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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of mourners gathered in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco Friday night for a candlelit vigil honoring the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11838760/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">died Friday of complications from cancer at age 87\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many attendees rushed to Harvey Milk Plaza on less than one hour’s notice — alerted by social media posts and an email from organizer Manny Yekutiel, owner of the community space Manny’s in the Mission. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those assembled described feeling numb and in disbelief at Ginsburg’s passing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of us felt like, ‘Well, as long as RBG is there, we’re gonna be good, we’re gonna be good’,” said San Francisco resident Shawn Rosenmoss. “Now I’m a little lost, which is why I’m here.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Betty Doerr brought her Ruth Bader Ginsburg figurine that she bought at Cliff's Variety to the candlelit vigil in Ginsburg's honor on Sep. 18, 2020. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838872\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Doerr brought her Ruth Bader Ginsburg figurine that she bought at Cliff’s Variety to the candlelit vigil in Ginsburg’s honor on Sep. 18, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although there were few tears, every speech of the night contained an impassioned plea to continue fighting for the late Justice’s gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pastor Megan Rohrer led the assembled group in singing the folk song “Singing for Our Lives” by Holly Near. Rohrer, a transgender pastor who ministers in the Sunset district, said that when their wife told them the news, they were distraught. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The feeling is just when you didn’t think you could have more fear and doubt about what might be happening next in the world, another thing happens and makes you wonder,” they said. “Not knowing what’s going to happen next becomes a source of fear once again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evening’s impromptu program also featured two Hebrew prayers to honor Ginsburg, who was Jewish, on the first night of Rosh Hashanah, the start of Jewish New Year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838869\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg\" alt=\"The candlelit vigil in honor of Ruth Bader Ginsburg made its way from Harvey Milk Plaza to the Human Rights Campaign Action Center and Store where there were several speakers. The building was once home to Harvey Milk's camera shop, Castro Camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11838869\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The candlelit vigil in honor of Ruth Bader Ginsburg made its way from Harvey Milk Plaza to the Human Rights Campaign Action Center and Store where there were several speakers. The building was once home to Harvey Milk’s camera shop, Castro Camera. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Castro, a predominately LGBT neighborhood, seemed a fitting location due to the contributions the late justice made to that community. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the LGBTQ community — for us — elections and the courts are a matter of life and death,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, who attended the gathering and ensuing march. “Ruth Bader Ginsburg helped create so much of the modern civil rights framework legally. There will never be another like her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group of 200 swelled to more than 500 and slowly marched toward the site of Harvey Milk’s former camera shop on Castro Street. Wiener and District 8 Supervisor Rafael Mandelman along with activist Cleve Jones led the march, flanked by signs reading “RBG” and “We Won’t Let You Down, RBG.” Diners sitting outdoors on the busy street stopped to watch, with many applauding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Gillian Reid holds a Ruth Bader Ginsburg candle during a vigil in her honor in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gillian Reid holds a Ruth Bader Ginsburg candle during a vigil in her honor in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mandelman said he had “been a mess” since he heard the news. He said the Justice’s legacy “is very much up to us over these last two months,” stressing the importance of keeping President Trump from appointing Ginsburg’s successor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by Wiener, who called Ginsburg a “hero,” and emphasized the need to “fight to make sure Donald Trump and Mitch McConnell don’t steal this election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Rosenmoss, she pointed to her two daughters — one in medical school, one applying to law school — as carrying on Ginsburg’s legacy. More broadly, Rosenmoss gestured to the battles that Ginsburg fought “in her life to be an attorney and a mom and a married person. It’s really sad that we have to, every day, keep fighting those fights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Stephan Ferris lights a candle for Cleve Jones during a vigil to honor the life of Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838878\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephan Ferris lights a candle for Cleve Jones during a vigil to honor the life of Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speakers urged those assembled to vote, stay politically involved, and organize in swing states. Many shared messages of hope for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Have her memory be a blessing and move forward to build a better country and a safer world,” said Jones. “That is what she would want us to do, and we all know that.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of mourners gathered in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco Friday night for a candlelit vigil honoring the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11838760/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">died Friday of complications from cancer at age 87\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many attendees rushed to Harvey Milk Plaza on less than one hour’s notice — alerted by social media posts and an email from organizer Manny Yekutiel, owner of the community space Manny’s in the Mission. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those assembled described feeling numb and in disbelief at Ginsburg’s passing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of us felt like, ‘Well, as long as RBG is there, we’re gonna be good, we’re gonna be good’,” said San Francisco resident Shawn Rosenmoss. “Now I’m a little lost, which is why I’m here.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Betty Doerr brought her Ruth Bader Ginsburg figurine that she bought at Cliff's Variety to the candlelit vigil in Ginsburg's honor on Sep. 18, 2020. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838872\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/027_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Doerr brought her Ruth Bader Ginsburg figurine that she bought at Cliff’s Variety to the candlelit vigil in Ginsburg’s honor on Sep. 18, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although there were few tears, every speech of the night contained an impassioned plea to continue fighting for the late Justice’s gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pastor Megan Rohrer led the assembled group in singing the folk song “Singing for Our Lives” by Holly Near. Rohrer, a transgender pastor who ministers in the Sunset district, said that when their wife told them the news, they were distraught. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The feeling is just when you didn’t think you could have more fear and doubt about what might be happening next in the world, another thing happens and makes you wonder,” they said. “Not knowing what’s going to happen next becomes a source of fear once again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evening’s impromptu program also featured two Hebrew prayers to honor Ginsburg, who was Jewish, on the first night of Rosh Hashanah, the start of Jewish New Year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838869\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg\" alt=\"The candlelit vigil in honor of Ruth Bader Ginsburg made its way from Harvey Milk Plaza to the Human Rights Campaign Action Center and Store where there were several speakers. The building was once home to Harvey Milk's camera shop, Castro Camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11838869\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/019_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The candlelit vigil in honor of Ruth Bader Ginsburg made its way from Harvey Milk Plaza to the Human Rights Campaign Action Center and Store where there were several speakers. The building was once home to Harvey Milk’s camera shop, Castro Camera. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Castro, a predominately LGBT neighborhood, seemed a fitting location due to the contributions the late justice made to that community. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the LGBTQ community — for us — elections and the courts are a matter of life and death,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, who attended the gathering and ensuing march. “Ruth Bader Ginsburg helped create so much of the modern civil rights framework legally. There will never be another like her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group of 200 swelled to more than 500 and slowly marched toward the site of Harvey Milk’s former camera shop on Castro Street. Wiener and District 8 Supervisor Rafael Mandelman along with activist Cleve Jones led the march, flanked by signs reading “RBG” and “We Won’t Let You Down, RBG.” Diners sitting outdoors on the busy street stopped to watch, with many applauding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Gillian Reid holds a Ruth Bader Ginsburg candle during a vigil in her honor in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gillian Reid holds a Ruth Bader Ginsburg candle during a vigil in her honor in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mandelman said he had “been a mess” since he heard the news. He said the Justice’s legacy “is very much up to us over these last two months,” stressing the importance of keeping President Trump from appointing Ginsburg’s successor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by Wiener, who called Ginsburg a “hero,” and emphasized the need to “fight to make sure Donald Trump and Mitch McConnell don’t steal this election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Rosenmoss, she pointed to her two daughters — one in medical school, one applying to law school — as carrying on Ginsburg’s legacy. More broadly, Rosenmoss gestured to the battles that Ginsburg fought “in her life to be an attorney and a mom and a married person. It’s really sad that we have to, every day, keep fighting those fights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Stephan Ferris lights a candle for Cleve Jones during a vigil to honor the life of Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838878\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/002_KQED_SanFrancisco_RGBVigil_09182020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephan Ferris lights a candle for Cleve Jones during a vigil to honor the life of Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the Castro on Sep. 18, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speakers urged those assembled to vote, stay politically involved, and organize in swing states. Many shared messages of hope for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Have her memory be a blessing and move forward to build a better country and a safer world,” said Jones. “That is what she would want us to do, and we all know that.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Champion of Gender Equality, Dies at 87",
"title": "Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Champion of Gender Equality, Dies at 87",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the demure firebrand who in her 80s became a legal, cultural, and feminist icon has died. The Supreme Court announced her death, saying the cause was complications from cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Architect of the legal fight for women's rights in the 1970s, Ginsburg subsequently served 27 years on the nation's highest court, becoming its most prominent member. Her death will inevitably set in motion what promises to be a nasty and tumultuous political battle over who will succeed her, and it thrusts the Supreme Court vacancy into the spotlight of the presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just days before her death, as her strength waned, Ginsburg dictated this statement to her granddaughter Clara Spera: \"My most fervent wish is that I will not be replaced until a new president is installed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She knew what was to come. Ginsburg's death will have profound consequences for the court and the country. Inside the court, not only is the leader of the liberal wing gone, but with the Court about to open a new term, Chief Justice John Roberts no longer holds the controlling vote in closely contested cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he has a consistently conservative record in most cases, he has split from fellow conservatives in a few important ones, this year casting his vote with liberals, for instance, to at least temporarily protect the so-called Dreamers from deportation by the Trump administration, to uphold a major abortion precedent, and to uphold bans on large church gatherings during the coronavirus pandemic. But with Ginsburg gone, there is no clear court majority for those outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838795\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1982px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838795 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1982\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2.jpg 1982w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1982px) 100vw, 1982px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg speaks during the annual meeting of the American Society of International Law in Washington on April 1, 2005. \u003ccite>(Haraz Ghanbari/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Upcoming Political Battle\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a week after the upcoming presidential election, the court is for the third time scheduled to hear a challenge brought by Republicans to the Affordable Care Act, known as Obamacare. In 2012 the high court upheld the law by a 5-to-4 vote, with Chief Justice Roberts casting the deciding vote and writing the opinion for the majority. But this time the outcome may well be different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's because Ginsburg's death gives Republicans the chance to tighten their grip on the court with another Trump appointment that would give conservatives a 6-to-3 majority. And that would mean that even a defection on the right would leave conservatives with enough votes to prevail in the Obamacare case and many others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the battle to achieve that will be Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. In 2016 he took a step unprecedented in modern times: He refused for nearly a year to allow any consideration of President Obama's supreme court nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg']'My most fervent wish is that I will not be replaced until a new president is installed.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, McConnell's justification was the upcoming presidential election, which he said would allow voters a chance to weigh in on what kind of justice they wanted. But now, with the tables turned, McConnell has made clear he will not follow the same course. Instead he will try immediately push through a Trump nominee so as to ensure a conservative justice to fill Ginsburg's liberal shoes, even if President Trump were to lose his reelection bid. Asked what he would do in circumstances like these, McConnell said: \"Oh, we'd fill it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what happens in the coming weeks will be bare-knuckle politics, writ large, on the stage of a presidential election. It will be a fight Ginsburg had hoped to avoid, telling Justice Stevens shortly before his death that she hoped to serve as long as he did — until age 90.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My dream is that I will stay on the court as long as he did,\" she said in an interview in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838802 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1705\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-2048x1364.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg hugs President Barack Obama as he arrives to deliver his State of the Union speech on Capitol Hill on Feb. 12, 2013. \u003ccite>(Jason Reed/Reuters /Landov)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>'Tough As Nails'\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>She didn't quite make it. But Ruth Bader Ginsburg was nonetheless an historic figure. She changed the way the world is for American women. For more than a decade, until her first judicial appointment in 1980, she led the fight in the courts for gender equality. When she began her legal crusade, women were treated, by law, differently from men. Hundreds of state and federal laws restricted what women could do, barring them from jobs, rights and even from jury service. By the time she donned judicial robes, however, Ginsburg had worked a revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was never more evident than in 1996 when, as a relatively new Supreme Court justice, Ginsburg wrote the court's 7-to-1 opinion declaring that the Virginia Military Institute could no longer remain an all-male institution. True, said Ginsburg, most women — indeed most men — would not want to meet the rigorous demands of VMI. But the state, she said, could not exclude women who could meet those demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Reliance on overbroad generalizations ... estimates about the way most men or most women are, will not suffice to deny opportunity to women whose talent and capacity place them outside the average description,\" Ginsburg wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was an unlikely pioneer, a diminutive and shy woman, whose soft voice and large glasses hid an intellect and attitude that, as one colleague put it, was \"tough as nails.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she was in her 80s, she had become something of a rock star to women of all ages. She was the subject of a hit documentary, a biopic, an operetta, merchandise galore featuring her \"Notorious RBG\" moniker, a Time magazine cover, and regular \"Saturday Night Live\" sketches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On one occasion in 2016, Ginsburg got herself into trouble and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/07/14/486080234/listen-justice-ginsburg-expands-on-decision-to-apologize-for-trump-remarks\">later publicly apologized\u003c/a> for disparaging remarks she made about then-presidential candidate Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the most part Ginsburg enjoyed her fame and maintained a sense of humor about herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the fact that she had apparently fallen asleep during the 2015 State of the Union address, Ginsburg did not take the Fifth, admitting that although she had vowed not to drink at dinner with the other justices before the speech, the wine had just been too good to resist. The result, she said, was that she was perhaps not an entirely \"sober judge\" and kept nodding off.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The Road To Law\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Born in Brooklyn, N.Y., Ruth Bader went to public schools, where she excelled as a student — and as a baton twirler. By all accounts, it was her mother who was the driving force in her young life, but Celia Bader died of cancer the day before the future Justice would graduate from high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then 17, Ruth Bader went on to Cornell on full scholarship, where she met Martin (aka \"Marty\") Ginsburg. \"What made Marty so overwhelmingly attractive to me was that he cared that I had a brain,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After her graduation, they were married and went off to Fort Sill, Okla., for his military service. There Mrs. Ginsburg, despite scoring high on the civil service exam, could only get a job as a typist, and when she became pregnant, she lost even that job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the couple returned to the East Coast to attend Harvard Law School. She was one of only nine women in a class of over 500 and found the dean asking her why she was taking up a place that \"should go to a man.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Harvard, she was the academic star, not Marty. The couple was busy juggling schedules, and their toddler when Marty was diagnosed with testicular cancer. Surgeries and aggressive radiation followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So that left Ruth with a 3-year-old child, a fairly sick husband, the law review, classes to attend and feeding me,\" said Marty Ginsburg in a 1993 interview with NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experience also taught the future justice that sleep was a luxury. During the year of Marty's illness, he was only able to eat late at night; after that he would dictate his senior class paper to Ruth. At about 2 a.m., he would go back to sleep, Ginsburg recalled in an NPR interview. \"Then I'd take out the books and start reading what I needed to be prepared for classes the next day.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marty Ginsburg survived, graduated, and got a job in New York; his wife, a year behind him in school, transferred to Columbia, where she graduated at the top of her law school class. Despite her academic achievements, the doors to law firms were closed to women, and though recommended for a Supreme Court clerkship, she wasn't even interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was bad enough that she was a woman, she recalled later, but she was also a mother, and male judges worried that she would be diverted by her \"familial obligations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mentor, law professor Gerald Gunther, finally got her a clerkship in New York by promising Judge Edmund Palmieri that if she couldn't do the work, he would provide someone who could. That was \"the carrot,\" Ginsburg would say later. \"The stick\" was that Gunther, who regularly fed his best students to Palmieri, told the judge that if he didn't take Ginsburg, Gunther would never send him a clerk again. The Ginsburg clerkship apparently was a success; Palmieri kept her not for the usual one year, but two, from 1959-61.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsburg's next path is rarely talked about, mainly because it doesn't fit the narrative. She learned Swedish so she could work with Anders Berzelius, a Swedish civil procedure scholar. Through the Columbia Law School Project on International Procedure, Ginsburg and Berzelius co-authored a book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, Ginsburg finally landed a teaching job at Rutgers law school, where she at one point hid her second pregnancy by wearing her mother-in-law's clothes. The ruse worked; her contract was renewed before her new baby was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While at Rutgers, she began her work fighting gender discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1185px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838804 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1185\" height=\"790\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2.jpg 1185w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1185px) 100vw, 1185px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg and her husband, Marty, laugh as they listen to Justice Stephen Breyer speak at Columbia Law School on Sept. 12, 2003 \u003ccite>(Ed Bailey/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The 'Mother Brief'\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Her first big case was a challenge to a law that barred a Colorado man named Charles Moritz from taking a tax deduction for the care of his 89-year-old mother. The IRS said the deduction, by statute, could only be claimed by women, or widowed or divorced men. But Moritz had never married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax court concluded that the internal revenue code was immune to constitutional challenge, a notion that tax lawyer Marty Ginsburg viewed as \"preposterous.\" The two Ginsburgs took on the case, he from the tax perspective, she from the constitutional perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Marty Ginsburg, for his wife, this was the \"mother brief.\" She had to think through all the issues and how to fix the inequity. The solution was to ask the court not to invalidate the statute but to apply it equally to both sexes. She won in the lower courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Amazingly,\" he recalled in a 1993 NPR interview, the government petitioned the United States Supreme Court, stating that the decision \"cast a cloud of unconstitutionality\" over literally hundreds of federal statutes, and it attached a list of those statutes, which it compiled with Defense Department computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those laws, Marty Ginsburg added, \"were the statutes that my wife then litigated ... to overturn over the next decade.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1971, she would write her first Supreme Court brief in the case of \u003cem>Reed v. Reed. \u003c/em>Ginsburg represented Sally Reed, who thought she should be the executor of her son's estate instead of her ex-husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutional issue was whether a state could automatically prefer men over women as executors of estates. The answer from the all-male supreme court: no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time the court had ever struck down a state law because it discriminated based on gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838798\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11838798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-scaled.jpg 1980w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-800x1035.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1020x1319.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-160x207.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1188x1536.jpg 1188w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1584x2048.jpg 1584w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1920x2483.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg talks with filmmaker David Grubin about his PBS series, \u003cem>The Jewish Americans\u003c/em>, on Jan. 10, 2008. \u003ccite>(Kevin Wolf/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And that was just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then Ginsburg was earning quite a reputation. She would become the first female tenured professor at Columbia Law School, and she would found the Women's Rights Project at the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chief architect of the battle for women's legal rights, Ginsburg devised a strategy that was characteristically cautious, precise and single-mindedly aimed at one goal: winning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowing that she had to persuade male, establishment-oriented judges, she often picked male plaintiffs, and she liked Social Security cases because they illustrated how discrimination against women can harm men. For example, in \u003cem>Weinberger v. Wiesenfeld\u003c/em>, she represented a man whose wife, the principal breadwinner, died in childbirth. The husband sought survivor's benefits to care for his child, but under the then-existing Social Security law, only widows, not widowers, were entitled to such benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This absolute exclusion, based on gender per se, operates to the disadvantage of female workers, their surviving spouses, and their children,\" Ginsburg told the justices at oral argument. The Supreme Court would ultimately agree, as it did in five of the six cases she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing years, Ginsburg would file dozens of briefs seeking to persuade the courts that the 14th Amendment guarantee of equal protection applies not just to racial and ethnic minorities, but to women as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with NPR, she explained the legal theory that she eventually sold to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The words of the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause — 'nor shall any state deny to any person the equal protection of the laws.' Well that word, 'any person,' covers women as well as men. And the Supreme Court woke up to that reality in 1971,\" Ginsburg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During these pioneering years, Ginsburg would often work through the night as she had during law school. But by this time, she had two children, and she later liked to tell a story about the lesson she learned when her son, in grade school, seemed to have a proclivity for getting into trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scrapes were hardly major, and Ginsburg grew exasperated by demands from school administrators that she come in to discuss her son's alleged misbehavior. Finally, there came a day when she had had enough. \"I had stayed up all night the night before, and I said to the principal, 'This child has two parents. Please alternate calls.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, she found, the calls were few and far between. It seemed, she said, that most infractions were not worth calling a busy husband about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838809\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838809 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap120411123595_wide-5910f9126165cf78bce8466017fc59b9d3219834-2-scaled-e1600473699297.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg (left) joins the only three other women to sit on the U.S. Supreme Court — Sandra Day O'Connor, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan — in a celebration of O'Connor, the first woman justice, at the Newseum in Washington in 20 \u003ccite>(Manuel Balce Ceneta/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The Supreme Court's Second Woman\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1980 then-President Jimmy Carter named Ginsburg to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. Over the next 13 years, she would amass a record as something of a centrist liberal, and in 1993 then-President Bill Clinton nominated her to the Supreme Court, the second woman appointed to the position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was not first on his list. For months Clinton flirted with other potential nominees, and some women's rights activists withheld their active support because they were worried about Ginsburg's views on abortion. She had been publicly critical of the legal reasoning in \u003cem>Roe v. Wade. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the background, Marty Ginsburg was lobbying hard for his wife. And finally Ruth Ginsburg was invited for a meeting with the president. As one White House official put it afterward, Clinton \"fell for her--hook, line and sinker.\" So did the Senate. She was confirmed by a vote of 96 to 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838774 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Bill Clinton announces Ruth Bader Ginsburg as his nominee to the Supreme Court during a news conference in Washington D.C., on June 14, 1993. Ginsburg replaced retired Justice Byron White and became the nation's second female justice. \u003ccite>(Doug Mills/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once on the court, Ginsburg was an example of a woman who defied stereotypes. Though she looked tiny and frail, she rode horses well into her 70s and even went parasailing. At home, it was her husband who was the chef, indeed a master chef, while the justice cheerfully acknowledged that she was an awful cook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though a liberal, she and the court's conservative icon, Antonin Scalia, now deceased, were the closest of friends. Indeed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2013/07/10/200137481/scalia-v-ginsburg-supreme-court-sparring-put-to-music\">an opera called \u003cem>Scalia/Ginsburg\u003c/em>\u003c/a> is based on their legal disagreements, and their affection for each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, as Ginsburg's place on the court grew in seniority, so did her role. In 2006, as the court veered right after the retirement of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, Ginsburg dissented more often and more assertively, her most passionate dissents coming in women's rights cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dissenting in \u003cem>Ledbetter v. Goodyear\u003c/em> in 2007, she called on Congress to pass legislation that would override a court decision that drastically limited back-pay available for victims of employment discrimination. The resulting legislation was the first bill passed in 2009 after President Barack Obama took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, she dissented fiercely from the court's decision in \u003cem>Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, \u003c/em>a decision that allowed some for-profit companies to refuse, on religious grounds, to comply with a federal mandate to cover birth control in health care plans. Such an exemption, she said, would \"deny legions of women who do not hold their employers' beliefs, access to contraceptive coverage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, she asked, \"is the stopping point?\" Suppose it offends an employer's religious belief \"to pay the minimum wage\" or \"to accord women equal pay?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2013, when the court struck down a key provision of the Voting Rights Act, contending that times had changed and the law was no longer needed, Ginsburg dissented. She said that throwing out the provision \"when it has worked and is continuing to work ... is like throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Ruth Bader Ginsberg']'Some of my favorite opinions are dissenting opinions ... I will not live to see what becomes of them, but I remain hopeful'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She viewed her dissents as a chance to persuade a future court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Some of my favorite opinions are dissenting opinions,\" Ginsburg told NPR. \"I will not live to see what becomes of them, but I remain hopeful.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, Ginsburg still managed some unexpected victories by winning over one or two of the conservative justices in important cases. In 2015, for example, she authored the court's decision upholding independent redistricting commissions established by voter referenda as a way of removing some of the partisanship in drawing legislative district lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsburg always kept a backbreaking schedule of public appearances both at home and abroad\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>even after five bouts with cancer: colon cancer in 1999, pancreatic cancer 10 years later, lung cancer in 2018, and then pancreatic cancer again in 2019 and liver lesions in 2020. During that time, she endured chemotherapy, radiation, and in the last years of her life, terrible pain from shingles that never went away completely. All who knew her admired her grit. In 2009, three weeks after major cancer surgery, she surprised everyone when she showed up for the State of the Union address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after that, she was back on the bench; it was her husband Marty who told her she could do it, even when she thought she could not, she told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later her psychological toughness was on full display when her beloved husband of 56 years was mortally ill. As she packed up his things at the hospital before taking him home to die, she found a note he had written to her. \"My Dearest Ruth,\" it began, \"You are the only person I have ever loved,\" setting aside children and family. \"I have admired and loved you almost since the day we first met at Cornell....The time has come for me to ... take leave of life because the loss of quality simply overwhelms. I hope you will support where I come out, but I understand you may not. I will not love you a jot less.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after that, Marty Ginsburg died at home. The next day, his wife, the justice, was on the bench, reading an important opinion she had authored for the court. She was there, she said, because \"Marty would have wanted it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, she would read the letter aloud in an NPR interview, and at the end, choke down the tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after Marty's death, she would persevere without him, maintaining a jam-packed schedule when she was not on the bench or working on opinions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some liberals criticicized her for not retiring while Obama was president, but she was at the top of her game, enjoyed her work enormously, and feared that Republicans might not confirm a successor. She was an avid consumer of opera, literature, and modern art. But in the end, it was her work, she said, that sustained her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do think that I was born under a very bright star,\" she said in an NPR interview. \"Because if you think about my life, I get out of law school. I have top grades. No law firm in the city of New York will hire me. I end up teaching; it gave me time to devote to the movement for evening out the rights of women and men. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it was that legal crusade for women's rights that ultimately led to her appointment to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the end of her tenure, she remained a special kind of feminist, both decorous and dogged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Ruth+Bader+Ginsburg%2C+Champion+Of+Gender+Equality%2C+Dies+At+87&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the demure firebrand who in her 80s became a legal, cultural, and feminist icon has died. The Supreme Court announced her death, saying the cause was complications from cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Architect of the legal fight for women's rights in the 1970s, Ginsburg subsequently served 27 years on the nation's highest court, becoming its most prominent member. Her death will inevitably set in motion what promises to be a nasty and tumultuous political battle over who will succeed her, and it thrusts the Supreme Court vacancy into the spotlight of the presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just days before her death, as her strength waned, Ginsburg dictated this statement to her granddaughter Clara Spera: \"My most fervent wish is that I will not be replaced until a new president is installed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She knew what was to come. Ginsburg's death will have profound consequences for the court and the country. Inside the court, not only is the leader of the liberal wing gone, but with the Court about to open a new term, Chief Justice John Roberts no longer holds the controlling vote in closely contested cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he has a consistently conservative record in most cases, he has split from fellow conservatives in a few important ones, this year casting his vote with liberals, for instance, to at least temporarily protect the so-called Dreamers from deportation by the Trump administration, to uphold a major abortion precedent, and to uphold bans on large church gatherings during the coronavirus pandemic. But with Ginsburg gone, there is no clear court majority for those outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838795\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1982px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838795 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1982\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2.jpg 1982w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_12_slide-93969b5aa430b7b6996ffc5f8f081178be82fa88-2-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1982px) 100vw, 1982px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg speaks during the annual meeting of the American Society of International Law in Washington on April 1, 2005. \u003ccite>(Haraz Ghanbari/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Upcoming Political Battle\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a week after the upcoming presidential election, the court is for the third time scheduled to hear a challenge brought by Republicans to the Affordable Care Act, known as Obamacare. In 2012 the high court upheld the law by a 5-to-4 vote, with Chief Justice Roberts casting the deciding vote and writing the opinion for the majority. But this time the outcome may well be different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's because Ginsburg's death gives Republicans the chance to tighten their grip on the court with another Trump appointment that would give conservatives a 6-to-3 majority. And that would mean that even a defection on the right would leave conservatives with enough votes to prevail in the Obamacare case and many others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the battle to achieve that will be Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. In 2016 he took a step unprecedented in modern times: He refused for nearly a year to allow any consideration of President Obama's supreme court nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, McConnell's justification was the upcoming presidential election, which he said would allow voters a chance to weigh in on what kind of justice they wanted. But now, with the tables turned, McConnell has made clear he will not follow the same course. Instead he will try immediately push through a Trump nominee so as to ensure a conservative justice to fill Ginsburg's liberal shoes, even if President Trump were to lose his reelection bid. Asked what he would do in circumstances like these, McConnell said: \"Oh, we'd fill it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what happens in the coming weeks will be bare-knuckle politics, writ large, on the stage of a presidential election. It will be a fight Ginsburg had hoped to avoid, telling Justice Stevens shortly before his death that she hoped to serve as long as he did — until age 90.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My dream is that I will stay on the court as long as he did,\" she said in an interview in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838802 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1705\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-2048x1364.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/11076641_h21192027_slide-6dd2122ae20b3e23ba078e4afeb0c7cfce0227b8-2-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg hugs President Barack Obama as he arrives to deliver his State of the Union speech on Capitol Hill on Feb. 12, 2013. \u003ccite>(Jason Reed/Reuters /Landov)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>'Tough As Nails'\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>She didn't quite make it. But Ruth Bader Ginsburg was nonetheless an historic figure. She changed the way the world is for American women. For more than a decade, until her first judicial appointment in 1980, she led the fight in the courts for gender equality. When she began her legal crusade, women were treated, by law, differently from men. Hundreds of state and federal laws restricted what women could do, barring them from jobs, rights and even from jury service. By the time she donned judicial robes, however, Ginsburg had worked a revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was never more evident than in 1996 when, as a relatively new Supreme Court justice, Ginsburg wrote the court's 7-to-1 opinion declaring that the Virginia Military Institute could no longer remain an all-male institution. True, said Ginsburg, most women — indeed most men — would not want to meet the rigorous demands of VMI. But the state, she said, could not exclude women who could meet those demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Reliance on overbroad generalizations ... estimates about the way most men or most women are, will not suffice to deny opportunity to women whose talent and capacity place them outside the average description,\" Ginsburg wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was an unlikely pioneer, a diminutive and shy woman, whose soft voice and large glasses hid an intellect and attitude that, as one colleague put it, was \"tough as nails.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time she was in her 80s, she had become something of a rock star to women of all ages. She was the subject of a hit documentary, a biopic, an operetta, merchandise galore featuring her \"Notorious RBG\" moniker, a Time magazine cover, and regular \"Saturday Night Live\" sketches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On one occasion in 2016, Ginsburg got herself into trouble and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/07/14/486080234/listen-justice-ginsburg-expands-on-decision-to-apologize-for-trump-remarks\">later publicly apologized\u003c/a> for disparaging remarks she made about then-presidential candidate Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the most part Ginsburg enjoyed her fame and maintained a sense of humor about herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the fact that she had apparently fallen asleep during the 2015 State of the Union address, Ginsburg did not take the Fifth, admitting that although she had vowed not to drink at dinner with the other justices before the speech, the wine had just been too good to resist. The result, she said, was that she was perhaps not an entirely \"sober judge\" and kept nodding off.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The Road To Law\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Born in Brooklyn, N.Y., Ruth Bader went to public schools, where she excelled as a student — and as a baton twirler. By all accounts, it was her mother who was the driving force in her young life, but Celia Bader died of cancer the day before the future Justice would graduate from high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then 17, Ruth Bader went on to Cornell on full scholarship, where she met Martin (aka \"Marty\") Ginsburg. \"What made Marty so overwhelmingly attractive to me was that he cared that I had a brain,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After her graduation, they were married and went off to Fort Sill, Okla., for his military service. There Mrs. Ginsburg, despite scoring high on the civil service exam, could only get a job as a typist, and when she became pregnant, she lost even that job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the couple returned to the East Coast to attend Harvard Law School. She was one of only nine women in a class of over 500 and found the dean asking her why she was taking up a place that \"should go to a man.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Harvard, she was the academic star, not Marty. The couple was busy juggling schedules, and their toddler when Marty was diagnosed with testicular cancer. Surgeries and aggressive radiation followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So that left Ruth with a 3-year-old child, a fairly sick husband, the law review, classes to attend and feeding me,\" said Marty Ginsburg in a 1993 interview with NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experience also taught the future justice that sleep was a luxury. During the year of Marty's illness, he was only able to eat late at night; after that he would dictate his senior class paper to Ruth. At about 2 a.m., he would go back to sleep, Ginsburg recalled in an NPR interview. \"Then I'd take out the books and start reading what I needed to be prepared for classes the next day.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marty Ginsburg survived, graduated, and got a job in New York; his wife, a year behind him in school, transferred to Columbia, where she graduated at the top of her law school class. Despite her academic achievements, the doors to law firms were closed to women, and though recommended for a Supreme Court clerkship, she wasn't even interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was bad enough that she was a woman, she recalled later, but she was also a mother, and male judges worried that she would be diverted by her \"familial obligations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mentor, law professor Gerald Gunther, finally got her a clerkship in New York by promising Judge Edmund Palmieri that if she couldn't do the work, he would provide someone who could. That was \"the carrot,\" Ginsburg would say later. \"The stick\" was that Gunther, who regularly fed his best students to Palmieri, told the judge that if he didn't take Ginsburg, Gunther would never send him a clerk again. The Ginsburg clerkship apparently was a success; Palmieri kept her not for the usual one year, but two, from 1959-61.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsburg's next path is rarely talked about, mainly because it doesn't fit the narrative. She learned Swedish so she could work with Anders Berzelius, a Swedish civil procedure scholar. Through the Columbia Law School Project on International Procedure, Ginsburg and Berzelius co-authored a book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, Ginsburg finally landed a teaching job at Rutgers law school, where she at one point hid her second pregnancy by wearing her mother-in-law's clothes. The ruse worked; her contract was renewed before her new baby was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While at Rutgers, she began her work fighting gender discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1185px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838804 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1185\" height=\"790\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2.jpg 1185w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap03091207588_slide-1f65fe415831459bc01bfcf6e20b79d72a4ed335-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1185px) 100vw, 1185px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg and her husband, Marty, laugh as they listen to Justice Stephen Breyer speak at Columbia Law School on Sept. 12, 2003 \u003ccite>(Ed Bailey/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The 'Mother Brief'\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Her first big case was a challenge to a law that barred a Colorado man named Charles Moritz from taking a tax deduction for the care of his 89-year-old mother. The IRS said the deduction, by statute, could only be claimed by women, or widowed or divorced men. But Moritz had never married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax court concluded that the internal revenue code was immune to constitutional challenge, a notion that tax lawyer Marty Ginsburg viewed as \"preposterous.\" The two Ginsburgs took on the case, he from the tax perspective, she from the constitutional perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Marty Ginsburg, for his wife, this was the \"mother brief.\" She had to think through all the issues and how to fix the inequity. The solution was to ask the court not to invalidate the statute but to apply it equally to both sexes. She won in the lower courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Amazingly,\" he recalled in a 1993 NPR interview, the government petitioned the United States Supreme Court, stating that the decision \"cast a cloud of unconstitutionality\" over literally hundreds of federal statutes, and it attached a list of those statutes, which it compiled with Defense Department computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those laws, Marty Ginsburg added, \"were the statutes that my wife then litigated ... to overturn over the next decade.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1971, she would write her first Supreme Court brief in the case of \u003cem>Reed v. Reed. \u003c/em>Ginsburg represented Sally Reed, who thought she should be the executor of her son's estate instead of her ex-husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutional issue was whether a state could automatically prefer men over women as executors of estates. The answer from the all-male supreme court: no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time the court had ever struck down a state law because it discriminated based on gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838798\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11838798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-scaled.jpg 1980w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-800x1035.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1020x1319.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-160x207.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1188x1536.jpg 1188w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1584x2048.jpg 1584w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_17-259490fa8dad7bbf54882da381ffae57a4ccc155-2-1920x2483.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg talks with filmmaker David Grubin about his PBS series, \u003cem>The Jewish Americans\u003c/em>, on Jan. 10, 2008. \u003ccite>(Kevin Wolf/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And that was just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then Ginsburg was earning quite a reputation. She would become the first female tenured professor at Columbia Law School, and she would found the Women's Rights Project at the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chief architect of the battle for women's legal rights, Ginsburg devised a strategy that was characteristically cautious, precise and single-mindedly aimed at one goal: winning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowing that she had to persuade male, establishment-oriented judges, she often picked male plaintiffs, and she liked Social Security cases because they illustrated how discrimination against women can harm men. For example, in \u003cem>Weinberger v. Wiesenfeld\u003c/em>, she represented a man whose wife, the principal breadwinner, died in childbirth. The husband sought survivor's benefits to care for his child, but under the then-existing Social Security law, only widows, not widowers, were entitled to such benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This absolute exclusion, based on gender per se, operates to the disadvantage of female workers, their surviving spouses, and their children,\" Ginsburg told the justices at oral argument. The Supreme Court would ultimately agree, as it did in five of the six cases she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing years, Ginsburg would file dozens of briefs seeking to persuade the courts that the 14th Amendment guarantee of equal protection applies not just to racial and ethnic minorities, but to women as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with NPR, she explained the legal theory that she eventually sold to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The words of the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause — 'nor shall any state deny to any person the equal protection of the laws.' Well that word, 'any person,' covers women as well as men. And the Supreme Court woke up to that reality in 1971,\" Ginsburg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During these pioneering years, Ginsburg would often work through the night as she had during law school. But by this time, she had two children, and she later liked to tell a story about the lesson she learned when her son, in grade school, seemed to have a proclivity for getting into trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scrapes were hardly major, and Ginsburg grew exasperated by demands from school administrators that she come in to discuss her son's alleged misbehavior. Finally, there came a day when she had had enough. \"I had stayed up all night the night before, and I said to the principal, 'This child has two parents. Please alternate calls.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, she found, the calls were few and far between. It seemed, she said, that most infractions were not worth calling a busy husband about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838809\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838809 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ap120411123595_wide-5910f9126165cf78bce8466017fc59b9d3219834-2-scaled-e1600473699297.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ginsburg (left) joins the only three other women to sit on the U.S. Supreme Court — Sandra Day O'Connor, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan — in a celebration of O'Connor, the first woman justice, at the Newseum in Washington in 20 \u003ccite>(Manuel Balce Ceneta/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The Supreme Court's Second Woman\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1980 then-President Jimmy Carter named Ginsburg to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. Over the next 13 years, she would amass a record as something of a centrist liberal, and in 1993 then-President Bill Clinton nominated her to the Supreme Court, the second woman appointed to the position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was not first on his list. For months Clinton flirted with other potential nominees, and some women's rights activists withheld their active support because they were worried about Ginsburg's views on abortion. She had been publicly critical of the legal reasoning in \u003cem>Roe v. Wade. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the background, Marty Ginsburg was lobbying hard for his wife. And finally Ruth Ginsburg was invited for a meeting with the president. As one White House official put it afterward, Clinton \"fell for her--hook, line and sinker.\" So did the Senate. She was confirmed by a vote of 96 to 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11838774 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/ruth_04_slide-e0cecae8ed53293f57d73bceba92176c9c11813f-1-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Bill Clinton announces Ruth Bader Ginsburg as his nominee to the Supreme Court during a news conference in Washington D.C., on June 14, 1993. Ginsburg replaced retired Justice Byron White and became the nation's second female justice. \u003ccite>(Doug Mills/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once on the court, Ginsburg was an example of a woman who defied stereotypes. Though she looked tiny and frail, she rode horses well into her 70s and even went parasailing. At home, it was her husband who was the chef, indeed a master chef, while the justice cheerfully acknowledged that she was an awful cook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though a liberal, she and the court's conservative icon, Antonin Scalia, now deceased, were the closest of friends. Indeed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2013/07/10/200137481/scalia-v-ginsburg-supreme-court-sparring-put-to-music\">an opera called \u003cem>Scalia/Ginsburg\u003c/em>\u003c/a> is based on their legal disagreements, and their affection for each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, as Ginsburg's place on the court grew in seniority, so did her role. In 2006, as the court veered right after the retirement of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, Ginsburg dissented more often and more assertively, her most passionate dissents coming in women's rights cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dissenting in \u003cem>Ledbetter v. Goodyear\u003c/em> in 2007, she called on Congress to pass legislation that would override a court decision that drastically limited back-pay available for victims of employment discrimination. The resulting legislation was the first bill passed in 2009 after President Barack Obama took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, she dissented fiercely from the court's decision in \u003cem>Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, \u003c/em>a decision that allowed some for-profit companies to refuse, on religious grounds, to comply with a federal mandate to cover birth control in health care plans. Such an exemption, she said, would \"deny legions of women who do not hold their employers' beliefs, access to contraceptive coverage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, she asked, \"is the stopping point?\" Suppose it offends an employer's religious belief \"to pay the minimum wage\" or \"to accord women equal pay?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2013, when the court struck down a key provision of the Voting Rights Act, contending that times had changed and the law was no longer needed, Ginsburg dissented. She said that throwing out the provision \"when it has worked and is continuing to work ... is like throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She viewed her dissents as a chance to persuade a future court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Some of my favorite opinions are dissenting opinions,\" Ginsburg told NPR. \"I will not live to see what becomes of them, but I remain hopeful.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, Ginsburg still managed some unexpected victories by winning over one or two of the conservative justices in important cases. In 2015, for example, she authored the court's decision upholding independent redistricting commissions established by voter referenda as a way of removing some of the partisanship in drawing legislative district lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsburg always kept a backbreaking schedule of public appearances both at home and abroad\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>even after five bouts with cancer: colon cancer in 1999, pancreatic cancer 10 years later, lung cancer in 2018, and then pancreatic cancer again in 2019 and liver lesions in 2020. During that time, she endured chemotherapy, radiation, and in the last years of her life, terrible pain from shingles that never went away completely. All who knew her admired her grit. In 2009, three weeks after major cancer surgery, she surprised everyone when she showed up for the State of the Union address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after that, she was back on the bench; it was her husband Marty who told her she could do it, even when she thought she could not, she told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later her psychological toughness was on full display when her beloved husband of 56 years was mortally ill. As she packed up his things at the hospital before taking him home to die, she found a note he had written to her. \"My Dearest Ruth,\" it began, \"You are the only person I have ever loved,\" setting aside children and family. \"I have admired and loved you almost since the day we first met at Cornell....The time has come for me to ... take leave of life because the loss of quality simply overwhelms. I hope you will support where I come out, but I understand you may not. I will not love you a jot less.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after that, Marty Ginsburg died at home. The next day, his wife, the justice, was on the bench, reading an important opinion she had authored for the court. She was there, she said, because \"Marty would have wanted it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, she would read the letter aloud in an NPR interview, and at the end, choke down the tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after Marty's death, she would persevere without him, maintaining a jam-packed schedule when she was not on the bench or working on opinions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some liberals criticicized her for not retiring while Obama was president, but she was at the top of her game, enjoyed her work enormously, and feared that Republicans might not confirm a successor. She was an avid consumer of opera, literature, and modern art. But in the end, it was her work, she said, that sustained her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do think that I was born under a very bright star,\" she said in an NPR interview. \"Because if you think about my life, I get out of law school. I have top grades. No law firm in the city of New York will hire me. I end up teaching; it gave me time to devote to the movement for evening out the rights of women and men. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it was that legal crusade for women's rights that ultimately led to her appointment to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the end of her tenure, she remained a special kind of feminist, both decorous and dogged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Ruth+Bader+Ginsburg%2C+Champion+Of+Gender+Equality%2C+Dies+At+87&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For thousands of young immigrants across California who have relied on temporary protection from deportation under the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling Thursday blocking the Trump administration’s effort to end DACA was a cause for rejoicing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very excited. We’re celebrating,” said San Diego attorney Dulce García, 37, a lead plaintiff in one of several lawsuits before the court arguing that the way the administration moved to end DACA in 2017 was arbitrary and capricious. “A big weight has been lifted off our shoulders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Robert Núñez, 25, an advocate with the nonprofit Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, said on hearing the news he felt “a sigh of relief, an immense feeling of victory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz resident Adrian Escárate, 31, communications coordinator for the immigrant advocacy group Define American, said of the years of waiting for a court decision, “It has been a whirlwind, a roller coaster. It’s pretty surreal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The celebrating didn’t last long. In a matter of hours, DACA recipients and their supporters were beginning to organize for a more permanent path to legal status in the country where they’ve come of age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825090/supreme-court-rules-against-trump-administration-in-daca-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">5-4 opinion\u003c/a>, written by Chief Justice John Roberts, didn’t defend DACA itself, it merely said the government had failed to follow proper procedures in ending it, suggesting that the Department of Homeland Security could try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the 650,000 people with DACA — 185,000 of them in California — retain their protection and work authorization. It also appears that the government must again accept first-time applications, and more than 60,000 undocumented teenagers who were brought to the U.S. as children can now apply because they’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/consideration-deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-daca#guidelines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reached the application age of 15\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates in a video press conference Thursday said they plan to push for legislation that would offer permanent protection for all 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S. — something that will require action by the U.S. Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that the DACA program was first created by President Barack Obama in 2012 is a testament to the persistent and savvy activism of Dreamers, young undocumented immigrants who’ve spent most of their lives in this country, said José Muñoz, communications manager for United We Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was undocumented young people who were courageous and fearless, pushing Obama to act,” said Muñoz. A DACA recipient from Mexico, he has lived in the U.S. since he was a 3-month-old infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz said the massive, spontaneous Black Lives Matter protests of recent weeks are a new source of inspiration to immigrant advocates, who see common ground in the search for racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot of fire in this moment,” he said. “We’re seeing people taking to the streets … led by Black people who are demanding a defunding of the police. We’re seeing the spirit of people coming together saying enough is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Central American Resource Center in San Francisco, Director Lariza Dugan-Cuadra said her primary concern is to explain the Supreme Court ruling to the roughly 400 DACA recipients the nonprofit assists, and ensure that they take steps to renew their DACA status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First we’re all taking a deep breath,” said Dugan-Cuadra. “It’s just nice to have good news.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, she said, her group is building alliances to advocate for a path to citizenship for Dreamers and other undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time the DREAM Act was introduced in Congress was 2001. It had bipartisan support then. And today, large majorities of Americans — including 69% of Trump voters in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2020/06/17/trump-supporters-dreamers-poll-323432\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Politico poll\u003c/a> — say Dreamers should be allowed to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the House of Representatives passed the latest version known as the American Dream and Promise Act. But the Republican-controlled Senate hasn’t taken it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren, a Democrat who supports legalization, said that’s unlikely to happen unless Democrats win the Senate in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happens in the upcoming election is going to be very important for the fate of these young people,” Lofgren said. “It’s so clear: The difference on this issue between the two parties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Dreamers themselves can’t vote, they can encourage others to do so. Muñoz said that three of his siblings are U.S. citizens who plan to vote in November. By his estimate, the nation’s 650,000 DACA recipients belong to families with 2.5 million voting-age citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to continue to see folks taking to the streets,” he said. “And for us there will be a big push to do engagement with voters. This is a consequential election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Julie Small contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For thousands of young immigrants across California who have relied on temporary protection from deportation under the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling Thursday blocking the Trump administration’s effort to end DACA was a cause for rejoicing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very excited. We’re celebrating,” said San Diego attorney Dulce García, 37, a lead plaintiff in one of several lawsuits before the court arguing that the way the administration moved to end DACA in 2017 was arbitrary and capricious. “A big weight has been lifted off our shoulders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Robert Núñez, 25, an advocate with the nonprofit Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, said on hearing the news he felt “a sigh of relief, an immense feeling of victory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz resident Adrian Escárate, 31, communications coordinator for the immigrant advocacy group Define American, said of the years of waiting for a court decision, “It has been a whirlwind, a roller coaster. It’s pretty surreal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The celebrating didn’t last long. In a matter of hours, DACA recipients and their supporters were beginning to organize for a more permanent path to legal status in the country where they’ve come of age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825090/supreme-court-rules-against-trump-administration-in-daca-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">5-4 opinion\u003c/a>, written by Chief Justice John Roberts, didn’t defend DACA itself, it merely said the government had failed to follow proper procedures in ending it, suggesting that the Department of Homeland Security could try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the 650,000 people with DACA — 185,000 of them in California — retain their protection and work authorization. It also appears that the government must again accept first-time applications, and more than 60,000 undocumented teenagers who were brought to the U.S. as children can now apply because they’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/consideration-deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-daca#guidelines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reached the application age of 15\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates in a video press conference Thursday said they plan to push for legislation that would offer permanent protection for all 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S. — something that will require action by the U.S. Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that the DACA program was first created by President Barack Obama in 2012 is a testament to the persistent and savvy activism of Dreamers, young undocumented immigrants who’ve spent most of their lives in this country, said José Muñoz, communications manager for United We Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was undocumented young people who were courageous and fearless, pushing Obama to act,” said Muñoz. A DACA recipient from Mexico, he has lived in the U.S. since he was a 3-month-old infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz said the massive, spontaneous Black Lives Matter protests of recent weeks are a new source of inspiration to immigrant advocates, who see common ground in the search for racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot of fire in this moment,” he said. “We’re seeing people taking to the streets … led by Black people who are demanding a defunding of the police. We’re seeing the spirit of people coming together saying enough is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Central American Resource Center in San Francisco, Director Lariza Dugan-Cuadra said her primary concern is to explain the Supreme Court ruling to the roughly 400 DACA recipients the nonprofit assists, and ensure that they take steps to renew their DACA status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First we’re all taking a deep breath,” said Dugan-Cuadra. “It’s just nice to have good news.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, she said, her group is building alliances to advocate for a path to citizenship for Dreamers and other undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time the DREAM Act was introduced in Congress was 2001. It had bipartisan support then. And today, large majorities of Americans — including 69% of Trump voters in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2020/06/17/trump-supporters-dreamers-poll-323432\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Politico poll\u003c/a> — say Dreamers should be allowed to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the House of Representatives passed the latest version known as the American Dream and Promise Act. But the Republican-controlled Senate hasn’t taken it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren, a Democrat who supports legalization, said that’s unlikely to happen unless Democrats win the Senate in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happens in the upcoming election is going to be very important for the fate of these young people,” Lofgren said. “It’s so clear: The difference on this issue between the two parties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Dreamers themselves can’t vote, they can encourage others to do so. Muñoz said that three of his siblings are U.S. citizens who plan to vote in November. By his estimate, the nation’s 650,000 DACA recipients belong to families with 2.5 million voting-age citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to continue to see folks taking to the streets,” he said. “And for us there will be a big push to do engagement with voters. This is a consequential election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Julie Small contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump falsely claimed that some Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipients \"are very tough, hardened criminals\" on the same day the \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorescotusdaca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Supreme Court heard arguments\u003c/a> about the immigration program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DACA program bars anyone with a felony conviction — and even serious misdemeanors — from participating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now we can add tough, hardened DACA criminals to Trump's fever dreams of \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/01/10/unbelievable-vehicles-used-smuggle-immigrants-are-mostly-factory-issue-sedans/?utm_term=.507e20a25a5c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unbelievable vehicles\u003c/a>\" and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedailybeast.com/trumps-missing-dnc-server-is-neither-missing-nor-a-server\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">missing server\u003c/a> in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"disqusTitle": "Supreme Court's Conservatives Seem to Back Trump on DACA",
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"content": "\u003cp>WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court's conservative majority seems prepared to let the Trump administration end a program that allows some undocumented immigrants to work legally in the United States and protects them from deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There did not appear to be any support among the five conservatives in extended arguments Tuesday for blocking the administration's decision to wind down the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. It currently protects 660,000 immigrants who came to the United States as children and are here illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Brett Kavanaugh were among the justices who indicated that the administration has provided sufficient reason for wanting to do away with the program. Justices Neil Gorsuch and Samuel Alito raised questions about whether courts should even be reviewing the executive branch's discretionary decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the Supreme Court, more than 1,000 DACA recipients and supporters rallied and chanted, “Sin papeles. Sin miedo. Undocumented. Unafraid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jirayut \"New\" Latthivongskorn, a medical resident at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital and DACA recipient, traveled to the hearing and said he could hear the chants from inside the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My nerves were all gone,” said Latthivongskorn, who is also one of the plaintiffs challenging the Trump administration's decision to end DACA. “It was more so pride and just certainty in our community that showed us they had the courage to be here today to say we will not go down without a fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court's decision is expected by June, at the height of the 2020 presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program was begun under President Barack Obama. The Trump administration announced in September 2017 that it would end DACA protections, but lower federal courts have stepped in to keep the program alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump tweeted Tuesday that if the Supreme Court overturns the immigrants' protections \"a deal will be made with the Dems for them to stay!\" But Trump's past promises to work with Democrats on a legislative solution for these immigrants have not led to an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1194219655717642240\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said in his tweet that many program participants are \"far from 'angels,' \" and he falsely claimed that \"some are very tough, hardened criminals.\" The program bars anyone with a felony conviction from participating. Serious misdemeanors may also bar eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor made the only direct reference to Trump, saying he told DACA recipients \"that they were safe under him and that he'd find a way to keep them here. And he hasn't.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also complained that the administration's rationale has shifted over time and that it has mainly relied on the view that DACA is illegal, leaving no choice but to end it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her most pointed comment, Sotomayor said the administration has failed to plainly say, \"This is about our choice to destroy lives.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solicitor General Noel Francisco, Trump's top Supreme Court lawyer, did not directly respond to Sotomayor. But near the end of the 80-minute arguments, he asserted that the administration has taken responsibility for its decision and is not relying only on its belief that DACA is illegal. \"We own this,\" Francisco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11785839' hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/DACA-Protester-SCOTUS-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts, who could hold the pivotal vote on the court, aimed his few questions at lawyers representing DACA recipients and their supporters. He did not seriously question the administration's argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in June the chief justice surprised many observers when he cast the deciding vote to prevent the administration from adding a citizenship question to the 2020 census, despite not voicing much skepticism during arguments in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some DACA recipients who are part of the lawsuit against Trump's action were in the courtroom for the arguments. Many people camped out in front of the court for days for a chance at some of the few seats available to the general public. Roberts rejected a request to provide live or same-day audio of the arguments. The court will post the audio on its website on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court agrees with the administration in the DACA case, Congress could follow up by putting the program on surer legal footing. But the absence of comprehensive immigration reform from Congress is what prompted Obama to create DACA in 2012, giving people two-year renewable reprieves from the threat of deportation while also allowing them to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts struck down an expansion of DACA and the creation of similar protections for undocumented immigrants whose children are U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric was a key part of his presidential campaign in 2016, and his administration pointed to the invalidation of the expansion and the threat of a lawsuit against DACA by Texas and other Republican-led states as reasons to bring the program to a halt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young immigrants, civil rights groups, universities and Democratic-led cities and states sued to block the administration. They persuaded courts in New York, San Francisco and Washington, D.C., that the administration had been \"arbitrary and capricious\" in its actions, in violation of a federal law that requires policy changes to be done in an orderly way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra called Tuesday an important day for DACA recipients, also known as Dreamers, and for the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was a fight for the values that have made America the beacon of hope around the world, the place that people wish to come to live out their dreams,\" Becerra said. \"And I believe that nine justices heard why we must continue to have that as our legacy ... I think it also stood out that the actions by the Trump administration were not only unlawful, but were unwise and would be consequential for so many Americans.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed reporting to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts, who could hold the pivotal vote on the court, aimed his few questions at lawyers representing DACA recipients and their supporters. He did not seriously question the administration's argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in June the chief justice surprised many observers when he cast the deciding vote to prevent the administration from adding a citizenship question to the 2020 census, despite not voicing much skepticism during arguments in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some DACA recipients who are part of the lawsuit against Trump's action were in the courtroom for the arguments. Many people camped out in front of the court for days for a chance at some of the few seats available to the general public. Roberts rejected a request to provide live or same-day audio of the arguments. The court will post the audio on its website on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court agrees with the administration in the DACA case, Congress could follow up by putting the program on surer legal footing. But the absence of comprehensive immigration reform from Congress is what prompted Obama to create DACA in 2012, giving people two-year renewable reprieves from the threat of deportation while also allowing them to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts struck down an expansion of DACA and the creation of similar protections for undocumented immigrants whose children are U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric was a key part of his presidential campaign in 2016, and his administration pointed to the invalidation of the expansion and the threat of a lawsuit against DACA by Texas and other Republican-led states as reasons to bring the program to a halt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young immigrants, civil rights groups, universities and Democratic-led cities and states sued to block the administration. They persuaded courts in New York, San Francisco and Washington, D.C., that the administration had been \"arbitrary and capricious\" in its actions, in violation of a federal law that requires policy changes to be done in an orderly way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra called Tuesday an important day for DACA recipients, also known as Dreamers, and for the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was a fight for the values that have made America the beacon of hope around the world, the place that people wish to come to live out their dreams,\" Becerra said. \"And I believe that nine justices heard why we must continue to have that as our legacy ... I think it also stood out that the actions by the Trump administration were not only unlawful, but were unwise and would be consequential for so many Americans.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Farida Jhabvala Romero contributed reporting to this post.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court cleared the way Friday for the Trump administration to tap billions of dollars in Pentagon funds to build sections of a border wall with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s five conservative justices gave the administration the greenlight to begin work on four contracts it has awarded using Defense Department money. Funding for the projects had been frozen by lower courts. The court’s four liberal justices wouldn’t have allowed construction to start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices’ decision to lift the freeze on the money allows Trump to make progress on a major 2016 campaign promise heading into his race for a second term. Trump tweeted after the announcement:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1154883345546928128\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trial court initially froze the funds in May and an appeals court kept that freeze in place earlier this month. The freeze had prevented the government from tapping approximately $2.5 billion in Defense Department money to replace existing sections of barrier in Arizona, California and New Mexico with more robust fencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case the Supreme Court ruled on began after the 35-day partial government shutdown that started in December of last year. Trump ended the shutdown in February after Congress gave him approximately $1.4 billion in border wall funding. But the amount was far less than the $5.7 billion he was seeking, and Trump then declared a national emergency to take cash from other government accounts to use to construct sections of wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='border-wall' label='the fight for the wall']The money Trump identified includes $3.6 billion from military construction funds, $2.5 billion in Defense Department money and $600 million from the Treasury Department’s asset forfeiture fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court involved just the $2.5 billion in Defense Department funds, which the administration says will be used to construct more than 100 miles of fencing. One project would replace 46 miles of barrier in New Mexico for $789 million. Another would replace 63 miles in Arizona for $646 million. The other two projects in California and Arizona are smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other funds were not at issue in the case. The Treasury Department funds have so far survived legal challenges, and Customs and Border Protection has earmarked the money for work in Texas’ Rio Grande Valley but has not yet awarded contracts. Transfer of the $3.6 billion in military construction funds is waiting on approval from the defense secretary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit at the Supreme Court challenging the use of the Defense Department funds was brought by the American Civil Liberties Union on behalf of the Sierra Club and Southern Border Communities Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 200 corporations, including many of America’s best-known companies, are urging the U.S. Supreme Court to rule that federal civil rights law bans job discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='U.S. Supreme Court brief submitted by more than 200 businesses']‘Even where companies voluntarily implement policies to prohibit sexual orientation or gender identity discrimination, such policies are not a substitute for the force of law.’[/pullquote]The corporations outlined their stance in a legal brief released Tuesday by a coalition of five LGBTQ rights groups. The brief is being submitted to the Supreme Court this week ahead of oral arguments before the justices on Oct. 8 on three cases that may determine whether gays, lesbians and transgender people are protected from discrimination by existing federal civil rights laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the 206 corporations endorsing the brief were Amazon, American Airlines, Bank of America, Ben & Jerry’s, Coca-Cola, Domino’s Pizza, Goldman Sachs, IBM, Microsoft, Nike, Starbucks and the Walt Disney Co.. Two major league baseball teams, the San Francisco Giants and the Tampa Bay Rays, were also among the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their brief, the companies argued that a uniform federal rule is needed to protect LGBTQ employees equally in all 50 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even where companies voluntarily implement policies to prohibit sexual orientation or gender identity discrimination, such policies are not a substitute for the force of law,” the brief argued. “Nor is the patchwork of incomplete state or local laws sufficient protection — for example, they cannot account for the cross-state mobility requirements of the modern workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such friend-of-the-court briefs are routinely submitted by interested parties ahead of major Supreme Court hearings. The extent to which they might sway justices is difficult to assess, but in this case it’s an effective way for the corporations to affirm support for LGBTQ employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal appeals courts in Chicago and New York have ruled recently that gay and lesbian employees are entitled to protection from discrimination; the federal appeals court in Cincinnati has extended similar protections for transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question now is whether the Supreme Court will follow suit, given its conservative majority strengthened by President Trump’s appointments of Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh. The three cases are the court’s first on LGBTQ rights since the retirement last year of Justice Anthony Kennedy, who authored landmark gay rights opinions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama administration had supported treating LGBTQ discrimination claims as sex discrimination, but the Trump administration has changed course. The Trump Justice Department has argued that the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964 was not intended to provide protections to gay or transgender workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies signing the brief represent more than 7 million employees and $5 trillion in annual revenue, according to the Human Rights Campaign, the largest of the LGBTQ rights groups organizing the initiative. The other organizers are Lambda Legal, Out Leadership, Out and Equal, and Freedom for All Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this critical moment in the fight for LGBTQ equality, these leading businesses are sending a clear message to the Supreme Court that LGBTQ people should, like their fellow Americans, continue to be protected from discrimination,” said Jay Brown, a Human Rights Campaign vice president. “These employers know firsthand that protecting the LGBTQ community is both good for business and the right thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the cases heading to the Supreme Court, the New York-based 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of a gay skydiving instructor who claimed he was fired because of his sexual orientation. The appeals court ruled that “sexual orientation discrimination is motivated, at least in part, by sex and is thus a subset of sex discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='lgbtq' label='More Coverage']The ruling was a victory for the relatives of Donald Zarda, now deceased, who was fired in 2010 from a skydiving job that required him to strap himself tightly to clients so they could jump in tandem from an airplane. He tried to put a woman with whom he was jumping at ease by explaining that he was gay. The school fired Zarda after the woman’s boyfriend called to complain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second case comes from Michigan, where a funeral home fired a transgender woman. The appeals court in Cincinnati ruled that the firing constituted sex discrimination under federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funeral home argues that Congress was not considering transgender people when it included sex discrimination in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. The law prohibits employment discrimination on the basis of “race, color, religion, sex or national origin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third case is from Georgia, where the federal appeals court ruled against a gay employee of Clayton County in the Atlanta suburbs. Gerald Bostock claimed he was fired in 2013 because he is gay. The county argues that Bostock was let go because of the results of a financial audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals dismissed Bostock’s claim in an opinion noting the court was bound by a 1979 decision that held “discharge for homosexuality is not prohibited by Title VII.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such friend-of-the-court briefs are routinely submitted by interested parties ahead of major Supreme Court hearings. The extent to which they might sway justices is difficult to assess, but in this case it’s an effective way for the corporations to affirm support for LGBTQ employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal appeals courts in Chicago and New York have ruled recently that gay and lesbian employees are entitled to protection from discrimination; the federal appeals court in Cincinnati has extended similar protections for transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question now is whether the Supreme Court will follow suit, given its conservative majority strengthened by President Trump’s appointments of Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh. The three cases are the court’s first on LGBTQ rights since the retirement last year of Justice Anthony Kennedy, who authored landmark gay rights opinions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama administration had supported treating LGBTQ discrimination claims as sex discrimination, but the Trump administration has changed course. The Trump Justice Department has argued that the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964 was not intended to provide protections to gay or transgender workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies signing the brief represent more than 7 million employees and $5 trillion in annual revenue, according to the Human Rights Campaign, the largest of the LGBTQ rights groups organizing the initiative. The other organizers are Lambda Legal, Out Leadership, Out and Equal, and Freedom for All Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this critical moment in the fight for LGBTQ equality, these leading businesses are sending a clear message to the Supreme Court that LGBTQ people should, like their fellow Americans, continue to be protected from discrimination,” said Jay Brown, a Human Rights Campaign vice president. “These employers know firsthand that protecting the LGBTQ community is both good for business and the right thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the cases heading to the Supreme Court, the New York-based 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of a gay skydiving instructor who claimed he was fired because of his sexual orientation. The appeals court ruled that “sexual orientation discrimination is motivated, at least in part, by sex and is thus a subset of sex discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court has agreed to determine whether the Trump administration can add a citizenship question to the 2020 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In taking up the case, the court is granting the administration's request for an immediate review of a lower court's ruling that blocked it from including the question. A hearing is expected to be held in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question asks, \"\u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4426784-Planned-Questions-2020-Acs#document/p11/a414610\">Is this person a citizen of the United States?\u003c/a>\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is locked in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/04/661932989/how-the-2020-census-citizenship-question-ended-up-in-court\">legal battle with dozens of states, cities and other groups\u003c/a> that do not want the question to appear on census forms for the constitutionally mandated head count of every person living in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau has not asked every household about citizenship status in close to 70 years, although some households have been asked a citizenship question on the smaller Census Bureau survey, known as the American Community Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4797159-Understanding-the-Quality-of-Alternative\">Citing Census Bureau research\u003c/a>, the groups suing the administration argue that asking about citizenship status will \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/663061835/citizenship-question-may-be-major-barrier-to-2020-census-participation\">depress census participation\u003c/a> among households with noncitizens, who are intended to be included in the count. That could lead to an undercount of immigrants and communities of color, which would have major implications on how political power and federal funding are shared over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pressure is mounting to resolve all of these disputes by June so that the printing of paper questionnaires for the census can proceed as scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Population counts from the census determine how many congressional seats and Electoral College votes each state receives. They also guide the distribution of \u003ca href=\"https://gwipp.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs2181/f/downloads/Counting%20for%20Dollars%20%234%20Census-derived%20Datasets.pdf\">an estimated $880 billion a year\u003c/a> in federal tax dollars to states and local communities for Medicare, schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court's decision comes a month after U.S. District Judge Jesse Furman of New York \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/15/671283852/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\">ordered the administration to stop\u003c/a> its plans to include the controversial question. Furman's decision was the first major trial court ruling out of seven lawsuits over the Trump administration's decision to include the citizenship question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration maintains that the Justice Department wants responses to the question to better enforce part of the Voting Rights Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=5684706-Jan-15-2019-Ruling-by-U-S-District-Judge-Jesse\">277-page opinion\u003c/a>, however, Furman concluded that was not the \"real reason\" Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, who oversees the Census Bureau, approved including the question. The judge found Ross' decision to be \"arbitrary and capricious,\" in part because adding the question is less effective and more expensive than an alternative method the Census Bureau recommended to Ross: compiling existing government records on citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furman also said that Ross made a \"veritable smorgasbord of classic, clear-cut\" violations of administrative law, including providing misleading statements about the citizenship question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross has said that the Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=5258&v=vylt-NTsT8I\">\"initiated\" the request\u003c/a> for the question. But court filings show that after \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/11/656570447/commerce-secretary-now-recalls-discussing-citizenship-question-with-steve-bannon\">discussing the question with Steve Bannon\u003c/a>, the former White House chief strategist, and \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4500011-1-18-Cv-02921-Administrative-Record#document/p776/a428457\">former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach\u003c/a>, Ross \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/30/632847876/i-will-call-the-ag-trump-officials-pushed-for-census-citizenship-question\">pressured his staff at the Commerce Department\u003c/a> to get a formal request for the question from the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unusual move, the Trump administration's attorneys \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/17/685847296/trump-administration-appeals-ruling-blocking-2020-census-citizenship-question\">appealed Furman's ruling to the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals\u003c/a> before \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/22/687510944/trump-administration-to-ask-supreme-court-to-decide-citizenship-questions-fate\">asking the Supreme Court\u003c/a> to bypass the 2nd Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides the two lead lawsuits in New York, district judges are hearing citizenship question cases in California, Maryland and Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internal documents released as part of the lawsuits reveal that the Trump administration had prepared to defend adding a citizenship question in the country's highest court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Since this issue will go to the Supreme Court we need to be diligent in preparing the administrative record,\" Commerce Department official Earl Comstock wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4872562-2018-09-11-Letter-Response#document/p40/a453277\">a 2017 email to Ross\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We should be very careful, about everything, whether or not it is likely to end up in the SC,\" Ross replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Supreme+Court+To+Decide+If+2020+Census+Includes+Citizenship+Question&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court has agreed to determine whether the Trump administration can add a citizenship question to the 2020 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In taking up the case, the court is granting the administration's request for an immediate review of a lower court's ruling that blocked it from including the question. A hearing is expected to be held in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question asks, \"\u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4426784-Planned-Questions-2020-Acs#document/p11/a414610\">Is this person a citizen of the United States?\u003c/a>\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is locked in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/04/661932989/how-the-2020-census-citizenship-question-ended-up-in-court\">legal battle with dozens of states, cities and other groups\u003c/a> that do not want the question to appear on census forms for the constitutionally mandated head count of every person living in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau has not asked every household about citizenship status in close to 70 years, although some households have been asked a citizenship question on the smaller Census Bureau survey, known as the American Community Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4797159-Understanding-the-Quality-of-Alternative\">Citing Census Bureau research\u003c/a>, the groups suing the administration argue that asking about citizenship status will \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/663061835/citizenship-question-may-be-major-barrier-to-2020-census-participation\">depress census participation\u003c/a> among households with noncitizens, who are intended to be included in the count. That could lead to an undercount of immigrants and communities of color, which would have major implications on how political power and federal funding are shared over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pressure is mounting to resolve all of these disputes by June so that the printing of paper questionnaires for the census can proceed as scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Population counts from the census determine how many congressional seats and Electoral College votes each state receives. They also guide the distribution of \u003ca href=\"https://gwipp.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs2181/f/downloads/Counting%20for%20Dollars%20%234%20Census-derived%20Datasets.pdf\">an estimated $880 billion a year\u003c/a> in federal tax dollars to states and local communities for Medicare, schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court's decision comes a month after U.S. District Judge Jesse Furman of New York \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/15/671283852/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\">ordered the administration to stop\u003c/a> its plans to include the controversial question. Furman's decision was the first major trial court ruling out of seven lawsuits over the Trump administration's decision to include the citizenship question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration maintains that the Justice Department wants responses to the question to better enforce part of the Voting Rights Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=5684706-Jan-15-2019-Ruling-by-U-S-District-Judge-Jesse\">277-page opinion\u003c/a>, however, Furman concluded that was not the \"real reason\" Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, who oversees the Census Bureau, approved including the question. The judge found Ross' decision to be \"arbitrary and capricious,\" in part because adding the question is less effective and more expensive than an alternative method the Census Bureau recommended to Ross: compiling existing government records on citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furman also said that Ross made a \"veritable smorgasbord of classic, clear-cut\" violations of administrative law, including providing misleading statements about the citizenship question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross has said that the Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=5258&v=vylt-NTsT8I\">\"initiated\" the request\u003c/a> for the question. But court filings show that after \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/11/656570447/commerce-secretary-now-recalls-discussing-citizenship-question-with-steve-bannon\">discussing the question with Steve Bannon\u003c/a>, the former White House chief strategist, and \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4500011-1-18-Cv-02921-Administrative-Record#document/p776/a428457\">former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach\u003c/a>, Ross \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/30/632847876/i-will-call-the-ag-trump-officials-pushed-for-census-citizenship-question\">pressured his staff at the Commerce Department\u003c/a> to get a formal request for the question from the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unusual move, the Trump administration's attorneys \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/17/685847296/trump-administration-appeals-ruling-blocking-2020-census-citizenship-question\">appealed Furman's ruling to the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals\u003c/a> before \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/22/687510944/trump-administration-to-ask-supreme-court-to-decide-citizenship-questions-fate\">asking the Supreme Court\u003c/a> to bypass the 2nd Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides the two lead lawsuits in New York, district judges are hearing citizenship question cases in California, Maryland and Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internal documents released as part of the lawsuits reveal that the Trump administration had prepared to defend adding a citizenship question in the country's highest court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Since this issue will go to the Supreme Court we need to be diligent in preparing the administrative record,\" Commerce Department official Earl Comstock wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=4872562-2018-09-11-Letter-Response#document/p40/a453277\">a 2017 email to Ross\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We should be very careful, about everything, whether or not it is likely to end up in the SC,\" Ross replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Supreme+Court+To+Decide+If+2020+Census+Includes+Citizenship+Question&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration says it will appeal directly to the Supreme Court to be allowed to include a citizenship question on the 2020 census, bypassing the court of appeals and seeking a final ruling by the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solicitor General Noel Francisco says in court papers filed Tuesday that the rare and fast turnaround is necessary if census questionnaires are to be printed in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week ago, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718397/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">blocked the administration\u003c/a> from asking about citizenship on the upcoming census.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718397/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\">Judge Orders Trump Administration to Remove 2020 Census Citizenship Question\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718397/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/GettyImages-981260906-1180x799.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s been 30 years since the court took on an issue without waiting for a federal appeals court to weigh in. Francisco says the justices should hear arguments in April or a special session in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The citizenship question is the third time since October that Francisco is seeking the court’s intervention without an appellate ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other two are Obama-era programs to shield young immigrants from deportation and allow transgender people to serve in the military. The Supreme Court hasn’t acted on the immigration case, and an appellate court has since ruled on the issue. The justices on Tuesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719923/supreme-court-revives-trumps-ban-on-transgender-military-personnel-for-now\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">denied early review of the transgender service policy\u003c/a>, but allowed Pentagon restrictions that had been blocked by lower courts to take effect while the appeals process unfolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross announced in March 2018 that the 2020 census would be the first since 1950 to include a citizenship question. The question would help the government enforce the 1965 Voting Rights Act that is intended to assure access to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 18 states, the District of Columbia, 15 big cities or counties, and immigrants’ rights groups sued the Commerce Department, which designs the census, and claimed it failed to properly analyze the effect that the question would have on households with immigrants. The challengers said the Trump administration added the question to discourage immigrants from participating, potentially leading to a population undercount — and possibly fewer seats in Congress — in places that tend to vote Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Jesse M. Furman used Census Bureau estimates to conclude the citizenship question would depress responses in households with noncitizens by at least 5.8 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furman ruled that Ross acted in an “arbitrary and capricious” manner and violated the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices already had agreed to an administration request to hear arguments over whether Furman could base his decision on depositions of high-ranking officials and other material that was not part of the administrative record the Commerce Department compiled in deciding to ask about citizenship. In the end, Furman largely stuck to that record and the court has now called off arguments that were scheduled for Feb. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question that the administration would like the justices to consider for this latest appeal, Francisco says, is whether or not Furman wrongfully ruled that the decision by Ross to add a citizenship question to the 2020 census was a misuse of Ross’ authority over the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court could decide in the next few weeks whether to set new arguments on the timetable the Justice Department wants. The justices are next scheduled to meet and discuss cases on Feb. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This report includes reporting from NPR’s Hansi Lo Wang.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration says it will appeal directly to the Supreme Court to be allowed to include a citizenship question on the 2020 census, bypassing the court of appeals and seeking a final ruling by the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solicitor General Noel Francisco says in court papers filed Tuesday that the rare and fast turnaround is necessary if census questionnaires are to be printed in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week ago, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718397/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">blocked the administration\u003c/a> from asking about citizenship on the upcoming census.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718397/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\">Judge Orders Trump Administration to Remove 2020 Census Citizenship Question\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718397/judge-orders-trump-administration-to-remove-2020-census-citizenship-question\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/GettyImages-981260906-1180x799.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s been 30 years since the court took on an issue without waiting for a federal appeals court to weigh in. Francisco says the justices should hear arguments in April or a special session in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The citizenship question is the third time since October that Francisco is seeking the court’s intervention without an appellate ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other two are Obama-era programs to shield young immigrants from deportation and allow transgender people to serve in the military. The Supreme Court hasn’t acted on the immigration case, and an appellate court has since ruled on the issue. The justices on Tuesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719923/supreme-court-revives-trumps-ban-on-transgender-military-personnel-for-now\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">denied early review of the transgender service policy\u003c/a>, but allowed Pentagon restrictions that had been blocked by lower courts to take effect while the appeals process unfolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross announced in March 2018 that the 2020 census would be the first since 1950 to include a citizenship question. The question would help the government enforce the 1965 Voting Rights Act that is intended to assure access to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 18 states, the District of Columbia, 15 big cities or counties, and immigrants’ rights groups sued the Commerce Department, which designs the census, and claimed it failed to properly analyze the effect that the question would have on households with immigrants. The challengers said the Trump administration added the question to discourage immigrants from participating, potentially leading to a population undercount — and possibly fewer seats in Congress — in places that tend to vote Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Jesse M. Furman used Census Bureau estimates to conclude the citizenship question would depress responses in households with noncitizens by at least 5.8 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furman ruled that Ross acted in an “arbitrary and capricious” manner and violated the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices already had agreed to an administration request to hear arguments over whether Furman could base his decision on depositions of high-ranking officials and other material that was not part of the administrative record the Commerce Department compiled in deciding to ask about citizenship. In the end, Furman largely stuck to that record and the court has now called off arguments that were scheduled for Feb. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question that the administration would like the justices to consider for this latest appeal, Francisco says, is whether or not Furman wrongfully ruled that the decision by Ross to add a citizenship question to the 2020 census was a misuse of Ross’ authority over the census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court could decide in the next few weeks whether to set new arguments on the timetable the Justice Department wants. The justices are next scheduled to meet and discuss cases on Feb. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This report includes reporting from NPR’s Hansi Lo Wang.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 2:18 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court has reinstated President Trump’s ban on transgender service members in the military, granting a stay of two lower court injunctions that had blocked the president’s policy. The justices voted 5-4, reflecting the high court’s conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision allows the Pentagon to bar transgender people from joining or, in some circumstances, remaining in the military while the lower court rulings are appealed. The justices did not allow the Trump administration to leapfrog the appeals court, as it had requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two cases — \u003cem>Trump v. Karnoski\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Trump v. Stockman\u003c/em> — are currently working their way through the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In both of those cases, Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan would have maintained a stay on the ban, Tuesday’s Supreme Court order reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transgender ban is being revived more than a year after a federal court in Washington, D.C., first blocked it in October 2017. U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly ruled that trans members of the military had “a strong case that the president’s ban would violate their Fifth Amendment rights,” as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/10/30/560847850/federal-judge-blocks-trumps-ban-on-transgender-service-members\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/defense/423862-appeals-court-sides-with-trump-on-transgender-military-ban\">lifted Kollar-Kotelly’s injunction\u003c/a> earlier this month, concluding that the ban had been substantially revised by the time it was instituted by former Defense Secretary Jim Mattis in March 2018. But other federal courts had also ruled against the ban — and until Tuesday, those other injunctions remained in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two outstanding cases come from California and Washington state, in the 9th Circuit’s jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Human Rights Campaign, which is involved in the Karnoski case in Washington state, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HRC/status/1087725575303774210\">condemned the Supreme Court’s decision\u003c/a>, saying it “thrusts this administration’s discriminatory agenda onto a military that clearly doesn’t want it, and does so at the expense of transgender people’s careers and service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shannon Minter, legal director of the San Francisco-based National Center for Lesbian Rights, one of the organizations representing plaintiffs in cases challenging the ban, called the court’s decision a “very sad day for our military, for transgender people in this country, certainly for the thousands of courageous dedicated transgender service members who were willing to make the ultimate sacrifice to protect our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is definitely a body blow and a very traumatic moment for them to know that the United States Supreme Court has, however temporarily, allowed the Trump administration to enforce a ban that directly attacks them and falsely paints them as unfit for military service, even as they are every single day proving their fitness to serve,” Minter said in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Minter was disappointed by the decision to grant the stay, he was encouraged that the Supreme Court is allowing the cases to proceed through the district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a temporary order,” Minter said. “It theoretically does allow the government now to enforce the ban while we all wait for the 9th Circuit to rule, which is going to happen any day now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-California, called the Supreme Court’s decision to allow Trump’s transgender ban to temporarily take effect “deeply disappointing” and “creates unnecessary confusion for transgender individuals serving in the military.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ban would essentially restore ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ for transgender service members, only allowing them to serve if they hide their true identity,” Feinstein said in written statement. “That previous policy directed toward LGBT service members harmed our military then, just as this one will now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump announced his ban abruptly in the summer of 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/890193981585444864?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E890193981585444864&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2017%2F07%2F27%2F539559582%2F5-unanswered-questions-about-trumps-ban-on-transgender-troops\">saying in a series of tweets\u003c/a> that “the United States Government will not accept or allow…… ….Transgender individuals to serve in any capacity in the U.S. Military.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision seemed to take Defense Department officials by surprise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/07/27/539559582/5-unanswered-questions-about-trumps-ban-on-transgender-troops\">sparking confusion\u003c/a> despite Trump’s assertion that he had consulted “with my Generals and military experts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tweets were followed by an official \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/08/25/presidential-memorandum-secretary-defense-and-secretary-homeland\">presidential memo\u003c/a> in August of that year, which gave the defense secretary (and for the Coast Guard, the Homeland Security secretary) the discretion to “determine how to address transgender individuals currently serving in the United States military.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s ban was a sharp reversal of a Pentagon policy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/06/30/484192442/pentagon-says-transgender-troops-can-now-serve-openly\">announced in June 2016\u003c/a>, when former Defense Secretary Ash Carter said, “Effective immediately, transgender Americans may serve openly, and they can no longer be discharged or otherwise separated from the military just for being transgender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That Obama-era policy was hailed as ending an era of legal and professional limbo for trans people in the U.S. armed service; Carter said the decision was made out of a desire to attract “all talent possible” to serve in the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, researchers at the RAND Corporation think tank estimated there were as many as 7,000 active-duty transgender service members, with up to 4,000 more in the reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of that policy and the lower-court injunctions, the first openly trans people were officially able to join the U.S. military \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbez.org/shows/wbez-news/with-ban-lifted-trans-chicago-man-hopes-to-aim-high-with-air-force/b2f35740-bed1-494e-be57-2c5cd96124ed\">on Jan. 1, 2018\u003c/a>. But now their status is once again in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s order states that if the 9th Circuit rules against the ban, the ban on trans people in the military would remain in effect until the Supreme Court justices either deny a request to hear the case (if such an application is made) or rule against the Trump administration’s policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR’s Domenico Montanaro and KQED’s Ted Goldberg contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 2:18 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court has reinstated President Trump’s ban on transgender service members in the military, granting a stay of two lower court injunctions that had blocked the president’s policy. The justices voted 5-4, reflecting the high court’s conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision allows the Pentagon to bar transgender people from joining or, in some circumstances, remaining in the military while the lower court rulings are appealed. The justices did not allow the Trump administration to leapfrog the appeals court, as it had requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two cases — \u003cem>Trump v. Karnoski\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Trump v. Stockman\u003c/em> — are currently working their way through the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In both of those cases, Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan would have maintained a stay on the ban, Tuesday’s Supreme Court order reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transgender ban is being revived more than a year after a federal court in Washington, D.C., first blocked it in October 2017. U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly ruled that trans members of the military had “a strong case that the president’s ban would violate their Fifth Amendment rights,” as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/10/30/560847850/federal-judge-blocks-trumps-ban-on-transgender-service-members\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/defense/423862-appeals-court-sides-with-trump-on-transgender-military-ban\">lifted Kollar-Kotelly’s injunction\u003c/a> earlier this month, concluding that the ban had been substantially revised by the time it was instituted by former Defense Secretary Jim Mattis in March 2018. But other federal courts had also ruled against the ban — and until Tuesday, those other injunctions remained in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two outstanding cases come from California and Washington state, in the 9th Circuit’s jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Human Rights Campaign, which is involved in the Karnoski case in Washington state, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HRC/status/1087725575303774210\">condemned the Supreme Court’s decision\u003c/a>, saying it “thrusts this administration’s discriminatory agenda onto a military that clearly doesn’t want it, and does so at the expense of transgender people’s careers and service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shannon Minter, legal director of the San Francisco-based National Center for Lesbian Rights, one of the organizations representing plaintiffs in cases challenging the ban, called the court’s decision a “very sad day for our military, for transgender people in this country, certainly for the thousands of courageous dedicated transgender service members who were willing to make the ultimate sacrifice to protect our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is definitely a body blow and a very traumatic moment for them to know that the United States Supreme Court has, however temporarily, allowed the Trump administration to enforce a ban that directly attacks them and falsely paints them as unfit for military service, even as they are every single day proving their fitness to serve,” Minter said in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Minter was disappointed by the decision to grant the stay, he was encouraged that the Supreme Court is allowing the cases to proceed through the district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a temporary order,” Minter said. “It theoretically does allow the government now to enforce the ban while we all wait for the 9th Circuit to rule, which is going to happen any day now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-California, called the Supreme Court’s decision to allow Trump’s transgender ban to temporarily take effect “deeply disappointing” and “creates unnecessary confusion for transgender individuals serving in the military.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ban would essentially restore ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ for transgender service members, only allowing them to serve if they hide their true identity,” Feinstein said in written statement. “That previous policy directed toward LGBT service members harmed our military then, just as this one will now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump announced his ban abruptly in the summer of 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/890193981585444864?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E890193981585444864&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2017%2F07%2F27%2F539559582%2F5-unanswered-questions-about-trumps-ban-on-transgender-troops\">saying in a series of tweets\u003c/a> that “the United States Government will not accept or allow…… ….Transgender individuals to serve in any capacity in the U.S. Military.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision seemed to take Defense Department officials by surprise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/07/27/539559582/5-unanswered-questions-about-trumps-ban-on-transgender-troops\">sparking confusion\u003c/a> despite Trump’s assertion that he had consulted “with my Generals and military experts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tweets were followed by an official \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/08/25/presidential-memorandum-secretary-defense-and-secretary-homeland\">presidential memo\u003c/a> in August of that year, which gave the defense secretary (and for the Coast Guard, the Homeland Security secretary) the discretion to “determine how to address transgender individuals currently serving in the United States military.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s ban was a sharp reversal of a Pentagon policy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/06/30/484192442/pentagon-says-transgender-troops-can-now-serve-openly\">announced in June 2016\u003c/a>, when former Defense Secretary Ash Carter said, “Effective immediately, transgender Americans may serve openly, and they can no longer be discharged or otherwise separated from the military just for being transgender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That Obama-era policy was hailed as ending an era of legal and professional limbo for trans people in the U.S. armed service; Carter said the decision was made out of a desire to attract “all talent possible” to serve in the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, researchers at the RAND Corporation think tank estimated there were as many as 7,000 active-duty transgender service members, with up to 4,000 more in the reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of that policy and the lower-court injunctions, the first openly trans people were officially able to join the U.S. military \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbez.org/shows/wbez-news/with-ban-lifted-trans-chicago-man-hopes-to-aim-high-with-air-force/b2f35740-bed1-494e-be57-2c5cd96124ed\">on Jan. 1, 2018\u003c/a>. But now their status is once again in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s order states that if the 9th Circuit rules against the ban, the ban on trans people in the military would remain in effect until the Supreme Court justices either deny a request to hear the case (if such an application is made) or rule against the Trump administration’s policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR’s Domenico Montanaro and KQED’s Ted Goldberg contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
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