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"content": "\u003cp>A veritable “Who’s Who” of state and local politics turned out at City Hall Wednesday afternoon to celebrate the 90th birthday of Willie L. Brown Jr., who, as speaker of the Assembly and later as mayor, mastered the art of raw power politics in California like few others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was held in the North Light Court in the Beaux-Arts style building, whose $300 million restoration Brown oversaw as mayor, down to the grand (some would say ostentatious) gold leaf finish on its majestic dome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way into the event, as he was mobbed by well-wishers, I asked Brown how it felt to be 90. “Like a hundred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown greets and has his photo taken with guests at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The party drew many past and current elected officials, including San Francisco Mayor London Breed and her counterpart Karen Bass from Los Angeles, who was one of the many to follow Brown as speaker of the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Bass, mayor, Los Angeles\"]‘Everybody here has a Willie Brown story. … And I’m one of those people.’[/pullquote]“Everybody here has a Willie Brown story, and there’s a couple of hundred people,” Bass said. “And the stories are specific about how he influenced their life and helped determine their future. And I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Brown’s signature qualities was his ability to get along with people he disagreed with, regardless of political party. In 1988, a few disgruntled Democrats in his caucus tried to overthrow him as speaker. The coup attempt failed, but one of the so-called “Gang of 5,” then-Assemblymember Rusty Areias, recalled how he and Brown moved on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980172\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass (center left) sits and laughs with Willie Brown at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He called me and said, ‘Hey, I know we have some differences right now, but this too will pass. And, we’ll be good again.’ And, you know, that’s exactly what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rusty Areias, former Assembly member\"]‘You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader.’[/pullquote]Areias, who now runs a political consulting firm in Sacramento, said Brown taught him everything he knows about politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader. He’s a clear thinker, and he’s a good friend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired San Francisco judge John Dearman recalls meeting Brown in the 1960s when they were both lawyers and eventually formed a law practice together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980214\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980214\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Brown (front center) and other guests watch and take photos as Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib,” Dearman said. What people often miss about Brown, he added, is that he really cares about people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"John Dearman, retired San Francisco judge\"]‘He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib.’[/pullquote]“He has a lot of heart. People get the wrong impression because he’s so sure of himself and they think that he’s arrogant. And maybe he is, but also, he has a lot of heart, and he really is interested in people,” said Dearman, who was appointed judge by then-Gov. Jerry Brown at Willie Brown’s urging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians were not the only ones who turned out to celebrate Brown. His family, including his long-estranged wife Blanche and their daughters, were there to celebrate him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My father is smart, funny, charismatic — a magician, he makes magical things happen,” said Brown’s oldest daughter Susan. “He’s also very strict. So when he needs something, we hop to it, and we take care of it immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, known for his colorful fashion style, was decked out in a salmon-color jacket, pink shirt, and matching socks with white stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980173\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown wears pink star socks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His former press secretary, P.J. Johnston, who helped organize the event, joked that Brown once chastised him and sent him home “for having the temerity to wear linen in January.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ‘Ayatollah of the Assembly’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Brown was born in segregated Mineola, Texas, on March 20, 1934, which he said had “almost nothing” going for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to San Francisco in 1951, staying with his Uncle Itsie Collins. Brown hoped to attend Stanford but had no way to pay for that high-priced education. Instead, he went to San Francisco State University where he met another young political prospect, John Burton, whose brother Phillip became a political powerhouse in local and national politics until his sudden death in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown graduated with a law degree from UC Hastings (now UC Law San Francisco) in 1958, a time when few Black attorneys were practicing law in San Francisco. He started out as a defense attorney with, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02tcU0Uja_E\">as he told KQED in 2023\u003c/a>, clients that included pimps, prostitutes and others few attorneys sought out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980171\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980171\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown ran for the state Assembly in 1962, losing narrowly to the Democratic incumbent in the primary. But two years later, he prevailed, heading to Sacramento at the age of 30, where he made friendships with powerful lawmakers, lobbyists and others who would eventually help propel him to the first Black speaker in California, a job he held for a record 14 years. Ruling with something of an iron fist, no detail was too small to oversee. He proclaimed himself “the Ayatollah of the Assembly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown championed civil rights, including a successful effort to decriminalize homosexuality in California in 1975.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First as speaker and later as mayor, Brown was often associated with people investigated by the FBI for political corruption. Several people in Brown’s political orbit went to prison in San Francisco, but Brown was never indicted. He was too careful for that, once joking that “the e in e-mail stands for ‘evidence.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980175\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier just this week, one of Brown’s political protégés, Harlan Kelly, was sentenced to four years in federal prison after being convicted of charges related to bribery as part of a sweeping investigation into corruption in San Francisco’s government. Brown was among those writing to the judge seeking leniency in Kelly’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown became the face of a campaign to enact term limits, which voters passed in 1990. Some ads for Proposition 140 included the phrase “join me in giving Willie Brown the ‘boot.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown often jokes that if voters hadn’t approved term limits, he’d still be speaker. However, he acknowledges that he “never, ever would have known the great joy of being the mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980169\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins pose for a photo at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retrospect, Brown told KQED he got much more tangible things done in City Hall than at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A legislative body does not execute. A legislative body opines. In the capacity of the CEO of a city, as is the case with every mayorship, that’s where you really get the chance to demonstrate if you can do things,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, asked as he was leaving the mayor’s office in 2004 what he would be remembered for, Brown said “bricks and mortar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Willie Brown\"]‘Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those.’[/pullquote]As San Francisco mayor, Brown oversaw the construction of a new ballpark for the San Francisco Giants, Mission Bay with its anchor tenant of UCSF, and the restoration of the Ferry Building on the Embarcadero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It might be said that Brown’s most enduring legacy will be the people he helped elevate into public office, including the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Vice-President Kamala Harris, who Brown once dated when she was a deputy district attorney in Alameda County. As speaker, Brown appointed Harris to a state appeals board for people who were denied unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The night Brown was elected mayor in 1995, it was Harris who handed him a baseball cap emblazoned with the name he was often called in his new job: “Da Mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980203\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Susan Horsefall wears a hat from Willie Brown’s 1995 campaign for Mayor of San Francisco at a celebration at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vice President Harris was not there and did not send a recorded greeting, nor did Gavin Newsom, who Brown also helped launch into politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mayor Breed gave her predecessor and mentor something she joked he already had: a key to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because any time you show up anywhere, the doors are always open,” Breed said. “You will always be our forever mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for what Brown was thinking about on this momentous day, he joked, “I’m looking forward to 91. Ninety is behind me already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California political giant and former San Francisco mayor Willie Brown celebrated a milestone birthday this week. At 90 years old, his influence is still reflected in city and state politics today.",
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"title": "Willie Brown Celebrates 90th Birthday With California Political Powerhouses | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A veritable “Who’s Who” of state and local politics turned out at City Hall Wednesday afternoon to celebrate the 90th birthday of Willie L. Brown Jr., who, as speaker of the Assembly and later as mayor, mastered the art of raw power politics in California like few others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was held in the North Light Court in the Beaux-Arts style building, whose $300 million restoration Brown oversaw as mayor, down to the grand (some would say ostentatious) gold leaf finish on its majestic dome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way into the event, as he was mobbed by well-wishers, I asked Brown how it felt to be 90. “Like a hundred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown greets and has his photo taken with guests at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The party drew many past and current elected officials, including San Francisco Mayor London Breed and her counterpart Karen Bass from Los Angeles, who was one of the many to follow Brown as speaker of the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Everybody here has a Willie Brown story. … And I’m one of those people.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Everybody here has a Willie Brown story, and there’s a couple of hundred people,” Bass said. “And the stories are specific about how he influenced their life and helped determine their future. And I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Brown’s signature qualities was his ability to get along with people he disagreed with, regardless of political party. In 1988, a few disgruntled Democrats in his caucus tried to overthrow him as speaker. The coup attempt failed, but one of the so-called “Gang of 5,” then-Assemblymember Rusty Areias, recalled how he and Brown moved on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980172\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass (center left) sits and laughs with Willie Brown at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He called me and said, ‘Hey, I know we have some differences right now, but this too will pass. And, we’ll be good again.’ And, you know, that’s exactly what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Areias, who now runs a political consulting firm in Sacramento, said Brown taught him everything he knows about politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader. He’s a clear thinker, and he’s a good friend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired San Francisco judge John Dearman recalls meeting Brown in the 1960s when they were both lawyers and eventually formed a law practice together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980214\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980214\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Brown (front center) and other guests watch and take photos as Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib,” Dearman said. What people often miss about Brown, he added, is that he really cares about people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“He has a lot of heart. People get the wrong impression because he’s so sure of himself and they think that he’s arrogant. And maybe he is, but also, he has a lot of heart, and he really is interested in people,” said Dearman, who was appointed judge by then-Gov. Jerry Brown at Willie Brown’s urging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians were not the only ones who turned out to celebrate Brown. His family, including his long-estranged wife Blanche and their daughters, were there to celebrate him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My father is smart, funny, charismatic — a magician, he makes magical things happen,” said Brown’s oldest daughter Susan. “He’s also very strict. So when he needs something, we hop to it, and we take care of it immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, known for his colorful fashion style, was decked out in a salmon-color jacket, pink shirt, and matching socks with white stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980173\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown wears pink star socks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His former press secretary, P.J. Johnston, who helped organize the event, joked that Brown once chastised him and sent him home “for having the temerity to wear linen in January.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ‘Ayatollah of the Assembly’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Brown was born in segregated Mineola, Texas, on March 20, 1934, which he said had “almost nothing” going for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to San Francisco in 1951, staying with his Uncle Itsie Collins. Brown hoped to attend Stanford but had no way to pay for that high-priced education. Instead, he went to San Francisco State University where he met another young political prospect, John Burton, whose brother Phillip became a political powerhouse in local and national politics until his sudden death in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown graduated with a law degree from UC Hastings (now UC Law San Francisco) in 1958, a time when few Black attorneys were practicing law in San Francisco. He started out as a defense attorney with, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02tcU0Uja_E\">as he told KQED in 2023\u003c/a>, clients that included pimps, prostitutes and others few attorneys sought out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980171\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980171\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown ran for the state Assembly in 1962, losing narrowly to the Democratic incumbent in the primary. But two years later, he prevailed, heading to Sacramento at the age of 30, where he made friendships with powerful lawmakers, lobbyists and others who would eventually help propel him to the first Black speaker in California, a job he held for a record 14 years. Ruling with something of an iron fist, no detail was too small to oversee. He proclaimed himself “the Ayatollah of the Assembly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown championed civil rights, including a successful effort to decriminalize homosexuality in California in 1975.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First as speaker and later as mayor, Brown was often associated with people investigated by the FBI for political corruption. Several people in Brown’s political orbit went to prison in San Francisco, but Brown was never indicted. He was too careful for that, once joking that “the e in e-mail stands for ‘evidence.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980175\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier just this week, one of Brown’s political protégés, Harlan Kelly, was sentenced to four years in federal prison after being convicted of charges related to bribery as part of a sweeping investigation into corruption in San Francisco’s government. Brown was among those writing to the judge seeking leniency in Kelly’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown became the face of a campaign to enact term limits, which voters passed in 1990. Some ads for Proposition 140 included the phrase “join me in giving Willie Brown the ‘boot.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown often jokes that if voters hadn’t approved term limits, he’d still be speaker. However, he acknowledges that he “never, ever would have known the great joy of being the mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980169\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins pose for a photo at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retrospect, Brown told KQED he got much more tangible things done in City Hall than at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A legislative body does not execute. A legislative body opines. In the capacity of the CEO of a city, as is the case with every mayorship, that’s where you really get the chance to demonstrate if you can do things,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, asked as he was leaving the mayor’s office in 2004 what he would be remembered for, Brown said “bricks and mortar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As San Francisco mayor, Brown oversaw the construction of a new ballpark for the San Francisco Giants, Mission Bay with its anchor tenant of UCSF, and the restoration of the Ferry Building on the Embarcadero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It might be said that Brown’s most enduring legacy will be the people he helped elevate into public office, including the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Vice-President Kamala Harris, who Brown once dated when she was a deputy district attorney in Alameda County. As speaker, Brown appointed Harris to a state appeals board for people who were denied unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The night Brown was elected mayor in 1995, it was Harris who handed him a baseball cap emblazoned with the name he was often called in his new job: “Da Mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980203\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Susan Horsefall wears a hat from Willie Brown’s 1995 campaign for Mayor of San Francisco at a celebration at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vice President Harris was not there and did not send a recorded greeting, nor did Gavin Newsom, who Brown also helped launch into politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mayor Breed gave her predecessor and mentor something she joked he already had: a key to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because any time you show up anywhere, the doors are always open,” Breed said. “You will always be our forever mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for what Brown was thinking about on this momentous day, he joked, “I’m looking forward to 91. Ninety is behind me already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new program to test wastewater for substances like fentanyl, methamphetamine and cocaine is giving San Francisco’s health officials a new window into the city’s pressing overdose crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort comes as San Francisco recently experienced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">worst year for overdose deaths\u003c/a> on record in 2023, when 806 people died of accidental overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jeffrey Hom, director of population behavioral health, San Francisco Department of Public Health\"]‘For the first time, we have data that can shed light on the amounts of drugs that are being used in the city here. This is something that we haven’t had before.’[/pullquote]“For the first time, we have data that can shed light on the amounts of drugs that are being used in the city here,” said Jeffrey Hom, director of population behavioral health for the San Francisco Department of Public Health. “This is something that we haven’t had before. So much of the data that we look at within the health department is based on individuals who are receiving a certain service or who have experienced a certain outcome, like a nonfatal overdose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco health officials started tracking drug use and supply trends in November 2023 to monitor the presence of different drugs and to also check for changes in the illicit drug supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wastewater samples are collected every two weeks from two different locations, one on the city’s west side and another on the east side. Currently, the city is checking for fentanyl, cocaine and methamphetamine, as well as all three substances in their metabolized form. The samples are then sent to a lab where they are analyzed, and the results are shared back with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early results from the first four months of testing show there were often higher concentrations of drugs, including fentanyl, cocaine and methamphetamine on the east side of the city compared with the west. That largely tracks with geographic data from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, which releases monthly reports on overdoses in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl, a potent opioid about 50 times stronger than heroin, has contributed to the majority of recent overdose deaths in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the wastewater data showed much higher concentrations of stimulants across the city. For example, there were 1552 milligrams of methamphetamine per 1000 people per day found in samples collected on the east side of the city on March 7, 2024, compared to 34 milligrams of fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11969903,news_11975973,news_11979144\"]That doesn’t necessarily mean there are more people using stimulants, however. The body metabolizes each substance differently, making it hard to compare the prevalence of individual substances. Instead, Hom said, the city is using the findings to monitor changes in the drug supply and use trends over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to directly compare those and make an assumption that many more people or that much more stimulants are being used because of the way these drugs are metabolized in the body. So trying to make the comparison between drugs is difficult,” Hom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officials say they hope to use the data to advise the public on overdose risk and drug supply trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort is part of a study funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, which ends in August, that San Francisco and other local municipalities are participating in. But the city’s health officials say they hope to expand and continue the program after the study wraps up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jeffrey Hom, director of population behavioral health, San Francisco Department of Public Health\"]‘Much of the potential for this kind of surveillance revolves around the opportunity to identify new drugs or something that’s just starting to make its way into the drug supply here.’[/pullquote]San Francisco previously used wastewater testing during the COVID-19 pandemic to track the rise and fall of the virus on a population level. However, the city is not alone in its endeavor to use the technology for the overdose crisis as well. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1982720/marin-health-officials-track-illicit-drug-use-by-testing-wastewater\">Marin County\u003c/a> started using the approach in July 2023. Public health officials there issued a health advisory about an increase in fentanyl overdoses that aligned with the wastewater testing, which showed higher rates and amounts of fentanyl in the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the potential for this kind of surveillance revolves around the opportunity to identify new drugs or something that’s just starting to make its way into the drug supply here,” Hom said. “I am hopeful as we look to the next iteration of this that we not only increase the frequency of testing, but increase the number of drugs and especially novel drugs so our response can be timely and focused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new program to test wastewater for substances like fentanyl, methamphetamine and cocaine is giving San Francisco’s health officials a new window into the city’s pressing overdose crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort comes as San Francisco recently experienced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">worst year for overdose deaths\u003c/a> on record in 2023, when 806 people died of accidental overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“For the first time, we have data that can shed light on the amounts of drugs that are being used in the city here,” said Jeffrey Hom, director of population behavioral health for the San Francisco Department of Public Health. “This is something that we haven’t had before. So much of the data that we look at within the health department is based on individuals who are receiving a certain service or who have experienced a certain outcome, like a nonfatal overdose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco health officials started tracking drug use and supply trends in November 2023 to monitor the presence of different drugs and to also check for changes in the illicit drug supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wastewater samples are collected every two weeks from two different locations, one on the city’s west side and another on the east side. Currently, the city is checking for fentanyl, cocaine and methamphetamine, as well as all three substances in their metabolized form. The samples are then sent to a lab where they are analyzed, and the results are shared back with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early results from the first four months of testing show there were often higher concentrations of drugs, including fentanyl, cocaine and methamphetamine on the east side of the city compared with the west. That largely tracks with geographic data from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, which releases monthly reports on overdoses in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl, a potent opioid about 50 times stronger than heroin, has contributed to the majority of recent overdose deaths in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the wastewater data showed much higher concentrations of stimulants across the city. For example, there were 1552 milligrams of methamphetamine per 1000 people per day found in samples collected on the east side of the city on March 7, 2024, compared to 34 milligrams of fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That doesn’t necessarily mean there are more people using stimulants, however. The body metabolizes each substance differently, making it hard to compare the prevalence of individual substances. Instead, Hom said, the city is using the findings to monitor changes in the drug supply and use trends over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to directly compare those and make an assumption that many more people or that much more stimulants are being used because of the way these drugs are metabolized in the body. So trying to make the comparison between drugs is difficult,” Hom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officials say they hope to use the data to advise the public on overdose risk and drug supply trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort is part of a study funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, which ends in August, that San Francisco and other local municipalities are participating in. But the city’s health officials say they hope to expand and continue the program after the study wraps up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Francisco previously used wastewater testing during the COVID-19 pandemic to track the rise and fall of the virus on a population level. However, the city is not alone in its endeavor to use the technology for the overdose crisis as well. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1982720/marin-health-officials-track-illicit-drug-use-by-testing-wastewater\">Marin County\u003c/a> started using the approach in July 2023. Public health officials there issued a health advisory about an increase in fentanyl overdoses that aligned with the wastewater testing, which showed higher rates and amounts of fentanyl in the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the potential for this kind of surveillance revolves around the opportunity to identify new drugs or something that’s just starting to make its way into the drug supply here,” Hom said. “I am hopeful as we look to the next iteration of this that we not only increase the frequency of testing, but increase the number of drugs and especially novel drugs so our response can be timely and focused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco May Offload Its Pandemic Emergency Housing Trailers to Oakland",
"headTitle": "San Francisco May Offload Its Pandemic Emergency Housing Trailers to Oakland | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>After winding down a trailer site at Pier 94 used for emergency housing during the pandemic, San Francisco is now looking to offload a portion of its RVs to Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Oakland City Council will consider accepting up to \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6565671&GUID=4B00A68B-8528-428A-AC7C-94BFD14FFD92\">60 of the 120 trailers\u003c/a>, which could be donated to nonprofits that provide shelter to people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential handoff comes nearly four years after Gov. Gavin Newsom sent nearly 1,300 trailers across the state to help California counties house people experiencing homelessness during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947567/what-happened-to-the-1300-rvs-gov-newsom-sent-to-address-homelessness-back-in-2020\">saw mixed outcomes across the state\u003c/a> — with some cities embracing the solution and others letting the trailers gather dust. But in San Francisco, the trailer site at Pier 94 ultimately became the city’s longest-running COVID-response emergency housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979690\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A line of trailers sits inside a park with wire fencing in the foreground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Located at an industrial site in the city’s Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood, the trailers were always intended to be a temporary measure. Advocates for people experiencing homelessness pushed to keep it open so residents could find housing placements before exiting. Altogether, the program ran from April 2020 until January 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deborah Bouck, a spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing (HSH), said city leaders had hoped to keep the program running at another location but, after months of searching, couldn’t find a suitable replacement site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Thomas Taylor, supervisor, Felton Institute\"]‘This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets. It showed them that there are people actually there for them.’[/pullquote]The Port of San Francisco owns Pier 94 and has plans to eventually use the site for offshore wind production. In the near future, it will be available for lease, according to Eric Young, director of communications for the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that all RV residents have moved out, the city must figure out what to do with the trailers Oakland doesn’t claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets,” said Thomas Taylor, who left his job as a banker early in the pandemic to become a supervisor at the Felton Institute, which oversaw the trailer program. “It showed them that there are people actually there for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life at Pier 94\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-born Christina Zeigler said the space gave her a chance to figuratively — and quite literally — get back on her feet. In 2018, her landlord sold the duplex in the city of Richmond, where she had lived for eight years. After losing the home she loved, Zeigler struggled to find a new spot she could afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She crashed with friends and family, but then another setback further entrenched her struggle to find housing. In October 2021, she tore her meniscus while working as a janitor in San Francisco’s Federal Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978510\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American woman is seen from the neck down holding a photo with four African Americans.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christina Zeigler holds a photo of herself (top right) and her Felton Institute caseworker (top center) in her apartment in San Francisco on March 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That was just devastating to me, that was really tough,” Zeigler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She moved into a trailer at Pier 94 in December 2022 and said she used her time there to rest, collect herself and move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to be somewhere to focus on my healing and nursing my injury,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, Zeigler had access to three meals a day, got help with financial planning and put in applications for permanent housing. Residents could also participate in communal activities, like talent shows and holiday parties. Zeigler regularly spent time in the program’s women’s group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I met some really great people there,” Zeigler said. “I interacted with the program so much that sometimes even other clients thought I was staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Christina Zeigler\"]‘I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there. This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.’[/pullquote]Zeigler was one of 301 people who lived in the trailers throughout the life of the program. After stopping new intakes in April 2023, the last remaining resident moved out and into permanent housing in January 2024. Zeigler moved out in June 2023 and now lives in an apartment in the Tenderloin. She keeps the place meticulously organized — with shoes lined up at the entrance and pieces of art and 49ers memorabilia intentionally placed throughout the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there,” Zeigler said. “This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the Pier 94 residents identify as Black or African American, including Zeigler, and the program prioritized spaces for people living within the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. Most were between 45 and 64 years of age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly three-quarters — or 72% — of the 114 residents who were living at the site by the time it started winding down moved on to permanent housing, according to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. Of those, about half moved into San Francisco’s permanent supportive housing, and the other half received subsidies for private-market rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979689\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A row of trailers seen from the ground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor said the remaining 28% moved on for various reasons. Some moved back in with family, others moved into homeless shelters, and the rest are completely unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An imperfect solution or missed opportunity?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city spent $6.4 million annually to run the shelter site at Pier 94. Of that, the bulk — $6.1 million — went to the Felton Institute and on-site services. About $300,000 was dedicated to trailer maintenance, according to HSH.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11970299,news_11965352,news_11947567\"]But concerns over the 3-acre site’s location — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-cement-plant-pier-94-18411201.php\">adjacent to a toxic debris-crushing site\u003c/a> — led even supporters to agree the site was not ideal for the long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The site was always intended to be a temporary emergency COVID intervention measure,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with issues at the site itself, Bouck said that the trailers were expensive to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are more cost-effective and space-efficient ways to build low-barrier non-congregate shelter programs — such as tiny cabins,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities had less success with the trailers. San José, for example, returned them after only a few months, citing costly repairs and a lack of necessary water and electricity hookups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used the trailers for a couple months, but we found the expense and operational challenges of maintaining such a large fleet of trailers were not a good fit for our city,” Jeff Scott, a spokesperson for San José’s housing department, previously told KQED. “We transitioned our residents into other accommodations and returned the trailers to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978507\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American man with a gray blazer and white shirt and a blue beanie stands in front of a house looking away from camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Thomas Taylor at a Felton Institute office in San Francisco on March 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the RVs provided a significant opportunity for San Francisco, which faces a dramatic shortage of housing and shelter beds for people who need them. The city estimated in 2022 that more than 7,000 people are experiencing homelessness, but it has just over 3,000 shelter beds. On March 14, there were 107 people on the city’s online shelter reservation waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing the 120 trailers at Pier 94 will further that crunch. Taylor hopes that the program can eventually come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see a difference in clients when you are actively there for them, having conversations and supporting their well-being,” he said. “We’ll hopefully rebuild this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Without a site to reuse its state-provided trailers, which were set up at Pier 94 during the pandemic, San Francisco may donate a portion to Oakland and other cities around the Bay Area.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After winding down a trailer site at Pier 94 used for emergency housing during the pandemic, San Francisco is now looking to offload a portion of its RVs to Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Oakland City Council will consider accepting up to \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6565671&GUID=4B00A68B-8528-428A-AC7C-94BFD14FFD92\">60 of the 120 trailers\u003c/a>, which could be donated to nonprofits that provide shelter to people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential handoff comes nearly four years after Gov. Gavin Newsom sent nearly 1,300 trailers across the state to help California counties house people experiencing homelessness during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947567/what-happened-to-the-1300-rvs-gov-newsom-sent-to-address-homelessness-back-in-2020\">saw mixed outcomes across the state\u003c/a> — with some cities embracing the solution and others letting the trailers gather dust. But in San Francisco, the trailer site at Pier 94 ultimately became the city’s longest-running COVID-response emergency housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979690\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A line of trailers sits inside a park with wire fencing in the foreground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Located at an industrial site in the city’s Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood, the trailers were always intended to be a temporary measure. Advocates for people experiencing homelessness pushed to keep it open so residents could find housing placements before exiting. Altogether, the program ran from April 2020 until January 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deborah Bouck, a spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing (HSH), said city leaders had hoped to keep the program running at another location but, after months of searching, couldn’t find a suitable replacement site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets. It showed them that there are people actually there for them.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Port of San Francisco owns Pier 94 and has plans to eventually use the site for offshore wind production. In the near future, it will be available for lease, according to Eric Young, director of communications for the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that all RV residents have moved out, the city must figure out what to do with the trailers Oakland doesn’t claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets,” said Thomas Taylor, who left his job as a banker early in the pandemic to become a supervisor at the Felton Institute, which oversaw the trailer program. “It showed them that there are people actually there for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life at Pier 94\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-born Christina Zeigler said the space gave her a chance to figuratively — and quite literally — get back on her feet. In 2018, her landlord sold the duplex in the city of Richmond, where she had lived for eight years. After losing the home she loved, Zeigler struggled to find a new spot she could afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She crashed with friends and family, but then another setback further entrenched her struggle to find housing. In October 2021, she tore her meniscus while working as a janitor in San Francisco’s Federal Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978510\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American woman is seen from the neck down holding a photo with four African Americans.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christina Zeigler holds a photo of herself (top right) and her Felton Institute caseworker (top center) in her apartment in San Francisco on March 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That was just devastating to me, that was really tough,” Zeigler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She moved into a trailer at Pier 94 in December 2022 and said she used her time there to rest, collect herself and move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to be somewhere to focus on my healing and nursing my injury,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, Zeigler had access to three meals a day, got help with financial planning and put in applications for permanent housing. Residents could also participate in communal activities, like talent shows and holiday parties. Zeigler regularly spent time in the program’s women’s group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I met some really great people there,” Zeigler said. “I interacted with the program so much that sometimes even other clients thought I was staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there. This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Zeigler was one of 301 people who lived in the trailers throughout the life of the program. After stopping new intakes in April 2023, the last remaining resident moved out and into permanent housing in January 2024. Zeigler moved out in June 2023 and now lives in an apartment in the Tenderloin. She keeps the place meticulously organized — with shoes lined up at the entrance and pieces of art and 49ers memorabilia intentionally placed throughout the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there,” Zeigler said. “This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the Pier 94 residents identify as Black or African American, including Zeigler, and the program prioritized spaces for people living within the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. Most were between 45 and 64 years of age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly three-quarters — or 72% — of the 114 residents who were living at the site by the time it started winding down moved on to permanent housing, according to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. Of those, about half moved into San Francisco’s permanent supportive housing, and the other half received subsidies for private-market rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979689\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A row of trailers seen from the ground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor said the remaining 28% moved on for various reasons. Some moved back in with family, others moved into homeless shelters, and the rest are completely unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An imperfect solution or missed opportunity?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city spent $6.4 million annually to run the shelter site at Pier 94. Of that, the bulk — $6.1 million — went to the Felton Institute and on-site services. About $300,000 was dedicated to trailer maintenance, according to HSH.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But concerns over the 3-acre site’s location — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-cement-plant-pier-94-18411201.php\">adjacent to a toxic debris-crushing site\u003c/a> — led even supporters to agree the site was not ideal for the long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The site was always intended to be a temporary emergency COVID intervention measure,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with issues at the site itself, Bouck said that the trailers were expensive to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are more cost-effective and space-efficient ways to build low-barrier non-congregate shelter programs — such as tiny cabins,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities had less success with the trailers. San José, for example, returned them after only a few months, citing costly repairs and a lack of necessary water and electricity hookups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used the trailers for a couple months, but we found the expense and operational challenges of maintaining such a large fleet of trailers were not a good fit for our city,” Jeff Scott, a spokesperson for San José’s housing department, previously told KQED. “We transitioned our residents into other accommodations and returned the trailers to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978507\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American man with a gray blazer and white shirt and a blue beanie stands in front of a house looking away from camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Thomas Taylor at a Felton Institute office in San Francisco on March 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the RVs provided a significant opportunity for San Francisco, which faces a dramatic shortage of housing and shelter beds for people who need them. The city estimated in 2022 that more than 7,000 people are experiencing homelessness, but it has just over 3,000 shelter beds. On March 14, there were 107 people on the city’s online shelter reservation waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing the 120 trailers at Pier 94 will further that crunch. Taylor hopes that the program can eventually come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see a difference in clients when you are actively there for them, having conversations and supporting their well-being,” he said. “We’ll hopefully rebuild this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Aaron Peskin's Rumored Run for SF Mayor Has Same Strength and Weakness: Housing",
"headTitle": "Aaron Peskin’s Rumored Run for SF Mayor Has Same Strength and Weakness: Housing | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>As Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin mulls a run for mayor, how people view his opposition to market-rate housing would be both a strength and a vulnerability should he jump in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true in San Francisco’s west side, a neighborhood replete with single-family homes where people have rallied against state laws that would allow more multi-story housing to be built. Peskin is sometimes viewed as a champion of saving neighborhood character from what residents consider to be outsize new construction. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"George Wooding, neighborhood activist who lives west of Twin Peaks\"]‘That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side. Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”[/pullquote] George Wooding, a neighborhood activist who lives just west of Twin Peaks, said neighbors are angry about Mayor London Breed’s “Housing for All Plan,” which would incentivize building taller, denser housing. He said they worry there isn’t enough parking or infrastructure to support the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side,” Wooding said. “Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s next mayor will steer the city’s future approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin is on one side of a divide in development philosophy between moderate and progressive Democrats in San Francisco. The moderates want the city to build, build, build to bring housing costs down. Progressives want the city to focus on building affordable housing while fiercely defending tenant protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government has a role to play. And a progressive mayor, I think, can do so much more to protect and enhance our existing residents and our existing small businesses,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has not declared that he will run for mayor, but he has spoken openly about considering it. Breed is facing a re-election challenge mostly from more conservative Democrats, including former Supervisor Mark Farrell and philanthropist and nonprofit CEO Daniel Lurie. Another candidate, Supervisor Ahsha Safai, has generally been considered a moderate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, whose housing views are more mixed than his supporters or opponents assert, would be running to the left of the aforementioned candidates. But because of his voting record, groups supporting unrestricted construction of market-rate housing are already lining up to stop him from winning the election. [aside label='More on London Breed' tag='london-breed']Breed is a frequent ally of those groups, and courted them in her State of the City speech last week when she promised to veto any “anti-housing” legislation that crosses her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She followed through on that pledge Thursday, vetoing legislation brought by Peskin to limit dense housing construction in the Jackson Square Historic District, east of Columbus Street. Supervisors can reject the veto with a supermajority of eight votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance passes off anti-housing policy in the guise of historic protections,” Breed wrote in her veto letter to the board. “Existing rules already protect against impacts to historic resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin countered, in a statement, “Instead of outsourcing housing decisions to developers so they can maximize profit, as the Mayor is doing, we need to build housing our working families can afford while improving the neighborhoods they live in. We don’t have to destroy San Francisco to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin was first elected to represent North Beach, Chinatown, Fisherman’s Wharf and other nearby neighborhoods in 2000. In recent years, he’s sponsored a flurry of resolutions opposing state legislation that would lead to building market-rate housing more freely in San Francisco:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2018: Senate Bill 827 would have incentivized housing construction near transit lines\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2019: State Assembly Bill 68 would streamline housing approvals near transit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2020: Senate Bill 1085 would strip away some local control against awarding incentives for building denser housing\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s pushback against state regulation doesn’t paint the full picture of Peskin’s housing record. In 2008, as president of the Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/supes-ok-plan-for-thousands-of-new-homes-3260117.php\">Peskin played a central role in approving the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, legislation aimed at allowing the construction of 10,000 new housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s arguably one of San Francisco’s most transformative rezoning efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he co-authored Proposition A with Breed, which was approved by voters in the March primary. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">That measure will deliver a $300 million bond\u003c/a> toward the construction of affordable housing. It was written in concert with companion legislation Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-breed-signs-housing-stimulus-fee-reform-plan-housing-crisis/\">that would defer development impact fees and winnow inclusionary housing requirements on new construction\u003c/a>. The deferral is estimated to spur the creation of roughly 8,000 housing units, a boon for San Francisco’s state-mandated goal to build 82,000 housing units by 2031. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sachin Agarwal, co-founder, GrowSF\"]‘I believe that Aaron Peskin is going to announce that he’s running. And I think our priority as GrowSF is going to be anybody by Peskin.’[/pullquote]At an election party for moderate-aligned Democrats at Anina bar two weeks ago, GrowSF co-founder Sachin Agarwal said Peskin would be bad for San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that Aaron Peskin is going to announce that he’s running. And I think our priority as GrowSF is going to be anybody by Peskin,” Agarwal said. “He is a huge NIMBY and has blocked an incredible amount of housing during the 20 years that he’s been in some form of San Francisco politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrowSF is one of a coalition of tech billionaire-funded groups that have raised millions of dollars to recall school board members and former District Attorney Chesa Boudin, while also promoting Democrats aligned with their conservative values on public safety. Outsized funding from these groups has tipped the scales in recent elections and now an avalanche of cash threatens to bury Peskin. [aside postID=news_11976026 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-NONCITIZENVOTING-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']GrowSF isn’t the only roadblock to the housing strategies of the progressive camp. Annie Fryman, director of special projects at urbanist think tank SPUR, said any candidate opposing dense housing construction in San Francisco may clash with state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://generalplan.sfplanning.org/I1_Housing.htm\">who have mandated the city to build those 82,000 housing units by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leader will also eventually be accountable to disqualifying us from hundreds of millions of dollars of state affordable housing funding,” Fryman said. “That is a consequence of messing with the housing element.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that has endorsed Breed, said there are pockets of voters he called old-guard “anti-housing voices” all over the city, particularly in North Beach, the Haight Ashbury and the west side of San Francisco. According to Smith, those constituents hold a Not In My Backyard ethos and oppose housing at every turn. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Corey Smith, executive director, Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that endorsed Breed\"]‘I think when you actually think of NIMBYism as it is, I don’t think it’s a big portion of the electorate. I do think there’s a lane for President Peskin in this race.’[/pullquote]“I think when you actually think of NIMBYism as it is, I don’t think it’s a big portion of the electorate,” Smith said. But as part of a coalition, “I do think there’s a lane for President Peskin in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eileen Boken, a west side advocate who frequently attends City Hall meetings, said her neighbors were “blindsided” by state Sen. Scott Wiener’s proposal to wrest housing approval control of Ocean Beach away from the California Coastal Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said it would unlock more housing construction along the waterfront. The Board of Supervisors approved Peskin’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991442/battle-over-san-franciscos-coastal-development-sparks-statewide-concerns\"> resolution that opposed Wiener’s coastal plan\u003c/a> in February. The resolution reflected the concerns of people like Boken who worry tall apartment buildings will block views for some while allowing urban skylines to encroach on the beach experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Ocean Beach going to become Miami Beach?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin mulls a run for mayor, how people view his opposition to market-rate housing would be both a strength and a vulnerability should he jump in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true in San Francisco’s west side, a neighborhood replete with single-family homes where people have rallied against state laws that would allow more multi-story housing to be built. Peskin is sometimes viewed as a champion of saving neighborhood character from what residents consider to be outsize new construction. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> George Wooding, a neighborhood activist who lives just west of Twin Peaks, said neighbors are angry about Mayor London Breed’s “Housing for All Plan,” which would incentivize building taller, denser housing. He said they worry there isn’t enough parking or infrastructure to support the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side,” Wooding said. “Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s next mayor will steer the city’s future approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin is on one side of a divide in development philosophy between moderate and progressive Democrats in San Francisco. The moderates want the city to build, build, build to bring housing costs down. Progressives want the city to focus on building affordable housing while fiercely defending tenant protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government has a role to play. And a progressive mayor, I think, can do so much more to protect and enhance our existing residents and our existing small businesses,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has not declared that he will run for mayor, but he has spoken openly about considering it. Breed is facing a re-election challenge mostly from more conservative Democrats, including former Supervisor Mark Farrell and philanthropist and nonprofit CEO Daniel Lurie. Another candidate, Supervisor Ahsha Safai, has generally been considered a moderate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, whose housing views are more mixed than his supporters or opponents assert, would be running to the left of the aforementioned candidates. But because of his voting record, groups supporting unrestricted construction of market-rate housing are already lining up to stop him from winning the election. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Breed is a frequent ally of those groups, and courted them in her State of the City speech last week when she promised to veto any “anti-housing” legislation that crosses her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She followed through on that pledge Thursday, vetoing legislation brought by Peskin to limit dense housing construction in the Jackson Square Historic District, east of Columbus Street. Supervisors can reject the veto with a supermajority of eight votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance passes off anti-housing policy in the guise of historic protections,” Breed wrote in her veto letter to the board. “Existing rules already protect against impacts to historic resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin countered, in a statement, “Instead of outsourcing housing decisions to developers so they can maximize profit, as the Mayor is doing, we need to build housing our working families can afford while improving the neighborhoods they live in. We don’t have to destroy San Francisco to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin was first elected to represent North Beach, Chinatown, Fisherman’s Wharf and other nearby neighborhoods in 2000. In recent years, he’s sponsored a flurry of resolutions opposing state legislation that would lead to building market-rate housing more freely in San Francisco:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2018: Senate Bill 827 would have incentivized housing construction near transit lines\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2019: State Assembly Bill 68 would streamline housing approvals near transit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2020: Senate Bill 1085 would strip away some local control against awarding incentives for building denser housing\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s pushback against state regulation doesn’t paint the full picture of Peskin’s housing record. In 2008, as president of the Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/supes-ok-plan-for-thousands-of-new-homes-3260117.php\">Peskin played a central role in approving the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, legislation aimed at allowing the construction of 10,000 new housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s arguably one of San Francisco’s most transformative rezoning efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he co-authored Proposition A with Breed, which was approved by voters in the March primary. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">That measure will deliver a $300 million bond\u003c/a> toward the construction of affordable housing. It was written in concert with companion legislation Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-breed-signs-housing-stimulus-fee-reform-plan-housing-crisis/\">that would defer development impact fees and winnow inclusionary housing requirements on new construction\u003c/a>. The deferral is estimated to spur the creation of roughly 8,000 housing units, a boon for San Francisco’s state-mandated goal to build 82,000 housing units by 2031. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At an election party for moderate-aligned Democrats at Anina bar two weeks ago, GrowSF co-founder Sachin Agarwal said Peskin would be bad for San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that Aaron Peskin is going to announce that he’s running. And I think our priority as GrowSF is going to be anybody by Peskin,” Agarwal said. “He is a huge NIMBY and has blocked an incredible amount of housing during the 20 years that he’s been in some form of San Francisco politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrowSF is one of a coalition of tech billionaire-funded groups that have raised millions of dollars to recall school board members and former District Attorney Chesa Boudin, while also promoting Democrats aligned with their conservative values on public safety. Outsized funding from these groups has tipped the scales in recent elections and now an avalanche of cash threatens to bury Peskin. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>GrowSF isn’t the only roadblock to the housing strategies of the progressive camp. Annie Fryman, director of special projects at urbanist think tank SPUR, said any candidate opposing dense housing construction in San Francisco may clash with state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://generalplan.sfplanning.org/I1_Housing.htm\">who have mandated the city to build those 82,000 housing units by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leader will also eventually be accountable to disqualifying us from hundreds of millions of dollars of state affordable housing funding,” Fryman said. “That is a consequence of messing with the housing element.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that has endorsed Breed, said there are pockets of voters he called old-guard “anti-housing voices” all over the city, particularly in North Beach, the Haight Ashbury and the west side of San Francisco. According to Smith, those constituents hold a Not In My Backyard ethos and oppose housing at every turn. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think when you actually think of NIMBYism as it is, I don’t think it’s a big portion of the electorate,” Smith said. But as part of a coalition, “I do think there’s a lane for President Peskin in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eileen Boken, a west side advocate who frequently attends City Hall meetings, said her neighbors were “blindsided” by state Sen. Scott Wiener’s proposal to wrest housing approval control of Ocean Beach away from the California Coastal Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said it would unlock more housing construction along the waterfront. The Board of Supervisors approved Peskin’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991442/battle-over-san-franciscos-coastal-development-sparks-statewide-concerns\"> resolution that opposed Wiener’s coastal plan\u003c/a> in February. The resolution reflected the concerns of people like Boken who worry tall apartment buildings will block views for some while allowing urban skylines to encroach on the beach experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Ocean Beach going to become Miami Beach?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former SFPUC Chief Harlan Kelly Sentenced to 4-Year Prison Term Following Fraud Conviction — Here Are 5 Takeaways",
"headTitle": "Former SFPUC Chief Harlan Kelly Sentenced to 4-Year Prison Term Following Fraud Conviction — Here Are 5 Takeaways | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday, March 18, 2024:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Harlan Kelly, the former chief of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was sentenced to four years in prison on Monday, March 18, and ordered to pay a $10,000 fine after being found guilty last year of various federal fraud and conspiracy crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly “betrayed the public trust and made a mockery of his oath to serve the community in his high public office,” U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg said in court Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal prosecutors sought a 6 1/2 year prison sentence, Seeborg said Kelly had done enough for the community — as evidenced by the many letters of support sent on his behalf — to warrant a more lenient punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentencing is the latest development in the \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11859677/san-franciscos-unfolding-web-of-corruption-a-cartoon-interactive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-link=\"native\">FBI’s expansive, six-year investigation\u003c/a> into city government corruption that has now ensnared more than a dozen individuals and two corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is expected to begin serving his four-year prison term on June 19, and is ordered to serve three years of supervised release after that, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original story, July 14, 2023\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>Yet another San Francisco city leader has been found guilty on charges related to bribery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After less than two days of deliberation, a San Francisco jury Friday convicted the former head of a powerful agency on six of eight charges stemming from a federal investigation into corruption in the city’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlan Kelly, the former general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was charged with wire fraud in 2020, charges that were later expanded to include bank fraud in late 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly was accused of taking bribes for years from a construction contractor, Walter Wong, who sought to win a contract to update city streetlights. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-charges-against-former-san-francisco-puc-general-manager-expanded-include-bank\">separate bank fraud charges\u003c/a> allege Kelly conspired with real estate investor Victor Makras to make false statements to Quicken Loans to obtain a $1.3 million loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg has yet to sentence Kelly, but the former SFPUC chief faces a possible 20 to 30 years on each count against him. Wong \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11873494/sf-corruption-saga-continues-permit-expediter-walter-wong-to-repay-1-7-million\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> for his role in multiple alleged bribery schemes in 2021. Makras \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/jury-convicts-san-francisco-broker-and-investor-victor-makras-fraud-real-estate-loan#:~:text=The%20federal%20jury%20today%20convicted,in%20violation%20of%2018%20U.S.C.\">was convicted late last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide-ranging corruption scandal started in 2020 with a federal indictment of former San Francisco Public Works director Mohammed Nuru, who accepted bribes like a John Deere tractor, a $37,000 Rolex watch, and construction work on his Colusa County ranch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the corruption scandal didn’t stop at Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slew of city officials and contractors have been ensnared in the corruption probe, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-director-san-francisco-mayor-s-office-neighborhood-services-and-san-francisco-s\">Mayor’s Office Fix-It team head Sandra Zuniga\u003c/a> and former Department of Building Inspection director \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/SF-s-building-chief-Tom-Hui-pulls-the-plug-on-15148650.php\">Tom Hui\u003c/a>. Former senior building inspector Bernie Curran also was convicted in a related corruption case, and was sentenced Friday to a year and one day in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s wife, Naomi Kelly, did not face indictment, but stepped down from her role as city administrator after evidence against her husband implicated her, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the city leaders who found themselves under the FBI’s microscope pleaded guilty, Kelly fought his charges in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the three-week trial, a jury heard testimony and closing arguments from the U.S. Attorney’s Office and Kelly’s defense attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wong didn’t just admit to bribing Kelly once. He spent years trying to influence him\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The owner of several construction companies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PROFILE-Walter-Wong-Powerhouse-pushes-2882045.php\">Wong was a politically-connected San Francisco insider\u003c/a> with ties to past mayoral admirations going as far back as Mayor Art Agnos. He used his largesse to help host banquets in Chinatown and bolster annual Lunar New Year parade celebrations. He also featured prominently in the case against Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors argued Wong’s attempts to influence Kelly started as early as 2013.\u003cbr>\nWong allegedly gifted home repair work to Kelly at a heavy discount, from installing iron hand-rails in his home to fixing water damage, and even installing wine-cellar shelving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe you big time!!!” Kelly wrote to Wong after the 2013 installation of the wine cellar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent lavishly on Kelly’s family during a 2016 China vacation, including a trip to a zoo, sightseeing tours, a meal between Wong and Kelly that topped $600, and freebie stays in five-star hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Kelly did pay Wong back, prosecutors argued, on two key projects he had control over: putting up holiday lights in San Francisco’s downtown, and a contract to convert existing city streetlights to use LED bulbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Stories' tag='san-francisco-corruption']Kelly pushed his staffers to expedite the purchase of holiday lights from one of Wong’s companies, a claim prosecutors punctuated in court. Emails sent at the behest of Kelly egged on employees to hurry on the purchase. Kelly also allegedly handed Wong insider-information to help edge-out other contractors bidding to win the city streetlight contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closing arguments to jurors on July 12, prosecutor Kristina Green, from the U.S. Attorney’s Office, said text messages tell the tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you know Harlan Kelly was receiving gifts intended to influence city business? Because Harlan Kelly shows that link himself,” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors then showed jurors a 2014 text message from Kelly to Wong, “My loan was approved. We need to get together to chat how to reimburse you and rfp (request for proposal). I should get the money in three weeks.” Essentially, in one message, prosecutors argued, Kelly both told Wong he would use a loan to pay him back for the discounted housework, while also saying he would share information about an RFP. That’s a request for proposal, essentially the guidelines the city would use for bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, that information is supposed to be confidential, so all companies bidding on a contract have an even playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong’s son, Washington Wong, who worked with him on those contracts, said on the witness stand, “we used that information to, I guess, tweak our next proposal [to the city].”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly’s defense attorney sought to sow doubt about Wong’s statements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wong’s testimony was undoubtedly the biggest pillar of the U.S. attorneys’ arguments, which is likely why the defense had a laser focus on challenging his credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s defense attorneys, Jonathan Baum and Brian Getz, cast the China trip and discounted home repair in a far rosier and more innocuous light, saying that Kelly and Wong enjoyed years of friendship that naturally resulted in exchanged gifts, dinners, and favorable treatment. At the same time, they described Wong as a shark on the hunt for new bribery marks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Was Harlan naive? He should’ve been more careful. He should’ve suspected what Walter was doing, but didn’t,” Baum told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To punctuate his point, Baum flashed the dictionary definition of “naive” in large-font text on screens in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11873494 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/HuiAndWong-1020x678.jpg']Kelly’s lawyers also argued that Wong’s actual bribes to city officials – like Nuru – came in the form of thousands of dollars of cash stuffed into envelopes. If he were truly bribing Kelly, why not do that, instead of offering construction work on his home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That home construction work was also shoddy, and even over-charged, an expert witness brought by the defense said on the witness stand. While Wong tried to fix a water leak, photos showed water stains streaking Kelly’s Inner Sunset-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a complex elaborate bribery scheme, would [Walter Wong] have done that?” Baum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most pointedly, however, the defense made sure to remind the jury that Wong stands to see his own bribery-related sentence reduced for cooperating as a witness, an idea they argued influences everything he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Seeborg instructed jurors to treat Wong’s testimony with “greater caution” than that of the other witnesses for that same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Despite alleged bribes, Kelly’s influence didn’t always help Wong. But that doesn’t mean a crime wasn’t committed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors showed reams of evidence highlighting how Kelly inappropriately aided Wong in navigating an LED streetlight contract with the city. Kelly even went so far as to stuff confidential documents into a manila folder, later handing them to Wong out on the street, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t mean Wong had any luck winning his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When ranking companies who had thrown their hat in the ring for the city contract, Wong’s company ranked 47th out of 51 total bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can we say that was dead last?” Baum, the defense attorney, said. “The most important thing to think about is, what happened? [Prosecutors would] argue this information was very valuable. But what were the results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even on the witness stand, Wong’s son, Washington Wong, admitted their attempts to game the system were fruitless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the grand scheme of things, no, it didn’t seem to help,” Washington Wong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in his instructions to the jury, Judge Seeborg reminded them that Kelly need only have agreed to commit an act to have acted corruptly. And Green, one of the prosecutors, underscored that to the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walter Wong didn’t win the LED lights contract. Under the law, that doesn’t matter,” she said. What matters is if jurors decide they corrupted the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly allegedly flouted the rules, but emails and text messages showed he knew the law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kelly hoped to keep much of his communications with Wong and other co-conspirators outside of the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote in a 2018 email “I’m not the only one who sees my email at work – I have some staff with access because I get a lot of emails and can’t be reading, and responding, to every one. Also emails sent to me are public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subsequently, many of his emailed communications with Wong are from Kelly’s personal Yahoo email. It’s a problem known to happen in the city writ large – \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935973/i-am-somebody-who-enjoys-arguing-anonymoose-who-exposed-sf-city-hall-secrets-hangs-up-antlers\">citizen journalist “Anonymoose” found plenty of city officials trying to hide their communications\u003c/a> by skirting the city’s open records law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11935973 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1302058535-1020x680.jpg']Kelly also, at one point, emailed a city ethics rulebook to his San Francisco Public Utilities Commission staff. That rulebook contained explanations of city regulations that bar gifts from contractors with bids before the commission, much like Wong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors asked Mary Tienken, a project manager at the SFPUC, to take the witness stand in June. She wrote many of the bidding documents that – unbeknownst to her – Kelly eventually passed to Wong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her duty under the law, Tienken said, “I was obligated not to provide any advantage to any bidders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The city is as connected as can be\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Testimony and documents submitted for evidence during the trial revealed guest-star appearances from various city politicos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 trip to China where Wong allegedly bribed Kelly included a visit to an ailing Rose Pak, a well-known Chinatown community leader, who was hospitalized, and later died after returning to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rose Pak was a friend of the family. I met her and she became a friend,” Maria Little, Kelly’s mother-in-law, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly and Makras also dined with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\">Mohammed Nuru, the former Public Works director who pleaded guilty to bribery charges in 2021\u003c/a>. And Wong and Kelly planned a dinner with the late Mayor Ed Lee by writing their text messages in code, referring to Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/Former-S-F-Mayor-Ed-Lee-code-name-35-15777827.php\">only as “35”\u003c/a> — his initials on a phone keypad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a surprise that these folks \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/10/20/real-estate-magnate-victor-makras-the-latest-to-indicted-by-feds-in-sf-public-corruption-probe/\">would rub shoulders with other city leaders\u003c/a>, the extent to which others have been mentioned in FBI documents, and the court record, has fueled \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/11/web-of-corruption-explore-the-cronyism-lies-and-federal-crimes-at-the-heart-of-san-franciscos-government/\">speculation\u003c/a> as to who in city government, if anyone, was also under federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conviction is a milestone in San Francisco political history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no other major indictments pending, Kelly’s conviction may snip the final thread in the tapestry of the San Francisco corruption scandal that has ensnared so many, giving a glimpse into a system of influence many have heard whispers of, but few had seen before in such full view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday, March 18, 2024:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Harlan Kelly, the former chief of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was sentenced to four years in prison on Monday, March 18, and ordered to pay a $10,000 fine after being found guilty last year of various federal fraud and conspiracy crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly “betrayed the public trust and made a mockery of his oath to serve the community in his high public office,” U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg said in court Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal prosecutors sought a 6 1/2 year prison sentence, Seeborg said Kelly had done enough for the community — as evidenced by the many letters of support sent on his behalf — to warrant a more lenient punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentencing is the latest development in the \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11859677/san-franciscos-unfolding-web-of-corruption-a-cartoon-interactive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-link=\"native\">FBI’s expansive, six-year investigation\u003c/a> into city government corruption that has now ensnared more than a dozen individuals and two corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is expected to begin serving his four-year prison term on June 19, and is ordered to serve three years of supervised release after that, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original story, July 14, 2023\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>Yet another San Francisco city leader has been found guilty on charges related to bribery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After less than two days of deliberation, a San Francisco jury Friday convicted the former head of a powerful agency on six of eight charges stemming from a federal investigation into corruption in the city’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlan Kelly, the former general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was charged with wire fraud in 2020, charges that were later expanded to include bank fraud in late 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly was accused of taking bribes for years from a construction contractor, Walter Wong, who sought to win a contract to update city streetlights. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-charges-against-former-san-francisco-puc-general-manager-expanded-include-bank\">separate bank fraud charges\u003c/a> allege Kelly conspired with real estate investor Victor Makras to make false statements to Quicken Loans to obtain a $1.3 million loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg has yet to sentence Kelly, but the former SFPUC chief faces a possible 20 to 30 years on each count against him. Wong \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11873494/sf-corruption-saga-continues-permit-expediter-walter-wong-to-repay-1-7-million\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> for his role in multiple alleged bribery schemes in 2021. Makras \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/jury-convicts-san-francisco-broker-and-investor-victor-makras-fraud-real-estate-loan#:~:text=The%20federal%20jury%20today%20convicted,in%20violation%20of%2018%20U.S.C.\">was convicted late last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide-ranging corruption scandal started in 2020 with a federal indictment of former San Francisco Public Works director Mohammed Nuru, who accepted bribes like a John Deere tractor, a $37,000 Rolex watch, and construction work on his Colusa County ranch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the corruption scandal didn’t stop at Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slew of city officials and contractors have been ensnared in the corruption probe, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-director-san-francisco-mayor-s-office-neighborhood-services-and-san-francisco-s\">Mayor’s Office Fix-It team head Sandra Zuniga\u003c/a> and former Department of Building Inspection director \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/SF-s-building-chief-Tom-Hui-pulls-the-plug-on-15148650.php\">Tom Hui\u003c/a>. Former senior building inspector Bernie Curran also was convicted in a related corruption case, and was sentenced Friday to a year and one day in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s wife, Naomi Kelly, did not face indictment, but stepped down from her role as city administrator after evidence against her husband implicated her, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the city leaders who found themselves under the FBI’s microscope pleaded guilty, Kelly fought his charges in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the three-week trial, a jury heard testimony and closing arguments from the U.S. Attorney’s Office and Kelly’s defense attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wong didn’t just admit to bribing Kelly once. He spent years trying to influence him\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The owner of several construction companies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PROFILE-Walter-Wong-Powerhouse-pushes-2882045.php\">Wong was a politically-connected San Francisco insider\u003c/a> with ties to past mayoral admirations going as far back as Mayor Art Agnos. He used his largesse to help host banquets in Chinatown and bolster annual Lunar New Year parade celebrations. He also featured prominently in the case against Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors argued Wong’s attempts to influence Kelly started as early as 2013.\u003cbr>\nWong allegedly gifted home repair work to Kelly at a heavy discount, from installing iron hand-rails in his home to fixing water damage, and even installing wine-cellar shelving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe you big time!!!” Kelly wrote to Wong after the 2013 installation of the wine cellar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent lavishly on Kelly’s family during a 2016 China vacation, including a trip to a zoo, sightseeing tours, a meal between Wong and Kelly that topped $600, and freebie stays in five-star hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Kelly did pay Wong back, prosecutors argued, on two key projects he had control over: putting up holiday lights in San Francisco’s downtown, and a contract to convert existing city streetlights to use LED bulbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly pushed his staffers to expedite the purchase of holiday lights from one of Wong’s companies, a claim prosecutors punctuated in court. Emails sent at the behest of Kelly egged on employees to hurry on the purchase. Kelly also allegedly handed Wong insider-information to help edge-out other contractors bidding to win the city streetlight contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closing arguments to jurors on July 12, prosecutor Kristina Green, from the U.S. Attorney’s Office, said text messages tell the tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you know Harlan Kelly was receiving gifts intended to influence city business? Because Harlan Kelly shows that link himself,” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors then showed jurors a 2014 text message from Kelly to Wong, “My loan was approved. We need to get together to chat how to reimburse you and rfp (request for proposal). I should get the money in three weeks.” Essentially, in one message, prosecutors argued, Kelly both told Wong he would use a loan to pay him back for the discounted housework, while also saying he would share information about an RFP. That’s a request for proposal, essentially the guidelines the city would use for bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, that information is supposed to be confidential, so all companies bidding on a contract have an even playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong’s son, Washington Wong, who worked with him on those contracts, said on the witness stand, “we used that information to, I guess, tweak our next proposal [to the city].”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly’s defense attorney sought to sow doubt about Wong’s statements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wong’s testimony was undoubtedly the biggest pillar of the U.S. attorneys’ arguments, which is likely why the defense had a laser focus on challenging his credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s defense attorneys, Jonathan Baum and Brian Getz, cast the China trip and discounted home repair in a far rosier and more innocuous light, saying that Kelly and Wong enjoyed years of friendship that naturally resulted in exchanged gifts, dinners, and favorable treatment. At the same time, they described Wong as a shark on the hunt for new bribery marks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Was Harlan naive? He should’ve been more careful. He should’ve suspected what Walter was doing, but didn’t,” Baum told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To punctuate his point, Baum flashed the dictionary definition of “naive” in large-font text on screens in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly’s lawyers also argued that Wong’s actual bribes to city officials – like Nuru – came in the form of thousands of dollars of cash stuffed into envelopes. If he were truly bribing Kelly, why not do that, instead of offering construction work on his home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That home construction work was also shoddy, and even over-charged, an expert witness brought by the defense said on the witness stand. While Wong tried to fix a water leak, photos showed water stains streaking Kelly’s Inner Sunset-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a complex elaborate bribery scheme, would [Walter Wong] have done that?” Baum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most pointedly, however, the defense made sure to remind the jury that Wong stands to see his own bribery-related sentence reduced for cooperating as a witness, an idea they argued influences everything he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Seeborg instructed jurors to treat Wong’s testimony with “greater caution” than that of the other witnesses for that same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Despite alleged bribes, Kelly’s influence didn’t always help Wong. But that doesn’t mean a crime wasn’t committed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors showed reams of evidence highlighting how Kelly inappropriately aided Wong in navigating an LED streetlight contract with the city. Kelly even went so far as to stuff confidential documents into a manila folder, later handing them to Wong out on the street, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t mean Wong had any luck winning his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When ranking companies who had thrown their hat in the ring for the city contract, Wong’s company ranked 47th out of 51 total bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can we say that was dead last?” Baum, the defense attorney, said. “The most important thing to think about is, what happened? [Prosecutors would] argue this information was very valuable. But what were the results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even on the witness stand, Wong’s son, Washington Wong, admitted their attempts to game the system were fruitless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the grand scheme of things, no, it didn’t seem to help,” Washington Wong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in his instructions to the jury, Judge Seeborg reminded them that Kelly need only have agreed to commit an act to have acted corruptly. And Green, one of the prosecutors, underscored that to the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walter Wong didn’t win the LED lights contract. Under the law, that doesn’t matter,” she said. What matters is if jurors decide they corrupted the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly allegedly flouted the rules, but emails and text messages showed he knew the law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kelly hoped to keep much of his communications with Wong and other co-conspirators outside of the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote in a 2018 email “I’m not the only one who sees my email at work – I have some staff with access because I get a lot of emails and can’t be reading, and responding, to every one. Also emails sent to me are public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subsequently, many of his emailed communications with Wong are from Kelly’s personal Yahoo email. It’s a problem known to happen in the city writ large – \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935973/i-am-somebody-who-enjoys-arguing-anonymoose-who-exposed-sf-city-hall-secrets-hangs-up-antlers\">citizen journalist “Anonymoose” found plenty of city officials trying to hide their communications\u003c/a> by skirting the city’s open records law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly also, at one point, emailed a city ethics rulebook to his San Francisco Public Utilities Commission staff. That rulebook contained explanations of city regulations that bar gifts from contractors with bids before the commission, much like Wong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors asked Mary Tienken, a project manager at the SFPUC, to take the witness stand in June. She wrote many of the bidding documents that – unbeknownst to her – Kelly eventually passed to Wong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her duty under the law, Tienken said, “I was obligated not to provide any advantage to any bidders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The city is as connected as can be\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Testimony and documents submitted for evidence during the trial revealed guest-star appearances from various city politicos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 trip to China where Wong allegedly bribed Kelly included a visit to an ailing Rose Pak, a well-known Chinatown community leader, who was hospitalized, and later died after returning to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rose Pak was a friend of the family. I met her and she became a friend,” Maria Little, Kelly’s mother-in-law, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly and Makras also dined with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\">Mohammed Nuru, the former Public Works director who pleaded guilty to bribery charges in 2021\u003c/a>. And Wong and Kelly planned a dinner with the late Mayor Ed Lee by writing their text messages in code, referring to Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/Former-S-F-Mayor-Ed-Lee-code-name-35-15777827.php\">only as “35”\u003c/a> — his initials on a phone keypad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a surprise that these folks \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/10/20/real-estate-magnate-victor-makras-the-latest-to-indicted-by-feds-in-sf-public-corruption-probe/\">would rub shoulders with other city leaders\u003c/a>, the extent to which others have been mentioned in FBI documents, and the court record, has fueled \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/11/web-of-corruption-explore-the-cronyism-lies-and-federal-crimes-at-the-heart-of-san-franciscos-government/\">speculation\u003c/a> as to who in city government, if anyone, was also under federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conviction is a milestone in San Francisco political history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no other major indictments pending, Kelly’s conviction may snip the final thread in the tapestry of the San Francisco corruption scandal that has ensnared so many, giving a glimpse into a system of influence many have heard whispers of, but few had seen before in such full view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Why These California Families Aren't Receiving Vital Early Development Services",
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"content": "\u003cp>When the world shut down during the pandemic, Reyna Balladares decided to open her apartment in San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood to a foster child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single mother of two grown daughters, Balladares heard from a social-worker friend about the challenges of finding a home for foster children and wanted to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balladares took care of a baby boy for six months, and then in 2021, she got paired up with a newborn girl. As months went by, Balladares noticed she was slow to begin walking and talking.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Reyna Balladares, foster parent and San Francisco resident\"]‘They’re afraid to come to this community.’[/pullquote]A pediatrician recommended that the girl get physical, speech, occupational and feeding therapy to support her development. Balladares was referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dds.ca.gov/services/early-start/\">Early Start\u003c/a>, California’s early intervention program for infants and toddlers with developmental delays, which approved the treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, getting connected to certain therapists took months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Balladares asked a program coordinator about the long wait, she learned few therapists were willing to make house calls to her neighborhood, which has been at the center of the city’s homelessness and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">drug crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re afraid to come to this community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that kept the girl from getting the services she was entitled to receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California established Early Start in 1986 in response to a federal law guaranteeing early intervention services for children under 3, regardless of their families’ income levels. A network of nonprofit regional centers is responsible for determining a child’s eligibility for developmental support and arranging those services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting services early on is crucial, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/actearly/whyActEarly.html\">experts say,\u003c/a> because babies’ brains are more adaptable during the first three years of life, and the intervention can head off the need for special education services later on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also requires that children receive the services in their home, daycare or other “natural environments” as much as possible because young children learn best \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacer.org/ec/early-intervention/natural-environments.asp\">when they’re in familiar surroundings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11977975 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A collection of kids' toys sits on a beige and blue table beside a white wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A small table and chair with children’s toys in Reyna Balladares’ home in San Francisco on Feb. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer-Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Advocates tell KQED they see a growing divide between who gets quality services and who doesn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s vast inequities,” said Jennifer Albon, a pediatrician who treats children with high health care needs at UCSF Medical Center at Mount Zion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said several patients who live in the Tenderloin and other low-income districts like the Bayview did not receive at-home therapies because the Golden Gate Regional Center, which coordinates early intervention services in San Francisco, San Mateo and Marin counties, couldn’t find providers willing to see children there.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jennifer Albon, pediatrician, UCSF Medical Center at Mount Zion\"]‘Families who are well-resourced and live in nicer areas, those are the only families who are getting that care in their natural environment, even though [they don’t have] the most need.’[/pullquote]“The regional center has flat-out told them and told us that there’s no providers who will go to your neighborhood,” she said. “Families who are well-resourced and live in nicer areas, those are the only families who are getting that care in their natural environment, even though [they don’t have] the most need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care centers in the Tenderloin are also impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heidi Lamar, director of Compass Children’s Center, said when she noticed a therapist had stopped showing up to work with a child, she reached out to a case manager at Golden Gate Regional Center or GGRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case manager replied in an email message to Lamar: “The provider is not coming anymore because she was shoved onto the sidewalk by someone on the street while walking to Compass. She had previously been yelled at, cursed at, and followed by a man on a bicycle while walking to Compass on another occasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case manager acknowledged increased difficulty finding providers willing to go to the Tenderloin.[aside postID=news_11958841 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230822-HOME-HEALTHCARE-WORKER-LM-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“We can’t compel therapists to provide services in situations where they don’t feel safe,” the case manager wrote. “We just keep our fingers crossed that the providers don’t drop the families entirely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin has long been plagued by drug dealing, homelessness and mental illness — conditions that residents and business owners say \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/tenderloin-little-saigon-homeless-18601130.php\">have worsened since the pandemic\u003c/a>, despite city efforts to increase safety in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also a refuge for thousands of lower-income and immigrant families who come seeking affordable housing and social support from organizations like Compass. Another child care center — Wu Yee Children’s Services — hires a “street usher” to escort kids to playgrounds in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure you’ve seen in the news our neighborhood is struggling. There were two daytime shootings outside our school building in the last few months,” Lamar said. “But this is where we work every day; this is where our children and our families live. We have to serve them. We have to find a way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustrated by the delay in services, Lamar hired a speech and language pathologist to work on-site with children who have difficulty communicating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another parent, Ashley Chac, said she waited nine months to get a GGRC coordinator to respond to her request for occupational and physical therapy for her 1 1/2-year-old daughter.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Heidi Lamar, director, Compass Children’s Center\"]‘ … This is where we work every day, this is where our children and our families live. We have to serve them. We have to find a way.’[/pullquote]Chac said she’s upset about missing early intervention during a stage when it can make the greatest impact on her daughter’s development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Time is of the essence for her,” Chac said. “I’m mad that we fell through the cracks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Zigman, executive director of the GGRC, said he’s keenly aware of providers’ reluctance to serve certain neighborhoods and calls it a distressing situation. He said his hands are tied as long as the state pays providers less than the market rate for their services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until those rates are changed, we can’t control every action of every provider,” Zigman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inadequate funding and a shortage of providers have limited regional centers’ ability to improve access and delivery of Early Start services, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-can-better-support-infants-toddlers-with-disabilities-or-developmental-delays/\">a 2022 analysis of the program by the California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early Start’s problems have raised enough of a concern that the federal Office of Special Education Programs deemed California “\u003ca href=\"https://sites.ed.gov/idea/idea-files/2023-spp-apr-and-state-determination-letters-part-c-california/\">needs assistance\u003c/a>” to improve outcomes for children who receive early intervention services.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing back against Zoom therapy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates say that a growing reliance on telehealth is also leading to substandard care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California allowed remote delivery of early intervention services at the beginning of the pandemic to ensure children continued to receive care. But as the threat of COVID-19 subsided, advocates said the practice continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Intervening early and in the child’s home should be the “gold standard,” said Amy Westling, executive director of the Association of Regional Center Agencies. However, the regional centers have a hard time finding providers and paying them a competitive rate, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the service can’t be provided in the natural environment or we can’t identify a provider to do so, we don’t want to say then, ‘We’re not going to offer some alternative,’” Westling said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Left without choices, Balladares tried virtual therapy, but she couldn’t get her foster daughter to focus or respond to the therapist. She said children need to form relationships in person in order to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing replaces a person-to-person relationship, especially for a child,” she said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Amy Westling, executive director, Association of Regional Center Agencies\"]‘If the service can’t be provided in the natural environment or we can’t identify a provider to do so, we don’t want to say then, ‘We’re not going to offer some alternative.”[/pullquote]In the end, Balladares had to cut back her work hours to take the girl to multiple appointments at different clinics each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Running with [her] from one place to another, sometimes trying to make two different appointments in one day … then rushing home to prepare our meals,” she said. “She was exhausted, and so was I.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two years of therapies, Balladares said, the toddler hasn’t made as much progress as she hoped. After turning 3 last month, she is no longer eligible to receive services under Early Start and will require more therapies through the San Francisco Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say some therapists or their agencies are exploiting a loophole in the law that allows telehealth services if the child’s parents or guardians agree to the arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How people took advantage of that was they said to the parent, ‘We can see your child next week virtually, but if we see them in person, it will take several months,’” said Elaine Westlake, a physical therapist who has been demanding a clearer policy on the use of telehealth for Early Start services. “So, of course, the parent says, ‘Well, I guess virtual.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlake said she saw a growing problem when parents in the Tenderloin wondered why she was the only therapist making home visits while others offered their services remotely. She thinks providers are leaning on telehealth because it saves on travel time. What’s more, Medi-Cal pays the same amount whether services are delivered remotely or in person.[aside postID=news_11961256 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/023_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1020x680.jpg']“It’s plain economics because you can see one child after the other [via telehealth],” Westlake said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlake said she is not compensated for the time she spends driving to a child’s home or daycare for each physical therapy appointment. She’s seen the positive impact of that effort. Two recent patients were born prematurely and spent months in neonatal intensive-care units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they came home from the hospital, the parents were afraid to even move them,” Westlake said. Now, she said, both children are walking, running and climbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That never would have happened if I had not seen them in person,” Westlake said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York’s health department recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/community/infants_children/early_intervention/docs/eip_telehealth_guidance_document.pdf\">issued guidance on using telehealth\u003c/a> after the state’s comptroller \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/community/infants_children/early_intervention/docs/eip_telehealth_guidance_document.pdf\">issued an audit\u003c/a> that found many eligible children didn’t receive early intervention services or faced delays. The guidance lays out scenarios where telehealth is allowed and requires that early intervention providers document how they delivered the services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers there are also considering a 5% increase in payments for in-person services and an extra 4% for serving hard-to-reach or underserved areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Northern California, a pilot project funded by the American Rescue Plan aimed at boosting in-person therapies showed promising results, according to Lori Banales, executive director of Alta California Regional Center, which serves Sacramento and nine surrounding counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11978893 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Reyna Balladares and her 3-year-old foster child in San Francisco on March 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The project offered $200 incentives for therapies done in underserved areas, in languages other than English or during hours that would accommodate parents’ work schedules, Banales said. Furthermore, $10,000 internship grants also helped early intervention providers to hire more bilingual therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this works. Money does talk,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has been gradually raising reimbursement rates for providers, Gov. Gavin Newsom wants to delay fully funding the increases to save $1 billion in the next budget year as he moves to close a $38 billion shortfall. That would hinder ongoing efforts to grow the workforce and could lead to longer waits for services, according to\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2024/4837/DDS-Budget-021324.pdf\"> a report by the state Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lori Banales, executive director, Alta California Regional Center\"]‘The very rapid growth puts a lot of pressure on a system where there’s just not enough clinicians. So I think there’s a lot of work to be done to close some of those gaps at this point.’[/pullquote]Some recent policy changes included hiring more regional center coordinators to lower caseloads and expanding eligibility for Early Start services, which is expected to add 10% more children into a program currently serving 56,000 infants and toddlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westling said that’s a lot of change all at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The very rapid growth puts a lot of pressure on a system where there’s just not enough clinicians,” she said. “So, I think there’s a lot of work to be done to close some of those gaps at this point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until reform takes hold, Westlake urges her fellow therapists to uphold their code of ethics and care for kids in their natural environments — just as they did before telehealth came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it before, and we can certainly do it again,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the world shut down during the pandemic, Reyna Balladares decided to open her apartment in San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood to a foster child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single mother of two grown daughters, Balladares heard from a social-worker friend about the challenges of finding a home for foster children and wanted to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balladares took care of a baby boy for six months, and then in 2021, she got paired up with a newborn girl. As months went by, Balladares noticed she was slow to begin walking and talking.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A pediatrician recommended that the girl get physical, speech, occupational and feeding therapy to support her development. Balladares was referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dds.ca.gov/services/early-start/\">Early Start\u003c/a>, California’s early intervention program for infants and toddlers with developmental delays, which approved the treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, getting connected to certain therapists took months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Balladares asked a program coordinator about the long wait, she learned few therapists were willing to make house calls to her neighborhood, which has been at the center of the city’s homelessness and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">drug crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re afraid to come to this community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that kept the girl from getting the services she was entitled to receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California established Early Start in 1986 in response to a federal law guaranteeing early intervention services for children under 3, regardless of their families’ income levels. A network of nonprofit regional centers is responsible for determining a child’s eligibility for developmental support and arranging those services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting services early on is crucial, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/actearly/whyActEarly.html\">experts say,\u003c/a> because babies’ brains are more adaptable during the first three years of life, and the intervention can head off the need for special education services later on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also requires that children receive the services in their home, daycare or other “natural environments” as much as possible because young children learn best \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacer.org/ec/early-intervention/natural-environments.asp\">when they’re in familiar surroundings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11977975 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A collection of kids' toys sits on a beige and blue table beside a white wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-KSM-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A small table and chair with children’s toys in Reyna Balladares’ home in San Francisco on Feb. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer-Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Advocates tell KQED they see a growing divide between who gets quality services and who doesn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s vast inequities,” said Jennifer Albon, a pediatrician who treats children with high health care needs at UCSF Medical Center at Mount Zion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said several patients who live in the Tenderloin and other low-income districts like the Bayview did not receive at-home therapies because the Golden Gate Regional Center, which coordinates early intervention services in San Francisco, San Mateo and Marin counties, couldn’t find providers willing to see children there.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Families who are well-resourced and live in nicer areas, those are the only families who are getting that care in their natural environment, even though [they don’t have] the most need.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The regional center has flat-out told them and told us that there’s no providers who will go to your neighborhood,” she said. “Families who are well-resourced and live in nicer areas, those are the only families who are getting that care in their natural environment, even though [they don’t have] the most need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care centers in the Tenderloin are also impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heidi Lamar, director of Compass Children’s Center, said when she noticed a therapist had stopped showing up to work with a child, she reached out to a case manager at Golden Gate Regional Center or GGRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case manager replied in an email message to Lamar: “The provider is not coming anymore because she was shoved onto the sidewalk by someone on the street while walking to Compass. She had previously been yelled at, cursed at, and followed by a man on a bicycle while walking to Compass on another occasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case manager acknowledged increased difficulty finding providers willing to go to the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We can’t compel therapists to provide services in situations where they don’t feel safe,” the case manager wrote. “We just keep our fingers crossed that the providers don’t drop the families entirely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin has long been plagued by drug dealing, homelessness and mental illness — conditions that residents and business owners say \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/tenderloin-little-saigon-homeless-18601130.php\">have worsened since the pandemic\u003c/a>, despite city efforts to increase safety in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also a refuge for thousands of lower-income and immigrant families who come seeking affordable housing and social support from organizations like Compass. Another child care center — Wu Yee Children’s Services — hires a “street usher” to escort kids to playgrounds in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure you’ve seen in the news our neighborhood is struggling. There were two daytime shootings outside our school building in the last few months,” Lamar said. “But this is where we work every day; this is where our children and our families live. We have to serve them. We have to find a way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustrated by the delay in services, Lamar hired a speech and language pathologist to work on-site with children who have difficulty communicating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another parent, Ashley Chac, said she waited nine months to get a GGRC coordinator to respond to her request for occupational and physical therapy for her 1 1/2-year-old daughter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chac said she’s upset about missing early intervention during a stage when it can make the greatest impact on her daughter’s development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Time is of the essence for her,” Chac said. “I’m mad that we fell through the cracks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Zigman, executive director of the GGRC, said he’s keenly aware of providers’ reluctance to serve certain neighborhoods and calls it a distressing situation. He said his hands are tied as long as the state pays providers less than the market rate for their services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until those rates are changed, we can’t control every action of every provider,” Zigman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inadequate funding and a shortage of providers have limited regional centers’ ability to improve access and delivery of Early Start services, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-can-better-support-infants-toddlers-with-disabilities-or-developmental-delays/\">a 2022 analysis of the program by the California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early Start’s problems have raised enough of a concern that the federal Office of Special Education Programs deemed California “\u003ca href=\"https://sites.ed.gov/idea/idea-files/2023-spp-apr-and-state-determination-letters-part-c-california/\">needs assistance\u003c/a>” to improve outcomes for children who receive early intervention services.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing back against Zoom therapy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates say that a growing reliance on telehealth is also leading to substandard care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California allowed remote delivery of early intervention services at the beginning of the pandemic to ensure children continued to receive care. But as the threat of COVID-19 subsided, advocates said the practice continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Intervening early and in the child’s home should be the “gold standard,” said Amy Westling, executive director of the Association of Regional Center Agencies. However, the regional centers have a hard time finding providers and paying them a competitive rate, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the service can’t be provided in the natural environment or we can’t identify a provider to do so, we don’t want to say then, ‘We’re not going to offer some alternative,’” Westling said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Left without choices, Balladares tried virtual therapy, but she couldn’t get her foster daughter to focus or respond to the therapist. She said children need to form relationships in person in order to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing replaces a person-to-person relationship, especially for a child,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the end, Balladares had to cut back her work hours to take the girl to multiple appointments at different clinics each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Running with [her] from one place to another, sometimes trying to make two different appointments in one day … then rushing home to prepare our meals,” she said. “She was exhausted, and so was I.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two years of therapies, Balladares said, the toddler hasn’t made as much progress as she hoped. After turning 3 last month, she is no longer eligible to receive services under Early Start and will require more therapies through the San Francisco Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say some therapists or their agencies are exploiting a loophole in the law that allows telehealth services if the child’s parents or guardians agree to the arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How people took advantage of that was they said to the parent, ‘We can see your child next week virtually, but if we see them in person, it will take several months,’” said Elaine Westlake, a physical therapist who has been demanding a clearer policy on the use of telehealth for Early Start services. “So, of course, the parent says, ‘Well, I guess virtual.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlake said she saw a growing problem when parents in the Tenderloin wondered why she was the only therapist making home visits while others offered their services remotely. She thinks providers are leaning on telehealth because it saves on travel time. What’s more, Medi-Cal pays the same amount whether services are delivered remotely or in person.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s plain economics because you can see one child after the other [via telehealth],” Westlake said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlake said she is not compensated for the time she spends driving to a child’s home or daycare for each physical therapy appointment. She’s seen the positive impact of that effort. Two recent patients were born prematurely and spent months in neonatal intensive-care units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they came home from the hospital, the parents were afraid to even move them,” Westlake said. Now, she said, both children are walking, running and climbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That never would have happened if I had not seen them in person,” Westlake said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York’s health department recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/community/infants_children/early_intervention/docs/eip_telehealth_guidance_document.pdf\">issued guidance on using telehealth\u003c/a> after the state’s comptroller \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/community/infants_children/early_intervention/docs/eip_telehealth_guidance_document.pdf\">issued an audit\u003c/a> that found many eligible children didn’t receive early intervention services or faced delays. The guidance lays out scenarios where telehealth is allowed and requires that early intervention providers document how they delivered the services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers there are also considering a 5% increase in payments for in-person services and an extra 4% for serving hard-to-reach or underserved areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Northern California, a pilot project funded by the American Rescue Plan aimed at boosting in-person therapies showed promising results, according to Lori Banales, executive director of Alta California Regional Center, which serves Sacramento and nine surrounding counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11978893 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240309-EARLY-START-DEVELOPMENTAL-DELAYS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Reyna Balladares and her 3-year-old foster child in San Francisco on March 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The project offered $200 incentives for therapies done in underserved areas, in languages other than English or during hours that would accommodate parents’ work schedules, Banales said. Furthermore, $10,000 internship grants also helped early intervention providers to hire more bilingual therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this works. Money does talk,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has been gradually raising reimbursement rates for providers, Gov. Gavin Newsom wants to delay fully funding the increases to save $1 billion in the next budget year as he moves to close a $38 billion shortfall. That would hinder ongoing efforts to grow the workforce and could lead to longer waits for services, according to\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2024/4837/DDS-Budget-021324.pdf\"> a report by the state Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The very rapid growth puts a lot of pressure on a system where there’s just not enough clinicians. So I think there’s a lot of work to be done to close some of those gaps at this point.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Some recent policy changes included hiring more regional center coordinators to lower caseloads and expanding eligibility for Early Start services, which is expected to add 10% more children into a program currently serving 56,000 infants and toddlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westling said that’s a lot of change all at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The very rapid growth puts a lot of pressure on a system where there’s just not enough clinicians,” she said. “So, I think there’s a lot of work to be done to close some of those gaps at this point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until reform takes hold, Westlake urges her fellow therapists to uphold their code of ethics and care for kids in their natural environments — just as they did before telehealth came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it before, and we can certainly do it again,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The rate of overdose deaths in San Francisco remained steady in the first two months of 2024, according to data released Monday from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new data shows there were 131 overdose deaths in San Francisco between January and February of this year. That’s compared to 136 overdose deaths over the same period a year ago. There were 811 overdose deaths in San Francisco in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of these overdoses involved fentanyl, an opioid about 50 times stronger than heroin. But many people who die from an overdose in the city are combining substances with fentanyl, like methamphetamine or cocaine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Hillary Kunins, director, Behavioral Health and Mental Health SF\"]‘We want everyone to know, even though addiction is a chronic illness, recovery is possible.’[/pullquote]In response, city health officials say they are expanding opportunities for contingency management, a positive-reinforcement-based model that’s primarily used for adjusting methamphetamine and cocaine use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Recovering from stimulants improves an individual’s health and reduces their overall risk of overdose,” Christy Soran, deputy medical director of substance use services for the Department of Public Health, told reporters on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike opioid addiction or alcoholism, there are no government-approved medications for stimulant-use disorder. Contingency management offers another option. People participating typically attend weekly or regular meetings with a group and counselor, and they take a drug test for the substance they are targeting. If the test is negative, a small stipend, such as a gift card, is offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Percent of overdoses in Jan. – Feb. 2024 involving at least this drug\n\" aria-label=\"Bar Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-df81A\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/df81A/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"321\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6768930/\">Veterans Affairs\u003c/a> has used contingency management for decades. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0376871618300784\">2018 study\u003c/a> found that, on average, VA patients attended more than half of their counseling sessions, and 91% of participants tested negative for the targeted substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11965813,news_11972898,news_11967618\" label=\"Related Stories\"]San Francisco’s embrace of contingency management is not new. But its expansion comes alongside statewide efforts to grow access to the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California became the first state to cover contingency management through Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has also allocated $58.5 million to pilot contingency management programs in \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Pages/DMC-ODS-Contingency-Management.aspx\">nearly two dozen other California counties\u003c/a>. In those programs, each patient receives a maximum of $599 over six months, after which they are referred for follow-up recovery programs and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, the San Francisco Department of Public Health provides contingency management at the \u003ca href=\"https://citywide.ucsf.edu/stimulant-treatment-outpatient-program-stop\">Citywide Clinic’s Stimulant Treatment Outpatient Program\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://psych.ucsf.edu/news/office-based-buprenorphine-induction-clinics-work-highlighted-national-magazine\">Office-Based Buprenorphine Induction Clinic\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/reports/october-2022/overdose-prevention-plan-2022\">Project HOUDINI LINK\u003c/a>. The San Francisco AIDS Foundation and others also provide similar programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, San Francisco has been working to increase opioid addiction treatments like buprenorphine or methadone medications as overdose deaths have remained at epidemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These medications, specifically buprenorphine and methadone, each reduce a person’s risk of dying by approximately 50%,” Hillary Kunins, director of Behavioral Health and Mental Health SF for the San Francisco Department of Public Health, said on Tuesday to reporters. “I really cannot understate the effectiveness of these medications. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In response, city health officials say they are expanding opportunities for contingency management, a positive-reinforcement-based model that’s primarily used for adjusting methamphetamine and cocaine use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Recovering from stimulants improves an individual’s health and reduces their overall risk of overdose,” Christy Soran, deputy medical director of substance use services for the Department of Public Health, told reporters on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike opioid addiction or alcoholism, there are no government-approved medications for stimulant-use disorder. Contingency management offers another option. People participating typically attend weekly or regular meetings with a group and counselor, and they take a drug test for the substance they are targeting. If the test is negative, a small stipend, such as a gift card, is offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Percent of overdoses in Jan. – Feb. 2024 involving at least this drug\n\" aria-label=\"Bar Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-df81A\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/df81A/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"321\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6768930/\">Veterans Affairs\u003c/a> has used contingency management for decades. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0376871618300784\">2018 study\u003c/a> found that, on average, VA patients attended more than half of their counseling sessions, and 91% of participants tested negative for the targeted substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Francisco’s embrace of contingency management is not new. But its expansion comes alongside statewide efforts to grow access to the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California became the first state to cover contingency management through Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has also allocated $58.5 million to pilot contingency management programs in \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Pages/DMC-ODS-Contingency-Management.aspx\">nearly two dozen other California counties\u003c/a>. In those programs, each patient receives a maximum of $599 over six months, after which they are referred for follow-up recovery programs and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, the San Francisco Department of Public Health provides contingency management at the \u003ca href=\"https://citywide.ucsf.edu/stimulant-treatment-outpatient-program-stop\">Citywide Clinic’s Stimulant Treatment Outpatient Program\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://psych.ucsf.edu/news/office-based-buprenorphine-induction-clinics-work-highlighted-national-magazine\">Office-Based Buprenorphine Induction Clinic\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/reports/october-2022/overdose-prevention-plan-2022\">Project HOUDINI LINK\u003c/a>. The San Francisco AIDS Foundation and others also provide similar programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, San Francisco has been working to increase opioid addiction treatments like buprenorphine or methadone medications as overdose deaths have remained at epidemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These medications, specifically buprenorphine and methadone, each reduce a person’s risk of dying by approximately 50%,” Hillary Kunins, director of Behavioral Health and Mental Health SF for the San Francisco Department of Public Health, said on Tuesday to reporters. “I really cannot understate the effectiveness of these medications. They save lives, and they are within every person’s reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buprenorphine is available across the San Francisco Health Network, including in primary care and hospital settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want everyone to know, even though addiction is a chronic illness, recovery is possible,” Kunins said. “There is a way out of addiction and into a healthier life.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin still remembers the night he visited a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/2-injured-as-fire-erupts-on-balcony-of-S-F-high-15741803.php\">fire at the Golden Gateway\u003c/a>, an apartment complex near the Embarcadero, which is part of the district he represents. Peskin said the fire was started by the lithium-ion battery in one of the five e-scooters a person in the building was charging. People living in the 15-unit building were displaced for a long period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin said, at this point, he realized these batteries could be dangerous and that something had to be done. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin\"]‘The federal government is not regulating the inflow of inferior, poorly made devices that have been exploding and bursting into flames.’[/pullquote] Last month, the city’s Board of Supervisors unanimously voted to approve the legislation, which Supervisor Peskin introduced last November in an attempt to curb the number of such incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, between 2020 and 2023, the San Francisco Fire Department has recorded 65 incidents related to rechargeable batteries. In addition, these numbers have steadily increased every year since 2017 — another reason why Peskin introduced the legislation. He said that at least one person had already died in San Francisco from one of these incidents. In New York, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/28/nyregion/fazil-khan-fire-lithium-ion-battery.html#:~:text=ion%2Dbattery.html-,E%2DBike%20Battery%20Caused%20Fire%20That%20Killed%20Young%20Journalist%2C%20Officials,of%20justice%2C%20his%20friends%20said.\">a journalist died\u003c/a> in February when a fire sparked by one of these batteries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, lithium-ion batteries, which are subject to … very hot, fast-moving fires, have increased in number exponentially over the last several years, not only in San Francisco but around the country,” Peskin said. “The federal government is not regulating the inflow of inferior, poorly made devices that have been exploding and bursting into flames. So now that happens, it looks like, every week in San Francisco, and with our dense, mostly wooden-framed building environment, it poses serious risks to the lives and homes of San Franciscans.” [aside postID=news_11978707 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-117-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']San Francisco Fire Department Capt. Justin Schorr said that many of these fires are caused by batteries that run popular power-mobility devices such as electric bikes, scooters, hoverboards and skateboards. He said that these fires are difficult to fight because of the incredible heat they emit when they burn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is that not everyone is reading the owner’s manual and the users’ instructions when it comes to storage and charging of the devices, so it’s leading to some unsafe situations,” Schorr said. “These batteries can have such an incredible amount of energy released that it is described as fireworks or small explosions from folks that have seen these batteries fail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations say that single housing units can only store and charge a limit of four batteries, and for those units with more, additional measures such as sprinklers, a smoke detection system and a minimum space of 3 feet between batteries are required. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Fire Department Capt. Justin Schorr\"]‘What we’re seeing is that not everyone is reading the owner’s manual and the users’ instructions when it comes to storage and charging of the devices, so it’s leading to some unsafe situations.’[/pullquote]The legislation also says that every battery must be plugged directly into a wall outlet, avoiding extension cords and power strips, and that users must follow the instructions provided by manufacturers never to use a battery that is damaged or reassembled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schorr said that San Franciscans can take other steps to ensure they can always stay safe while charging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that people keep those devices away from exit routes. Make sure you set a timer and never let it charge overnight or when you’re not there. These steps, if taken, will decrease the risk of injury and fatality from fires from these batteries., Schorr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "San Francisco Approves Expanded Police Powers, Drug Screening for Welfare Recipients",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco moderates, especially Mayor London Breed, are celebrating after Propositions C, E and F appear headed to victory.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Props E and F will expand police powers and drug screen welfare recipients. Now that they’ve passed, Mayor London Breed hopes to show voters she’s addressing the worries on voters’ minds ahead of a competitive mayoral race this November.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1950378903&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. San Francisco took a step to the right by passing new measures that will expand police powers and screen welfare recipients for drugs. It’s all part of Mayor London Breed’s plan to show she’s doing something about the city’s problems as she prepares for a tough fight for reelection this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>Now, I do recognize that some people don’t feel the lower crime rate yet. And if you or someone you know is the victim of a crime, all the stats mean nothing. I understand that, and I hear your concerns. And that’s exactly why we’re not letting up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today we talk with KQED reporter Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez about San Francisco’s election results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So mayor London Breed authored propositions C, E, and F. See is a it’s an exemption from transfer tax so that officers can be converted into housing. Proposition E would expand police powers and prop F would drug screen and offer drug treatment for welfare users. And these more moderate conservative policies are on their way to passing. We haven’t seen every ballot counted, but by all intents and purposes, there’s really no way they’re going to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>But these are all authored by London Breed, and I wouldn’t say people went to the ballot box and said, you know what? I really love that London Breed. I’m going to vote on all these things because the mayor authored them. That’s that’s probably not what happened. The reason we know that is because London Breed is really sagging in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>But what it does mean is that London Breed will be able to tout her successes every day from now leading into the November election. Also on election night, we saw, the moderate Democrat slate on the Democratic Party board, also called the Democratic County Central Committee do well. Proposition A, a $300 million housing bond, also passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>That’s a joint effort by the progressives and the moderates. The one exception to the whole law and order result in Tuesday’s election is the judges, in San Francisco Superior Court race. The incumbent judges actually won against challengers who are touting a tough on crime message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Are you surprised by these results, Joe?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I’m not surprised by these results. We had a very low turnout because we had fewer people come out. The fewer people vote, the more often they’re what we think of as consistent voters. And consistent voters are more often white. They’re more often homeowners. There are more often business owners, people who get taxed. And those people tend to vote for law and order measures. And so when we saw that the turnout was going to be low, it became a lot clearer which propositions would succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, remind us, Joe, what props E and F will actually do, and how big of a change will this be for San Francisco residents? Starting with prop E, which we’ve talked about in a previous episode, contains a lot of changes to policing in San Francisco. What’s about to change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Proposition E is basically a grab bag of policies that affect police work that Mayor London Breed: put into one measure. It’s four prongs. It’s allowing more police surveillance powers without having to go for checks with the Board of Supervisors or approvals. It’s being able to do more vehicle pursuits. Used to be vehicle pursuits, really, only if life was in danger or someone did a violent crime. Now it’s essentially petty theft can urge up vehicle pursuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>It’s reduce paperwork for officers, which also on the flip side means less oversight because they have to file fewer reports. And the last prong is adding a very lengthy public process in every police precinct in San Francisco before the police commission can pass a new policy. And that essentially weakens the police commission and gives a lot of authority to the police department, because the chief can veto that lengthy public process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So essentially, if the chief likes a policy, he can veto that public process or pass it. Go ahead. And if the chief doesn’t like the policy from the oversight commission, then he can just be like, oh, well, why don’t you do public outreach before you pass this and really draw it out?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, all those sound really about loosening restrictions on police, sort of broadening their powers. Right? Let’s move on then, to prop F, which is about drug testing and welfare. What will this do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Every county under state law is required to administer some amount of welfare. San Francisco gives about $700 a month to about 5000 individuals. You get $700 a month unless you’re homeless, in which case you get $100 a month and a housing voucher that’s worth about 600. Now, under prop F, if someone in county government or city government suspects that you’re using drugs and you are a recipient of Cap funding welfare funding, then they can ask that you be drug screened and go to drug treatment program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And if you don’t, then they can take away your welfare money. That could lead you to losing your housing, because now they have said that they can try to pay for housing while they wait for you to get back on the program, and that if they are the ones who administer your housing or give you housing, then they will not evict you for some amount of time. And it’s up to the human service agencies, but you’re really leaving a lot to the good graces of that program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Joe, how does London Breed: talk about. Props E and F now that they’ve passed, how do they fit into her vision for the city?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>She talked about this at her state of the city address on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>And I hear your concerns. And that’s exactly why we’re not letting up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong> Really London Breed has tried to couch these measures as part of her aggressive tactics to ensure safety for folks to curbing drug use on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>Yes, offering people services is critical, but frankly, we must compel some people into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We to giving police more powers to tackle crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>We will be installing new public safety cameras in high crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break ins and other crimes, and changing police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>She said she is tired of negativity, said San Francisco is a dragon spreading its wings, coming back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>I believe the past is a precursor to our rise. This is the year of the dragon and we will soar again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>She is facing a tough reelection right now from the right word flank of the Democratic Party. And soon, also, it’s rumored, the leftward flank of her Democratic Party from Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who is rumored to be running for mayor. And we’ve seen that expressed in polls in a San Francisco Chronicle poll. London Breed: had 75% unfavorable. A lot of people don’t believe that she is bringing the city in the right direction right now, and she’s been honestly getting attacked on all sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how progressives reacted to the election results and why tech has gotten more involved in local elections. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What reactions did you see from more progressives in San Francisco in this, the aftermath of the primary?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So I was out on election night, right? My whole thing, election night is going to these different parties where people are celebrating or drinking away their sorrows on the way the election went. And I tried to go to the progressives election night party, which was at this little food truck court across from the Costco there. And that thing had disbanded before I even got there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>They had lost so badly, both on the Democratic Party board slate, where they had the moderates picked up at least 20 seats. I mean, the votes are still being counted, so we won’t know exactly how many seats until it’s done, but also on prop CNF. So I went to another bar on 16th Street and found some progressives still there celebrating Prop Day. And they were they were down in the doldrums, clinking glasses and kind of like staring into their beers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>The progressives, what they did not do is articulate a different vision. Think of it this way. Props E and F are an expression of Mayor London Breed’s vision on what a safe city should be. There is no counter proposition that says this is what progressives think public safety should be. This is our ethos. And that is their challenge going into November, when they do eventually run a candidate against Mayor London Breed:.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, I want to talk about Joe. The amount of money that went into this race and what it says about what’s coming this November. Who are the biggest spenders in this primary and where did that money go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>There’s a number of groups. And we saw this data, from Michigan local and also, gathered by the Guardian who did a story on this. But there’s a network of groups like grow SF and together SF that, since I would say about 2020, have pulled more than $26 million to influence local elections. And to give you context in that these are small local races that sometimes didn’t see more than a few hundred thousand dollars spent on them, and now you’re seeing millions being poured into these races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Imagine how much money is going to come into the mayor’s races and other races for supervisor in San Francisco in November. It is incredible. A lot of that money from those groups ultimately comes from tech CEOs and angel investors like Ron Conway, who, made early bets on big tech companies like Facebook, like ripple, CEO Chris Larsen, like Gary Tan from Y Combinator, who is on the board of grow SF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Why do you think all of these people in tech are getting so involved in local politics right now? What do these groups want?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Yeah. You know when when you go to these groups and you say, well, what’s the deal with all this money you’re spending? Why are you spending so much money to upend local politics? Well, a lot of them will tell you they want is they just want a city that works. They want a city that is safe. They want a city where their kids can go to school. But that’s not all we’ve seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We’ve seen Republican money make its way into San Francisco during the recall of Chesa Boudin. We’ve seen it make its way into San Francisco in the recall of Board of Education members. There are some allies, ships happening very high level, where Republicans have gotten involved because they want to tarnish Democratic cities as a means to weakening Democrats on a national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What do you think these results tell us about how the next eight months are going to go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I think these results are not indicative of everything we’re going to see in November, but they’re indicative of what could happen. And I’ll give you an example of why, in the case of the propositions, as I said earlier, the progressives didn’t articulate a counter message. What is their vision of public safety? But in one race, we actually saw a battle of ideas, and that is in the judicial race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Incumbent judges Michael Bigot, a ten year judge on Gavin Newsom’s care courts now, and Patrick Thompson, these two incumbent judges, were defending their seats against tough on crime touting candidates Jean Roland and Albert Chip Zucker. And these candidates were making many of the same arguments that we heard for props. E.f. The streets aren’t safe. We need a change. Judges are letting criminals out into the streets. Michael beggar right now is leading over his over the challenger, Chip Zucker, by 20 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We see ourselves moving slightly rightward in some of our policies, but that strain of rightward ness has always been in San Francisco. There have been, Republicans and centrists to right leaning Democrats in San Francisco since the city’s inception. We had a police chief was mayor Frank Jordan in the 1990s. This is this is not a new element in San Francisco. But what happens is that in the ebb and flow of power, sometimes that element researches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right, Joe, thank you so much for joining us. I know it’s been a long week, so I hope you get some rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Thank you. Yeah, I got a nap with my name on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, a reporter for KQED. This 35 minute conversation with Joe was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca. Alan Monticello is our senior editor. He scored this episode and added all the tape music courtesy of Bluedot Sessions and First Con Music. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. You can support our work by becoming a KQED member. Just go to KQED.org/Donate. And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thank you so much for listening to the Bay. Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco moderates, especially Mayor London Breed, are celebrating after Propositions C, E and F appear headed to victory.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Props E and F will expand police powers and drug screen welfare recipients. Now that they’ve passed, Mayor London Breed hopes to show voters she’s addressing the worries on voters’ minds ahead of a competitive mayoral race this November.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1950378903&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. San Francisco took a step to the right by passing new measures that will expand police powers and screen welfare recipients for drugs. It’s all part of Mayor London Breed’s plan to show she’s doing something about the city’s problems as she prepares for a tough fight for reelection this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>Now, I do recognize that some people don’t feel the lower crime rate yet. And if you or someone you know is the victim of a crime, all the stats mean nothing. I understand that, and I hear your concerns. And that’s exactly why we’re not letting up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today we talk with KQED reporter Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez about San Francisco’s election results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So mayor London Breed authored propositions C, E, and F. See is a it’s an exemption from transfer tax so that officers can be converted into housing. Proposition E would expand police powers and prop F would drug screen and offer drug treatment for welfare users. And these more moderate conservative policies are on their way to passing. We haven’t seen every ballot counted, but by all intents and purposes, there’s really no way they’re going to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>But these are all authored by London Breed, and I wouldn’t say people went to the ballot box and said, you know what? I really love that London Breed. I’m going to vote on all these things because the mayor authored them. That’s that’s probably not what happened. The reason we know that is because London Breed is really sagging in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>But what it does mean is that London Breed will be able to tout her successes every day from now leading into the November election. Also on election night, we saw, the moderate Democrat slate on the Democratic Party board, also called the Democratic County Central Committee do well. Proposition A, a $300 million housing bond, also passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>That’s a joint effort by the progressives and the moderates. The one exception to the whole law and order result in Tuesday’s election is the judges, in San Francisco Superior Court race. The incumbent judges actually won against challengers who are touting a tough on crime message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Are you surprised by these results, Joe?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I’m not surprised by these results. We had a very low turnout because we had fewer people come out. The fewer people vote, the more often they’re what we think of as consistent voters. And consistent voters are more often white. They’re more often homeowners. There are more often business owners, people who get taxed. And those people tend to vote for law and order measures. And so when we saw that the turnout was going to be low, it became a lot clearer which propositions would succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, remind us, Joe, what props E and F will actually do, and how big of a change will this be for San Francisco residents? Starting with prop E, which we’ve talked about in a previous episode, contains a lot of changes to policing in San Francisco. What’s about to change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Proposition E is basically a grab bag of policies that affect police work that Mayor London Breed: put into one measure. It’s four prongs. It’s allowing more police surveillance powers without having to go for checks with the Board of Supervisors or approvals. It’s being able to do more vehicle pursuits. Used to be vehicle pursuits, really, only if life was in danger or someone did a violent crime. Now it’s essentially petty theft can urge up vehicle pursuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>It’s reduce paperwork for officers, which also on the flip side means less oversight because they have to file fewer reports. And the last prong is adding a very lengthy public process in every police precinct in San Francisco before the police commission can pass a new policy. And that essentially weakens the police commission and gives a lot of authority to the police department, because the chief can veto that lengthy public process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So essentially, if the chief likes a policy, he can veto that public process or pass it. Go ahead. And if the chief doesn’t like the policy from the oversight commission, then he can just be like, oh, well, why don’t you do public outreach before you pass this and really draw it out?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, all those sound really about loosening restrictions on police, sort of broadening their powers. Right? Let’s move on then, to prop F, which is about drug testing and welfare. What will this do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Every county under state law is required to administer some amount of welfare. San Francisco gives about $700 a month to about 5000 individuals. You get $700 a month unless you’re homeless, in which case you get $100 a month and a housing voucher that’s worth about 600. Now, under prop F, if someone in county government or city government suspects that you’re using drugs and you are a recipient of Cap funding welfare funding, then they can ask that you be drug screened and go to drug treatment program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And if you don’t, then they can take away your welfare money. That could lead you to losing your housing, because now they have said that they can try to pay for housing while they wait for you to get back on the program, and that if they are the ones who administer your housing or give you housing, then they will not evict you for some amount of time. And it’s up to the human service agencies, but you’re really leaving a lot to the good graces of that program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Joe, how does London Breed: talk about. Props E and F now that they’ve passed, how do they fit into her vision for the city?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>She talked about this at her state of the city address on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>And I hear your concerns. And that’s exactly why we’re not letting up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong> Really London Breed has tried to couch these measures as part of her aggressive tactics to ensure safety for folks to curbing drug use on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>Yes, offering people services is critical, but frankly, we must compel some people into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We to giving police more powers to tackle crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>We will be installing new public safety cameras in high crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break ins and other crimes, and changing police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>She said she is tired of negativity, said San Francisco is a dragon spreading its wings, coming back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mayor London Breed: \u003c/strong>I believe the past is a precursor to our rise. This is the year of the dragon and we will soar again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>She is facing a tough reelection right now from the right word flank of the Democratic Party. And soon, also, it’s rumored, the leftward flank of her Democratic Party from Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who is rumored to be running for mayor. And we’ve seen that expressed in polls in a San Francisco Chronicle poll. London Breed: had 75% unfavorable. A lot of people don’t believe that she is bringing the city in the right direction right now, and she’s been honestly getting attacked on all sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how progressives reacted to the election results and why tech has gotten more involved in local elections. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What reactions did you see from more progressives in San Francisco in this, the aftermath of the primary?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So I was out on election night, right? My whole thing, election night is going to these different parties where people are celebrating or drinking away their sorrows on the way the election went. And I tried to go to the progressives election night party, which was at this little food truck court across from the Costco there. And that thing had disbanded before I even got there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>They had lost so badly, both on the Democratic Party board slate, where they had the moderates picked up at least 20 seats. I mean, the votes are still being counted, so we won’t know exactly how many seats until it’s done, but also on prop CNF. So I went to another bar on 16th Street and found some progressives still there celebrating Prop Day. And they were they were down in the doldrums, clinking glasses and kind of like staring into their beers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>The progressives, what they did not do is articulate a different vision. Think of it this way. Props E and F are an expression of Mayor London Breed’s vision on what a safe city should be. There is no counter proposition that says this is what progressives think public safety should be. This is our ethos. And that is their challenge going into November, when they do eventually run a candidate against Mayor London Breed:.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, I want to talk about Joe. The amount of money that went into this race and what it says about what’s coming this November. Who are the biggest spenders in this primary and where did that money go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>There’s a number of groups. And we saw this data, from Michigan local and also, gathered by the Guardian who did a story on this. But there’s a network of groups like grow SF and together SF that, since I would say about 2020, have pulled more than $26 million to influence local elections. And to give you context in that these are small local races that sometimes didn’t see more than a few hundred thousand dollars spent on them, and now you’re seeing millions being poured into these races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Imagine how much money is going to come into the mayor’s races and other races for supervisor in San Francisco in November. It is incredible. A lot of that money from those groups ultimately comes from tech CEOs and angel investors like Ron Conway, who, made early bets on big tech companies like Facebook, like ripple, CEO Chris Larsen, like Gary Tan from Y Combinator, who is on the board of grow SF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Why do you think all of these people in tech are getting so involved in local politics right now? What do these groups want?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Yeah. You know when when you go to these groups and you say, well, what’s the deal with all this money you’re spending? Why are you spending so much money to upend local politics? Well, a lot of them will tell you they want is they just want a city that works. They want a city that is safe. They want a city where their kids can go to school. But that’s not all we’ve seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We’ve seen Republican money make its way into San Francisco during the recall of Chesa Boudin. We’ve seen it make its way into San Francisco in the recall of Board of Education members. There are some allies, ships happening very high level, where Republicans have gotten involved because they want to tarnish Democratic cities as a means to weakening Democrats on a national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What do you think these results tell us about how the next eight months are going to go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I think these results are not indicative of everything we’re going to see in November, but they’re indicative of what could happen. And I’ll give you an example of why, in the case of the propositions, as I said earlier, the progressives didn’t articulate a counter message. What is their vision of public safety? But in one race, we actually saw a battle of ideas, and that is in the judicial race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Incumbent judges Michael Bigot, a ten year judge on Gavin Newsom’s care courts now, and Patrick Thompson, these two incumbent judges, were defending their seats against tough on crime touting candidates Jean Roland and Albert Chip Zucker. And these candidates were making many of the same arguments that we heard for props. E.f. The streets aren’t safe. We need a change. Judges are letting criminals out into the streets. Michael beggar right now is leading over his over the challenger, Chip Zucker, by 20 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We see ourselves moving slightly rightward in some of our policies, but that strain of rightward ness has always been in San Francisco. There have been, Republicans and centrists to right leaning Democrats in San Francisco since the city’s inception. We had a police chief was mayor Frank Jordan in the 1990s. This is this is not a new element in San Francisco. But what happens is that in the ebb and flow of power, sometimes that element researches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right, Joe, thank you so much for joining us. I know it’s been a long week, so I hope you get some rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Thank you. Yeah, I got a nap with my name on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, a reporter for KQED. This 35 minute conversation with Joe was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca. Alan Monticello is our senior editor. He scored this episode and added all the tape music courtesy of Bluedot Sessions and First Con Music. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. You can support our work by becoming a KQED member. Just go to KQED.org/Donate. And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thank you so much for listening to the Bay. Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>During her annual State of the City address Thursday, San Francisco Mayor London Breed unveiled a new plan to revitalize the city’s struggling downtown area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s goal with the 30 by 30 initiative is to attract 30,000 residents and students downtown by 2030.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]‘We are recruiting new businesses and continuing to see new leases signed led by AI, which alone is projected to add 12 million square feet of office space by 2030.’[/pullquote]“Downtown has always been the economic engine that funds the services we care about, and its post-pandemic difficulties are the driving reason for the deficit we now face,” Breed said from Pier 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed acknowledged the city’s economic reliance on industries operating from downtown offices. That dependence was made clear at the onset of the pandemic, with a persistent downtown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955554/could-empty-offices-in-san-francisco-be-converted-to-homes\">office vacancy rate exceeding 30% due to the shift to remote work.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Breed also indicated that she believes technology companies still have a large role to play in fueling that economic engine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are recruiting new businesses and continuing to see new leases signed led by AI, which alone is projected to add 12 million square feet of office space by 2030,” Breed said. “And it won’t be AI alone. This is one of the most beautiful urban environments in the world, with an unrivaled pool of talent, of builders and dreamers, and the largest collection of deployable capital in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet this new goal, Breed said she hopes to work with state Sen. Scott Wiener to \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/20240216-senator-wiener-introduces-bill-revitalize-downtown-san-francisco\">change state laws\u003c/a> to provide regulatory and tax exemptions for building conversions and spur housing production downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Breed committed to vetoing any new piece of legislation that she deemed to be anti-housing.[aside label='More on London Breed' tag='london-breed']\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-and-research/plans-and-reports\">A state report released last October\u003c/a> criticized city rules for making new housing production slower and costlier. Even if some of those local rules are changed — obstacles remain — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839409/5-reasons-its-so-expensive-to-build-housing-in-california\">high construction costs.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements come as Breed seems poised to score several victories in Tuesday’s election, including the likely passage of propositions C, E and F, which she sponsored. Though not all votes have been counted, all three measures were leading by more than five percentage points as of \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/results/20240305w/index.html\">Thursday afternoon\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, if passed, would provide the new owners of converted office buildings with a one-time exemption from the city’s real estate transfer tax. As of this writing, it currently leads with nearly 54% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition F would require residents who receive city benefits to submit to drug screenings and treatment programs if they are suspected of having a dependence on illegal drugs or risk losing their benefits. Critics say coerced participation is not likely to lead to successful treatment — and vulnerable people could lose their housing if cut off from assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her speech, the mayor thanked residents for their support of those propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will roll out 400 automated license plate cameras at 100 intersections across the city this month. Thanks to the voters for approving Proposition E on Tuesday,” Breed said. “We will be installing new public safety cameras in high-crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break-ins and other crimes.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]‘We will roll out 400 automated license plate cameras at 100 intersections across the city this month. … We will be installing new public safety cameras in high-crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break-ins and other crimes.’[/pullquote] Along with giving police greater access to surveillance technology and reducing officer requirements for use-of-force reporting, Proposition E would allow police to engage in vehicle pursuits more often.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor seemed to take Tuesday’s election results as a mandate to continue her efforts to ramp up police crackdowns in the city, vowing to support arrests of drug dealers and even drug users “who are a danger to themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, offering people services is critical, but frankly, we must compel some people into treatment,” Breed said, adding that she also hopes to expand treatment options for those suffering from substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s test of true public support, though, will come in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when residents will decide whether to re-elect Breed and give her the time to enact these plans or vote in one of her challengers instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-and-research/plans-and-reports\">A state report released last October\u003c/a> criticized city rules for making new housing production slower and costlier. Even if some of those local rules are changed — obstacles remain — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839409/5-reasons-its-so-expensive-to-build-housing-in-california\">high construction costs.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements come as Breed seems poised to score several victories in Tuesday’s election, including the likely passage of propositions C, E and F, which she sponsored. Though not all votes have been counted, all three measures were leading by more than five percentage points as of \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/results/20240305w/index.html\">Thursday afternoon\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, if passed, would provide the new owners of converted office buildings with a one-time exemption from the city’s real estate transfer tax. As of this writing, it currently leads with nearly 54% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition F would require residents who receive city benefits to submit to drug screenings and treatment programs if they are suspected of having a dependence on illegal drugs or risk losing their benefits. Critics say coerced participation is not likely to lead to successful treatment — and vulnerable people could lose their housing if cut off from assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her speech, the mayor thanked residents for their support of those propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will roll out 400 automated license plate cameras at 100 intersections across the city this month. Thanks to the voters for approving Proposition E on Tuesday,” Breed said. “We will be installing new public safety cameras in high-crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break-ins and other crimes.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Along with giving police greater access to surveillance technology and reducing officer requirements for use-of-force reporting, Proposition E would allow police to engage in vehicle pursuits more often.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor seemed to take Tuesday’s election results as a mandate to continue her efforts to ramp up police crackdowns in the city, vowing to support arrests of drug dealers and even drug users “who are a danger to themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, offering people services is critical, but frankly, we must compel some people into treatment,” Breed said, adding that she also hopes to expand treatment options for those suffering from substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s test of true public support, though, will come in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when residents will decide whether to re-elect Breed and give her the time to enact these plans or vote in one of her challengers instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Propositions E and F in San Francisco Appear Headed for Victory",
"headTitle": "Propositions E and F in San Francisco Appear Headed for Victory | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Primary Election 2024 Live Updates: Follow KQED reporters as we cover election results from across California and the Bay Area.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco voters are poised to approve ballot Propositions E and F, public safety measures authored by Mayor London Breed that would expand the powers of the San Francisco Police Department and require drug treatment for some welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In returns early Wednesday, 60% of voters supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/proposition-e\">Proposition E\u003c/a> and 63% supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/proposition-f\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, with roughly 105,000 votes tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures rode a wave of anti-crime sentiment in San Francisco, where voters appear energized by brazen thefts and street violence seen in viral internet videos and on television news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is clear that people want to see changes around public safety. What’s exciting about this for me is I get the kinds of tools I need to continue the work we’re doing,” Mayor Breed said to reporters at Anina Lounge in Hayes Valley, where she was surrounded by a raucous party with supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s critics have said the electorate seems motivated by how they feel about crime, not the reality of how much crime is actually occurring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her allies hope the success of Proposition E and F will demonstrate the mayor is taking action on San Franciscans’ concerns about crime and open-air drug use, as Breed campaigns for reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime in 2023 was down to the lowest it’s been in 10 years, not including the pandemic,” she said. “And I know that people are starting to feel the difference, and we have to make sure we continue that momentum. And these are additional tools that are going to help us deliver some real results for San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978416\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed and state Sen. Scott Wiener read election results during a SF Dems for Change Super Tuesday election night party at Anina in San Francisco on March 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since September 1, property crime in San Francisco is down 30% and violent crime down 4% compared to the same time period from the previous year, according to Breed’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed added that the Police Commission “in some instances, has gone too far, and Proposition E is making it clear that, look, we want reforms, but we want balance and we want safety. We can have all of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition E would weaken the authority of the citizen-led San Francisco Police Commission. It would also allow the San Francisco Police Department to deploy surveillance technology like facial recognition, implement public surveillance cameras and drones, loosen restrictions around vehicle chases, and exempt officers from filing paperwork after using force on a suspect, so long as the person suffered no injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on E campaign raised $849,000, with its top contributors including Ron Conway, a tech sector investor, and Chris Larsen, the CEO of Ripple. A separate campaign for Proposition E started by mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie raised $699,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU of Northern California led the opposition to Proposition E and raised $200,000 to beat it. The organization argued more police chases would endanger lives, and expanding police surveillance power will infringe on privacy rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']Proposition F would allow the city to require welfare recipients to be drug tested and enter treatment programs if they’re suspected of using illegal drugs. If a person declined treatment, they would no longer get cash and could be evicted from their housing. More than 5,000 San Franciscans used welfare last year, according to the County Adult Assistance Program. The Human Services Agency administers the program, and estimates roughly 30% of city welfare recipients have a substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on F campaign raised $650,000. There was substantial funding raised against Proposition F.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both ballot measures were born from frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Breed clashed with her own appointee to the Police Commission, Max Carter-Oberstone. He now serves as the body’s vice president and has led multiple reform efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed authored Proposition E to weaken the Police Commission and reject its recent policy changes. If approved, public hearings would be required to be held in all 10 district stations before the Commission could amend the SFPD’s procedures. Only the chief of police could veto the new hearing process, which would allow the SFPD to slow the Commission’s efforts when they disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also voiced concern with the city’s welfare system. Last week she revealed 40 people arrested for drug use in the Tenderloin and South of Market over the last year were defrauding the County Adult Assistance Program by falsely claiming they live in San Francisco, which is a requirement to be eligible for the welfare program.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Primary Election 2024 Live Updates: Follow KQED reporters as we cover election results from across California and the Bay Area.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco voters are poised to approve ballot Propositions E and F, public safety measures authored by Mayor London Breed that would expand the powers of the San Francisco Police Department and require drug treatment for some welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In returns early Wednesday, 60% of voters supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/proposition-e\">Proposition E\u003c/a> and 63% supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/proposition-f\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, with roughly 105,000 votes tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures rode a wave of anti-crime sentiment in San Francisco, where voters appear energized by brazen thefts and street violence seen in viral internet videos and on television news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is clear that people want to see changes around public safety. What’s exciting about this for me is I get the kinds of tools I need to continue the work we’re doing,” Mayor Breed said to reporters at Anina Lounge in Hayes Valley, where she was surrounded by a raucous party with supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s critics have said the electorate seems motivated by how they feel about crime, not the reality of how much crime is actually occurring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her allies hope the success of Proposition E and F will demonstrate the mayor is taking action on San Franciscans’ concerns about crime and open-air drug use, as Breed campaigns for reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime in 2023 was down to the lowest it’s been in 10 years, not including the pandemic,” she said. “And I know that people are starting to feel the difference, and we have to make sure we continue that momentum. And these are additional tools that are going to help us deliver some real results for San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978416\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240305-ELECTIONFILESF-119-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed and state Sen. Scott Wiener read election results during a SF Dems for Change Super Tuesday election night party at Anina in San Francisco on March 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since September 1, property crime in San Francisco is down 30% and violent crime down 4% compared to the same time period from the previous year, according to Breed’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed added that the Police Commission “in some instances, has gone too far, and Proposition E is making it clear that, look, we want reforms, but we want balance and we want safety. We can have all of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition E would weaken the authority of the citizen-led San Francisco Police Commission. It would also allow the San Francisco Police Department to deploy surveillance technology like facial recognition, implement public surveillance cameras and drones, loosen restrictions around vehicle chases, and exempt officers from filing paperwork after using force on a suspect, so long as the person suffered no injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on E campaign raised $849,000, with its top contributors including Ron Conway, a tech sector investor, and Chris Larsen, the CEO of Ripple. A separate campaign for Proposition E started by mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie raised $699,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU of Northern California led the opposition to Proposition E and raised $200,000 to beat it. The organization argued more police chases would endanger lives, and expanding police surveillance power will infringe on privacy rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Proposition F would allow the city to require welfare recipients to be drug tested and enter treatment programs if they’re suspected of using illegal drugs. If a person declined treatment, they would no longer get cash and could be evicted from their housing. More than 5,000 San Franciscans used welfare last year, according to the County Adult Assistance Program. The Human Services Agency administers the program, and estimates roughly 30% of city welfare recipients have a substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on F campaign raised $650,000. There was substantial funding raised against Proposition F.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both ballot measures were born from frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Breed clashed with her own appointee to the Police Commission, Max Carter-Oberstone. He now serves as the body’s vice president and has led multiple reform efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed authored Proposition E to weaken the Police Commission and reject its recent policy changes. If approved, public hearings would be required to be held in all 10 district stations before the Commission could amend the SFPD’s procedures. Only the chief of police could veto the new hearing process, which would allow the SFPD to slow the Commission’s efforts when they disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also voiced concern with the city’s welfare system. Last week she revealed 40 people arrested for drug use in the Tenderloin and South of Market over the last year were defrauding the County Adult Assistance Program by falsely claiming they live in San Francisco, which is a requirement to be eligible for the welfare program.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>About a dozen former employees of SF SAFE, a police-affiliated nonprofit that abruptly shut down last month, gathered at City Hall on Thursday to file an official complaint in an effort to recover lost wages and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decades-old crime prevention organization abruptly closed its doors in January and laid off much of its staff after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-01/Police%20Department%20SF%20SAFE%20Assessment%2001.18.24.pdf\">official audit\u003c/a> found it had \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/01/18/san-francisco-police-wrongly-paid-nonprofit-79k-for-lavish-expenses-report-finds/\">misused nearly $80,000 of taxpayer money\u003c/a> — funded by SFPD — for “excessive” expenditures, including a trip to Lake Tahoe, luxurious gift boxes and limo services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Miles, a former employee, said he’s still waiting to get paid for at least a week of work and 50 hours of vacation and sick time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a total injustice for us to put in work for a company or organization, and because of someone else’s actions, we fall under unpaid. That’s totally unfair,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SF SAFE stands for Safety Awareness for Everyone, which SFPD describes as its “nonprofit community engagement arm.” It remains unclear if the organization’s closure is permanent or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Mulligan, the director of the city’s Office of Labor Standards Enforcement, which helped former SF SAFE employees fill out claim forms, said he couldn’t comment on the case because it is an open investigation but suggested it would not be resolved anytime soon, as his office is currently backlogged with at least 200 other cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some former employees also said they experienced poor working conditions at SF SAFE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was terrible. Honestly, I wish I’d never worked here,” said Miles, who had been at the nonprofit for eight months. He said at one point on the job, a man waiting for service acted as if he was going to pull a gun on him, an incident Miles reported but received no response about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyra Worthy, SF SAFE’s former executive director for the last six years, was fired by its board shortly after the audit came out following allegations that the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/01/31/san-francisco-safe-castro-community-on-patrol-missing-funds/\">hadn’t been paying some of the partner organizations\u003c/a> it worked with and that its bank accounts were depleted, with indications of check forgery also thrown in the mix, the \u003cem>SF Standard\u003c/em> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/01/sfpd-contractor-accused-of-stiffing-mission-nonprofit-625/\">SF Latino Task Force\u003c/a> has also claimed that SF SAFE owes them $625,000 for training services. And a florist business in the Mission District said the group owes it nearly $20,000 for a large number of flowers purchased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither Worthy nor the lawyers for SF SAFE replied to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite his negative experience working at SF SAFE, Miles, the former employee, said he greatly appreciates his former coworkers and their ongoing unity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means everything because if we weren’t all united here right now, we’d probably be just swept under the rug,” he said. “But since we’re coming together as a unit and a group, I believe they have to hear us out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gina Guitron, another former employee, said she is still owed $10,000 in back pay. She said Worthy, the former executive director, also created a toxic environment by pitting staff members against each other and not providing health insurance to employees who were hired within the second half of last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just really hope it does get resolved with the right people,” Guitron said. “We will find somebody to get justice.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About a dozen former employees of SF SAFE, a police-affiliated nonprofit that abruptly shut down last month, gathered at City Hall on Thursday to file an official complaint in an effort to recover lost wages and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decades-old crime prevention organization abruptly closed its doors in January and laid off much of its staff after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-01/Police%20Department%20SF%20SAFE%20Assessment%2001.18.24.pdf\">official audit\u003c/a> found it had \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/01/18/san-francisco-police-wrongly-paid-nonprofit-79k-for-lavish-expenses-report-finds/\">misused nearly $80,000 of taxpayer money\u003c/a> — funded by SFPD — for “excessive” expenditures, including a trip to Lake Tahoe, luxurious gift boxes and limo services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Miles, a former employee, said he’s still waiting to get paid for at least a week of work and 50 hours of vacation and sick time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a total injustice for us to put in work for a company or organization, and because of someone else’s actions, we fall under unpaid. That’s totally unfair,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SF SAFE stands for Safety Awareness for Everyone, which SFPD describes as its “nonprofit community engagement arm.” It remains unclear if the organization’s closure is permanent or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Mulligan, the director of the city’s Office of Labor Standards Enforcement, which helped former SF SAFE employees fill out claim forms, said he couldn’t comment on the case because it is an open investigation but suggested it would not be resolved anytime soon, as his office is currently backlogged with at least 200 other cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some former employees also said they experienced poor working conditions at SF SAFE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was terrible. Honestly, I wish I’d never worked here,” said Miles, who had been at the nonprofit for eight months. He said at one point on the job, a man waiting for service acted as if he was going to pull a gun on him, an incident Miles reported but received no response about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyra Worthy, SF SAFE’s former executive director for the last six years, was fired by its board shortly after the audit came out following allegations that the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/01/31/san-francisco-safe-castro-community-on-patrol-missing-funds/\">hadn’t been paying some of the partner organizations\u003c/a> it worked with and that its bank accounts were depleted, with indications of check forgery also thrown in the mix, the \u003cem>SF Standard\u003c/em> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/01/sfpd-contractor-accused-of-stiffing-mission-nonprofit-625/\">SF Latino Task Force\u003c/a> has also claimed that SF SAFE owes them $625,000 for training services. And a florist business in the Mission District said the group owes it nearly $20,000 for a large number of flowers purchased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither Worthy nor the lawyers for SF SAFE replied to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite his negative experience working at SF SAFE, Miles, the former employee, said he greatly appreciates his former coworkers and their ongoing unity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means everything because if we weren’t all united here right now, we’d probably be just swept under the rug,” he said. “But since we’re coming together as a unit and a group, I believe they have to hear us out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gina Guitron, another former employee, said she is still owed $10,000 in back pay. She said Worthy, the former executive director, also created a toxic environment by pitting staff members against each other and not providing health insurance to employees who were hired within the second half of last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just really hope it does get resolved with the right people,” Guitron said. “We will find somebody to get justice.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"soldout": {
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"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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