing in more money. In addition, districts can qualify for matching funds from the state, so “the more you have, the more you get,” said Julien Lafortune, a researcher at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, for example, the Mill Valley School District in Marin County raised $194 million through a \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Mill_Valley_School_District,_California,_Measure_G,_Bond_Issue_(June_2022)\">bond\u003c/a> that taxed local property owners just 2.6 cents per $100 of a property’s assessed value — in a city where the average home price hovers around $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the same year, in rural San Lucas, south of King City in Monterey County, the \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Lucas_Union_School_District,_California,_Measure_C,_School_Facilities_Bond_Issue_(June_2022)\">school district tried passing a bond\u003c/a> that would have taxed property owners more than twice that rate, but because the average home price is below $300,000, the bond would have raised only $3.6 million. Regardless, voters rejected it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system is inequitable. More (school facilities) money goes to higher-income students than lower-income students,” Lafortune said. “There’s an understanding in California that we shouldn’t have these big inequities when it comes to books, supplies, resources. There’s all these efforts to correct inequities. And yet that’s not something that exists for school facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has a hardship fund for school districts that can’t cover their share of the matching funds. But getting hardship money is complicated, time-consuming and it can be overly burdensome for rural superintendents who may also be teaching classes, driving the bus and serving lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/equitable-state-funding-for-school-facilities/\">a recent report\u003c/a>, the Public Policy Institute of California recommends that California survey the condition of the state’s thousands of school buildings and adopt a system that ensures the neediest districts get more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/IldQ4/1/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although both bills in the Legislature include tweaks to make funding more equitable, they don’t go far enough, said Jeff Vincent, co-founder of the Center for Cities and Schools at UC Berkeley. Nearly 40% of California’s school districts can’t raise enough through local bonds — those that manage to pass them — to cover necessary repair costs. Any statewide bond should include significant aid for rural, small and lower-income districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Districts in areas with lower property values are really struggling,” Vincent said. “This means that children in more disadvantaged communities tend to have schools in a greater state of disrepair. … It’s not just a matter of aesthetics. It’s an issue of environmental health and safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-better-facilities-higher-achievement\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Better facilities, higher achievement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high: Students whose schools are in good condition perform 5% to 17% higher on standardized tests, are less likely to be suspended, and are more likely to attend school regularly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/fa/re/documents/learnercenter.pdf\">according to the California Department of Education\u003c/a>. The reason, according to researchers, is that students focus better and have more pride in their school when buildings are comfortable and safe, with good air ventilation and temperature control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Gross, superintendent at Pacific Elementary School District in Santa Cruz County, has noticed that firsthand. For at least two decades, the roof has leaked so badly that staff have had to put trash cans in classrooms and hallways to collect rainwater during storms. Two engineers have recommended that one classroom be condemned, but it took years before the state finally approved plans to rebuild it earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968328\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968328\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03.jpeg\" alt=\"A view inside a classroom with a white bucket on the floor below a missing ceiling panel. \" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111423_Pacific-Elementary_CM_CM_03-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bucket catches water due to a leak in a sixth-grade classroom at Pacific Elementary School in Santa Cruz on Nov. 14, 2023. According to Superintendent Eric Gross, the ceiling leaks even on foggy mornings. \u003ccite>(Clara Mokri/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other day, a teacher came to me and said, ‘The siding in my room is rotting.’ I said, ‘Yeah, I know.’ She said, ‘OK, just wanted to make sure you knew.’ … Our staff is great, but there’s a level of demoralization. It’s frustrating, but everyone just accepts it,” Gross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s come to rely on parent volunteers to perform basic maintenance at the 150-student school in the town of Davenport. Parents replace broken door handles, prune blackberry bushes, fix broken windows and build benches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the first day of school, I tell the families there are no passengers on this ship. Everyone rows,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small districts like his desperately need more assistance from the state, he said. This assistance should include not only more money but also help managing large projects. Gross is too busy running the school to hire consultants, negotiate with contractors, submit the reams of required paperwork, or oversee major projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can teach your kids to read, but I am not a construction manager,” he said. “The state needs to step in to help superintendents like me because we don’t have the time or expertise to do this on our own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-dry-rot-and-gophers\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Dry rot and gophers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Keyes Union School District, where Brasil has been superintendent for seven years, is a patchwork of deferred maintenance and jerry-rigging. Any money for repairs is long gone: The last time local voters passed a school construction bond was in 2005, and the state fund is depleted, as well. The elementary school gym, for example, doubles as a cafeteria, which means staff haul dozens of folding tables in and out daily. The middle school gym was never finished, so it lacks seating and locker rooms; students change in small, stuffy portables across the playground. Some of the roofs are 40 years old. A decade ago, an electrical malfunction sparked a pre-dawn fire in the Head Start building, engulfing it in flames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the past two years, Keyes’ most pressing issue has been gophers. Lured by the adjacent almond orchards, gophers invaded the middle school soccer field — one of only two fields in the town and shared with the community. The field was so pocked with divots and holes that anyone running across it risked an ankle injury or worse. The only way to make it usable again was to dig it up, regrade it and install new sod.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brasil didn’t have many financing options. The state rejected the district’s request for repair money, so it had to borrow $700,000 to complete the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted kids to have a nice, safe place to play, to run, to blow off steam after the pandemic. I would have rather spent that money on tutoring or after-school programs, but to me, this felt like the most important thing,” Brasil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968330\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968330\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04.jpeg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man in a multicolored sweater stands next to caution tape in a school courtyard.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111523_Keyes-School_LV_04-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Helio Brasil stands in the hallway next to construction tape where new classrooms are being built at Keyes Elementary School in Keyes on Nov. 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jeff Roberts, superintendent of Plumas Lake Elementary School District in Yuba County, has a different problem. His school buildings are in good shape, but the district is growing so fast he needs to build an entire new school — or risk cutting programs and increasing class sizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, the district had only 100 students. But due to a housing boom in the region, he anticipates 2,200 students by 2030. The amount of money needed to build a new school is daunting: an estimated cost of $70 million to $100 million. The district can only raise $18 million through a local bond. Developers’ fees will bring in an additional $20 million, but that still leaves the district with only half the money it needs. Roberts is relying on the state to pass a new school construction bond so he can apply for the remainder of the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'Christmas Without Lights?' Californians Already Struggling to Pay Utility Bills Fret Over Further Rate Increases",
"headTitle": "‘Christmas Without Lights?’ Californians Already Struggling to Pay Utility Bills Fret Over Further Rate Increases | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Angelica Vásquez’s anxiety soared when she read the notice on her most recent electric bill: “Please pay $135.81 by 10/26 to avoid service termination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the warning was part of a bigger problem. Vásquez owed a total of $400.68 to Pacific Gas & Electric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Brian Dahle, Republican state senator\"]‘The more money PG&E spends, the more they make, and that’s not right. We need to make sure that we’re holding them accountable, that we are getting the projects completed with the minimum amount of cost.’[/pullquote]For the past four months, the 43-year-old Salvadoran immigrant has been on disability leave from her job at Tesla due to a shoulder injury, she said. Vásquez has also been unable to do her second job, as a part-time house cleaner, to help pay the $3,000 monthly rent on the San Leandro house she shares with her husband, two daughters and two grandchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Nov. 9, Vásquez wanted to warm up the house for her grandchildren, who needed to shower and get ready for school. But there was no power. Vásquez said she immediately called PG&E and explained that she had no money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility giant didn’t offer much help, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to borrow money,” Vásquez added, recounting the day her family remained without power until 11 p.m. “Our food went to waste, so we didn’t have lunch and dinner that day. There’s medicine in the fridge that no longer works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968156\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968156\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11.jpeg\" alt=\"A utility bill showing a balance of $400.68.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angelica Vásquez’s latest PG&E bill, on Nov. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vásquez is one of millions of residents across the state who have seen significant increases in their electric bills in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills for most PG&E customers are soon slated to rise again following the California Public Utilities Commission’s \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Published/G000/M520/K795/520795617.pdf\">approval last week of rate increases\u003c/a>, which the Oakland-based utility requested to pay for safety and reliability upgrades and inflation costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in January, the average residential customer’s combined monthly electric and natural gas bill will increase by $32.62, or nearly 13%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.publicadvocates.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cal-advocates-website/files/reports/231026-caladvocates-q3-2023-quarterly-rate-report.pdf\">last electric rate report\u003c/a> by the commission’s Public Advocates Office, PG&E rates increased by 92% between January 2014 and September 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working to keep customer cost increases at or below assumed inflation for the long term, between an average of 2 and 4% a year. We reduced our operating costs by 3% in 2022,” PG&E said in a statement to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We can’t afford to stay’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But California residential electricity prices are already more than twice the national average, according to the report by the Public Advocates Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-dahle-1965/\">Brian Dahle\u003c/a> (R-Bieber), vice chairperson of the Energy, Utilities and Communications Committee, said his office receives many calls from people complaining about electric bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People that are barely making it, people on disability, you name it,” Dahle told CalMatters. “We get those calls, and they’re like, ‘We can’t afford to stay,’ and it’s heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more money PG&E spends, the more they make, and that’s not right,” he added. “We need to make sure that we’re holding them accountable, that we are getting the projects completed with the minimum amount of cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://infogram.com/9e9e0e1c-c513-4803-bc33-75d84363c9d8?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fcalifornia-divide%2F2023%2F11%2Felectric-rates-california%2F&src=embed#async_embed\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen title=\"Average Residential Electric Rate Changes\" style=\"border: none; width: 1000px; height: 475px;\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s district encompasses 11 counties in Northern California, including some of the ones most impacted by recent wildfires. The same state regulators that will vote on PG&E’s proposed increases are also considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/news-and-updates/all-news/cpuc-staff-propose-%2445-million-penalty-for-pge-over-dixie-fire#:~:text=Under%20the%20proposed%20Administrative%20Consent,Dixie%20Fire%20for%20remediations%2C%20and\">a $45 million penalty\u003c/a> against the utility in connection with the Dixie Fire, the second-largest wildfire in state history, that began in Butte County in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said it is constructing underground power lines, an exceedingly expensive undertaking that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en/newsroom/press-release-details.b19403d2-b47d-495d-9124-851ffea6771f.html\">it argues\u003c/a> will reduce the risk of electrical-triggered wildfires by 98%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildfire mitigation is not the only driver of the rate increases, according to the latest report by the Public Advocates Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transmission and distribution investments are a second factor. That means replacing poles and wires with more modern equipment because certain new technologies can reduce the risks of sparking ignitions,” said Justin Ong, a chief policy adviser at the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third reason for rate changes is rooftop solar incentives. \u003ca href=\"https://www.publicadvocates.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cal-advocates-website/files/reports/nem-cost-shift-memo-final.pdf\">In an analysis published\u003c/a> in October 2022, the office found that the cost shift from rooftop solar to nonparticipating customers increased from $3.4 billion to $4.6 billion from 2021 to 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968154\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11968154 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08.jpeg\" alt=\"A mother sits on a chair in a living room next to her young daughter, while a young boy sleeps on a couch next to them.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nubia Ramírez, 26, and her daughter Alexia Hernández spend time together while Carlos Ramírez, 6, sleeps next to them in the living room of their home in San Leandro on Nov. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-keeping-the-power-on-for-poor-families\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Keeping the power on for poor families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The quarterly rate report also noted that the average monthly bill increased by $52 for PG&E customers from January 2021 to September 2023. Overall, lower-income households are the most impacted by higher rates and bills.[aside label=\"More PG&E coverage\" tag=\"pge\"]According to \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Efile/G000/M520/K564/520564539.PDF\">a PG&E monthly disconnect data report\u003c/a>, 19,439 PG&E customers were disconnected for non-payment in September. Of the utility’s 5.6 million residential accounts as of September, nearly 1.4 million were enrolled in a program that gives lower-income customers a 30% to 35% discount on their electric bills and a 20% discount on their natural gas bills. More than 38,000 customers were enrolled in another program for families with slightly higher incomes that offers an 18% discount on their electric bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to comment on PG&E’s proposed increase, Ong said he couldn’t comment on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he added: “There’s no silver bullet to solving our rate crisis. A lot of our investments in utility investments are like a mortgage. Once they’re made, they’re spread out over decades. We’re trying to develop solutions to really lessen the energy burden on households, in particular the lowest-income households.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten miles south of PG&E’s headquarters, Vásquez sat near the corner of her living room, where a tall lamp illuminated her face as her two grandchildren slept nearby on the couch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said both children are excited for Christmas, but she’s worried about money. She will soon return to Tesla and clean houses with her daughters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though her husband’s job as a construction worker helps cover most basic utilities, it won’t be enough for later this year, when holiday lights add costs to the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I going to tell them this is a Christmas without lights?” she asked, gazing at her grandchildren. “It’s getting harder and harder to live here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Angelica Vásquez’s anxiety soared when she read the notice on her most recent electric bill: “Please pay $135.81 by 10/26 to avoid service termination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the warning was part of a bigger problem. Vásquez owed a total of $400.68 to Pacific Gas & Electric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For the past four months, the 43-year-old Salvadoran immigrant has been on disability leave from her job at Tesla due to a shoulder injury, she said. Vásquez has also been unable to do her second job, as a part-time house cleaner, to help pay the $3,000 monthly rent on the San Leandro house she shares with her husband, two daughters and two grandchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Nov. 9, Vásquez wanted to warm up the house for her grandchildren, who needed to shower and get ready for school. But there was no power. Vásquez said she immediately called PG&E and explained that she had no money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility giant didn’t offer much help, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to borrow money,” Vásquez added, recounting the day her family remained without power until 11 p.m. “Our food went to waste, so we didn’t have lunch and dinner that day. There’s medicine in the fridge that no longer works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968156\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968156\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11.jpeg\" alt=\"A utility bill showing a balance of $400.68.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_11-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angelica Vásquez’s latest PG&E bill, on Nov. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vásquez is one of millions of residents across the state who have seen significant increases in their electric bills in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills for most PG&E customers are soon slated to rise again following the California Public Utilities Commission’s \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Published/G000/M520/K795/520795617.pdf\">approval last week of rate increases\u003c/a>, which the Oakland-based utility requested to pay for safety and reliability upgrades and inflation costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in January, the average residential customer’s combined monthly electric and natural gas bill will increase by $32.62, or nearly 13%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.publicadvocates.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cal-advocates-website/files/reports/231026-caladvocates-q3-2023-quarterly-rate-report.pdf\">last electric rate report\u003c/a> by the commission’s Public Advocates Office, PG&E rates increased by 92% between January 2014 and September 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working to keep customer cost increases at or below assumed inflation for the long term, between an average of 2 and 4% a year. We reduced our operating costs by 3% in 2022,” PG&E said in a statement to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We can’t afford to stay’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But California residential electricity prices are already more than twice the national average, according to the report by the Public Advocates Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-dahle-1965/\">Brian Dahle\u003c/a> (R-Bieber), vice chairperson of the Energy, Utilities and Communications Committee, said his office receives many calls from people complaining about electric bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People that are barely making it, people on disability, you name it,” Dahle told CalMatters. “We get those calls, and they’re like, ‘We can’t afford to stay,’ and it’s heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more money PG&E spends, the more they make, and that’s not right,” he added. “We need to make sure that we’re holding them accountable, that we are getting the projects completed with the minimum amount of cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://infogram.com/9e9e0e1c-c513-4803-bc33-75d84363c9d8?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fcalifornia-divide%2F2023%2F11%2Felectric-rates-california%2F&src=embed#async_embed\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen title=\"Average Residential Electric Rate Changes\" style=\"border: none; width: 1000px; height: 475px;\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s district encompasses 11 counties in Northern California, including some of the ones most impacted by recent wildfires. The same state regulators that will vote on PG&E’s proposed increases are also considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/news-and-updates/all-news/cpuc-staff-propose-%2445-million-penalty-for-pge-over-dixie-fire#:~:text=Under%20the%20proposed%20Administrative%20Consent,Dixie%20Fire%20for%20remediations%2C%20and\">a $45 million penalty\u003c/a> against the utility in connection with the Dixie Fire, the second-largest wildfire in state history, that began in Butte County in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said it is constructing underground power lines, an exceedingly expensive undertaking that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en/newsroom/press-release-details.b19403d2-b47d-495d-9124-851ffea6771f.html\">it argues\u003c/a> will reduce the risk of electrical-triggered wildfires by 98%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildfire mitigation is not the only driver of the rate increases, according to the latest report by the Public Advocates Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transmission and distribution investments are a second factor. That means replacing poles and wires with more modern equipment because certain new technologies can reduce the risks of sparking ignitions,” said Justin Ong, a chief policy adviser at the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third reason for rate changes is rooftop solar incentives. \u003ca href=\"https://www.publicadvocates.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cal-advocates-website/files/reports/nem-cost-shift-memo-final.pdf\">In an analysis published\u003c/a> in October 2022, the office found that the cost shift from rooftop solar to nonparticipating customers increased from $3.4 billion to $4.6 billion from 2021 to 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968154\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11968154 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08.jpeg\" alt=\"A mother sits on a chair in a living room next to her young daughter, while a young boy sleeps on a couch next to them.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08.jpeg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/111023_Angelica-Vasquez_MO_CM_08-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nubia Ramírez, 26, and her daughter Alexia Hernández spend time together while Carlos Ramírez, 6, sleeps next to them in the living room of their home in San Leandro on Nov. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-keeping-the-power-on-for-poor-families\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Keeping the power on for poor families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The quarterly rate report also noted that the average monthly bill increased by $52 for PG&E customers from January 2021 to September 2023. Overall, lower-income households are the most impacted by higher rates and bills.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Efile/G000/M520/K564/520564539.PDF\">a PG&E monthly disconnect data report\u003c/a>, 19,439 PG&E customers were disconnected for non-payment in September. Of the utility’s 5.6 million residential accounts as of September, nearly 1.4 million were enrolled in a program that gives lower-income customers a 30% to 35% discount on their electric bills and a 20% discount on their natural gas bills. More than 38,000 customers were enrolled in another program for families with slightly higher incomes that offers an 18% discount on their electric bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to comment on PG&E’s proposed increase, Ong said he couldn’t comment on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he added: “There’s no silver bullet to solving our rate crisis. A lot of our investments in utility investments are like a mortgage. Once they’re made, they’re spread out over decades. We’re trying to develop solutions to really lessen the energy burden on households, in particular the lowest-income households.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten miles south of PG&E’s headquarters, Vásquez sat near the corner of her living room, where a tall lamp illuminated her face as her two grandchildren slept nearby on the couch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said both children are excited for Christmas, but she’s worried about money. She will soon return to Tesla and clean houses with her daughters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though her husband’s job as a construction worker helps cover most basic utilities, it won’t be enough for later this year, when holiday lights add costs to the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I going to tell them this is a Christmas without lights?” she asked, gazing at her grandchildren. “It’s getting harder and harder to live here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "many-latino-californians-arent-voting-can-u-s-senate-candidates-motivate-them",
"title": "Can US Senate Candidates Motivate Latino Californians to Vote?",
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"headTitle": "Can US Senate Candidates Motivate Latino Californians to Vote? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For six generations since emigrating from Mexico to America, Clarissa Renteria’s family never voted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If any campaign mailers arrived during election season, Renteria’s parents — who both worked as warehouse workers in Woodlake, an agricultural town of 7,600 in California’s citrus belt — would throw them away. When their neighbor was elected mayor of Woodlake, Renteria’s father shrugged it off. “Look at him trying to fit in,” Renteria remembers her father saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My family just didn’t feel included in the politics, didn’t feel seen,” Renteria, 25, said in an interview at a voter registration event in Tulare. “It was just like, ‘You guys obviously don’t care about me. I don’t care about you, and I’m not going to vote. I’m just going to work to live, and that’s it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lack of engagement is shared by millions of eligible Latino Californians who miss out on voting each year. Latinos are \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/research/voter-turnout-gaps-2020/\">the least likely to vote\u003c/a>, though they comprise the single largest racial and ethnic group statewide, research shows. They account for just 25% of the state’s likely voters despite making up 36% of the adult population statewide, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-likely-voters/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they could hold the key to the 2024 U.S. Senate race since they’re a voting bloc largely untapped by the leading candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whoever wins over Latino voters is going to win the March primary in 2024,” said \u003ca href=\"https://latinocf.org/our-team/christian-arana/\">Christian Arana\u003c/a>, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But who’s that going to be? With less than four months until the March 5 primary, many Latino voters are still unsure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mindy Romero, founder and director, Center for Inclusive Democracy\"]‘We know that often in the Latino community … that you need to make the case and build trust and use trusted messengers.’[/pullquote]The leading Democratic candidates — U.S. Reps. Barbara Lee, Katie Porter and Adam Schiff — are mainly polling less than 20% among Latino voters, while 30% to 40% remain undecided, according to surveys \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5gk3z8qc\">conducted this year\u003c/a>. In an \u003ca href=\"https://bspresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Toplines-LCF-Survey-of-Latinos-in-California-October-2023.pdf\">October Latino Community Foundation and BSP Research poll\u003c/a> of 900 Latino voters, roughly half said they did not have an opinion about the Senate candidates yet or did know enough about them to form one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not seeing yet any of the Latino electorate connect with any particular candidates for U.S. Senate,” said \u003ca href=\"http://mattbarreto.com/\">Matt Barreto\u003c/a>, founder of BSP Research and the Latino Policy and Politics Institute at the University of California, Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think all of these candidates who are running right now are behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among all voters, Schiff and Porter are the \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4ss4k2bj\">frontrunners in polls in the past two months\u003c/a>, well ahead of Lee and Republicans, though roughly one-third of those surveyed are still undecided. Regardless of party, the top two vote-getters on March 5 advance to the November general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates have met with Latino leaders, conducted listening tours in communities of color and visited Latino business owners around the state, some as early as \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/katieporteroc/status/1625200808718639104\">February\u003c/a>, according to the campaigns. They have also been racking up endorsements from Latino leaders locally and nationally. On Nov. 4, the three top Democrats — Lee, Porter and Schiff — participated in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EDjXgqoxigY\">a forum on immigration issues\u003c/a> hosted by The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights Action Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But political experts say gaining support from Latino voters requires much more: Early, consistent and aggressive campaign outreach, but more importantly, issues that resonate enough to persuade Latinos to not only vote but vote for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Low voter turnout is almost as significant an indicator of a lack of appeal of a message as voting for another party,” said Mike Madrid, former political director for the California Republican Party and a political strategist with expertise on Latino voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t care how early you start. If you don’t have a message that resonates, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/15765630/embed#?secret=XfA4wgFgKs\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Population-wise, the potential political power of Latinos in California seems unmatched.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/CA/PST045222\">They are the biggest racial and ethnic group, accounting for 40% of the state’s population.\u003c/a> California is also home to 8 million — or one quarter — of the nation’s eligible Latino voters, more than any other state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/10/12/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2022/#:~:text=California%20is%20home%20to%20about,state%20of%20California%20in%202020.\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>. And that number is growing as young Latinos come of age, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-changing-immigration-is-reshaping-its-electorate/\">increasing their share of the state’s eligible voting population. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Latinos are significantly underrepresented in voter registration and turnout statewide and nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They made up just 14% of “frequent voters” (those who voted in at least five of the seven most recent elections), while white voters made up 71%, according to an August poll from the \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8s0525pm\">University of California Berkeley Institute of Government Studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos also had the lowest turnout rate of all groups in the 2020 election statewide and nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/research/voter-turnout-gaps-2020/\">according to a 2022 analysis by the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute\u003c/a>. Just 60% of eligible Latinos in California registered to vote, and just 55% of eligible Latinos voted, the data shows. They accounted for 32% of California’s eligible voters but only 27% of those who voted that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Poorer + younger = less engaged\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why are Latinos less likely to vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One contributing factor: Latinos are disproportionately poorer, especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://statehealthcompare.shadac.org/map/82/income-inequality-gini-coefficient#a/42/119\">which is among states with the highest income inequality\u003c/a>, Madrid noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/#:~:text=The%20Latino%20poverty%20rate%20increased,but%2039.7%25%20of%20all%20Californians.\">More than half of Californians living in poverty\u003c/a> are Latinos, according to data from the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2023-News-Releases/2022haibyethnicity\">Only 1 in 10 Latino households\u003c/a> can afford a median-priced home in the state — a percentage lower than their white and Asian counterparts, according to the California Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11957686\" label=\"Related Story\"]“When you have no upward economic mobility … that’s a very big problem for turnout,” Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jovonna Renteria, a 26-year-old Latino voter in Tulare County, said working-class Latinos in her neighborhood prioritize their immediate needs — such as housing, food and childcare — over voting. Her mother works in a warehouse, and she is a first-generation college student majoring in social work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people are so focused on just trying to survive, (voting) gets pushed to the side,” said Jovonna Renteria, who is not related to Clarissa Renteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos in California also \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/15-facts-about-Latino-Well-Being-R11.pdf\">tend to be younger\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-population/\">more than half of the state’s population ages 24 and younger are Latinos\u003c/a>, research shows. Nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/growing-latino-vote-factor-2024-election/story?id=103641807\">34 million young Latinos will be qualified to vote\u003c/a> next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger voters are less likely to participate, political experts say. They tend to be less affluent and motivated to vote not by habit but by issues that matter to them, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/person/mark-baldassare/\">Mark Baldassare\u003c/a>, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youths also have a lower “stake in society” since they are less likely to be parents or homeowners, who tend to be more invested in local politics such as property taxes or school bonds, Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t do that, you have a very transient mobile society, and that is a very civically disengaged one, which is not good for democracy,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Disenfranchised’ and disconnected\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mateo Fernandez, 17, will be a first-time voter next year. While he is excited, the San Diego native said no one around him talked about voting until he was in eighth grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people will tell you: ‘I just don’t know … how that works.’ Or they feel hopeless like they have no power in what’s going on around them because everyone else seems so much more powerful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jovonna Renteria saw the same in her community. She said Latinos feel “disenfranchised” and have “lost faith in the system” since they don’t see how they can benefit from those elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feeling of disconnect is partly due to a historical and current lack of outreach from political campaigns, said \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/people/mindy-romero/\">Mindy Romero\u003c/a>, founder and director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy and a political scientist who studies voting and underrepresentation among communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a chicken-and-egg problem \u003ca href=\"https://www.dallasnews.com/news/politics/2020/09/23/study-says-many-latinos-dont-vote-because-they-arent-sought-and-they-arent-sought-because-they-dont-vote/\">echoed in other states such as Texas\u003c/a>: Latinos are less likely to vote because campaigns rarely reach out to them, but campaigns are less inclined to reach out to them because they focus on likely voters, Romero noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that often in the Latino community … that you need to make the case and build trust and use trusted messengers,” she said. “We still don’t see candidates doing it, or at least not in a sustained way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when campaigns do reach out, some rely on stereotypes about the Latino communities, holding events featuring mariachi bands, sprinkling in a few Spanish words and “parachuting” in and out, Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11968102\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman dressed in green talks to a woman wearing glasses sitting on the other side of a table with people walking around in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Tulare, organizers inform attendees about their rights as voters and the available resources within the community on Nov. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Presidential campaigns are also known to hold events at taco shops to rally the Latino vote, running the risk of what Barreto called \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-23/2020-elections-mexican-restaurants\">“Hispandering.”\u003c/a> Both Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden dined at King Taco — a famous Los Angeles joint — during their presidential bids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there’s so much more to our community than that one particular taco shop in East L.A.,” Arana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inconsistent outreach makes Latino voters feel ignored, said \u003ca href=\"https://lulac.org/about/board/\">Jose Barrera\u003c/a>, national vice president for the Far West at the League of United Latin American Citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Come every four years, it seems like everybody wants our vote,” he said. “But once elected, candidates seem to forget about us. …Why should we as a community support some people who really promise everything but never deliver?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A wide-open race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When asked by CalMatters how they have connected with Latino voters, the leading U.S. Senate candidates pointed to their outreach efforts, endorsements and track record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, Porter and Schiff have all met with Latino business owners and leaders in Southern California, the Central Valley and the Bay area, holding most events in San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, Fresno or nearby areas, according to their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three campaigns pointed to their advocacy in Congress for a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants and for expanding health care coverage. They are all \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/1511?s=1&r=94&q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22hr+6%22%5D%7D\">co-sponsors of the House version of the “Registry Act,”\u003c/a> which would allow some undocumented immigrants to qualify for lawful status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff’s campaign highlighted his support for expanded child tax credits, affordable housing, clean energy and more, as well as his role in leading the first impeachment trial against former President Donald Trump. He also introduced the Head Start Expansion and Improvement Act, which would invest billions in providing services to children from low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter’s campaign also noted that she pushed for more language assistance for non-English-speaking voters and advocated for free COVID-19 testing for all. She was also the first Senate candidate to launch her campaign website in multiple languages, including Spanish, her campaign said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee — who responded to CalMatters after the story was published — mainly touted her stance on immigration issues, noting she is the only candidate to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/107-2002/h367\">voted against the creation of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement in 2002\u003c/a> and said she now wants to slash Customs and Border Protection funding in half. Schiff, then in his first term, voted in favor of creating ICE. Lee also noted her long history of supporting Medicare for All and said she supports canceling all student debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lexi Reese, a Democratic candidate who is barely registering in polls, said her background as a business owner helps her understand the struggles of small businesses. She said she is the only fluent Spanish speaker in the race and conducted listening tours in both languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Eric Early, a top GOP contender, said that Latino voters he spoke to want a lower cost of living, tougher regulations on violent crimes and a stop to “the indoctrination of our children in schools” and “the flood of illegal immigration and fentanyl across the southern border.” He also touted his lawsuit against the Santa Barbara Unified School District for diversity training, \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/court-of-appeal/2021/b309248.html\">which was thrown out\u003c/a> in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Steve Garvey, the L.A. Dodgers legend who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/10/mental-health-newsom/#wm-story-1\">entered the race last month\u003c/a>, did not respond to a CalMatters inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Latino advocacy groups haven’t announced endorsements or have no plans for them, some notable community leaders have made up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff, who has received dozens of endorsements from Latino lawmakers and leaders, gained support from state Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, U.S. Rep. Nanette Barragán, chairperson of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and recently from former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. Porter’s campaign stressed her support from nearly a dozen Latino leaders, including U.S. Rep. and former Long Beach mayor Robert Garcia, as well as Eddie Martinez, executive director of Latino Equality Alliance and mayor of Huntington Park. Lee also received endorsements from Dolores Huerta, longtime activist and co-founder of United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968103\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11968103\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-800x533.jpg\" alt='A side view of a woman wearing glasses seated next to other people with a sign that reads \"Register to Vote\" on the floor.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosalinda Avitia, 73, listens to organizers as they review voter registration information in Tulare on Nov. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But despite the monthslong outreach by some campaigns, a sizable portion of Latino voters are still undecided, polls show. That’s partly because none of the top candidates have been on a statewide ballot and, therefore, have low name recognition, some experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that any of the candidates come with a natural advantage,” Baldassare said. “(Schiff) has been high-profile in Washington, but that doesn’t mean he’s high-profile with the California voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, campaigns must expand beyond immigration as a top issue, which is a “relic of the past,” Madrid said. A fast-growing portion of the electorate are U.S.-born Latinos who are not as motivated by the issue, and \u003ca href=\"https://bspresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/LCF-October-2023-Survey-Crosstab-Results.pdf\">polls have shown\u003c/a> that the economy, inflation and joblessness — not immigration — are consistently the top issue among Latinos, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you have the largest ethnic group in the state with the lowest voter turnout rates when they are telling you … that the No. 1 issue they have is jobs and the economy, and yet, all the Latino advocacy groups are talking about is immigration?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nov. 4 forum was focused almost exclusively on immigration. Madrid argues that while the issue was important, it shouldn’t be all there is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fatima Flores, a spokesperson for the coalition that hosted the forum, said it was to “uplift the intersections of other issues within immigration” so members could “walk away informed and knowledgeable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Angelica Salas, the coalition’s executive director, said it wants to see a “torch bearer” on immigration issues among the Senate candidates seeking to succeed the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who Salas deemed a “vanguard” of immigration reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, they are all supportive,” Salas said of top Democrats in the race. “But we are looking for the leader who is going to advance this cause, but more importantly, is going to finally be part of the leadership that’s going to get immigration reform over the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana said he is glad candidates have been out engaging Latino voters. But they must make sure the outreach is consistent and the message is on point, he said, pointing to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2020/04/bernie-california-vote-update-primary-results-charts/\">Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ win in the California presidential primary in 2020\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders proposed debt-free public colleges and universal health care, which resonated with young Latino voters, Arana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He opened offices in areas where campaigns … normally wouldn’t,” he said. “Not only did he open that office, he hired people from the community, so it almost made it seem like it was a partnership to change the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11968104\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing face paint and a green, floral print dress stands next to a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clarissa Renteria, 25, a resident of Tulare County at the voter registration event in downtown Tulare on Nov. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As for now, things have mostly been quiet in the city of Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the local voter registration drive and Día de Los Muertos celebration hosted by several Latino advocacy groups, including the League of United Latin American Citizens, two dozen residents showed up, some drawn by the free food. Half a block away, a train whooshed by every few minutes on the railway track that sliced through the city, the blaring horn contrasting with the sleepy downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought it was not real,” Clarissa Renteria said outside the event venue, joking about when she first heard about it. Such events are rare in Tulare, she said. No one has knocked on her door for the Senate candidates, and she has seen no signs of campaign outreach in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t really have a lot of that around here,” she said. “But I feel like as soon as you get other people who are also Mexican, like myself, to see: ‘Hey, I’m talking about these issues,’ maybe they’ll get more engaged. I think that’s what we need to see.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Latino voters are up for grabs in the 2024 California election and could help decide who wins the U.S. Senate seat. But will the campaigns do enough outreach to convince them?",
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"title": "Can US Senate Candidates Motivate Latino Californians to Vote? | KQED",
"description": "Latino voters are up for grabs in the 2024 California election and could help decide who wins the U.S. Senate seat. But will the campaigns do enough outreach to convince them?",
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"headline": "Can US Senate Candidates Motivate Latino Californians to Vote?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For six generations since emigrating from Mexico to America, Clarissa Renteria’s family never voted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If any campaign mailers arrived during election season, Renteria’s parents — who both worked as warehouse workers in Woodlake, an agricultural town of 7,600 in California’s citrus belt — would throw them away. When their neighbor was elected mayor of Woodlake, Renteria’s father shrugged it off. “Look at him trying to fit in,” Renteria remembers her father saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My family just didn’t feel included in the politics, didn’t feel seen,” Renteria, 25, said in an interview at a voter registration event in Tulare. “It was just like, ‘You guys obviously don’t care about me. I don’t care about you, and I’m not going to vote. I’m just going to work to live, and that’s it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lack of engagement is shared by millions of eligible Latino Californians who miss out on voting each year. Latinos are \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/research/voter-turnout-gaps-2020/\">the least likely to vote\u003c/a>, though they comprise the single largest racial and ethnic group statewide, research shows. They account for just 25% of the state’s likely voters despite making up 36% of the adult population statewide, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-likely-voters/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they could hold the key to the 2024 U.S. Senate race since they’re a voting bloc largely untapped by the leading candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whoever wins over Latino voters is going to win the March primary in 2024,” said \u003ca href=\"https://latinocf.org/our-team/christian-arana/\">Christian Arana\u003c/a>, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But who’s that going to be? With less than four months until the March 5 primary, many Latino voters are still unsure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The leading Democratic candidates — U.S. Reps. Barbara Lee, Katie Porter and Adam Schiff — are mainly polling less than 20% among Latino voters, while 30% to 40% remain undecided, according to surveys \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5gk3z8qc\">conducted this year\u003c/a>. In an \u003ca href=\"https://bspresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Toplines-LCF-Survey-of-Latinos-in-California-October-2023.pdf\">October Latino Community Foundation and BSP Research poll\u003c/a> of 900 Latino voters, roughly half said they did not have an opinion about the Senate candidates yet or did know enough about them to form one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not seeing yet any of the Latino electorate connect with any particular candidates for U.S. Senate,” said \u003ca href=\"http://mattbarreto.com/\">Matt Barreto\u003c/a>, founder of BSP Research and the Latino Policy and Politics Institute at the University of California, Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think all of these candidates who are running right now are behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among all voters, Schiff and Porter are the \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4ss4k2bj\">frontrunners in polls in the past two months\u003c/a>, well ahead of Lee and Republicans, though roughly one-third of those surveyed are still undecided. Regardless of party, the top two vote-getters on March 5 advance to the November general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates have met with Latino leaders, conducted listening tours in communities of color and visited Latino business owners around the state, some as early as \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/katieporteroc/status/1625200808718639104\">February\u003c/a>, according to the campaigns. They have also been racking up endorsements from Latino leaders locally and nationally. On Nov. 4, the three top Democrats — Lee, Porter and Schiff — participated in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EDjXgqoxigY\">a forum on immigration issues\u003c/a> hosted by The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights Action Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But political experts say gaining support from Latino voters requires much more: Early, consistent and aggressive campaign outreach, but more importantly, issues that resonate enough to persuade Latinos to not only vote but vote for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Low voter turnout is almost as significant an indicator of a lack of appeal of a message as voting for another party,” said Mike Madrid, former political director for the California Republican Party and a political strategist with expertise on Latino voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t care how early you start. If you don’t have a message that resonates, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/15765630/embed#?secret=XfA4wgFgKs\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Population-wise, the potential political power of Latinos in California seems unmatched.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/CA/PST045222\">They are the biggest racial and ethnic group, accounting for 40% of the state’s population.\u003c/a> California is also home to 8 million — or one quarter — of the nation’s eligible Latino voters, more than any other state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/10/12/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2022/#:~:text=California%20is%20home%20to%20about,state%20of%20California%20in%202020.\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>. And that number is growing as young Latinos come of age, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-changing-immigration-is-reshaping-its-electorate/\">increasing their share of the state’s eligible voting population. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Latinos are significantly underrepresented in voter registration and turnout statewide and nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They made up just 14% of “frequent voters” (those who voted in at least five of the seven most recent elections), while white voters made up 71%, according to an August poll from the \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8s0525pm\">University of California Berkeley Institute of Government Studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos also had the lowest turnout rate of all groups in the 2020 election statewide and nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/research/voter-turnout-gaps-2020/\">according to a 2022 analysis by the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute\u003c/a>. Just 60% of eligible Latinos in California registered to vote, and just 55% of eligible Latinos voted, the data shows. They accounted for 32% of California’s eligible voters but only 27% of those who voted that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Poorer + younger = less engaged\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why are Latinos less likely to vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One contributing factor: Latinos are disproportionately poorer, especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://statehealthcompare.shadac.org/map/82/income-inequality-gini-coefficient#a/42/119\">which is among states with the highest income inequality\u003c/a>, Madrid noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/#:~:text=The%20Latino%20poverty%20rate%20increased,but%2039.7%25%20of%20all%20Californians.\">More than half of Californians living in poverty\u003c/a> are Latinos, according to data from the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2023-News-Releases/2022haibyethnicity\">Only 1 in 10 Latino households\u003c/a> can afford a median-priced home in the state — a percentage lower than their white and Asian counterparts, according to the California Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you have no upward economic mobility … that’s a very big problem for turnout,” Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jovonna Renteria, a 26-year-old Latino voter in Tulare County, said working-class Latinos in her neighborhood prioritize their immediate needs — such as housing, food and childcare — over voting. Her mother works in a warehouse, and she is a first-generation college student majoring in social work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people are so focused on just trying to survive, (voting) gets pushed to the side,” said Jovonna Renteria, who is not related to Clarissa Renteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos in California also \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/15-facts-about-Latino-Well-Being-R11.pdf\">tend to be younger\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-population/\">more than half of the state’s population ages 24 and younger are Latinos\u003c/a>, research shows. Nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/growing-latino-vote-factor-2024-election/story?id=103641807\">34 million young Latinos will be qualified to vote\u003c/a> next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger voters are less likely to participate, political experts say. They tend to be less affluent and motivated to vote not by habit but by issues that matter to them, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/person/mark-baldassare/\">Mark Baldassare\u003c/a>, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youths also have a lower “stake in society” since they are less likely to be parents or homeowners, who tend to be more invested in local politics such as property taxes or school bonds, Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t do that, you have a very transient mobile society, and that is a very civically disengaged one, which is not good for democracy,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Disenfranchised’ and disconnected\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mateo Fernandez, 17, will be a first-time voter next year. While he is excited, the San Diego native said no one around him talked about voting until he was in eighth grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people will tell you: ‘I just don’t know … how that works.’ Or they feel hopeless like they have no power in what’s going on around them because everyone else seems so much more powerful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jovonna Renteria saw the same in her community. She said Latinos feel “disenfranchised” and have “lost faith in the system” since they don’t see how they can benefit from those elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feeling of disconnect is partly due to a historical and current lack of outreach from political campaigns, said \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/people/mindy-romero/\">Mindy Romero\u003c/a>, founder and director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy and a political scientist who studies voting and underrepresentation among communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a chicken-and-egg problem \u003ca href=\"https://www.dallasnews.com/news/politics/2020/09/23/study-says-many-latinos-dont-vote-because-they-arent-sought-and-they-arent-sought-because-they-dont-vote/\">echoed in other states such as Texas\u003c/a>: Latinos are less likely to vote because campaigns rarely reach out to them, but campaigns are less inclined to reach out to them because they focus on likely voters, Romero noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that often in the Latino community … that you need to make the case and build trust and use trusted messengers,” she said. “We still don’t see candidates doing it, or at least not in a sustained way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when campaigns do reach out, some rely on stereotypes about the Latino communities, holding events featuring mariachi bands, sprinkling in a few Spanish words and “parachuting” in and out, Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11968102\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman dressed in green talks to a woman wearing glasses sitting on the other side of a table with people walking around in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-118.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Tulare, organizers inform attendees about their rights as voters and the available resources within the community on Nov. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Presidential campaigns are also known to hold events at taco shops to rally the Latino vote, running the risk of what Barreto called \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-23/2020-elections-mexican-restaurants\">“Hispandering.”\u003c/a> Both Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden dined at King Taco — a famous Los Angeles joint — during their presidential bids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there’s so much more to our community than that one particular taco shop in East L.A.,” Arana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inconsistent outreach makes Latino voters feel ignored, said \u003ca href=\"https://lulac.org/about/board/\">Jose Barrera\u003c/a>, national vice president for the Far West at the League of United Latin American Citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Come every four years, it seems like everybody wants our vote,” he said. “But once elected, candidates seem to forget about us. …Why should we as a community support some people who really promise everything but never deliver?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A wide-open race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When asked by CalMatters how they have connected with Latino voters, the leading U.S. Senate candidates pointed to their outreach efforts, endorsements and track record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, Porter and Schiff have all met with Latino business owners and leaders in Southern California, the Central Valley and the Bay area, holding most events in San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, Fresno or nearby areas, according to their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three campaigns pointed to their advocacy in Congress for a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants and for expanding health care coverage. They are all \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/1511?s=1&r=94&q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22hr+6%22%5D%7D\">co-sponsors of the House version of the “Registry Act,”\u003c/a> which would allow some undocumented immigrants to qualify for lawful status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff’s campaign highlighted his support for expanded child tax credits, affordable housing, clean energy and more, as well as his role in leading the first impeachment trial against former President Donald Trump. He also introduced the Head Start Expansion and Improvement Act, which would invest billions in providing services to children from low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter’s campaign also noted that she pushed for more language assistance for non-English-speaking voters and advocated for free COVID-19 testing for all. She was also the first Senate candidate to launch her campaign website in multiple languages, including Spanish, her campaign said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee — who responded to CalMatters after the story was published — mainly touted her stance on immigration issues, noting she is the only candidate to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/107-2002/h367\">voted against the creation of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement in 2002\u003c/a> and said she now wants to slash Customs and Border Protection funding in half. Schiff, then in his first term, voted in favor of creating ICE. Lee also noted her long history of supporting Medicare for All and said she supports canceling all student debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lexi Reese, a Democratic candidate who is barely registering in polls, said her background as a business owner helps her understand the struggles of small businesses. She said she is the only fluent Spanish speaker in the race and conducted listening tours in both languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Eric Early, a top GOP contender, said that Latino voters he spoke to want a lower cost of living, tougher regulations on violent crimes and a stop to “the indoctrination of our children in schools” and “the flood of illegal immigration and fentanyl across the southern border.” He also touted his lawsuit against the Santa Barbara Unified School District for diversity training, \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/court-of-appeal/2021/b309248.html\">which was thrown out\u003c/a> in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Steve Garvey, the L.A. Dodgers legend who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/10/mental-health-newsom/#wm-story-1\">entered the race last month\u003c/a>, did not respond to a CalMatters inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Latino advocacy groups haven’t announced endorsements or have no plans for them, some notable community leaders have made up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff, who has received dozens of endorsements from Latino lawmakers and leaders, gained support from state Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, U.S. Rep. Nanette Barragán, chairperson of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and recently from former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. Porter’s campaign stressed her support from nearly a dozen Latino leaders, including U.S. Rep. and former Long Beach mayor Robert Garcia, as well as Eddie Martinez, executive director of Latino Equality Alliance and mayor of Huntington Park. Lee also received endorsements from Dolores Huerta, longtime activist and co-founder of United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968103\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11968103\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-800x533.jpg\" alt='A side view of a woman wearing glasses seated next to other people with a sign that reads \"Register to Vote\" on the floor.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-131.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosalinda Avitia, 73, listens to organizers as they review voter registration information in Tulare on Nov. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But despite the monthslong outreach by some campaigns, a sizable portion of Latino voters are still undecided, polls show. That’s partly because none of the top candidates have been on a statewide ballot and, therefore, have low name recognition, some experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that any of the candidates come with a natural advantage,” Baldassare said. “(Schiff) has been high-profile in Washington, but that doesn’t mean he’s high-profile with the California voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, campaigns must expand beyond immigration as a top issue, which is a “relic of the past,” Madrid said. A fast-growing portion of the electorate are U.S.-born Latinos who are not as motivated by the issue, and \u003ca href=\"https://bspresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/LCF-October-2023-Survey-Crosstab-Results.pdf\">polls have shown\u003c/a> that the economy, inflation and joblessness — not immigration — are consistently the top issue among Latinos, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you have the largest ethnic group in the state with the lowest voter turnout rates when they are telling you … that the No. 1 issue they have is jobs and the economy, and yet, all the Latino advocacy groups are talking about is immigration?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nov. 4 forum was focused almost exclusively on immigration. Madrid argues that while the issue was important, it shouldn’t be all there is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fatima Flores, a spokesperson for the coalition that hosted the forum, said it was to “uplift the intersections of other issues within immigration” so members could “walk away informed and knowledgeable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Angelica Salas, the coalition’s executive director, said it wants to see a “torch bearer” on immigration issues among the Senate candidates seeking to succeed the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who Salas deemed a “vanguard” of immigration reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, they are all supportive,” Salas said of top Democrats in the race. “But we are looking for the leader who is going to advance this cause, but more importantly, is going to finally be part of the leadership that’s going to get immigration reform over the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana said he is glad candidates have been out engaging Latino voters. But they must make sure the outreach is consistent and the message is on point, he said, pointing to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2020/04/bernie-california-vote-update-primary-results-charts/\">Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ win in the California presidential primary in 2020\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders proposed debt-free public colleges and universal health care, which resonated with young Latino voters, Arana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He opened offices in areas where campaigns … normally wouldn’t,” he said. “Not only did he open that office, he hired people from the community, so it almost made it seem like it was a partnership to change the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11968104\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing face paint and a green, floral print dress stands next to a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/110123-Voters-Registration-Tulare-ZS-CM-137.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clarissa Renteria, 25, a resident of Tulare County at the voter registration event in downtown Tulare on Nov. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As for now, things have mostly been quiet in the city of Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the local voter registration drive and Día de Los Muertos celebration hosted by several Latino advocacy groups, including the League of United Latin American Citizens, two dozen residents showed up, some drawn by the free food. Half a block away, a train whooshed by every few minutes on the railway track that sliced through the city, the blaring horn contrasting with the sleepy downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought it was not real,” Clarissa Renteria said outside the event venue, joking about when she first heard about it. Such events are rare in Tulare, she said. No one has knocked on her door for the Senate candidates, and she has seen no signs of campaign outreach in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t really have a lot of that around here,” she said. “But I feel like as soon as you get other people who are also Mexican, like myself, to see: ‘Hey, I’m talking about these issues,’ maybe they’ll get more engaged. I think that’s what we need to see.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California’s Eviction Crisis: A Post-Pandemic Nightmare for Renters",
"headTitle": "California’s Eviction Crisis: A Post-Pandemic Nightmare for Renters | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Eviction cases soared across California in the year after the last portion of a statewide moratorium lapsed, a CalMatters analysis of court data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The elevated numbers — in some places beyond pre-pandemic levels — show a significant portion of renters remain at risk of losing their homes, despite the state’s rollout of a $5 billion rent relief program during the pandemic and a yearslong pause on many eviction cases that many landlords have said disrupted their businesses and income. A nationwide study published this year found increases in eviction filings \u003ca href=\"https://nlihc.org/resource/eviction-filings-associated-increases-homelessness#:~:text=For%20every%20one%20percentage%20point,sheltered%20homelessness%20per%2010%2C000%20people.\">are associated\u003c/a> with slight upticks in the population of homeless people living in shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide moratorium was extended until June 2022 for those who had applied for rental assistance by March, barring evictions in cases where tenants had not paid rent and said they couldn’t because of financial hardship wrought by the pandemic. The law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/08/californians-evicted-coronavirus-pandemic/\">didn’t stop evictions completely\u003c/a> — thousands were still locked out under various exceptions — but it dropped cases to record lows. After it ended, a patchwork of local protections for tenants kicked in for cities that had passed their own eviction limits, which then phased out later in 2022 or earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Tim Thomas, sociologist and director, Urban Displacement Project at UC Berkeley\"]‘We’re facing the eviction cliff we tried to prevent during the pandemic. Being back to normal this quickly is concerning.’[/pullquote]Recently obtained data from when the statewide moratorium was lifted through the summer of 2023 show that in a dozen of the state’s most populous counties, the average monthly eviction filings surpassed pre-pandemic averages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties that extended local moratoria are also seeing waves of landlords seeking to remove tenants, albeit delayed until after their own rules end. That’s led to particularly acute spikes this year in Alameda County and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the month prior to Oakland’s local moratorium sunsetting, landlords filed nearly 800 eviction cases in Alameda County, the highest monthly total in at least a decade. During the three previous years, under local or state moratoria, they filed fewer than 100 cases a month. The average number of evictions filed in the county in 2019 was 324 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The post-moratoria spikes could reverse a nearly decade-long trend of evictions falling, both in California and nationwide. While the overall number of eviction cases filed post-pandemic remains far lower than the peak years following the Great Recession, researchers and tenants’ advocates said they were dismayed that while the moratorium and rental assistance kept eviction filings relatively low for about three years, those state interventions don’t appear to have significantly blunted the number of evictions sought afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re facing the eviction cliff we tried to prevent during the pandemic,” said Tim Thomas, a sociologist and director of the Urban Displacement Project at UC Berkeley who analyzed the data for CalMatters. “Being back to normal this quickly is concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/EYVlb/1/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas attributed the wave of eviction filings to a combination of state and local moratoria expiring, inflation and the recent expiration of several other pandemic aid programs that had kept families afloat, such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-hunger-crisis/#96c7efe3-b21a-478c-b6b0-98e5407331a6\">expanded food assistance\u003c/a> and loosened \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/03/medi-cal-eligibility-2/\">eligibility to stay on Medi-Cal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11961350,news_11955733,news_11947933\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Landlords’ groups say the yearslong moratoria gave property owners no recourse when tenants failed to pay rent even when the economy started to recover during the pandemic, and said lasting rental debt from the pandemic is leading landlords to now be more aggressive in seeking evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords can only file for evictions over unpaid rent from the past 12 months, but that does not forgive old debt, and tenants’ advocates say there’s little to stop landlords from applying newly paid rent to old debt. The National Equity Atlas, a research group, estimates that as of September, 605,000 California households \u003ca href=\"https://nationalequityatlas.org/rent-debt\">owed\u003c/a> $1.8 billion in back rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state program open from March 2021 through March 2022 required landlords and tenants to apply for federally funded rental assistance to cover back rent from the pandemic before landlords could seek an eviction. But thousands who applied are still waiting for the aid to cover debts from that time period while the program \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/10/covid-rent-relief/\">appears to have run out of money\u003c/a>. Many landlords said they had trouble handling the program’s red tape or had tenants who weren’t approved for assistance for every month that they owed rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to anticipate that there’s going to be an increase (in eviction cases) because there hadn’t been any filed in three years,” said Chris Moore, a landlord who owns about 20 units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore blamed the moratoria, which he said were overly broad, for “creating a culture” of permitting the nonpayment of rent even for tenants who were working and had income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ advocates, however, also blamed recent rent increases for the high number of filings. Even in counties that haven’t been governed by any eviction limits since last summer, cases filed remained above pre-pandemic averages more than a year later. Landlords who are subject to a 2019 rent cap law have been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-rent-control-settlement/\">allowed to raise rent\u003c/a> on tenants by as much as 10% this year, due to last year’s record inflation, though some cities have stricter caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants are “unable to pay current rent,” said Gilberto Vera, senior attorney for housing at the Legal Aid Society of San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego County, eviction filings peaked at more than 1,000 in October 2022, and this year, have see-sawed closer to their pre-pandemic average of 723 a month. Some smaller counties — such as Kern, Ventura, Stanislaus and Tulare — have returned to seeing cases filed at slightly lower rates than pre-pandemic, as of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties — including Sacramento, Los Angeles and San Mateo — the number of cases of tenants facing eviction increased this year by more than 10% compared to pre-pandemic levels, according to the CalMatters analysis. The highest leap was in Santa Clara County, where evictions filed in 2023 through August were more than 35% higher than in 2019, on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/RxU91/3/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eviction filings do not necessarily mean a tenant gets kicked out. But the court filing — known as an unlawful detainer — starts a legal process with strict timetables that could result in a landlord being granted legal possession of the unit, allowing them to send a sheriff’s deputy to perform a lockout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wave has swamped tenants’ attorneys, most of whom work for \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/s/i0j9w6zyyexyqsb/CA%20RR%20Report%20final%20revised%20021420.pdf?dl=0\">understaffed legal ai\u003c/a>d organizations representing low-income residents. Few tenants have attorneys in eviction court, compared to landlords, who are represented most of the time. Linda Yu, co-director of the housing unit at the East Bay Community Law Center, said many tenants risk being evicted unlawfully without an attorney to defend their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been chaotic,” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.bluelena.io/index.php?action=social&chash=84f7e69969dea92a925508f7c1f9579a.403&s=b5222f21b7b32e5caa20d917d959ac5f\">Yu said, on a day\u003c/a> Alameda County Superior Court had 100 cases scheduled to be heard. “The court system has not been prepared for this influx of evictions following the moratoriums lifting and we are now paying the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Superior Court spokesperson Paul Rosynsky told CalMatters last week that the timelines set by state law prevent the court from reducing caseloads. Still, court officials have alerted additional judges to make room to hear eviction cases on their calendars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent eviction case spikes put California in line with other Democratic states that extended tenant protections during the pandemic well beyond a federal moratorium, such as Oregon or Minnesota, Thomas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Liberal states definitely had the most severe whiplash, going from zero to above historical averages,” he said. “It’s a complicated story because you had more tenant protections than ever before but also more gentrification, and a lot more housing instability in these states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Nelson, a senior policy and research analyst at Strategic Actions for a Just Economy who has studied evictions in Los Angeles County, said that based on how long it took for evictions to stabilize after the Great Recession, some counties should expect cases to remain elevated for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters obtained more than a year of data from courts in 19 of the state’s most populous counties showing the number of eviction cases filed each month through August 2023, along with nearly a decade of corresponding historical figures compiled by the Judicial Council, the agency governing the state’s court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZuqdI/2/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties that did not extend additional local eviction protections after the state law expired, eviction filings began spiking the month before the statewide moratorium ended and peaked in late 2022. But they remain elevated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court process allows landlords and tenants to settle a case before it goes to trial, which could include a payment plan to avoid eviction or an agreement to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tenants’ advocates point out there are numerous ways a tenant could also be “informally evicted,” by moving out due to the threat of a court case. The filing data do not include those cases or show if a tenant moved out during a court case. Eviction cases are sealed from public view — but not if the tenant loses in court, making it more difficult for them to rent again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords’ associations said most property owners only file for an eviction as a “last resort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Filing an unlawful detainer is not something that’s taken lightly,” said Lucinda Lilley, immediate past president of the Southern California Rental Housing Association in San Diego County. “To work with the renter is much more advantageous to everyone involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lilley praised San Diego County’s rollout of COVID rental assistance and said the association supports the creation of permanent programs to provide short-term help with rent — “a bridging of the gap for people who may have a tough time for a couple of months and they just need some assistance to avoid that termination of tenancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Landlords are bearing the brunt of this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/15794577/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In eviction court in Sacramento one recent morning, tenants said the process felt designed to pressure them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To avoid a trial, Keyarra Dunn made a deal with her landlord to stay in her apartment by agreeing to pay a portion of her back rent in the next four days, and the remainder — more than $7,000 — in three and a half weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dunn, 23, said she knew of nowhere else to live if she and her four young children had to move out. She acknowledged that she had fallen behind on rent for at least four months but said she was getting divorced, had been in and out of the hospital, and spent much of her income as a car rental shop manager on child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it would have helped to have had an attorney and wasn’t sure she could come up with the money in time. Because the settlement was made instead of a judge’s ruling, it had all the force of a court order. If she can’t keep her end of the deal, the eviction process will move ahead quickly in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I had to,” she said of making the agreement. “It was like, now or never, to pay a rent amount that I might not have all of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Divide reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/feliciacalmatters-org/\">Felicia Mello\u003c/a> contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data compiled by Ben Christopher, Jeanne Kuang, Alejandro Lazo, Felicia Mello and Alejandra Reyes-Velarde.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Eviction cases soared across California in the year after the last portion of a statewide moratorium lapsed, a CalMatters analysis of court data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The elevated numbers — in some places beyond pre-pandemic levels — show a significant portion of renters remain at risk of losing their homes, despite the state’s rollout of a $5 billion rent relief program during the pandemic and a yearslong pause on many eviction cases that many landlords have said disrupted their businesses and income. A nationwide study published this year found increases in eviction filings \u003ca href=\"https://nlihc.org/resource/eviction-filings-associated-increases-homelessness#:~:text=For%20every%20one%20percentage%20point,sheltered%20homelessness%20per%2010%2C000%20people.\">are associated\u003c/a> with slight upticks in the population of homeless people living in shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide moratorium was extended until June 2022 for those who had applied for rental assistance by March, barring evictions in cases where tenants had not paid rent and said they couldn’t because of financial hardship wrought by the pandemic. The law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/08/californians-evicted-coronavirus-pandemic/\">didn’t stop evictions completely\u003c/a> — thousands were still locked out under various exceptions — but it dropped cases to record lows. After it ended, a patchwork of local protections for tenants kicked in for cities that had passed their own eviction limits, which then phased out later in 2022 or earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We’re facing the eviction cliff we tried to prevent during the pandemic. Being back to normal this quickly is concerning.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Recently obtained data from when the statewide moratorium was lifted through the summer of 2023 show that in a dozen of the state’s most populous counties, the average monthly eviction filings surpassed pre-pandemic averages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties that extended local moratoria are also seeing waves of landlords seeking to remove tenants, albeit delayed until after their own rules end. That’s led to particularly acute spikes this year in Alameda County and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the month prior to Oakland’s local moratorium sunsetting, landlords filed nearly 800 eviction cases in Alameda County, the highest monthly total in at least a decade. During the three previous years, under local or state moratoria, they filed fewer than 100 cases a month. The average number of evictions filed in the county in 2019 was 324 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The post-moratoria spikes could reverse a nearly decade-long trend of evictions falling, both in California and nationwide. While the overall number of eviction cases filed post-pandemic remains far lower than the peak years following the Great Recession, researchers and tenants’ advocates said they were dismayed that while the moratorium and rental assistance kept eviction filings relatively low for about three years, those state interventions don’t appear to have significantly blunted the number of evictions sought afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re facing the eviction cliff we tried to prevent during the pandemic,” said Tim Thomas, a sociologist and director of the Urban Displacement Project at UC Berkeley who analyzed the data for CalMatters. “Being back to normal this quickly is concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/EYVlb/1/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas attributed the wave of eviction filings to a combination of state and local moratoria expiring, inflation and the recent expiration of several other pandemic aid programs that had kept families afloat, such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-hunger-crisis/#96c7efe3-b21a-478c-b6b0-98e5407331a6\">expanded food assistance\u003c/a> and loosened \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/03/medi-cal-eligibility-2/\">eligibility to stay on Medi-Cal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Landlords’ groups say the yearslong moratoria gave property owners no recourse when tenants failed to pay rent even when the economy started to recover during the pandemic, and said lasting rental debt from the pandemic is leading landlords to now be more aggressive in seeking evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords can only file for evictions over unpaid rent from the past 12 months, but that does not forgive old debt, and tenants’ advocates say there’s little to stop landlords from applying newly paid rent to old debt. The National Equity Atlas, a research group, estimates that as of September, 605,000 California households \u003ca href=\"https://nationalequityatlas.org/rent-debt\">owed\u003c/a> $1.8 billion in back rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state program open from March 2021 through March 2022 required landlords and tenants to apply for federally funded rental assistance to cover back rent from the pandemic before landlords could seek an eviction. But thousands who applied are still waiting for the aid to cover debts from that time period while the program \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/10/covid-rent-relief/\">appears to have run out of money\u003c/a>. Many landlords said they had trouble handling the program’s red tape or had tenants who weren’t approved for assistance for every month that they owed rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to anticipate that there’s going to be an increase (in eviction cases) because there hadn’t been any filed in three years,” said Chris Moore, a landlord who owns about 20 units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore blamed the moratoria, which he said were overly broad, for “creating a culture” of permitting the nonpayment of rent even for tenants who were working and had income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ advocates, however, also blamed recent rent increases for the high number of filings. Even in counties that haven’t been governed by any eviction limits since last summer, cases filed remained above pre-pandemic averages more than a year later. Landlords who are subject to a 2019 rent cap law have been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-rent-control-settlement/\">allowed to raise rent\u003c/a> on tenants by as much as 10% this year, due to last year’s record inflation, though some cities have stricter caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants are “unable to pay current rent,” said Gilberto Vera, senior attorney for housing at the Legal Aid Society of San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego County, eviction filings peaked at more than 1,000 in October 2022, and this year, have see-sawed closer to their pre-pandemic average of 723 a month. Some smaller counties — such as Kern, Ventura, Stanislaus and Tulare — have returned to seeing cases filed at slightly lower rates than pre-pandemic, as of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties — including Sacramento, Los Angeles and San Mateo — the number of cases of tenants facing eviction increased this year by more than 10% compared to pre-pandemic levels, according to the CalMatters analysis. The highest leap was in Santa Clara County, where evictions filed in 2023 through August were more than 35% higher than in 2019, on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/RxU91/3/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eviction filings do not necessarily mean a tenant gets kicked out. But the court filing — known as an unlawful detainer — starts a legal process with strict timetables that could result in a landlord being granted legal possession of the unit, allowing them to send a sheriff’s deputy to perform a lockout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wave has swamped tenants’ attorneys, most of whom work for \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/s/i0j9w6zyyexyqsb/CA%20RR%20Report%20final%20revised%20021420.pdf?dl=0\">understaffed legal ai\u003c/a>d organizations representing low-income residents. Few tenants have attorneys in eviction court, compared to landlords, who are represented most of the time. Linda Yu, co-director of the housing unit at the East Bay Community Law Center, said many tenants risk being evicted unlawfully without an attorney to defend their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been chaotic,” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.bluelena.io/index.php?action=social&chash=84f7e69969dea92a925508f7c1f9579a.403&s=b5222f21b7b32e5caa20d917d959ac5f\">Yu said, on a day\u003c/a> Alameda County Superior Court had 100 cases scheduled to be heard. “The court system has not been prepared for this influx of evictions following the moratoriums lifting and we are now paying the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Superior Court spokesperson Paul Rosynsky told CalMatters last week that the timelines set by state law prevent the court from reducing caseloads. Still, court officials have alerted additional judges to make room to hear eviction cases on their calendars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent eviction case spikes put California in line with other Democratic states that extended tenant protections during the pandemic well beyond a federal moratorium, such as Oregon or Minnesota, Thomas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Liberal states definitely had the most severe whiplash, going from zero to above historical averages,” he said. “It’s a complicated story because you had more tenant protections than ever before but also more gentrification, and a lot more housing instability in these states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Nelson, a senior policy and research analyst at Strategic Actions for a Just Economy who has studied evictions in Los Angeles County, said that based on how long it took for evictions to stabilize after the Great Recession, some counties should expect cases to remain elevated for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters obtained more than a year of data from courts in 19 of the state’s most populous counties showing the number of eviction cases filed each month through August 2023, along with nearly a decade of corresponding historical figures compiled by the Judicial Council, the agency governing the state’s court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZuqdI/2/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties that did not extend additional local eviction protections after the state law expired, eviction filings began spiking the month before the statewide moratorium ended and peaked in late 2022. But they remain elevated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court process allows landlords and tenants to settle a case before it goes to trial, which could include a payment plan to avoid eviction or an agreement to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tenants’ advocates point out there are numerous ways a tenant could also be “informally evicted,” by moving out due to the threat of a court case. The filing data do not include those cases or show if a tenant moved out during a court case. Eviction cases are sealed from public view — but not if the tenant loses in court, making it more difficult for them to rent again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords’ associations said most property owners only file for an eviction as a “last resort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Filing an unlawful detainer is not something that’s taken lightly,” said Lucinda Lilley, immediate past president of the Southern California Rental Housing Association in San Diego County. “To work with the renter is much more advantageous to everyone involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lilley praised San Diego County’s rollout of COVID rental assistance and said the association supports the creation of permanent programs to provide short-term help with rent — “a bridging of the gap for people who may have a tough time for a couple of months and they just need some assistance to avoid that termination of tenancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Landlords are bearing the brunt of this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/15794577/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In eviction court in Sacramento one recent morning, tenants said the process felt designed to pressure them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To avoid a trial, Keyarra Dunn made a deal with her landlord to stay in her apartment by agreeing to pay a portion of her back rent in the next four days, and the remainder — more than $7,000 — in three and a half weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dunn, 23, said she knew of nowhere else to live if she and her four young children had to move out. She acknowledged that she had fallen behind on rent for at least four months but said she was getting divorced, had been in and out of the hospital, and spent much of her income as a car rental shop manager on child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it would have helped to have had an attorney and wasn’t sure she could come up with the money in time. Because the settlement was made instead of a judge’s ruling, it had all the force of a court order. If she can’t keep her end of the deal, the eviction process will move ahead quickly in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I had to,” she said of making the agreement. “It was like, now or never, to pay a rent amount that I might not have all of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Divide reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/feliciacalmatters-org/\">Felicia Mello\u003c/a> contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data compiled by Ben Christopher, Jeanne Kuang, Alejandro Lazo, Felicia Mello and Alejandra Reyes-Velarde.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California's Reservoirs Are Full, but the Water Forecast Is Murky",
"headTitle": "California’s Reservoirs Are Full, but the Water Forecast Is Murky | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>As forecasts tease California with rainstorms this week, the state’s reservoirs are already flush with water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a big departure from a year ago: The state’s major reservoirs — which store water collected mostly from rivers in the northern portion of the state — are in good shape, with levels at \u003ca href=\"https://cww.water.ca.gov/\">124% of average\u003c/a>. In late 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/images/151422/california-reservoir-rebound\">bathtub rings of dry earth\u003c/a> lined lakes that had collectively dipped to about two-thirds of average — until heavy winter storms in January filled many of them almost to the brim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet healthy water levels don’t mean California’s reservoirs are full. Most of California’s large reservoirs are operated for flood control as well as water storage, with space kept empty to rein in winter storm runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wet season has arrived in California, with El Niño conditions \u003ca href=\"https://weatherwest.com/archives/32554\">projected to continue strengthening\u003c/a>. But for the Golden State, with its unpredictable swings from dry to wet and back again, El Niño doesn’t guarantee heavy rainfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as California’s water managers plan for the water year ahead, they’re faced, as always, with their dueling responsibilities: forestalling floods while preparing for possible scarcity in a state where water supplies are often stretched thin and long droughts are common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state climatologist Michael Anderson looks into California’s water year ahead, he says the crystal ball is cloudy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-murky-forecast-both-near-and-far\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">A murky forecast, both near and far\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Threats of a major storm dissolved into showers in parts of California this week, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.wpc.ncep.noaa.gov/discussions/hpcdiscussions.php?disc=pmdspd\">another surge of rainfall expected to wrap up this weekend\u003c/a>. Rainfall is only expected to reach 1 to 2 inches statewide through Saturday morning, with light snowfall predicted in the Sierra Nevada mountains at higher elevations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall this is looking to be a beneficial rainfall event for Southern California, which is definitely welcome during the typical peak of our fire season,” the National Weather Service office for San Diego reported earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Marty Ralph, director, Center for Western Weather and Water Extremes at UC San Diego\"]‘It’s like you’re playing poker, and you’ve got a good hand — that’s El Niño for us. But we haven’t finished the round of the game, and we still have to draw a couple cards. But we might not draw the good cards.’[/pullquote]Some headlines heralded it as the first storm of many as El Niño continues to strengthen and intensify. Characterized \u003ca href=\"https://www.noaa.gov/understanding-el-nino\">by warming of the central and eastern tropical Pacific Ocean\u003c/a>, El Niño is \u003ca href=\"https://oceanservice.noaa.gov/facts/ninonina.html\">often expected to bring wetter weather\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, the connection is more tenuous. Of seven El Niño events over the past 23 years, Anderson said, two have been dry, three have been roughly average and two have been wet. One recent study reported that El Niño accounts for only about 25% of the \u003ca href=\"https://journals.ametsoc.org/view/journals/bams/103/12/BAMS-D-21-0252.1.xml\">year-to-year variability in California’s rain and snowfall during the winter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What that tells me is anything goes,” Anderson said. “El Niño by itself doesn’t define our water year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the year is actually off to a drier start: Statewide, California has \u003ca href=\"https://cww.water.ca.gov/\">seen only about 45% of average precipitation\u003c/a> since this water year began Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marty Ralph, director of the Center for Western Weather and Water Extremes at UC San Diego, suspects that it’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/03/california-storm-reservoirs-flooding/\">atmospheric rivers like the ones that pummeled California last year\u003c/a> that will determine whether El Niño will bring a firehose or a trickle to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like you’re playing poker, and you’ve got a good hand — that’s El Niño for us. But we haven’t finished the round of the game, and we still have to draw a couple cards,” Ralph said. “But we might not draw the good cards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-waste-not-want-not-nbsp\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Waste not, want not?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With seasonal outlooks unable to \u003ca href=\"https://journals.ametsoc.org/view/journals/bams/103/12/BAMS-D-21-0252.1.xml\">reliably say\u003c/a> whether a winter will be wet or dry, water managers must plan for both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately there’s some wiggle room this year, according to Jeanine Jones, the Department of Water Resources’ interstate resources manager. Last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/03/california-storm-reservoirs-flooding/\">massive snowpack and abundant rainfall\u003c/a> filled the state’s reservoirs enough that even if this rainy season leans dry, she said, “We’re going into next year with a cushion, which is always good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"science_1985131,news_11943212,science_1981943\"]That doesn’t mean the reservoirs are full, though. Lake Oroville — the \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/programs/state-water-project/swp-facilities/oroville\">largest reservoir on the State Water Project\u003c/a>, which sends water south to farms and cities — and Lake Shasta — critical to growers and other water users reliant on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usbr.gov/mp/cvp/\">federal Central Valley Project\u003c/a> — are \u003ca href=\"https://cdec.water.ca.gov/resapp/RescondMain\">at about two-thirds of their total capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because with reservoirs that serve the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usbr.gov/mp/ncao/slwri/docs/wkshp-pstrs/20140620-shasta-reservoir.pdf\">dual purpose of flood control and water storage\u003c/a>, water managers must \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/-/media/DWR-Website/Web-Pages/Programs/State-Water-Project/Oroville-CNA/Files/Meeting-3/PMF_Info_Sheet20190107_ay_19.pdf\">release water to keep space empty\u003c/a> to wrangle possible floods during the wet season, Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water that flows into rivers and streams and out to the ocean \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/sacramento-valley-water-drought/\">is often bemoaned as\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>water wasted\u003c/a>. But waste is in the eye of the beholder, said Jay Lund, vice-director of the Center for Watershed Sciences at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water that’s ‘wasted’ is always water used by somebody else,” Lund said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of benefits for fishing, conservation, Delta farmers, water quality and healthy shorelines \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2d10g5vp\">is lengthy\u003c/a>. Water allowed to flow out into the San Francisco Bay, for instance, washes away salts and pollutants, transports sediment and sand necessary to maintain marshes and restore eroding beaches, assists salmon in migrations and helps maintain healthy ecosystems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the Public Policy Institute of California reports that California \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/priorities-for-californias-water/\">could have socked away more\u003c/a> water last year, had there been better ways to ferry water from full rivers to groundwater recharge sites, and better coordination among landowners, local agencies, and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tend to think that there is room for capturing more surface water … if you could afford the cost of capturing it,” agreed Lund. “That, to me, is the biggest problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/02/california-sites-reservoir/\">controversial Sites Reservoir project\u003c/a>, for instance, is projected to cost more than $4.4 billion. The reservoir, planned in the western Sacramento Valley, would store as much as 1.5 million acre-feet of \u003ca href=\"https://www.watereducation.org/aquapedia-background/sites-reservoir\">Sacramento River water\u003c/a>, alarming environmental groups that say drawing more water from the river will imperil its already-struggling fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.opr.ca.gov/news/2023/11-06.html\">In early November\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom cleared the project to be fast-tracked “to the extent feasible” through any litigation challenging it under the landmark California Environmental Quality Act. That move was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-infrastructure-deal/\">made possible with new legislation\u003c/a>. Even so, the project is not expected to be \u003ca href=\"https://cwc.ca.gov/Water-Storage/WSIP-Project-Review-Portal/All-Projects/Sites-Project\">completed before 2030 or 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jay Lund, vice-director, Center for Watershed Sciences at UC Davis\"]‘I tend to think that there is room for capturing more surface water … if you could afford the cost of capturing it. That, to me, is the biggest problem.’[/pullquote]In the meantime, researchers like UC San Diego’s Ralph, along with local, state and federal agencies, hope to operate the state’s reservoirs more nimbly by incorporating new weather forecasting tools into decades-old rulebooks governing when to hold onto water and when to release it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program allowed the Russian River watershed to hold onto about 7,000 to 8,000 acre-feet more water in Lake Mendocino this past year, and an additional 19,000 acre-feet more in Lake Sonoma, according to Donald Seymour, deputy director of engineering with Sonoma Water. The Department of Water Resources announced that it is expanding \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/News/Blog/2023/Jan-23/Californias-Forecast-Informed-Reservoir-Operations-Are-Key-to-Managing-Floods-and-Water-Supplies\">the effort to two major reservoirs, Lake Oroville and New Bullards Bar\u003c/a>, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many are looking down rather than up for opportunities to store more water. The Department of Water Resources estimates that \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/News/Blog/2023/July-23/DWR-Captures-and-Stores-Water-from-Record-Breaking-Snowpack\">about 3.8 million acre-feet of water\u003c/a> was captured through groundwater recharge by last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern California water import giant, the Metropolitan Water District, also recently announced a $211 million groundwater bank in the Antelope Valley. The bank can store \u003ca href=\"https://www.mwdh2o.com/press-releases/new-regional-water-bank-improves-water-supply-reliability-for-millions/\">280,000 acre-feet of water\u003c/a>, enough to fill Castaic Lake, \u003ca href=\"https://www.castaiclake.com/\">the largest State Water Project reservoir in Southern California\u003c/a>. Though construction to allow withdrawals hasn’t been completed yet, the bank stands ready to accept deposits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bank is aimed at providing a little more net for the tightrope walk that California’s water managers start anew every water year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always plan for it to be potentially very dry, or very wet,” said Brad Coffey, Metropolitan’s water resources manager. “No matter what kind of year we had this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Unlike a year ago, water storage is above average. Whether the year is wet or dry, though, remains uncertain despite El Niño conditions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As forecasts tease California with rainstorms this week, the state’s reservoirs are already flush with water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a big departure from a year ago: The state’s major reservoirs — which store water collected mostly from rivers in the northern portion of the state — are in good shape, with levels at \u003ca href=\"https://cww.water.ca.gov/\">124% of average\u003c/a>. In late 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/images/151422/california-reservoir-rebound\">bathtub rings of dry earth\u003c/a> lined lakes that had collectively dipped to about two-thirds of average — until heavy winter storms in January filled many of them almost to the brim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet healthy water levels don’t mean California’s reservoirs are full. Most of California’s large reservoirs are operated for flood control as well as water storage, with space kept empty to rein in winter storm runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wet season has arrived in California, with El Niño conditions \u003ca href=\"https://weatherwest.com/archives/32554\">projected to continue strengthening\u003c/a>. But for the Golden State, with its unpredictable swings from dry to wet and back again, El Niño doesn’t guarantee heavy rainfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as California’s water managers plan for the water year ahead, they’re faced, as always, with their dueling responsibilities: forestalling floods while preparing for possible scarcity in a state where water supplies are often stretched thin and long droughts are common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state climatologist Michael Anderson looks into California’s water year ahead, he says the crystal ball is cloudy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-murky-forecast-both-near-and-far\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">A murky forecast, both near and far\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Threats of a major storm dissolved into showers in parts of California this week, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.wpc.ncep.noaa.gov/discussions/hpcdiscussions.php?disc=pmdspd\">another surge of rainfall expected to wrap up this weekend\u003c/a>. Rainfall is only expected to reach 1 to 2 inches statewide through Saturday morning, with light snowfall predicted in the Sierra Nevada mountains at higher elevations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overall this is looking to be a beneficial rainfall event for Southern California, which is definitely welcome during the typical peak of our fire season,” the National Weather Service office for San Diego reported earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s like you’re playing poker, and you’ve got a good hand — that’s El Niño for us. But we haven’t finished the round of the game, and we still have to draw a couple cards. But we might not draw the good cards.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Some headlines heralded it as the first storm of many as El Niño continues to strengthen and intensify. Characterized \u003ca href=\"https://www.noaa.gov/understanding-el-nino\">by warming of the central and eastern tropical Pacific Ocean\u003c/a>, El Niño is \u003ca href=\"https://oceanservice.noaa.gov/facts/ninonina.html\">often expected to bring wetter weather\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, the connection is more tenuous. Of seven El Niño events over the past 23 years, Anderson said, two have been dry, three have been roughly average and two have been wet. One recent study reported that El Niño accounts for only about 25% of the \u003ca href=\"https://journals.ametsoc.org/view/journals/bams/103/12/BAMS-D-21-0252.1.xml\">year-to-year variability in California’s rain and snowfall during the winter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What that tells me is anything goes,” Anderson said. “El Niño by itself doesn’t define our water year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the year is actually off to a drier start: Statewide, California has \u003ca href=\"https://cww.water.ca.gov/\">seen only about 45% of average precipitation\u003c/a> since this water year began Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marty Ralph, director of the Center for Western Weather and Water Extremes at UC San Diego, suspects that it’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/03/california-storm-reservoirs-flooding/\">atmospheric rivers like the ones that pummeled California last year\u003c/a> that will determine whether El Niño will bring a firehose or a trickle to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like you’re playing poker, and you’ve got a good hand — that’s El Niño for us. But we haven’t finished the round of the game, and we still have to draw a couple cards,” Ralph said. “But we might not draw the good cards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-waste-not-want-not-nbsp\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Waste not, want not?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With seasonal outlooks unable to \u003ca href=\"https://journals.ametsoc.org/view/journals/bams/103/12/BAMS-D-21-0252.1.xml\">reliably say\u003c/a> whether a winter will be wet or dry, water managers must plan for both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately there’s some wiggle room this year, according to Jeanine Jones, the Department of Water Resources’ interstate resources manager. Last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/03/california-storm-reservoirs-flooding/\">massive snowpack and abundant rainfall\u003c/a> filled the state’s reservoirs enough that even if this rainy season leans dry, she said, “We’re going into next year with a cushion, which is always good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That doesn’t mean the reservoirs are full, though. Lake Oroville — the \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/programs/state-water-project/swp-facilities/oroville\">largest reservoir on the State Water Project\u003c/a>, which sends water south to farms and cities — and Lake Shasta — critical to growers and other water users reliant on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usbr.gov/mp/cvp/\">federal Central Valley Project\u003c/a> — are \u003ca href=\"https://cdec.water.ca.gov/resapp/RescondMain\">at about two-thirds of their total capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because with reservoirs that serve the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usbr.gov/mp/ncao/slwri/docs/wkshp-pstrs/20140620-shasta-reservoir.pdf\">dual purpose of flood control and water storage\u003c/a>, water managers must \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/-/media/DWR-Website/Web-Pages/Programs/State-Water-Project/Oroville-CNA/Files/Meeting-3/PMF_Info_Sheet20190107_ay_19.pdf\">release water to keep space empty\u003c/a> to wrangle possible floods during the wet season, Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water that flows into rivers and streams and out to the ocean \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/sacramento-valley-water-drought/\">is often bemoaned as\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>water wasted\u003c/a>. But waste is in the eye of the beholder, said Jay Lund, vice-director of the Center for Watershed Sciences at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water that’s ‘wasted’ is always water used by somebody else,” Lund said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of benefits for fishing, conservation, Delta farmers, water quality and healthy shorelines \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2d10g5vp\">is lengthy\u003c/a>. Water allowed to flow out into the San Francisco Bay, for instance, washes away salts and pollutants, transports sediment and sand necessary to maintain marshes and restore eroding beaches, assists salmon in migrations and helps maintain healthy ecosystems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the Public Policy Institute of California reports that California \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/priorities-for-californias-water/\">could have socked away more\u003c/a> water last year, had there been better ways to ferry water from full rivers to groundwater recharge sites, and better coordination among landowners, local agencies, and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tend to think that there is room for capturing more surface water … if you could afford the cost of capturing it,” agreed Lund. “That, to me, is the biggest problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/02/california-sites-reservoir/\">controversial Sites Reservoir project\u003c/a>, for instance, is projected to cost more than $4.4 billion. The reservoir, planned in the western Sacramento Valley, would store as much as 1.5 million acre-feet of \u003ca href=\"https://www.watereducation.org/aquapedia-background/sites-reservoir\">Sacramento River water\u003c/a>, alarming environmental groups that say drawing more water from the river will imperil its already-struggling fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.opr.ca.gov/news/2023/11-06.html\">In early November\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom cleared the project to be fast-tracked “to the extent feasible” through any litigation challenging it under the landmark California Environmental Quality Act. That move was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-infrastructure-deal/\">made possible with new legislation\u003c/a>. Even so, the project is not expected to be \u003ca href=\"https://cwc.ca.gov/Water-Storage/WSIP-Project-Review-Portal/All-Projects/Sites-Project\">completed before 2030 or 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the meantime, researchers like UC San Diego’s Ralph, along with local, state and federal agencies, hope to operate the state’s reservoirs more nimbly by incorporating new weather forecasting tools into decades-old rulebooks governing when to hold onto water and when to release it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program allowed the Russian River watershed to hold onto about 7,000 to 8,000 acre-feet more water in Lake Mendocino this past year, and an additional 19,000 acre-feet more in Lake Sonoma, according to Donald Seymour, deputy director of engineering with Sonoma Water. The Department of Water Resources announced that it is expanding \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/News/Blog/2023/Jan-23/Californias-Forecast-Informed-Reservoir-Operations-Are-Key-to-Managing-Floods-and-Water-Supplies\">the effort to two major reservoirs, Lake Oroville and New Bullards Bar\u003c/a>, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many are looking down rather than up for opportunities to store more water. The Department of Water Resources estimates that \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/News/Blog/2023/July-23/DWR-Captures-and-Stores-Water-from-Record-Breaking-Snowpack\">about 3.8 million acre-feet of water\u003c/a> was captured through groundwater recharge by last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern California water import giant, the Metropolitan Water District, also recently announced a $211 million groundwater bank in the Antelope Valley. The bank can store \u003ca href=\"https://www.mwdh2o.com/press-releases/new-regional-water-bank-improves-water-supply-reliability-for-millions/\">280,000 acre-feet of water\u003c/a>, enough to fill Castaic Lake, \u003ca href=\"https://www.castaiclake.com/\">the largest State Water Project reservoir in Southern California\u003c/a>. Though construction to allow withdrawals hasn’t been completed yet, the bank stands ready to accept deposits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bank is aimed at providing a little more net for the tightrope walk that California’s water managers start anew every water year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always plan for it to be potentially very dry, or very wet,” said Brad Coffey, Metropolitan’s water resources manager. “No matter what kind of year we had this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Minimum Wage Hike for California Health Care Workers Could Cost the State Billions",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alvin Mauricio Medina works three jobs, six days a week, to support his family as the sole provider for their Los Angeles household. He’s a certified nursing assistant who dreams of moving up to a higher-paying health care position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m trying to better myself, I’m trying to move on to being a registered nurse. But here in California, with the low wages that we have, either you work or you’re going to school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina, 45, has worked in health care for over 20 years and makes less than $22 an hour. While his main job is at a hospital in Hollywood, he picks up shifts as a nurse assistant at other hospitals to provide for his husband, who is unable to work and two kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s expecting to get a break come January, thanks to a law Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last month that gradually raises the\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/10/california-minimum-wage-health-care-law/\"> minimum wage for health care industry workers\u003c/a> to $25 an hour. The measure, expected to boost pay for roughly 500,000 Californians, had support from both unions and the lobbying group representing California hospitals. But lawmakers passed the bill — and Newsom signed it — without providing a cost estimate.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"health-care-workers\"]Now, the Newsom administration is projecting the wage hike will add at least $4 billion in costs to the government agencies that provide health care to Californians. About half of that will come from the state’s general fund and the other half from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unions and lawmakers who advocated for the wage increase say it is necessary to improve the lives of overworked and underpaid health care workers, many of whom have quit their jobs in recent years, leaving health care systems severely understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are everyday people doing their jobs, struggling to make ends meet, struggling to pay rent,” said Todd Stenhouse, a \u003ca href=\"https://afscme3299.org/\">spokesperson for AFSCME 3299\u003c/a>, the union representing blue-collar workers in the University of California health system. “They deserve stability, security. Their work deserves value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new cost estimates are unsurprising to Republican lawmakers who opposed the wage increase. Democratic lawmakers passed the measure despite the state’s\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\"> projected $31 billion budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill places astronomical labor costs on health care providers when hospitals across the state deal with financial losses,” said Republican Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/vince-fong-1979/\">Vince Fong\u003c/a> of Bakersfield. “We were concerned that this bill will lead to reduced services, increased premiums, more hospital closures, reduced job opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-what-minimum-wage-hike-means-for-payroll\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>What wage hike means for payroll\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers did not have cost estimates when they voted on the wage increase in part because the final bill reflected a last-minute deal between \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/09/california-minimum-wage-health-care-workers/\">major health care employers \u003c/a>represented by the California Hospital Association and the Service Employees International Union. Their agreement replaced an earlier version that would have raised pay faster for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the original bill would have immediately raised wages to $25, the signed version will gradually increase wages. Most workers are expected to reach $25 an hour by 2027 or 2028, although it will come sooner to workers in certain facilities, like dialysis clinics and large health systems with more than 10,000 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the workers are employed by the state, either at the UC health system or in agencies such as the Department of State Hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the private sector, a consultant working for a coalition of health care providers estimated the original bill with the immediate wage increase to $25 an hour would have cost the industry $8 billion. The California Hospital Association did not have a new estimate of projected costs when CalMatters requested one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://seiuca.org/\">SEIU California Executive Director Tia Orr, \u003c/a>in a written statement, said that most health care employers supported the wage increase. She said the union “has committed to working with the administration and the Legislature to ensure safeguards are in place to guarantee that this critical measure is taken to preserve California’s fiscal health, just as we did when negotiating the last statewide minimum wage increase. This is how you make progress — through flexibility and compromise in achieving shared goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-health-care-workers-on-public-assistance\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>Health care workers on public assistance\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom did not comment on the law when he signed it. In contrast, he attended an event hosted by SEIU when he signed a similar law that creates a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/minimum-wage-california/\">$20 minimum wage in the fast-food industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/maria-elena-durazo-1953/\">María Elena Durazo\u003c/a>, the Los Angeles Democrat who wrote the original health care wage increase, pointed to a different cost estimate for the law provided by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/release-health-care-minimum-wage-state-budget/\">It projected the new law\u003c/a> could save the state money by ensuring workers earn enough to avoid using public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians will see their wages increase, which means money in the pockets of healthcare workers to help support their families,” she said in a statement, calling it a “historic investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriela Guevara, a medical receptionist at Clinica Sierra Vista in Fresno, believes the law will ease staffing challenges in her industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is going to better serve all the patients. The more staff we have, we are going to be able to give that quality of care for all the patients that are coming in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina, the certified nursing assistant in Los Angeles, hopes the new law will allow him to quit one of his jobs when it takes effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is definitely going to let me spend more time with my kids,” Medina said. “It will let me go to school. And I don’t have to worry about being late to my third job or my second job. I can just focus on one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>www.chcf.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "About half a million California health care workers are expected to see a pay increase in January — with wages eventually reaching $25 an hour — thanks to a law hiking the minimum wage for their industry.",
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"title": "Minimum Wage Hike for California Health Care Workers Could Cost the State Billions | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alvin Mauricio Medina works three jobs, six days a week, to support his family as the sole provider for their Los Angeles household. He’s a certified nursing assistant who dreams of moving up to a higher-paying health care position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m trying to better myself, I’m trying to move on to being a registered nurse. But here in California, with the low wages that we have, either you work or you’re going to school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina, 45, has worked in health care for over 20 years and makes less than $22 an hour. While his main job is at a hospital in Hollywood, he picks up shifts as a nurse assistant at other hospitals to provide for his husband, who is unable to work and two kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s expecting to get a break come January, thanks to a law Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last month that gradually raises the\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/10/california-minimum-wage-health-care-law/\"> minimum wage for health care industry workers\u003c/a> to $25 an hour. The measure, expected to boost pay for roughly 500,000 Californians, had support from both unions and the lobbying group representing California hospitals. But lawmakers passed the bill — and Newsom signed it — without providing a cost estimate.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, the Newsom administration is projecting the wage hike will add at least $4 billion in costs to the government agencies that provide health care to Californians. About half of that will come from the state’s general fund and the other half from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unions and lawmakers who advocated for the wage increase say it is necessary to improve the lives of overworked and underpaid health care workers, many of whom have quit their jobs in recent years, leaving health care systems severely understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are everyday people doing their jobs, struggling to make ends meet, struggling to pay rent,” said Todd Stenhouse, a \u003ca href=\"https://afscme3299.org/\">spokesperson for AFSCME 3299\u003c/a>, the union representing blue-collar workers in the University of California health system. “They deserve stability, security. Their work deserves value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new cost estimates are unsurprising to Republican lawmakers who opposed the wage increase. Democratic lawmakers passed the measure despite the state’s\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\"> projected $31 billion budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill places astronomical labor costs on health care providers when hospitals across the state deal with financial losses,” said Republican Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/vince-fong-1979/\">Vince Fong\u003c/a> of Bakersfield. “We were concerned that this bill will lead to reduced services, increased premiums, more hospital closures, reduced job opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-what-minimum-wage-hike-means-for-payroll\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>What wage hike means for payroll\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers did not have cost estimates when they voted on the wage increase in part because the final bill reflected a last-minute deal between \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/09/california-minimum-wage-health-care-workers/\">major health care employers \u003c/a>represented by the California Hospital Association and the Service Employees International Union. Their agreement replaced an earlier version that would have raised pay faster for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the original bill would have immediately raised wages to $25, the signed version will gradually increase wages. Most workers are expected to reach $25 an hour by 2027 or 2028, although it will come sooner to workers in certain facilities, like dialysis clinics and large health systems with more than 10,000 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the workers are employed by the state, either at the UC health system or in agencies such as the Department of State Hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the private sector, a consultant working for a coalition of health care providers estimated the original bill with the immediate wage increase to $25 an hour would have cost the industry $8 billion. The California Hospital Association did not have a new estimate of projected costs when CalMatters requested one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://seiuca.org/\">SEIU California Executive Director Tia Orr, \u003c/a>in a written statement, said that most health care employers supported the wage increase. She said the union “has committed to working with the administration and the Legislature to ensure safeguards are in place to guarantee that this critical measure is taken to preserve California’s fiscal health, just as we did when negotiating the last statewide minimum wage increase. This is how you make progress — through flexibility and compromise in achieving shared goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-health-care-workers-on-public-assistance\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>Health care workers on public assistance\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom did not comment on the law when he signed it. In contrast, he attended an event hosted by SEIU when he signed a similar law that creates a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/minimum-wage-california/\">$20 minimum wage in the fast-food industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/maria-elena-durazo-1953/\">María Elena Durazo\u003c/a>, the Los Angeles Democrat who wrote the original health care wage increase, pointed to a different cost estimate for the law provided by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/release-health-care-minimum-wage-state-budget/\">It projected the new law\u003c/a> could save the state money by ensuring workers earn enough to avoid using public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians will see their wages increase, which means money in the pockets of healthcare workers to help support their families,” she said in a statement, calling it a “historic investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriela Guevara, a medical receptionist at Clinica Sierra Vista in Fresno, believes the law will ease staffing challenges in her industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is going to better serve all the patients. The more staff we have, we are going to be able to give that quality of care for all the patients that are coming in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina, the certified nursing assistant in Los Angeles, hopes the new law will allow him to quit one of his jobs when it takes effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is definitely going to let me spend more time with my kids,” Medina said. “It will let me go to school. And I don’t have to worry about being late to my third job or my second job. I can just focus on one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>www.chcf.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 2 million people ages 16 to 24 are working in California — about the same as the population of Houston — making up 12% of the workforce. They comprise a critical portion of the state’s economy, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.labor.ucla.edu/publication/california-future-clocked-in-young-workers/\">new report\u003c/a> by the UCLA Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many young people earned low wages, worked long hours — often while going to school — and lacked sufficient worker protections and benefits. These hardships may impact their financial future and the state’s economy for years to come, said researchers who examined the years surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic, 2019 to 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"UCLA Labor Center\"]‘[Y]oung workers in California find themselves navigating a tumultuous landscape of societal shifts, economic challenges, and the lingering aftermath of a global pandemic.’[/pullquote]“Young people are critical actors in California’s vibrant economy and labor force,” says the study, released Nov. 9. “Yet, young workers in California find themselves navigating a tumultuous landscape of societal shifts, economic challenges, and the lingering aftermath of a global pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 64% of California’s young workers earned low wages — defined as about $18 an hour, two-thirds of the median wage — and 60% reported difficulty affording their expenses, researchers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assumption that young people work at service-oriented, low-wage jobs temporarily before they’re propelled to full-time careers isn’t necessarily true, said UCLA researcher Vivek Ramakrishnan. Many young people stay in low-wage jobs for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re looking at the data, we’re seeing young people are really struggling in these kinds of roles,” he said, adding later, “There’s a sense you can get stuck working in the service industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report analyzed data from multiple sources, including the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, the COVID-19 Household Pulse Survey — which documented the impact of the pandemic — and the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young workers reflect California’s growing diversity. About three in four are people of color and more than half are Latino. About 15% of high school-aged young people worked full time and half of young people ages 19 to 24 worked full time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Young workers’ trap\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the service industry, 40% of young workers are employed in bars, restaurants and retail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These young people run the risk of being caught in a “circular labor trap,” the study says, because these low-wage service jobs are structured with little room for growth or skill development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have these skill sets that are hyper-specific toward these industries, and not much room for growth, it’s hard to compete against students who may take an unpaid internship in a very content-specific area of expertise and gain connections in the career they want to go into,” Ramakrishnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because so many service industry jobs were considered frontline jobs, the pandemic was particularly disruptive for young people, who often had to choose between their health and their income. And when grocers and restaurant businesses closed during the pandemic, younger workers, especially young people of color, experienced higher levels of unemployment or underemployment compared to older workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the unemployment rate for California’s young workers increased to 18% from 9% the year before. That was twice the rate of workers ages 25 to 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unemployment among young people has since rebounded to pre-pandemic levels at 8.7% nationally, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/youth.pdf\">Bureau of Labor Statistics (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many young people are stuck in lower-wage jobs, the research suggests they are contributing significantly to their household income. And about 12% of young workers are heads of households, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young workers are overrepresented in households living below the poverty line compared to those over the age of 25. About 14% of young workers lived in poverty compared to 5% of older workers, according to the report. A third lived in households with incomes below 200% the federal poverty line. That number in 2021 was $53,000 for a family of four.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Working through school\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Along with responsibility for helping family members cover basic expenses, young people often have to balance work with education, in pursuit of a better future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of young workers go to school. and about 40% of them worked 15 to 29 hours a week, the report says. One-fourth of workers in high school, and more than half in college, worked 20 hours or more a week. And about 17% of young workers worked 40 hours or more weekly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Postsecondary education became more essential for a stable career, yet with education costs increasing, it was less accessible for young people, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2018 to 2020, the share of California high school graduates enrolled in postsecondary education within 12 months fell from 65% to 63%, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While nearly all racial and ethnic groups experienced declines in college matriculation, Black college-going rates plunged from 61% to 55%, and American Indian and Alaska Native rates dropped from 53% to 47%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally postsecondary enrollment began rebounding last fall, though study researchers said they don’t know yet if that’s the case in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, from 2019 to 2020, young peoples’ average student loan amount increased from $6,847 to $10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On-the-job training?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One in three jobs in California requires some college education, the study notes. Yet as higher education costs and student debt climbed, job earnings haven’t kept up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11928042,news_11962737,news_11954205\"]Aside from education, researchers found other pathways toward higher paying jobs and careers also are not very accessible to young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, trade apprenticeships are significantly underutilized. In 2022, there were about 80,000 federally registered apprenticeships in California, but only 24,000 were filled, the study said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino workers held the majority of apprenticeships, 66%, while Black young people held 4%. Most apprenticeships went to young men, 94%, while young women held 6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many apprenticeships are linked to unions. While surveys show young people are more pro-union than ever, they’re underrepresented in unionized jobs. Just 9% of young workers are union members, compared to 19% of older workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramakrishnan said the data paints a “scary” picture of the realities young people face, but it also highlights some areas where policy changes can help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that Gov. Gavin Newsom recently signed a measure by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/liz-ortega-1977/\">Liz Ortega\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Hayward, that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB800\">directs California high schools\u003c/a> to educate students about workers’ rights and the labor movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a need for other career programs that offer young people training and school credit, Ramakrishnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Young people are critical actors in California’s vibrant economy and labor force,” says the study, released Nov. 9. “Yet, young workers in California find themselves navigating a tumultuous landscape of societal shifts, economic challenges, and the lingering aftermath of a global pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 64% of California’s young workers earned low wages — defined as about $18 an hour, two-thirds of the median wage — and 60% reported difficulty affording their expenses, researchers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assumption that young people work at service-oriented, low-wage jobs temporarily before they’re propelled to full-time careers isn’t necessarily true, said UCLA researcher Vivek Ramakrishnan. Many young people stay in low-wage jobs for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re looking at the data, we’re seeing young people are really struggling in these kinds of roles,” he said, adding later, “There’s a sense you can get stuck working in the service industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report analyzed data from multiple sources, including the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, the COVID-19 Household Pulse Survey — which documented the impact of the pandemic — and the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young workers reflect California’s growing diversity. About three in four are people of color and more than half are Latino. About 15% of high school-aged young people worked full time and half of young people ages 19 to 24 worked full time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Young workers’ trap\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the service industry, 40% of young workers are employed in bars, restaurants and retail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These young people run the risk of being caught in a “circular labor trap,” the study says, because these low-wage service jobs are structured with little room for growth or skill development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have these skill sets that are hyper-specific toward these industries, and not much room for growth, it’s hard to compete against students who may take an unpaid internship in a very content-specific area of expertise and gain connections in the career they want to go into,” Ramakrishnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because so many service industry jobs were considered frontline jobs, the pandemic was particularly disruptive for young people, who often had to choose between their health and their income. And when grocers and restaurant businesses closed during the pandemic, younger workers, especially young people of color, experienced higher levels of unemployment or underemployment compared to older workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the unemployment rate for California’s young workers increased to 18% from 9% the year before. That was twice the rate of workers ages 25 to 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unemployment among young people has since rebounded to pre-pandemic levels at 8.7% nationally, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/youth.pdf\">Bureau of Labor Statistics (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many young people are stuck in lower-wage jobs, the research suggests they are contributing significantly to their household income. And about 12% of young workers are heads of households, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young workers are overrepresented in households living below the poverty line compared to those over the age of 25. About 14% of young workers lived in poverty compared to 5% of older workers, according to the report. A third lived in households with incomes below 200% the federal poverty line. That number in 2021 was $53,000 for a family of four.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Working through school\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Along with responsibility for helping family members cover basic expenses, young people often have to balance work with education, in pursuit of a better future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of young workers go to school. and about 40% of them worked 15 to 29 hours a week, the report says. One-fourth of workers in high school, and more than half in college, worked 20 hours or more a week. And about 17% of young workers worked 40 hours or more weekly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Postsecondary education became more essential for a stable career, yet with education costs increasing, it was less accessible for young people, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2018 to 2020, the share of California high school graduates enrolled in postsecondary education within 12 months fell from 65% to 63%, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While nearly all racial and ethnic groups experienced declines in college matriculation, Black college-going rates plunged from 61% to 55%, and American Indian and Alaska Native rates dropped from 53% to 47%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally postsecondary enrollment began rebounding last fall, though study researchers said they don’t know yet if that’s the case in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, from 2019 to 2020, young peoples’ average student loan amount increased from $6,847 to $10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On-the-job training?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One in three jobs in California requires some college education, the study notes. Yet as higher education costs and student debt climbed, job earnings haven’t kept up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Aside from education, researchers found other pathways toward higher paying jobs and careers also are not very accessible to young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, trade apprenticeships are significantly underutilized. In 2022, there were about 80,000 federally registered apprenticeships in California, but only 24,000 were filled, the study said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino workers held the majority of apprenticeships, 66%, while Black young people held 4%. Most apprenticeships went to young men, 94%, while young women held 6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many apprenticeships are linked to unions. While surveys show young people are more pro-union than ever, they’re underrepresented in unionized jobs. Just 9% of young workers are union members, compared to 19% of older workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramakrishnan said the data paints a “scary” picture of the realities young people face, but it also highlights some areas where policy changes can help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that Gov. Gavin Newsom recently signed a measure by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/liz-ortega-1977/\">Liz Ortega\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Hayward, that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB800\">directs California high schools\u003c/a> to educate students about workers’ rights and the labor movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a need for other career programs that offer young people training and school credit, Ramakrishnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Inside California’s Billion-Dollar Bet to Overhaul Its Embattled Unemployment System",
"headTitle": "Inside California’s Billion-Dollar Bet to Overhaul Its Embattled Unemployment System | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Five years, $1.2 billion. And a new model for government contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is what California officials say it will take to overhaul an employment safety net pushed to the brink by record pandemic job losses, widespread fraud and the political panic that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most sweeping attempt to date to reform California’s Employment Development Department, an effort dubbed “\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/about_edd/eddnext/\">EDDNext\u003c/a>,” officially started late last year. A roughly 100-person team is leading the rebuild, and is already signing multimillion-dollar contracts for Salesforce and Amazon technology, according to interviews and records requested by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the EDD is quietly making plans to move on from its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/how-bank-of-america-helped-fuel-californias-unemployment-meltdown/?\">turbulent relationship\u003c/a> with longtime unemployment payment contractor Bank of America. Between now and 2025, it will begin rolling out new benefit debit cards and, eventually, a direct-deposit payment option from a different, yet-to-be-named contractor, the agency said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Hughes, a former state technology official and consultant who came out of retirement to run EDDNext said his team is prioritizing “the biggest pain points for the public” — online accounts, call centers, identity verification, benefit applications — as the agency tries to turn the page on an era of mass payment delays and widespread fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“EDD did over 200 technology projects during the pandemic. They were basically putting out fires,” Hughes told CalMatters. “EDDNext is really a way of being proactive about it. We want to solve some of these problems instead of just putting Band-Aids on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many workers still experiencing payment delays, fraud confusion and jammed phone lines are skeptical — especially since the EDD promised many similar changes after the Great Recession around 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a longstanding narrative … like, ‘Look, see, this is a program that people just abuse,’” said Jenna Gerry, a senior staff attorney with the National Employment Law Project. “If people are concerned with actual fraud, then I want to look at what solves it: fundamental reform of the system.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jennifer Pahlka, political adviser\"]‘Do I know how to wave a magic wand and fix California’s unemployment insurance system? No, I don’t. But I do know that what we’re currently doing doesn’t work and that other states have some approaches that we should be trying out.’[/pullquote]For Jennifer Pahlka, who co-led Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">task force\u003c/a> to triage COVID-era problems at the EDD, the challenge ahead is emblematic of difficulties that many government agencies face in adapting to the digital age. In her book “Recoding America,” Pahlka wrote that the EDD, with its patchwork computer systems and 800-page staff training manual, is failing to keep pace, as inequality widens and risks like fraud evolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do I know how to wave a magic wand and fix California’s unemployment insurance system? No, I don’t,” Pahlka said in an interview. “But I do know that what we’re currently doing doesn’t work and that other states have some approaches that we should be trying out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EDD Director Nancy Farias has read Pahlka’s book and the many state audits that have dissected the agency’s recurring failures. She’s well aware of the “light switch” trap, where a government agency bets everything on one, years-long tech project, then prays it all works when a switch is flipped. To try to avoid that, she and Hughes decided to break EDDNext into dozens of smaller projects through 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It leaves less room for a big failure,” said Farias, a former labor union executive. “You can have the best IT in the world, but if you don’t change your policies and procedures, it does not matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The COVID hangover\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This past summer, San Diego jewelry maker Phaedra Huebner found herself stuck in a loop that might sound familiar to people who filed for unemployment early in the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huebner, 52, recalls how at 8 a.m. every day, she dialed the EDD right as its call centers opened to ask where her benefits were. She would use a trick she learned on YouTube to bypass pre-recorded messages, punch in her Social Security Number and hope to get in the queue to talk with a real person. She would then redial, up to 67 times a day, bouncing between departments and, more often than not, hanging up without any answers about when she might see the money she needed to make rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The twist: Huebner wasn’t actually filing for unemployment but rather for disability. After each day on the phone, she would wrap ice packs around her hands and arms to ease the shooting pain that put her out of work in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For six weeks, I should have been resting,” Huebner said in early September. “Instead, I’m in pain with no disability income doing all of my own administrative work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD’s benefit programs have always been complex and highly individualized. In most cases, people applying for benefits do not encounter significant delays, the agency told CalMatters in a statement. It cited its \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/about_edd/eddnext/Benefiting-Californians-May-2023/#CustomerSatisfaction\">2022 survey\u003c/a> of several thousand people using its benefit systems, where 69% reported they were “completely or mostly satisfied” with the unemployment application process, and 63% said they were satisfied with the disability process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966715\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966715\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman walks past the Employment Development Department building.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California Employment Development Department offices in Sacramento on Jan. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The problem, workers and attorneys say, is that even a portion of the EDD’s customer base amounts to tens of thousands of people, so when things go wrong, the impacts can be huge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January 2022, for instance, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/01/california-edd-fraud/\">EDD froze\u003c/a> 345,000 disability accounts, including an unknown number of legitimate ones, amid a wave of suspected fraud involving claims tied to fake doctors. Putting stronger safeguards in place is one of the “lessons learned from the pandemic that we should be applying to every program,” former California State Auditor Elaine Howle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People saw the [unemployment] program was being defrauded left and right,” Howle said, “and it was like, ‘Shoot, if I can do that, what other programs are out there that I can defraud?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason Wilder, research manager of the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners, said unemployment and disability programs are just two examples of many public and private sector systems being targeted as online fraud gets easier. It now costs as little as \u003ca href=\"https://gop-waysandmeans.house.gov/five-key-moments-from-oversight-subcommittee-hearing-on-pandemic-fraud/\">25 cents\u003c/a> to buy a bunk Social Security number online, leading to a cycle of large-scale attacks followed by broad fraud crackdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The risk of unsuspecting people getting caught in dragnets is only anticipated to grow, Wilder and other analysts say, as technologies such as artificial intelligence allow scammers to work faster and more easily forge documents. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/calfresh-calworks-thefts/\">Benefit debit cards\u003c/a> used by California’s CalFresh food assistance and CalWorks cash aid programs have also been targeted in recent fraud schemes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It becomes kind of whack-a-mole,” Wilder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And EDD’s pandemic unemployment problems have certainly not been neatly resolved. As of September, more than \u003ca href=\"https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/ui_insurance_appeal.asp\">130,000 California workers\u003c/a> were still fighting long \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/05/california-edd-unemployment-appeals/\">unemployment appeals\u003c/a> cases, waiting an average of 137 days for a hearing with a state administrative judge, according to U.S. Labor Department data analyzed by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD’s data shows that the number of rejected unemployment claims has climbed steadily since the start of the pandemic, to more than \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/newsroom/facts-and-stats/dashboard/#TotalUnemploymentClaims\">1.9 million claims\u003c/a> rejected from March 2020 through October 2023. The agency said that reflects the success of anti-fraud measures, but advocates see it as evidence that the state also continues to trap legitimate workers. They point to federal data showing that EDD decisions \u003ca href=\"https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/ui_appeal_reversal.asp\">are overturned\u003c/a> almost half the time on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I definitely don’t think anything’s been resolved,” said George Warner, director of the Wage Protection Program at Legal Aid at Work. “A lot of the issues remain the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966710\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966710\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman in a magenta pantsuit sits under a tree outside an office building.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Farias, director of the California Employment Development Department, in front of the agency’s offices in Sacramento on Oct. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The EDD stresses that \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/newsroom/facts-and-stats/audit-progress/\">it has implemented\u003c/a> changes recommended by the California state auditor, including providing more public data and creating a new plan for future recessions. However, the auditor remains unconvinced that several major issues have been remedied. This past summer, the auditor added the EDD to its list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bsa.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2023-601.pdf\">“high-risk” state agencies\u003c/a>, unlocking additional resources for potential future audits. Top concerns were poor customer service, high rates of benefit denials overturned on appeal, and the agency’s inability to tally pandemic fraud, delaying the state’s two most recent annual financial reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“EDD’s mismanagement of the [unemployment] program has resulted in a substantial risk of serious detriment to the state and its residents,” the auditor’s latest report concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farias said that all states face similar challenges, especially when quantifying fraud that is widely varied and, for obvious reasons, difficult to trace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no definition of what is fraud … and that’s really the biggest problem,” said Farias, who also sits on the board of the National Association of State Workforce Agencies. “There is Nigerian fraud ring fraud — Fraud with a capital ‘F’ — and then there is, you know, Mary Jo Smith down the street that really didn’t understand what the program was.”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"edd\"]In San Diego, Huebner unexpectedly got an up-close look at how identity verification issues continue to plague the EDD. After she filed for disability, it took six weeks to get her first check. But then she received a letter in the mail addressed to a woman with a different name and employer in Northern California that said her benefits had been discontinued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Huebner tried to call to figure out what was going on, she realized that her YouTube trick to get through on the phone no longer worked, throwing her back into benefit limbo while she recovered from a spinal procedure and waited to see if a new EDD debit card showed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They won’t tell you anything,” Huebner said in late October. “Pain is one thing, but helplessness is totally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next for California unemployment reform?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before he was hired to fix the state’s pandemic problem child, EDDNext director Hughes was enjoying retirement on his Sierra foothills ranch dotted with cattle, horses and sheep. He put that on hold and went back to work at the EDD at the request of Farias, his former colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hughes is quick to note that he wasn’t there for the worst of the pandemic issues. He spends a lot of time talking with other state tech executives who can empathize, such as peers at the DMV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even from the outside, it wasn’t hard to see what went wrong at the EDD during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you roll out a solution, it needs to work. If it doesn’t work and they call the help desk, you need to answer the phone,” Hughes said. “We didn’t do either of those things very well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, his team launched a new online portal called “MyEDD,” which uses Salesforce technology for workers to file and track the status of their benefits. Some users \u003ca href=\"https://kmph.com/news/local/californias-edd-faces-backlash-over-problematic-new-website-users-unable-to-access-benefits\">reported crashes\u003c/a> during the first days of the rollout, but the system eventually stabilized. It will be built out over time, Hughes said, as the agency works through contracts for identity verification and a “claims navigator” to show workers all benefits they are eligible for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new call center system using Amazon technology is slated to debut within the year. First for the state’s older disability system at the end of 2023, Hughes said, then for unemployment next summer. The idea is to ultimately go from the five or six systems that EDD agents currently juggle to one system for processing claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the new system, there is a single pane of glass,” Hughes said. “As soon as they call in, all the information on their claim will come up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the EDD has tried to streamline its claims system, parts of which date back to the 1980s. Pahlka, in her book, compares making sense of the patchwork programs to going on an archaeological dig.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966711\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1764px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM.png\" alt=\"A line chart showing Deloite's contracts with EDD.\" width=\"1764\" height=\"868\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM.png 1764w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-800x394.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-1020x502.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-160x79.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-1536x756.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1764px) 100vw, 1764px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/newsroom/facts-and-stats/dashboard/\">EDD\u003c/a> \u003ccite>(Calmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the Great Recession, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2021/04/california-unemployment-crisis-contracts/\">paid Deloitte\u003c/a> to upgrade several facets of its operation, including part of its claim management systems, in a series of contracts that ballooned to more than $152 million from 2010 to 2018, copies provided to CalMatters show. That system was one of several that \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">state reports\u003c/a> later found buckled during COVID, but Deloitte was then awarded another $118 million as the state doled out emergency pandemic funds, according to the contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony, as Pahlka observed in her book, is that the money went to the very vendor “which built the ineffectual systems in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, a Democrat from Orange County who sits on a U.S. House Oversight Committee that has investigated pandemic unemployment fraud, sighed heavily when asked about the past Deloitte “unemployment modernization” project — her response, she said, to both the contractor in question and the broader lack of oversight on big-budget projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Deloitte has an unfortunate track record of not getting it done here,” Porter said. “If we’re going to contract this and spend our dollars with a private company to do this, we have to hold them accountable for delivering.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ron Hughes, EDDNext director\"]‘When you roll out a solution, it needs to work. If it doesn’t work and they call the help desk, you need to answer the phone. We didn’t do either of those things very well.’[/pullquote]Deloitte defended its work for the EDD, noting in a statement that “many technology constraints highlighted by California elected officials during the pandemic related to functions in EDD systems that Deloitte was not contracted to maintain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company declined to comment on whether it intends to bid on the new EDDNext project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hughes said that no vendor is off the table for EDDNext but that past contract performance will be considered for all bidders. This time around, Hughes said, the plan is structured to include more oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just way too much work for one vendor to do, and so we’ve split that up,” he said. “We’ve got different vendors doing different solutions. We can manage them much more effectively that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Familiar fights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another promise of EDDNext, Farias said, is that workers, advocates, and frontline staff will have more of a say in how the project is built. The agency has also created a new customer experience arm, which outside observers like Pahlka see as a promising development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gerry of the National Employment Law Project was among the worker advocates briefly shown a version of the new EDD online portal before it launched. It will require more sustained effort, she said, to ensure that people relying on the system end up with something easier to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard because, yes, we see certain incremental changes, but these systemic issues are still there,” Gerry said. “Unless there really is a big overhaul within the agency culture and the way they’re approaching this EDDNext project, we’re going to see these problems continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD maintains that more visible changes are coming, including a planned redesign of the agency’s 10 most-used forms to cut unnecessary questions, translate them into more languages, and make them easier to understand and access online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar efforts are also underway in many other states, where officials have raised questions about whether the federal government should do more to standardize applications, anti-fraud measures or other elements of the system. Robert Asaro-Angelo, commissioner of the New Jersey Department of Labor and Workforce Development, recently told a U.S. House committee that states and territories that all currently have their own processes could use more guidance to bolster security while ensuring rightful benefits are paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We keep talking as if there’s one unemployment system. There’s 53 different systems,” Asaro-Angelo said. “These fraudsters being able to pick and choose — they couldn’t be happier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, concerns about the nuts and bolts of the state’s unemployment program are magnified by a more fundamental concern: the financial quicksand beneath the entire system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/article/Detail/779\">unemployment fund\u003c/a> that pays for benefits is operating in the red, or “structurally insolvent,” as the California Legislative Analyst’s Office put it in a July 2023 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the state was making progress on paying down its $20 billion-plus pandemic unemployment loan from the federal government, \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf/edduiforecastmay23.pdf\">state forecasts\u003c/a> now show the debt creeping back up, adding urgency to a fight over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/10/unemployment-insurance-debt/\">whether to change California’s 1980s-era tax system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups are already pushing Newsom to use other state money to pay down the debt despite California’s current budget deficit. The state has spent more than $680 million in recent years to pay interest on the federal loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s vast unemployment insurance system has been under enormous strain since 2020, and employers are paying the price,” the \u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/2023/08/28/study-shows-employers-paying-price-for-strain-on-unemployment-insurance-system/\">California Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> argued in an August report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From her vantage point at Sacramento’s Center for Workers’ Rights, labor lawyer Daniela Urban has watched cycles like this play out before. When the economy tanks, everyone — stressed-out workers, angry lawmakers, state watchdogs, the governor — wants to know what’s happening at the EDD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as people go back to work, the outside interest and funding wane: a collective failure to fix the system before the next time things go south.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once the watchful eye is gone, I worry that it will be neglected,” Urban said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The Employment Development Department is getting a major rebuild from big-name tech companies as pandemic payment disputes drag on and fraud hits other state benefit systems.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Five years, $1.2 billion. And a new model for government contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is what California officials say it will take to overhaul an employment safety net pushed to the brink by record pandemic job losses, widespread fraud and the political panic that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most sweeping attempt to date to reform California’s Employment Development Department, an effort dubbed “\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/about_edd/eddnext/\">EDDNext\u003c/a>,” officially started late last year. A roughly 100-person team is leading the rebuild, and is already signing multimillion-dollar contracts for Salesforce and Amazon technology, according to interviews and records requested by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the EDD is quietly making plans to move on from its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/how-bank-of-america-helped-fuel-californias-unemployment-meltdown/?\">turbulent relationship\u003c/a> with longtime unemployment payment contractor Bank of America. Between now and 2025, it will begin rolling out new benefit debit cards and, eventually, a direct-deposit payment option from a different, yet-to-be-named contractor, the agency said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Hughes, a former state technology official and consultant who came out of retirement to run EDDNext said his team is prioritizing “the biggest pain points for the public” — online accounts, call centers, identity verification, benefit applications — as the agency tries to turn the page on an era of mass payment delays and widespread fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“EDD did over 200 technology projects during the pandemic. They were basically putting out fires,” Hughes told CalMatters. “EDDNext is really a way of being proactive about it. We want to solve some of these problems instead of just putting Band-Aids on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many workers still experiencing payment delays, fraud confusion and jammed phone lines are skeptical — especially since the EDD promised many similar changes after the Great Recession around 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a longstanding narrative … like, ‘Look, see, this is a program that people just abuse,’” said Jenna Gerry, a senior staff attorney with the National Employment Law Project. “If people are concerned with actual fraud, then I want to look at what solves it: fundamental reform of the system.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Do I know how to wave a magic wand and fix California’s unemployment insurance system? No, I don’t. But I do know that what we’re currently doing doesn’t work and that other states have some approaches that we should be trying out.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For Jennifer Pahlka, who co-led Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">task force\u003c/a> to triage COVID-era problems at the EDD, the challenge ahead is emblematic of difficulties that many government agencies face in adapting to the digital age. In her book “Recoding America,” Pahlka wrote that the EDD, with its patchwork computer systems and 800-page staff training manual, is failing to keep pace, as inequality widens and risks like fraud evolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do I know how to wave a magic wand and fix California’s unemployment insurance system? No, I don’t,” Pahlka said in an interview. “But I do know that what we’re currently doing doesn’t work and that other states have some approaches that we should be trying out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EDD Director Nancy Farias has read Pahlka’s book and the many state audits that have dissected the agency’s recurring failures. She’s well aware of the “light switch” trap, where a government agency bets everything on one, years-long tech project, then prays it all works when a switch is flipped. To try to avoid that, she and Hughes decided to break EDDNext into dozens of smaller projects through 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It leaves less room for a big failure,” said Farias, a former labor union executive. “You can have the best IT in the world, but if you don’t change your policies and procedures, it does not matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The COVID hangover\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This past summer, San Diego jewelry maker Phaedra Huebner found herself stuck in a loop that might sound familiar to people who filed for unemployment early in the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huebner, 52, recalls how at 8 a.m. every day, she dialed the EDD right as its call centers opened to ask where her benefits were. She would use a trick she learned on YouTube to bypass pre-recorded messages, punch in her Social Security Number and hope to get in the queue to talk with a real person. She would then redial, up to 67 times a day, bouncing between departments and, more often than not, hanging up without any answers about when she might see the money she needed to make rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The twist: Huebner wasn’t actually filing for unemployment but rather for disability. After each day on the phone, she would wrap ice packs around her hands and arms to ease the shooting pain that put her out of work in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For six weeks, I should have been resting,” Huebner said in early September. “Instead, I’m in pain with no disability income doing all of my own administrative work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD’s benefit programs have always been complex and highly individualized. In most cases, people applying for benefits do not encounter significant delays, the agency told CalMatters in a statement. It cited its \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/about_edd/eddnext/Benefiting-Californians-May-2023/#CustomerSatisfaction\">2022 survey\u003c/a> of several thousand people using its benefit systems, where 69% reported they were “completely or mostly satisfied” with the unemployment application process, and 63% said they were satisfied with the disability process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966715\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966715\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman walks past the Employment Development Department building.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/011022-EDD-Sacramento-MG-CM-03-1-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California Employment Development Department offices in Sacramento on Jan. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The problem, workers and attorneys say, is that even a portion of the EDD’s customer base amounts to tens of thousands of people, so when things go wrong, the impacts can be huge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January 2022, for instance, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/01/california-edd-fraud/\">EDD froze\u003c/a> 345,000 disability accounts, including an unknown number of legitimate ones, amid a wave of suspected fraud involving claims tied to fake doctors. Putting stronger safeguards in place is one of the “lessons learned from the pandemic that we should be applying to every program,” former California State Auditor Elaine Howle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People saw the [unemployment] program was being defrauded left and right,” Howle said, “and it was like, ‘Shoot, if I can do that, what other programs are out there that I can defraud?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason Wilder, research manager of the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners, said unemployment and disability programs are just two examples of many public and private sector systems being targeted as online fraud gets easier. It now costs as little as \u003ca href=\"https://gop-waysandmeans.house.gov/five-key-moments-from-oversight-subcommittee-hearing-on-pandemic-fraud/\">25 cents\u003c/a> to buy a bunk Social Security number online, leading to a cycle of large-scale attacks followed by broad fraud crackdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The risk of unsuspecting people getting caught in dragnets is only anticipated to grow, Wilder and other analysts say, as technologies such as artificial intelligence allow scammers to work faster and more easily forge documents. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/calfresh-calworks-thefts/\">Benefit debit cards\u003c/a> used by California’s CalFresh food assistance and CalWorks cash aid programs have also been targeted in recent fraud schemes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It becomes kind of whack-a-mole,” Wilder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And EDD’s pandemic unemployment problems have certainly not been neatly resolved. As of September, more than \u003ca href=\"https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/ui_insurance_appeal.asp\">130,000 California workers\u003c/a> were still fighting long \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/05/california-edd-unemployment-appeals/\">unemployment appeals\u003c/a> cases, waiting an average of 137 days for a hearing with a state administrative judge, according to U.S. Labor Department data analyzed by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD’s data shows that the number of rejected unemployment claims has climbed steadily since the start of the pandemic, to more than \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/newsroom/facts-and-stats/dashboard/#TotalUnemploymentClaims\">1.9 million claims\u003c/a> rejected from March 2020 through October 2023. The agency said that reflects the success of anti-fraud measures, but advocates see it as evidence that the state also continues to trap legitimate workers. They point to federal data showing that EDD decisions \u003ca href=\"https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/ui_appeal_reversal.asp\">are overturned\u003c/a> almost half the time on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I definitely don’t think anything’s been resolved,” said George Warner, director of the Wage Protection Program at Legal Aid at Work. “A lot of the issues remain the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966710\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05.jpeg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966710\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman in a magenta pantsuit sits under a tree outside an office building.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/102623_EDD-Nancy-Farias-MG_CM_05-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Farias, director of the California Employment Development Department, in front of the agency’s offices in Sacramento on Oct. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The EDD stresses that \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/newsroom/facts-and-stats/audit-progress/\">it has implemented\u003c/a> changes recommended by the California state auditor, including providing more public data and creating a new plan for future recessions. However, the auditor remains unconvinced that several major issues have been remedied. This past summer, the auditor added the EDD to its list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bsa.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2023-601.pdf\">“high-risk” state agencies\u003c/a>, unlocking additional resources for potential future audits. Top concerns were poor customer service, high rates of benefit denials overturned on appeal, and the agency’s inability to tally pandemic fraud, delaying the state’s two most recent annual financial reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“EDD’s mismanagement of the [unemployment] program has resulted in a substantial risk of serious detriment to the state and its residents,” the auditor’s latest report concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farias said that all states face similar challenges, especially when quantifying fraud that is widely varied and, for obvious reasons, difficult to trace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no definition of what is fraud … and that’s really the biggest problem,” said Farias, who also sits on the board of the National Association of State Workforce Agencies. “There is Nigerian fraud ring fraud — Fraud with a capital ‘F’ — and then there is, you know, Mary Jo Smith down the street that really didn’t understand what the program was.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In San Diego, Huebner unexpectedly got an up-close look at how identity verification issues continue to plague the EDD. After she filed for disability, it took six weeks to get her first check. But then she received a letter in the mail addressed to a woman with a different name and employer in Northern California that said her benefits had been discontinued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Huebner tried to call to figure out what was going on, she realized that her YouTube trick to get through on the phone no longer worked, throwing her back into benefit limbo while she recovered from a spinal procedure and waited to see if a new EDD debit card showed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They won’t tell you anything,” Huebner said in late October. “Pain is one thing, but helplessness is totally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next for California unemployment reform?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before he was hired to fix the state’s pandemic problem child, EDDNext director Hughes was enjoying retirement on his Sierra foothills ranch dotted with cattle, horses and sheep. He put that on hold and went back to work at the EDD at the request of Farias, his former colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hughes is quick to note that he wasn’t there for the worst of the pandemic issues. He spends a lot of time talking with other state tech executives who can empathize, such as peers at the DMV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even from the outside, it wasn’t hard to see what went wrong at the EDD during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you roll out a solution, it needs to work. If it doesn’t work and they call the help desk, you need to answer the phone,” Hughes said. “We didn’t do either of those things very well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, his team launched a new online portal called “MyEDD,” which uses Salesforce technology for workers to file and track the status of their benefits. Some users \u003ca href=\"https://kmph.com/news/local/californias-edd-faces-backlash-over-problematic-new-website-users-unable-to-access-benefits\">reported crashes\u003c/a> during the first days of the rollout, but the system eventually stabilized. It will be built out over time, Hughes said, as the agency works through contracts for identity verification and a “claims navigator” to show workers all benefits they are eligible for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new call center system using Amazon technology is slated to debut within the year. First for the state’s older disability system at the end of 2023, Hughes said, then for unemployment next summer. The idea is to ultimately go from the five or six systems that EDD agents currently juggle to one system for processing claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the new system, there is a single pane of glass,” Hughes said. “As soon as they call in, all the information on their claim will come up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the EDD has tried to streamline its claims system, parts of which date back to the 1980s. Pahlka, in her book, compares making sense of the patchwork programs to going on an archaeological dig.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966711\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1764px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM.png\" alt=\"A line chart showing Deloite's contracts with EDD.\" width=\"1764\" height=\"868\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM.png 1764w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-800x394.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-1020x502.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-160x79.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/Screen-Shot-2023-11-07-at-3.43.47-PM-1536x756.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1764px) 100vw, 1764px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/newsroom/facts-and-stats/dashboard/\">EDD\u003c/a> \u003ccite>(Calmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the Great Recession, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2021/04/california-unemployment-crisis-contracts/\">paid Deloitte\u003c/a> to upgrade several facets of its operation, including part of its claim management systems, in a series of contracts that ballooned to more than $152 million from 2010 to 2018, copies provided to CalMatters show. That system was one of several that \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">state reports\u003c/a> later found buckled during COVID, but Deloitte was then awarded another $118 million as the state doled out emergency pandemic funds, according to the contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony, as Pahlka observed in her book, is that the money went to the very vendor “which built the ineffectual systems in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, a Democrat from Orange County who sits on a U.S. House Oversight Committee that has investigated pandemic unemployment fraud, sighed heavily when asked about the past Deloitte “unemployment modernization” project — her response, she said, to both the contractor in question and the broader lack of oversight on big-budget projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Deloitte has an unfortunate track record of not getting it done here,” Porter said. “If we’re going to contract this and spend our dollars with a private company to do this, we have to hold them accountable for delivering.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Deloitte defended its work for the EDD, noting in a statement that “many technology constraints highlighted by California elected officials during the pandemic related to functions in EDD systems that Deloitte was not contracted to maintain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company declined to comment on whether it intends to bid on the new EDDNext project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hughes said that no vendor is off the table for EDDNext but that past contract performance will be considered for all bidders. This time around, Hughes said, the plan is structured to include more oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just way too much work for one vendor to do, and so we’ve split that up,” he said. “We’ve got different vendors doing different solutions. We can manage them much more effectively that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Familiar fights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another promise of EDDNext, Farias said, is that workers, advocates, and frontline staff will have more of a say in how the project is built. The agency has also created a new customer experience arm, which outside observers like Pahlka see as a promising development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gerry of the National Employment Law Project was among the worker advocates briefly shown a version of the new EDD online portal before it launched. It will require more sustained effort, she said, to ensure that people relying on the system end up with something easier to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard because, yes, we see certain incremental changes, but these systemic issues are still there,” Gerry said. “Unless there really is a big overhaul within the agency culture and the way they’re approaching this EDDNext project, we’re going to see these problems continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD maintains that more visible changes are coming, including a planned redesign of the agency’s 10 most-used forms to cut unnecessary questions, translate them into more languages, and make them easier to understand and access online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar efforts are also underway in many other states, where officials have raised questions about whether the federal government should do more to standardize applications, anti-fraud measures or other elements of the system. Robert Asaro-Angelo, commissioner of the New Jersey Department of Labor and Workforce Development, recently told a U.S. House committee that states and territories that all currently have their own processes could use more guidance to bolster security while ensuring rightful benefits are paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We keep talking as if there’s one unemployment system. There’s 53 different systems,” Asaro-Angelo said. “These fraudsters being able to pick and choose — they couldn’t be happier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, concerns about the nuts and bolts of the state’s unemployment program are magnified by a more fundamental concern: the financial quicksand beneath the entire system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/article/Detail/779\">unemployment fund\u003c/a> that pays for benefits is operating in the red, or “structurally insolvent,” as the California Legislative Analyst’s Office put it in a July 2023 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the state was making progress on paying down its $20 billion-plus pandemic unemployment loan from the federal government, \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf/edduiforecastmay23.pdf\">state forecasts\u003c/a> now show the debt creeping back up, adding urgency to a fight over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/10/unemployment-insurance-debt/\">whether to change California’s 1980s-era tax system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups are already pushing Newsom to use other state money to pay down the debt despite California’s current budget deficit. The state has spent more than $680 million in recent years to pay interest on the federal loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s vast unemployment insurance system has been under enormous strain since 2020, and employers are paying the price,” the \u003ca href=\"https://advocacy.calchamber.com/2023/08/28/study-shows-employers-paying-price-for-strain-on-unemployment-insurance-system/\">California Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> argued in an August report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From her vantage point at Sacramento’s Center for Workers’ Rights, labor lawyer Daniela Urban has watched cycles like this play out before. When the economy tanks, everyone — stressed-out workers, angry lawmakers, state watchdogs, the governor — wants to know what’s happening at the EDD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as people go back to work, the outside interest and funding wane: a collective failure to fix the system before the next time things go south.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once the watchful eye is gone, I worry that it will be neglected,” Urban said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For students of color, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/20-1199_hgdj.pdf\">the Supreme Court’s recent ban on affirmative action (PDF)\u003c/a> has left them frustrated but undaunted as they plow through college application season. Some California private colleges, meanwhile, are increasing their outreach efforts to attract more students and send a signal that the end of race-based admissions doesn’t change their belief in the importance of diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to go to a college where I feel comfortable and supported and confident. So yes, the ruling has definitely affected what schools I’m looking at,” said Maya Murchison, a senior at Eastlake High School in Chula Vista. “I want to know what colleges are doing to guarantee diversity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s 6–3 ruling in June prohibits all colleges in the country from \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2023/06/supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-programs-in-college-admissions/\">using race as a consideration in admissions\u003c/a>. California’s public universities \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/06/affirmative-action-aca-7/\">have not used affirmative action\u003c/a> for almost 30 years, but some of the state’s selective private colleges, and many out-of-state public universities, have relied on affirmative action to attract students of color and create a more diverse student body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collectively, the state’s private nonprofit colleges enroll \u003ca href=\"https://nces.ed.gov/ipeds/TrendGenerator/app/answer/2/2?f=6%3D6%3B4%3D2%3B9%3D1%3B1%3D2&rid=57&cid=2\">around 180,000 undergraduates\u003c/a> who are drawn to the smaller class sizes and leafy campus idyll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately after the court decision, an association representing more than 80 California nonprofit private colleges wrote that it feared that the end of race-based admissions will mean less diversity on campuses: “Our member colleges and universities across California are deeply concerned that the decision will have a chilling effect on applications and enrollment among historically underserved community groups — Black, Latino, and Native American students, low-income and first-generation students,” \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ymaws.com/aiccu.edu/resource/resmgr/publications/2023/final_aiccu_statement_sc_dec.pdf\">wrote Kristen F. Soares (PDF)\u003c/a>, president of the Association of Independent California Colleges and Universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four months later, that fear is still there, Soares said in a phone interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those worries are fueled by the struggles that the University of California experienced when state voters approved a ballot initiative in 1996 that barred public institutions from considering race as a factor in admissions, contracting and hiring. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2023/06/california-private-colleges-affirmative-action-supreme-court/\">Diversity at the UC collapsed in the first few years after the ban\u003c/a> and the university \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/20/20-1199/232355/20220801134931730_20-1199%20bsac%20University%20of%20California.pdf#page=23\">has written\u003c/a> that its formidable spending on outreach programs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/20/20-1199/232355/20220801134931730_20-1199%20bsac%20University%20of%20California.pdf#page=25\">half a billion dollars since the late 1990s (PDF)\u003c/a> — and race-neutral changes to its admissions processes weren’t as effective as affirmative action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private colleges will see next spring and fall how the Supreme Court’s decision affected their admissions and enrollment patterns.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-response-of-some-california-private-colleges\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Response of some California private colleges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, the court ruling has prompted some of California’s more selective private schools to appeal to students through campus visits and stronger relationships with high school counselors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Maya Murchison, senior, Eastlake High School in Chula Vista\"]‘I want to go to a college where I feel comfortable and supported and confident. So yes, the ruling has definitely affected what schools I’m looking at.’[/pullquote]Pomona College, a highly selective liberal arts college in Los Angeles County, has increased the number of nearby high schools it hosts for half-day visits to its campus from 17 to 25, upping the number of students from around 650 to 900. Pomona covers the transportation and food costs. The college and its sister campuses of the Claremont Colleges are also inviting counselors from more than 460 high schools in the region, including about half that predominantly serve students with lower-income. It’s the largest such event the consortium has put together — and Pomona is hosting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that we know in our backyard that we probably could have been doing more and we needed to do this work and felt like now was a good time to make that turn,” said Adam Sapp, director of admissions at Pomona, in a phone interview. About a quarter of the college’s 1,700 students are from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the campus won’t use race as a factor in admissions anymore, its longstanding practice of holistic review allows for applicants to explain how their identities played a role in their academics and social experiences relevant to college admissions. The court ruling said students \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/20-1199_hgdj.pdf#page=8\">can still discuss (PDF)\u003c/a> their racial and ethnic backgrounds in admissions applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see the benefits of diversity as critical to the success of Pomona,” Sapp added, later noting that “none of that has changed because of the Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford University, which \u003ca href=\"https://news.stanford.edu/report/2023/06/29/presidents-message-regarding-supreme-court-ruling-race-conscious-university-admissions/\">previously used\u003c/a> affirmative action in admissions, \u003ca href=\"https://news.stanford.edu/report/2023/10/05/provost-provides-admissions-update/\">wants prospective students to know\u003c/a> about its generous financial aid policies that cover the total cost of college, from tuition to housing and books, \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.stanford.edu/undergrad/how/index.html\">for lower- and moderate-income students\u003c/a> — though students are expected to work part time to \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.stanford.edu/undergrad/how/parent.html\">cover some of the costs\u003c/a>. Six California private colleges use a third-party tool, MyinTuition, \u003ca href=\"https://myintuition.org/quick-college-cost-estimator/\">that estimates how much financial aid a student would get\u003c/a> by asking a few questions — a faster approach than other so-called \u003ca href=\"https://collegecost.ed.gov/net-price\">net price calculators\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount lower-income students have to pay after financial aid across California’s private colleges ranges from almost nothing to $30,000 a year or more, according to federal data on average total costs that CalMatters reviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of Southern California, among the state’s most selective private colleges, is pursuing a recruitment strategy that’s worked for them so far, said Timothy Brunold, dean of admission. The approach didn’t focus on the racial makeup of high schools. “Our practice has not focused on particular schools because of their racial/ethnic makeup,” he wrote in an email. “Instead, we’ve tended to be mindful of schools based on other factors, such as the socio-economic makeup of their student body, their geographic location, and past history with USC.” The university used affirmative action as one of many factors in admissions prior to the court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-on-campus-diversity-efforts-matter\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">On-campus diversity efforts matter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The biggest impact of the Supreme Court ruling might not be related to admissions, some experts said, but whether colleges will continue to support diversity on campus. That means bolstering student groups, programs and events focused on race and ethnicity, providing ample financial aid, and creating an overall welcoming atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will be crucial to attract students of color going forward, said Angie Barfield, executive director of Black Students of California United, which promotes civic engagement, academic achievement and leadership among Black students in California. Her organization is doubling down on its college recruitment efforts by raising money to host students on college tours, arranging for Black college alumni to meet with students, encouraging colleges to interview promising students, and providing extra guidance to students with their applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11954612,news_11954761,mindshift_61929\"]“We tell students, you might not think you belong there, but you do,” Barfield said. “There’s a lot of fear of the unknown, a lot of imposter syndrome. So we work hard to expose our students to college life via their culture and show them they can succeed anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisa Andrews-Swartzlander, a longtime school counselor and college mentor in Los Angeles County, said imposter syndrome is common among students of color but it’s not insurmountable. She advises her students to be proud of their accomplishments and forge ahead regardless of a Supreme Court ruling that “sends a message that your history doesn’t matter, your culture doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not deterring any of my students from attending their desired universities,” she said. “In fact, I’m encouraging them to embrace rigorous coursework and intentionally apply to universities that have eradicated affirmative action. Their presence needs to be visible no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cultural groups, such as historically Black or Latino fraternities and sororities, are amping up their outreach efforts and can play a key role in helping students of color feel comfortable on campus, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message is, we want you here, you will be safe, you will thrive,” Andrews said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-colleges-have-been-reaching-students-for-years\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Colleges have been reaching students for years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For some colleges, the ruling will have minimal impact because they’ve already been working for decades to diversify their campuses, said Shirley Collado, president of College Track, a nonprofit that helps students of color get into and graduate from college. Affirmative action, she said, was only one tool among many that colleges used to attract and retain students of color. Other important factors include affordability, school information materials in multiple languages, and an overall welcoming, appreciative — and not patronizing — attitude toward students of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lisa Andrews-Swartzlander, school counselor and college mentor, Los Angeles County\"]‘I am not deterring any of my students from attending their desired universities. In fact, I’m encouraging them to embrace rigorous coursework and intentionally apply to universities that have eradicated affirmative action. Their presence needs to be visible no matter what.’[/pullquote]That’s true for the University of San Francisco. The selective private college didn’t factor a student’s race or ethnicity in its admissions decisions prior to the Supreme Court ruling, said its head of admissions in an interview, but still \u003ca href=\"https://www.usnews.com/best-colleges/rankings/national-universities/campus-ethnic-diversity\">topped a national ranking for campus diversity\u003c/a>. Much of that is aided by California’s rich panoply of cultures: Roughly two-thirds of the school’s incoming students are California residents. Once students are admitted, they’re encouraged to apply for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.usfca.edu/black-achievement-success-engagement/black-scholars-program\">competitive program for Black scholars\u003c/a> and one for \u003ca href=\"https://myusf.usfca.edu/casa/muscat/MSP1G\">first-generation students\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that’s what helps students decide, ‘Yes, I want to come to USF,’” said Sherie Gilmore-Cleveland, an associate provost who directs admissions at the university. The emphasis isn’t just on recruitment but also on persuading students to attend once they’re admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hosting high school students on campus matters. So does visiting the students. “I think whenever students have an opportunity to hear directly from the college and when colleges are actually coming to students’ high schools, I know it’s an old school way of recruitment, but it helps students feel seen,” Gilmore-Cleveland said. The campus has extensive visiting hours, too, but doesn’t pay for prospective students’ travel, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some colleges partner with specific high schools or nonprofits to put students on a college-bound path beginning in ninth grade, Collado said. College Track recently announced such a partnership with 14 colleges nationwide, including UC Merced and American University. The agreement includes admission, financial aid and ongoing support once students are enrolled. USC \u003ca href=\"https://communities.usc.edu/educational-partnerships/nai/\">runs a similar program\u003c/a> for low-income students from Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s private college association is also ramping up relations with community colleges. In September it \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivatecollegeispossible.org/post/aiccu-counselor-conferences-empower-counselors-to-guide-students-to-a-private-higher-education\">hosted a conference with community college and high school counselors\u003c/a> on financial aid and admissions policies that several private colleges offer. Soares said it was the first such event in at least 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-students-aren-t-deterred\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Students aren’t deterred\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“On a symbolic level, the Supreme Court decision is tragic. It speaks volumes about where we are as a country,” Collado said. “But for most of us, we get up the next day and the work continues. It’s a disruption but it does not shift how important this issue is. It won’t stop us from doing what’s right for kids in this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Sockwell, a senior at Orange Vista High in Riverside County, said campus diversity is important to her, but it’s not the only factor she’s considering as she looks at colleges. How safe it is for women and how accessible for disabled people also are priorities, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be with people who look like me, but not just that. I want to be exposed to different kinds of people and viewpoints,” said Sockwell, who identifies as African American and Salvadoran. “I’m looking for a place where I can grow into an adult and become someone I’ll be proud of, and my family will be proud of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bethzy Mejia, a senior at Robert Kennedy School for the Visual Arts and Humanities in Los Angeles, said she’s unfazed by the Supreme Court ruling. She’s confident that her accomplishments — a 4.0 grade point average, internships, student government, marathon runner — will earn her a spot at the country’s most elite colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for her application essay, she does plan to write about being the child of immigrants from Guatemala — not to alert colleges to her ethnicity, but because she considers it a central part of her identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The essay question is, what makes you unique. Well, my race makes me unique,” Mejia said. “But I’m not going to focus on that 100%. I’m going to write about my achievements and my mentality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murchison, the Eastlake High student who serves as president of the Black Students of California United, also said she’ll be writing about race in her application essay. Her topic is “Black girl magic,” a theme she probably would not have chosen prior to the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make my identity clear,” she said. “But it’s frustrating, because it’s an extra step I shouldn’t have to take. What if I wanted to write about something else?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crafting an essay that addresses race with the exact right tone, choosing colleges with a commitment to diversity but also strong programs in the subjects that interest her, like business and marketing — it’s often overwhelming, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At times I just want to give up,” Murchison said. “But then I remember my goals and just keep pushing forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For students of color, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/20-1199_hgdj.pdf\">the Supreme Court’s recent ban on affirmative action (PDF)\u003c/a> has left them frustrated but undaunted as they plow through college application season. Some California private colleges, meanwhile, are increasing their outreach efforts to attract more students and send a signal that the end of race-based admissions doesn’t change their belief in the importance of diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to go to a college where I feel comfortable and supported and confident. So yes, the ruling has definitely affected what schools I’m looking at,” said Maya Murchison, a senior at Eastlake High School in Chula Vista. “I want to know what colleges are doing to guarantee diversity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s 6–3 ruling in June prohibits all colleges in the country from \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2023/06/supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-programs-in-college-admissions/\">using race as a consideration in admissions\u003c/a>. California’s public universities \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/06/affirmative-action-aca-7/\">have not used affirmative action\u003c/a> for almost 30 years, but some of the state’s selective private colleges, and many out-of-state public universities, have relied on affirmative action to attract students of color and create a more diverse student body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collectively, the state’s private nonprofit colleges enroll \u003ca href=\"https://nces.ed.gov/ipeds/TrendGenerator/app/answer/2/2?f=6%3D6%3B4%3D2%3B9%3D1%3B1%3D2&rid=57&cid=2\">around 180,000 undergraduates\u003c/a> who are drawn to the smaller class sizes and leafy campus idyll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately after the court decision, an association representing more than 80 California nonprofit private colleges wrote that it feared that the end of race-based admissions will mean less diversity on campuses: “Our member colleges and universities across California are deeply concerned that the decision will have a chilling effect on applications and enrollment among historically underserved community groups — Black, Latino, and Native American students, low-income and first-generation students,” \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ymaws.com/aiccu.edu/resource/resmgr/publications/2023/final_aiccu_statement_sc_dec.pdf\">wrote Kristen F. Soares (PDF)\u003c/a>, president of the Association of Independent California Colleges and Universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four months later, that fear is still there, Soares said in a phone interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those worries are fueled by the struggles that the University of California experienced when state voters approved a ballot initiative in 1996 that barred public institutions from considering race as a factor in admissions, contracting and hiring. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2023/06/california-private-colleges-affirmative-action-supreme-court/\">Diversity at the UC collapsed in the first few years after the ban\u003c/a> and the university \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/20/20-1199/232355/20220801134931730_20-1199%20bsac%20University%20of%20California.pdf#page=23\">has written\u003c/a> that its formidable spending on outreach programs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/20/20-1199/232355/20220801134931730_20-1199%20bsac%20University%20of%20California.pdf#page=25\">half a billion dollars since the late 1990s (PDF)\u003c/a> — and race-neutral changes to its admissions processes weren’t as effective as affirmative action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private colleges will see next spring and fall how the Supreme Court’s decision affected their admissions and enrollment patterns.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-response-of-some-california-private-colleges\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Response of some California private colleges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, the court ruling has prompted some of California’s more selective private schools to appeal to students through campus visits and stronger relationships with high school counselors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I want to go to a college where I feel comfortable and supported and confident. So yes, the ruling has definitely affected what schools I’m looking at.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pomona College, a highly selective liberal arts college in Los Angeles County, has increased the number of nearby high schools it hosts for half-day visits to its campus from 17 to 25, upping the number of students from around 650 to 900. Pomona covers the transportation and food costs. The college and its sister campuses of the Claremont Colleges are also inviting counselors from more than 460 high schools in the region, including about half that predominantly serve students with lower-income. It’s the largest such event the consortium has put together — and Pomona is hosting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that we know in our backyard that we probably could have been doing more and we needed to do this work and felt like now was a good time to make that turn,” said Adam Sapp, director of admissions at Pomona, in a phone interview. About a quarter of the college’s 1,700 students are from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the campus won’t use race as a factor in admissions anymore, its longstanding practice of holistic review allows for applicants to explain how their identities played a role in their academics and social experiences relevant to college admissions. The court ruling said students \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/20-1199_hgdj.pdf#page=8\">can still discuss (PDF)\u003c/a> their racial and ethnic backgrounds in admissions applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see the benefits of diversity as critical to the success of Pomona,” Sapp added, later noting that “none of that has changed because of the Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford University, which \u003ca href=\"https://news.stanford.edu/report/2023/06/29/presidents-message-regarding-supreme-court-ruling-race-conscious-university-admissions/\">previously used\u003c/a> affirmative action in admissions, \u003ca href=\"https://news.stanford.edu/report/2023/10/05/provost-provides-admissions-update/\">wants prospective students to know\u003c/a> about its generous financial aid policies that cover the total cost of college, from tuition to housing and books, \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.stanford.edu/undergrad/how/index.html\">for lower- and moderate-income students\u003c/a> — though students are expected to work part time to \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.stanford.edu/undergrad/how/parent.html\">cover some of the costs\u003c/a>. Six California private colleges use a third-party tool, MyinTuition, \u003ca href=\"https://myintuition.org/quick-college-cost-estimator/\">that estimates how much financial aid a student would get\u003c/a> by asking a few questions — a faster approach than other so-called \u003ca href=\"https://collegecost.ed.gov/net-price\">net price calculators\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount lower-income students have to pay after financial aid across California’s private colleges ranges from almost nothing to $30,000 a year or more, according to federal data on average total costs that CalMatters reviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of Southern California, among the state’s most selective private colleges, is pursuing a recruitment strategy that’s worked for them so far, said Timothy Brunold, dean of admission. The approach didn’t focus on the racial makeup of high schools. “Our practice has not focused on particular schools because of their racial/ethnic makeup,” he wrote in an email. “Instead, we’ve tended to be mindful of schools based on other factors, such as the socio-economic makeup of their student body, their geographic location, and past history with USC.” The university used affirmative action as one of many factors in admissions prior to the court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-on-campus-diversity-efforts-matter\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">On-campus diversity efforts matter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The biggest impact of the Supreme Court ruling might not be related to admissions, some experts said, but whether colleges will continue to support diversity on campus. That means bolstering student groups, programs and events focused on race and ethnicity, providing ample financial aid, and creating an overall welcoming atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will be crucial to attract students of color going forward, said Angie Barfield, executive director of Black Students of California United, which promotes civic engagement, academic achievement and leadership among Black students in California. Her organization is doubling down on its college recruitment efforts by raising money to host students on college tours, arranging for Black college alumni to meet with students, encouraging colleges to interview promising students, and providing extra guidance to students with their applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We tell students, you might not think you belong there, but you do,” Barfield said. “There’s a lot of fear of the unknown, a lot of imposter syndrome. So we work hard to expose our students to college life via their culture and show them they can succeed anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisa Andrews-Swartzlander, a longtime school counselor and college mentor in Los Angeles County, said imposter syndrome is common among students of color but it’s not insurmountable. She advises her students to be proud of their accomplishments and forge ahead regardless of a Supreme Court ruling that “sends a message that your history doesn’t matter, your culture doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not deterring any of my students from attending their desired universities,” she said. “In fact, I’m encouraging them to embrace rigorous coursework and intentionally apply to universities that have eradicated affirmative action. Their presence needs to be visible no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cultural groups, such as historically Black or Latino fraternities and sororities, are amping up their outreach efforts and can play a key role in helping students of color feel comfortable on campus, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message is, we want you here, you will be safe, you will thrive,” Andrews said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-colleges-have-been-reaching-students-for-years\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Colleges have been reaching students for years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For some colleges, the ruling will have minimal impact because they’ve already been working for decades to diversify their campuses, said Shirley Collado, president of College Track, a nonprofit that helps students of color get into and graduate from college. Affirmative action, she said, was only one tool among many that colleges used to attract and retain students of color. Other important factors include affordability, school information materials in multiple languages, and an overall welcoming, appreciative — and not patronizing — attitude toward students of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I am not deterring any of my students from attending their desired universities. In fact, I’m encouraging them to embrace rigorous coursework and intentionally apply to universities that have eradicated affirmative action. Their presence needs to be visible no matter what.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s true for the University of San Francisco. The selective private college didn’t factor a student’s race or ethnicity in its admissions decisions prior to the Supreme Court ruling, said its head of admissions in an interview, but still \u003ca href=\"https://www.usnews.com/best-colleges/rankings/national-universities/campus-ethnic-diversity\">topped a national ranking for campus diversity\u003c/a>. Much of that is aided by California’s rich panoply of cultures: Roughly two-thirds of the school’s incoming students are California residents. Once students are admitted, they’re encouraged to apply for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.usfca.edu/black-achievement-success-engagement/black-scholars-program\">competitive program for Black scholars\u003c/a> and one for \u003ca href=\"https://myusf.usfca.edu/casa/muscat/MSP1G\">first-generation students\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that’s what helps students decide, ‘Yes, I want to come to USF,’” said Sherie Gilmore-Cleveland, an associate provost who directs admissions at the university. The emphasis isn’t just on recruitment but also on persuading students to attend once they’re admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hosting high school students on campus matters. So does visiting the students. “I think whenever students have an opportunity to hear directly from the college and when colleges are actually coming to students’ high schools, I know it’s an old school way of recruitment, but it helps students feel seen,” Gilmore-Cleveland said. The campus has extensive visiting hours, too, but doesn’t pay for prospective students’ travel, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some colleges partner with specific high schools or nonprofits to put students on a college-bound path beginning in ninth grade, Collado said. College Track recently announced such a partnership with 14 colleges nationwide, including UC Merced and American University. The agreement includes admission, financial aid and ongoing support once students are enrolled. USC \u003ca href=\"https://communities.usc.edu/educational-partnerships/nai/\">runs a similar program\u003c/a> for low-income students from Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s private college association is also ramping up relations with community colleges. In September it \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivatecollegeispossible.org/post/aiccu-counselor-conferences-empower-counselors-to-guide-students-to-a-private-higher-education\">hosted a conference with community college and high school counselors\u003c/a> on financial aid and admissions policies that several private colleges offer. Soares said it was the first such event in at least 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-students-aren-t-deterred\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Students aren’t deterred\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“On a symbolic level, the Supreme Court decision is tragic. It speaks volumes about where we are as a country,” Collado said. “But for most of us, we get up the next day and the work continues. It’s a disruption but it does not shift how important this issue is. It won’t stop us from doing what’s right for kids in this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Sockwell, a senior at Orange Vista High in Riverside County, said campus diversity is important to her, but it’s not the only factor she’s considering as she looks at colleges. How safe it is for women and how accessible for disabled people also are priorities, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be with people who look like me, but not just that. I want to be exposed to different kinds of people and viewpoints,” said Sockwell, who identifies as African American and Salvadoran. “I’m looking for a place where I can grow into an adult and become someone I’ll be proud of, and my family will be proud of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bethzy Mejia, a senior at Robert Kennedy School for the Visual Arts and Humanities in Los Angeles, said she’s unfazed by the Supreme Court ruling. She’s confident that her accomplishments — a 4.0 grade point average, internships, student government, marathon runner — will earn her a spot at the country’s most elite colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for her application essay, she does plan to write about being the child of immigrants from Guatemala — not to alert colleges to her ethnicity, but because she considers it a central part of her identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The essay question is, what makes you unique. Well, my race makes me unique,” Mejia said. “But I’m not going to focus on that 100%. I’m going to write about my achievements and my mentality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murchison, the Eastlake High student who serves as president of the Black Students of California United, also said she’ll be writing about race in her application essay. Her topic is “Black girl magic,” a theme she probably would not have chosen prior to the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make my identity clear,” she said. “But it’s frustrating, because it’s an extra step I shouldn’t have to take. What if I wanted to write about something else?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crafting an essay that addresses race with the exact right tone, choosing colleges with a commitment to diversity but also strong programs in the subjects that interest her, like business and marketing — it’s often overwhelming, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At times I just want to give up,” Murchison said. “But then I remember my goals and just keep pushing forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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