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"content": "\u003cp>Residents of some of San Francisco’s most popular and troubled neighborhoods are electing a new state Assembly member in a special runoff race Tuesday between two Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The runoff is being held because neither Matt Haney nor David Campos received more than 50% of the vote in February’s special election. Haney, a current San Francisco supervisor, beat Campos, a former supervisor, by less than a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 17 covers the eastern half of San Francisco and includes tourist-heavy neighborhoods such as Chinatown, Haight-Ashbury, downtown and the Mission. It also includes the Tenderloin, which in recent months has been the focus of a city-sanctioned effort to reduce homelessness, drug dealing, open-air drug use and fentanyl overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates are on the progressive end of the Democratic Party.[aside postID=\"news_11909759,news_11910077,news_11908113\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Since February, Haney has received the endorsement of third-place candidate Bilal Mahmood, and Campos has received the backing of fourth-place candidate Thea Selby. The mayor has endorsed Haney and, if Haney wins, would pick his replacement on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s winner will have to run again in the statewide June primary and November general elections to keep the seat for another two-year term, meaning residents of the district could vote on the race up to four separate times this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat became vacant last year after David Chiu resigned to become San Francisco’s city attorney, a job that became available when Mayor London Breed appointed then-City Attorney Dennis Herrera to head the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission after Harlan Kelly resigned in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly left after federal prosecutors charged him with fraud for allegedly accepting bribes from a permit expediter in exchange for insider information. Kelly is fighting the charge and is just one of several San Francisco city officials and contractors ensnared in a public corruption scandal involving former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Residents of some of San Francisco’s most popular and troubled neighborhoods are electing a new state Assembly member in a special runoff race Tuesday between two Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The runoff is being held because neither Matt Haney nor David Campos received more than 50% of the vote in February’s special election. Haney, a current San Francisco supervisor, beat Campos, a former supervisor, by less than a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 17 covers the eastern half of San Francisco and includes tourist-heavy neighborhoods such as Chinatown, Haight-Ashbury, downtown and the Mission. It also includes the Tenderloin, which in recent months has been the focus of a city-sanctioned effort to reduce homelessness, drug dealing, open-air drug use and fentanyl overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates are on the progressive end of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since February, Haney has received the endorsement of third-place candidate Bilal Mahmood, and Campos has received the backing of fourth-place candidate Thea Selby. The mayor has endorsed Haney and, if Haney wins, would pick his replacement on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s winner will have to run again in the statewide June primary and November general elections to keep the seat for another two-year term, meaning residents of the district could vote on the race up to four separate times this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat became vacant last year after David Chiu resigned to become San Francisco’s city attorney, a job that became available when Mayor London Breed appointed then-City Attorney Dennis Herrera to head the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission after Harlan Kelly resigned in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly left after federal prosecutors charged him with fraud for allegedly accepting bribes from a permit expediter in exchange for insider information. Kelly is fighting the charge and is just one of several San Francisco city officials and contractors ensnared in a public corruption scandal involving former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "We Reviewed Every Law Campos and Haney Wrote as SF Supervisors to Help You Vote in the State Assembly Runoff",
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"content": "\u003cp>Candidates running for elected office are known for making rosy promises, giving grandiose speeches, and singing soothing songs of better days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while that already makes choosing whom to vote for difficult, the race to represent San Francisco in Assembly District 17 (the city’s east side) between former Supervisor David Campos and current SF Supervisor Matt Haney can be even tougher to parse. That’s because finding the daylight between the two Democrats, on the issues, can be like searching for a clean sidewalk downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To wit: It ain’t happenin’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, gentlepeople, as \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/9vQaVIoEjOM\">a wise group\u003c/a> once said, don’t believe the hype. Instead of looking at what they’ve promised, look at what they’ve done. We’ll even help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11908113\" hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/campos-haney3-1020x661.jpg']KQED has read every law these two lawmakers stamped their names on, or co-sponsored, while serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Yes, all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may serve as a window into their futures, as one of the key jobs of members of the state Assembly is writing laws. The scale of whom those laws affect is just wider by, you know, some 39 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help get a handle on their political futures, here are some top-line findings on their political pasts: While the legislators make similar public statements, and support similar causes, you can find significant differences in their \u003cem>approaches. \u003c/em>They both agree there’s a housing crisis, for instance, but wrote entirely different sets of laws to help ease it. And while both have focused extensively on public health, their specific aims have been notably different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, lastly — with caveats — one other big takeaway: Campos tended to focus more on citywide legislation, whereas Haney’s legislative portfolio is more of an even mix, with ordinances sometimes centered on the specific neighborhoods he has represented, instead of San Francisco writ large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not much time left: The special election to fill the Assembly seat vacated by now-SF City Attorney David Chiu is April 19. And if you’re asking yourself, “Didn’t I vote for one of these guys already?” \u003cem>— \u003c/em>you very well might have. Campos, Haney, Bilal Mahmood and Thea Selby all were listed as candidates for the Assembly seat on the city’s Feb. 15 ballot. But because \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/election-results-sf-assembly/\">no one got a majority\u003c/a>, a special election was called between the top two vote-getters — Campos and Haney. Vote-by-mail ballots were sent out just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to help you with that vote, here’s more on what we found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much work did they actually do in office? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer that, we first just straight-up counted all the proposed laws the two candidates wrote or sponsored. One major caveat: Campos spent eight years on the Board of Supervisors, versus Haney’s three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910113\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\" alt=\"A breakdown of the number of laws written by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ordinances are legislation that becomes law, often drafted by the City Attorney’s Office at the direction of a supervisor, who becomes its “sponsor,” in wonk-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resolutions, by contrast, are policy statements to express approval or disapproval, that are introduced at Board of Supervisors meetings and voted on. For instance, an April 2021 resolution sponsored by Haney put the city on record “urging support of eliminating the United States Senate filibuster.” A January 2010 resolution by Campos recognized “the grand re-opening of the Bernal Heights Branch Library and commending the San Francisco Public Library and its team for their hard work and commitment to San Francisco and its residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors vote on it, and — presto, change-o — it becomes a statement of record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, hearings are meetings of the board, convened by one or more supervisors, to seek information or opinions on a topic of interest, wherein a representative of a city department may be asked to answer specific questions. Often these are a way to shine light on an issue for public understanding, or to establish a certain baseline of facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, Haney’s predecessor, hasn’t endorsed either candidate, but has long considered both of them allies and friends. We asked Kim to offer her own analysis on the two candidates’ lawmaking histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hearing these numbers for the first time, I would say that both Supervisor Haney and former Supervisor David Campos are both very active supervisors legislatively,” said Kim, who now runs the California Working Families Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that both candidates often wrote ordinances directly influenced by the hearings they called — rather than prompting one hearing after another without a clear goal in sight — Kim also suggested looking at those two tallies in tandem to gauge their productiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos, for instance, held a hearing in 2015 to look into fire code inspections of apartment buildings\u003ca href=\"https://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2016/07/21/string-of-mission-district-fires-prompts-push-for-safer-buildings-tenant-protections/\"> after a string of fires in the Mission\u003c/a>, a neighborhood he represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Campos had introduced an ordinance requiring owners of buildings with three or more dwelling units to comply with annual fire alarm testing and inspection requirements every two years, and upgrade existing fire alarm systems, among other changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney, meanwhile, called a hearing in 2019 to \u003ca href=\"https://beyondchron.org/supes-hold-hearing-on-tenderloin-drug-dealing/\">look into open-air drug dealing in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, a longtime problem there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By September 2019, he had convened a street-level drug-dealing task force to develop recommendations for further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that it contributed to the urgency that led to the [Tenderloin] state of emergency and some of the solutions that have been deployed,” Haney said of the task force’s findings. One of those recommendations led to the presence of \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-mid-market-vibrancy-and-safety-plan\">nonprofit Urban Alchemy’s unarmed ambassadors\u003c/a>, Haney said, who patrol the neighborhood to provide increased safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Which laws did the two candidates work on? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We categorized Campos and Haney’s legislative histories based on subject area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law Matt Haney wrote or sponsored on the SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sI01t\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sI01t/9/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some laws were aimed at spurring housing development or tackling the homelessness crisis, or were inclusion-related laws aimed at helping a specific group, like the LGBTQ community or people of color. Other laws were intended to help specific businesses in each supervisor’s district, or a particular neighborhood, like when Haney created a local dog park in Mission Bay. The “reform” category includes new government ethics laws, improved access to voting, or cleaned-up errors in city code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Categorizing laws is more art than science — for instance, a public health law may specifically aim to help homeless people, so is it a health care law, or a homelessness law? We mostly focused on \u003cem>who \u003c/em>the law aimed to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\" alt=\"A graphic showing percentages of laws passed by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney broken down by category.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reading their legislative histories, one top-line observation jumps out: The majority of laws Campos sponsored were citywide in scope, as opposed to targeting only his neighborhood. Haney, by contrast, has introduced more neighborhood-focused legislation. That differentiation could signal how they’d legislate in the Assembly, although, as Kim noted, it may also be circumstantial, given the open-air drug dealing, overdose deaths, poverty and homelessness that Haney has tried to address in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, Kim said, supervisors in the beginnings of their careers tend to focus more on the neighborhoods and districts that helped them get elected. But, “as they log on more years, they become more citywide in perspective,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Campos attributed his dearth of neighborhood-facing legislation on an inclination to develop citywide solutions to issues he identified in his own district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Navigation centers that help unhoused people with extended stays and connections to services are one example, he said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10773847/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\">He helped get the first navigation center built in the Mission District, which he represented.\u003c/a> Along with other supervisors, Campos then sponsored legislation to expand navigation center construction in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we realized after the navigation center had been open was that no one else was opening navigation centers in their district, that ours was the only one,” Campos said. “That’s an example of something that was neighborhood-specific that then grew into a larger city issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said he has focused more on his district because the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods have “a lot of huge challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he trumpeted some of his own citywide laws, including placing on the 2020 ballot \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_B,_Public_Works_Commission_and_Sanitation_and_Streets_Commission_Charter_Amendment_(November_2020)\">Proposition B\u003c/a>, which split San Francisco’s embattled Public Works Department into two separate departments, one of which now focuses solely on sanitation and streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Housing: same issue, different approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Assembly candidates tackled housing from noticeably different angles during their times on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, Campos tended to concentrate on protecting existing housing, while Haney has focused more on enabling new housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this is situational: Haney’s district includes South of Market and part of downtown, two neighborhoods that encompass much of the city’s development. By contrast, Campos’s district includes the Mission, a hotbed of tenant advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law David Campos wrote/sponsored on SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZKLpa\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZKLpa/11/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at these two candidates side by side, they’re not going to differentiate a lot on their positions around tenant protections, but a voter may decide that one candidate just has a greater wealth of experience in regards to the technical aspects, or just experience working on tenant-protection legislation,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Campos authored an ordinance to provide Rent Board hearings for tenants who allege landlord harassment. He also sponsored eight additional tenant-protection-related ordinances, including fire protections, relocation payments to evicted tenants, tenant buyout agreements, and no-fault eviction protections for families with children under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney in 2019 wrote legislation extending some eviction protections to units constructed after 1979, his main legislative focus was promoting construction of housing. For instance, in June 2019, he sponsored an ordinance approving a development agreement between San Francisco and KR Flower Mart LLC, for the development of an approximately 6.5-acre office and retail site located at Fifth and Brannon streets that was expected to generate $166 million in community fees, with $54 million earmarked for affordable housing. That development is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney also sponsored neighborhood redevelopment plans intended to spur housing and office construction and increase a jobs/housing linkage fee to fund new affordable housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MattHaneySF/status/1503765849634598914\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some of these plans were started by other lawmakers, and were years in the making before his time in office, they still stand in stark contrast to his opponent’s record, including Campos’s proposed “Mission moratorium,” a controversial 2015 ordinance to halt housing construction in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos told KQED he was largely responding to the wishes of his community at the time, when headlines often trumpeted high-profile evictions, and the issue of gentrification in the Mission District was on the tips of many tongues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the city’s politics have shifted ever-so-slightly in recent years to more strongly favor building dense construction — and amid that backdrop, Campos said he now supports building more housing than he did while serving as supervisor. But it should always be affordable housing, he added, as opposed to “luxury housing,” a term some use to refer to market-rate construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said he would not repeat or replicate the Mission moratorium in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this business, you learn from your mistakes,” Campos said. “It’s actually something that came from the community. They actually collected signatures and brought it forward. And I think that in the end, you know, supporting it was a mistake. And if I had to do it over again, I wouldn’t do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The health care divide\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As supervisors, both also focused extensively on health policy, but in different areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s landmark health-related legislation sought to plug a loophole in Healthy San Francisco, the landmark law authored in 2006 by his predecessor, Tom Ammiano, that offered universal health coverage to city residents. But while one provision in the bill asked for companies to establish health care accounts to disburse money for employees, it also had a loophole that allowed the companies to get away with never giving the money away at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s legislation prevented companies from getting out of funding their employee health care accounts. “David was the cavalry,” said Ammiano, who in addition to his role as supervisor also served in the Assembly, and is supporting Campos. “He came to the rescue of Healthy San Francisco and closed a loophole, and now Healthy San Francisco is still healthy, especially given the COVID crisis. That politically, personally, morally meant a lot to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos also authored health-related ordinances to establish a Medical Cannabis Task Force, and to require the city to create a plan for equitable distribution of health care services, among other legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/DavidCamposSF/status/1494851925291855875\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Haney’s health-related legislation illustrates his timing as a leader during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney had only been a supervisor for a year when the pandemic struck. Immediately, many citywide priorities were dropped as legislators and department heads came to grips with the invisible threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2022, Haney had sponsored 10 COVID-19 emergency ordinances, the majority of which were extensions of two emergency laws. One requires grocery and drug stores, restaurants, and on-demand delivery service employers to provide health and scheduling protections to their employees during the pandemic. He also required the city to provide toilets and handwashing facilities within 1,000 feet of any tent encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some areas where I didn’t feel like our response as a city was robust enough, whether that was protecting essential workers, providing for bathrooms or handwashing,” Haney said. “There’s still clearly areas where I needed to legislate to get people off the streets, to protect workers, to provide bathroom access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, whom you decide to support may come down to a single issue. But, Kim advised, as you browse the lists of laws each candidate has written or sponsored, think about which laws you consider most vital and whom you would want to represent you based on their experience writing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible,” she said, “that the person with the greater experience in that legislative work will have a leg up the day they take their office in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In the heated race for state Assembly, David Campos and Matt Haney appear to be very closely aligned on many big issues. But their legislative records as San Francisco supervisors suggest deeper contrasts.",
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"title": "We Reviewed Every Law Campos and Haney Wrote as SF Supervisors to Help You Vote in the State Assembly Runoff | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Candidates running for elected office are known for making rosy promises, giving grandiose speeches, and singing soothing songs of better days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while that already makes choosing whom to vote for difficult, the race to represent San Francisco in Assembly District 17 (the city’s east side) between former Supervisor David Campos and current SF Supervisor Matt Haney can be even tougher to parse. That’s because finding the daylight between the two Democrats, on the issues, can be like searching for a clean sidewalk downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To wit: It ain’t happenin’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, gentlepeople, as \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/9vQaVIoEjOM\">a wise group\u003c/a> once said, don’t believe the hype. Instead of looking at what they’ve promised, look at what they’ve done. We’ll even help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>KQED has read every law these two lawmakers stamped their names on, or co-sponsored, while serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Yes, all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may serve as a window into their futures, as one of the key jobs of members of the state Assembly is writing laws. The scale of whom those laws affect is just wider by, you know, some 39 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help get a handle on their political futures, here are some top-line findings on their political pasts: While the legislators make similar public statements, and support similar causes, you can find significant differences in their \u003cem>approaches. \u003c/em>They both agree there’s a housing crisis, for instance, but wrote entirely different sets of laws to help ease it. And while both have focused extensively on public health, their specific aims have been notably different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, lastly — with caveats — one other big takeaway: Campos tended to focus more on citywide legislation, whereas Haney’s legislative portfolio is more of an even mix, with ordinances sometimes centered on the specific neighborhoods he has represented, instead of San Francisco writ large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not much time left: The special election to fill the Assembly seat vacated by now-SF City Attorney David Chiu is April 19. And if you’re asking yourself, “Didn’t I vote for one of these guys already?” \u003cem>— \u003c/em>you very well might have. Campos, Haney, Bilal Mahmood and Thea Selby all were listed as candidates for the Assembly seat on the city’s Feb. 15 ballot. But because \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/election-results-sf-assembly/\">no one got a majority\u003c/a>, a special election was called between the top two vote-getters — Campos and Haney. Vote-by-mail ballots were sent out just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to help you with that vote, here’s more on what we found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much work did they actually do in office? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer that, we first just straight-up counted all the proposed laws the two candidates wrote or sponsored. One major caveat: Campos spent eight years on the Board of Supervisors, versus Haney’s three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910113\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\" alt=\"A breakdown of the number of laws written by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ordinances are legislation that becomes law, often drafted by the City Attorney’s Office at the direction of a supervisor, who becomes its “sponsor,” in wonk-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resolutions, by contrast, are policy statements to express approval or disapproval, that are introduced at Board of Supervisors meetings and voted on. For instance, an April 2021 resolution sponsored by Haney put the city on record “urging support of eliminating the United States Senate filibuster.” A January 2010 resolution by Campos recognized “the grand re-opening of the Bernal Heights Branch Library and commending the San Francisco Public Library and its team for their hard work and commitment to San Francisco and its residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors vote on it, and — presto, change-o — it becomes a statement of record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, hearings are meetings of the board, convened by one or more supervisors, to seek information or opinions on a topic of interest, wherein a representative of a city department may be asked to answer specific questions. Often these are a way to shine light on an issue for public understanding, or to establish a certain baseline of facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, Haney’s predecessor, hasn’t endorsed either candidate, but has long considered both of them allies and friends. We asked Kim to offer her own analysis on the two candidates’ lawmaking histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hearing these numbers for the first time, I would say that both Supervisor Haney and former Supervisor David Campos are both very active supervisors legislatively,” said Kim, who now runs the California Working Families Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that both candidates often wrote ordinances directly influenced by the hearings they called — rather than prompting one hearing after another without a clear goal in sight — Kim also suggested looking at those two tallies in tandem to gauge their productiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos, for instance, held a hearing in 2015 to look into fire code inspections of apartment buildings\u003ca href=\"https://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2016/07/21/string-of-mission-district-fires-prompts-push-for-safer-buildings-tenant-protections/\"> after a string of fires in the Mission\u003c/a>, a neighborhood he represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Campos had introduced an ordinance requiring owners of buildings with three or more dwelling units to comply with annual fire alarm testing and inspection requirements every two years, and upgrade existing fire alarm systems, among other changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney, meanwhile, called a hearing in 2019 to \u003ca href=\"https://beyondchron.org/supes-hold-hearing-on-tenderloin-drug-dealing/\">look into open-air drug dealing in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, a longtime problem there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By September 2019, he had convened a street-level drug-dealing task force to develop recommendations for further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that it contributed to the urgency that led to the [Tenderloin] state of emergency and some of the solutions that have been deployed,” Haney said of the task force’s findings. One of those recommendations led to the presence of \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-mid-market-vibrancy-and-safety-plan\">nonprofit Urban Alchemy’s unarmed ambassadors\u003c/a>, Haney said, who patrol the neighborhood to provide increased safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Which laws did the two candidates work on? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We categorized Campos and Haney’s legislative histories based on subject area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law Matt Haney wrote or sponsored on the SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sI01t\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sI01t/9/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some laws were aimed at spurring housing development or tackling the homelessness crisis, or were inclusion-related laws aimed at helping a specific group, like the LGBTQ community or people of color. Other laws were intended to help specific businesses in each supervisor’s district, or a particular neighborhood, like when Haney created a local dog park in Mission Bay. The “reform” category includes new government ethics laws, improved access to voting, or cleaned-up errors in city code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Categorizing laws is more art than science — for instance, a public health law may specifically aim to help homeless people, so is it a health care law, or a homelessness law? We mostly focused on \u003cem>who \u003c/em>the law aimed to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\" alt=\"A graphic showing percentages of laws passed by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney broken down by category.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reading their legislative histories, one top-line observation jumps out: The majority of laws Campos sponsored were citywide in scope, as opposed to targeting only his neighborhood. Haney, by contrast, has introduced more neighborhood-focused legislation. That differentiation could signal how they’d legislate in the Assembly, although, as Kim noted, it may also be circumstantial, given the open-air drug dealing, overdose deaths, poverty and homelessness that Haney has tried to address in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, Kim said, supervisors in the beginnings of their careers tend to focus more on the neighborhoods and districts that helped them get elected. But, “as they log on more years, they become more citywide in perspective,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Campos attributed his dearth of neighborhood-facing legislation on an inclination to develop citywide solutions to issues he identified in his own district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Navigation centers that help unhoused people with extended stays and connections to services are one example, he said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10773847/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\">He helped get the first navigation center built in the Mission District, which he represented.\u003c/a> Along with other supervisors, Campos then sponsored legislation to expand navigation center construction in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we realized after the navigation center had been open was that no one else was opening navigation centers in their district, that ours was the only one,” Campos said. “That’s an example of something that was neighborhood-specific that then grew into a larger city issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said he has focused more on his district because the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods have “a lot of huge challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he trumpeted some of his own citywide laws, including placing on the 2020 ballot \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_B,_Public_Works_Commission_and_Sanitation_and_Streets_Commission_Charter_Amendment_(November_2020)\">Proposition B\u003c/a>, which split San Francisco’s embattled Public Works Department into two separate departments, one of which now focuses solely on sanitation and streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Housing: same issue, different approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Assembly candidates tackled housing from noticeably different angles during their times on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, Campos tended to concentrate on protecting existing housing, while Haney has focused more on enabling new housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this is situational: Haney’s district includes South of Market and part of downtown, two neighborhoods that encompass much of the city’s development. By contrast, Campos’s district includes the Mission, a hotbed of tenant advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law David Campos wrote/sponsored on SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZKLpa\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZKLpa/11/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at these two candidates side by side, they’re not going to differentiate a lot on their positions around tenant protections, but a voter may decide that one candidate just has a greater wealth of experience in regards to the technical aspects, or just experience working on tenant-protection legislation,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Campos authored an ordinance to provide Rent Board hearings for tenants who allege landlord harassment. He also sponsored eight additional tenant-protection-related ordinances, including fire protections, relocation payments to evicted tenants, tenant buyout agreements, and no-fault eviction protections for families with children under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney in 2019 wrote legislation extending some eviction protections to units constructed after 1979, his main legislative focus was promoting construction of housing. For instance, in June 2019, he sponsored an ordinance approving a development agreement between San Francisco and KR Flower Mart LLC, for the development of an approximately 6.5-acre office and retail site located at Fifth and Brannon streets that was expected to generate $166 million in community fees, with $54 million earmarked for affordable housing. That development is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney also sponsored neighborhood redevelopment plans intended to spur housing and office construction and increase a jobs/housing linkage fee to fund new affordable housing development.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>While some of these plans were started by other lawmakers, and were years in the making before his time in office, they still stand in stark contrast to his opponent’s record, including Campos’s proposed “Mission moratorium,” a controversial 2015 ordinance to halt housing construction in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos told KQED he was largely responding to the wishes of his community at the time, when headlines often trumpeted high-profile evictions, and the issue of gentrification in the Mission District was on the tips of many tongues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the city’s politics have shifted ever-so-slightly in recent years to more strongly favor building dense construction — and amid that backdrop, Campos said he now supports building more housing than he did while serving as supervisor. But it should always be affordable housing, he added, as opposed to “luxury housing,” a term some use to refer to market-rate construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said he would not repeat or replicate the Mission moratorium in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this business, you learn from your mistakes,” Campos said. “It’s actually something that came from the community. They actually collected signatures and brought it forward. And I think that in the end, you know, supporting it was a mistake. And if I had to do it over again, I wouldn’t do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The health care divide\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As supervisors, both also focused extensively on health policy, but in different areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s landmark health-related legislation sought to plug a loophole in Healthy San Francisco, the landmark law authored in 2006 by his predecessor, Tom Ammiano, that offered universal health coverage to city residents. But while one provision in the bill asked for companies to establish health care accounts to disburse money for employees, it also had a loophole that allowed the companies to get away with never giving the money away at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s legislation prevented companies from getting out of funding their employee health care accounts. “David was the cavalry,” said Ammiano, who in addition to his role as supervisor also served in the Assembly, and is supporting Campos. “He came to the rescue of Healthy San Francisco and closed a loophole, and now Healthy San Francisco is still healthy, especially given the COVID crisis. That politically, personally, morally meant a lot to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos also authored health-related ordinances to establish a Medical Cannabis Task Force, and to require the city to create a plan for equitable distribution of health care services, among other legislation.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Haney’s health-related legislation illustrates his timing as a leader during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney had only been a supervisor for a year when the pandemic struck. Immediately, many citywide priorities were dropped as legislators and department heads came to grips with the invisible threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2022, Haney had sponsored 10 COVID-19 emergency ordinances, the majority of which were extensions of two emergency laws. One requires grocery and drug stores, restaurants, and on-demand delivery service employers to provide health and scheduling protections to their employees during the pandemic. He also required the city to provide toilets and handwashing facilities within 1,000 feet of any tent encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some areas where I didn’t feel like our response as a city was robust enough, whether that was protecting essential workers, providing for bathrooms or handwashing,” Haney said. “There’s still clearly areas where I needed to legislate to get people off the streets, to protect workers, to provide bathroom access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, whom you decide to support may come down to a single issue. But, Kim advised, as you browse the lists of laws each candidate has written or sponsored, think about which laws you consider most vital and whom you would want to represent you based on their experience writing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible,” she said, “that the person with the greater experience in that legislative work will have a leg up the day they take their office in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood is officially in a state of emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Thursday night to approve \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Mayor London Breed’s order to declare a state of emergency\u003c/a> in the long-beleaguered city neighborhood, where the needs of people suffering and dying from poverty and substance use disorders have clashed with the needs of nearby families, who are demanding relief from the psychological toll of continuous open-air drug markets and unregulated use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the supervisors who voted to approve the declaration still expressed their concerns that the ordinance may condone the criminalization of those experiencing substance use disorders in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11899726\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/IMG_20191127_153031-e1574905962967-1020x802.jpg\"]“I will note, the mayor can crack down on the Tenderloin today no matter what we do,” said Supervisor Hillary Ronen, who represents the Mission and other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, during the meeting, the mayor’s staff promised not to use the emergency powers to boost police funding, but instead to enable more services to help people with substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between now and January, if they use a cent to increase [the San Francisco Police Department budget], we can cancel this order on the spot,” Ronen said. “I’m going to vote to approve this order today, but I’m going to watch this thing like a hawk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors had seven days to approve Breed’s emergency declaration for the Tenderloin, which will last 90 days. Eight supervisors voted to approve the order, with Supervisors Dean Preston and Shamann Walton voting no, and Supervisor Aaron Peskin absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Supervisor Hillary Ronen, District 9\"]‘Between now and January, if they use a cent to increase [the SFPD budget], we can cancel this order on the spot.’[/pullquote]In their vote to approve the measure, some members of the board cited a longstanding informal policy of voting alongside a supervisor on issues that affect the neighborhood that supervisor represents. Since Supervisor Matt Haney, who is running for State Assembly and represents the Tenderloin, backed the emergency order, other supervisors were swayed to join him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they did so amid publicly aired concerns. Breed spurred fears she would criminalize drug use when she announced earlier this month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899060/vowing-to-end-reign-of-criminals-destroying-our-city-sf-mayor-breed-announces-latest-tenderloin-crackdown\">a new public safety strategy in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, calling for a “tough love” approach that would have more cops on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her remarks, she said San Franciscans should be “less tolerant of all the bull— that has destroyed our city,” and suggested that people who did not accept services would be jailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/12/san-francisco-tenderloin-matrix-declaration-of-emergency-london-breed/\">and others from Breed\u003c/a>, hung over the more than 10-hour-long meeting, as some of the supervisors argued people using drugs need care, not jail, to find healthier lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, city staff delivered a softened version of Breed’s message to the supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11899060\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/20211214_115252-1020x771.jpg\"]“I can say unequivocally our office will not use authority in the emergency order to provide appropriations [of funding] to the police department,” Mayor’s Office Deputy Chief of Staff Andres Power told the board Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Power and other staff said, the state of emergency would cut red tape and enable San Francisco agencies to lease a location near the Tenderloin to establish a “linkage site” to help connect people who use drugs to health services and resources, staffed by social workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the emergency order, it would take months, perhaps a year, to create such a site in the Tenderloin, city staff said at the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also would allow the city to more quickly hire 250 behavioral health staffers to help people with substance use disorders heal from their illnesses by blazing through “byzantine” civil-service rules, city staff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are things that can absolutely save lives,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those assurances, other supervisors said they were disappointed Breed didn’t attend the meeting herself to tell them how much, or how little, the police would be involved in her plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Dean Preston, who represents Haight-Ashbury, the Fillmore and Japantown, among other neighborhoods, was openly critical of the emergency order, calling it a “publicity stunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan, who represents the Richmond neighborhood, also questioned the political nature of the declaration and asked why the mayor hadn’t taken similar action earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this declaration was truly about tackling the fentanyl crisis, where was this declaration when we voted to urge the mayor to do so in September of this year?” Chan said, referencing a resolution introduced by Haney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some supervisors worried approving the emergency order would tacitly endorse Breed’s law-and-order messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a community market opening in the Tenderloin in mid-December,\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1474166266797518888\"> Breed was recorded on video saying\u003c/a>, “We are going to make people who are dealing drugs, who are using drugs out in the open with no regard for the community, people who are assaulting and spitting on and stabbing and shooting and destroying this community, we are going to make life hell for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston called out those words in the meeting — making “life hell” for those who use drugs — when \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/newsroom/news/headlines/its-time-to-treat-substance-abuse-like-a-chronic-disease/2021/12\">public health experts consider substance use disorder to be a disease that can be treated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the meeting, SFPD Chief Bill Scott expressed frustration at the position his officers are placed in when addressing the sale and consumption of drugs in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in this ‘no-person’s-land’ where they’re being asked not to arrest, and they’re seeing people smoking fentanyl out on the streets,” Scott said. “What tools do they have to address this, if they’re not going to be arresting?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1474177258323546120\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other critiques, Supervisor Shamann Walton questioned why there wasn’t an emergency order when homicides rose in the southeast of the city, which he represents, and Chan questioned why the mayor didn’t have similar urgency around attacks against the Asian American and Pacific Islander community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of people called in to comment on the vote during the public meeting. Those supporting Breed’s emergency order ran the gamut: Some lauded Breed’s plan as compassionate for boosting access to services, while others embraced more police action, even going so far as to suggest jailing drug dealers on Alcatraz, or encouraging the police to commit violence against drug users and dealers alike. Callers often called the Tenderloin a “dystopia,” and called for “order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other callers lived with their families in the Tenderloin, and were calling for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t forget that children and young people are affected in their mental health directly. It’s a day-to-day situation where they’re offered drugs and are afraid of being shot,” said Norma Carrera, a 26-year Tenderloin resident who spoke in Spanish with the aid of an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Wolf, who previously struggled with substance abuse \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/26/us/san-francisco-drug-crisis.html\">and became notable in San Francisco for going sober after his arrest by city police\u003c/a>, told the board, “I’m alive today, and in recovery, because I was held accountable when I broke the law to support my addiction. Accountability is the cornerstone of recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People speaking publicly against Breed’s emergency order sometimes characterized it as police overreach, even though the mayor’s office pledged in the meeting not to add funding to policing by using the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callers repeatedly described fear of the police, citing the police killings of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1000988747/george-floyds-murder-one-year-later\">George Floyd\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/mar/21/death-by-gentrification-the-killing-that-shamed-san-francisco\"> Alex Nieto\u003c/a>. They also often suggested officials boost funding for the Community Alternative Response Team (CART), a citywide program designed to connect unhoused people with community workers, as opposed to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, an 18-year-old who said they were unhoused, said “instead of a police crackdown,” Breed should increase funding for housing initiatives to aid those living on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to live in fear,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Murphy, a Tenderloin resident who works at the Mental Health Association of San Francisco, said his agency opposes the emergency order and any measure that would criminalize substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I identify as an addict and an alcoholic. The only thing that’s worked for me is voluntary treatment,” he said, and suggested the city fund CART. “This is not the time to repeat the mistakes of the past, with over-policing the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributable to drug overdoses have increased more than 200% in San Francisco since 2018, and last year, more than 700 people died from drug overdoses in the city, more than the number who died from COVID-19, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Breed’s proclamation of a local emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11894981\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/NPR-fentanyl-1-1020x766.jpg\"]Nearly 600 people have died of drug overdoses through November of this year, with nearly half the deaths occurring in the Tenderloin and the neighboring South of Market neighborhood, the proclamation said. These areas make up 7% of San Francisco’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin joined the city’s public defender Mano Raju at a news conference on Monday to denounce the mayor’s plan, saying that jailing people experiencing substance use disorders, mental health issues and homelessness would not work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If arrests and prosecutions alone could solve the drug crisis in this country or in this city, it would have been solved long ago,” Boudin said. “We’ve invested over a trillion dollars in fighting the so-called war on drugs, and where has it gotten us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1473064841568940034\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin said the “raw human suffering” he sees in the neighborhood outrages him. But using outdated methods won’t make people any safer, and the city has other options, said Boudin, who worked in the public defender’s office before becoming DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among local community activists, reaction to Breed’s declaration has been mixed, at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, last week slammed the mayor’s strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really clear that Mayor Breed is vilifying and degrading people who are living in poverty,” she said, calling it a shortsighted political response to the “misleading flood of media hysteria around crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to Proposition C, the 2018 voter-approved measure that directs hundreds of millions of dollars a year to pay for services for unhoused people in the city, Friedenbach said Breed was already “sitting on very carefully crafted solutions to these issues that the community has been calling for, with feedback and expertise from unhoused community members themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, the supervisor representing the Richmond, said at the meeting that San Francisco has seen police-focused plans to address drug use and homelessness in the past, and they haven’t succeeded — because the problem still lingers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in city government for almost two decades, serving under four different mayors. We’ve seen this all before. It’s why we know it’s not going to work. From \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-gavin-newsom-homelessness-san-francisco-20181023-story.html\">Care Not Cash\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/The-Scanner-SF-police-have-backed-off-13322561.php\">sit-lie ordinance\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.curbed.com/2016/11/10/13576508/san-francisco-homeless-tents-election\">[Proposition] Q tent prohibition\u003c/a>. Different slogans, but the same tactics of criminalizing the poor and the unhoused. Different players, same game, and we know they don’t work, because we’re suffering from these measures’ cumulative impact on our streets right now,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We know the solution, colleagues, and that work is hard, to implement policy solutions that may not garner news attention. Work that includes meaningful investment in the health care system, public education, workforce development and housing security not just for the homeless, but working families to stop them from becoming homeless in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED’s Kate Wolffe, Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí, Matthew Green and David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood is officially in a state of emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Thursday night to approve \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Mayor London Breed’s order to declare a state of emergency\u003c/a> in the long-beleaguered city neighborhood, where the needs of people suffering and dying from poverty and substance use disorders have clashed with the needs of nearby families, who are demanding relief from the psychological toll of continuous open-air drug markets and unregulated use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the supervisors who voted to approve the declaration still expressed their concerns that the ordinance may condone the criminalization of those experiencing substance use disorders in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I will note, the mayor can crack down on the Tenderloin today no matter what we do,” said Supervisor Hillary Ronen, who represents the Mission and other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, during the meeting, the mayor’s staff promised not to use the emergency powers to boost police funding, but instead to enable more services to help people with substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between now and January, if they use a cent to increase [the San Francisco Police Department budget], we can cancel this order on the spot,” Ronen said. “I’m going to vote to approve this order today, but I’m going to watch this thing like a hawk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors had seven days to approve Breed’s emergency declaration for the Tenderloin, which will last 90 days. Eight supervisors voted to approve the order, with Supervisors Dean Preston and Shamann Walton voting no, and Supervisor Aaron Peskin absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In their vote to approve the measure, some members of the board cited a longstanding informal policy of voting alongside a supervisor on issues that affect the neighborhood that supervisor represents. Since Supervisor Matt Haney, who is running for State Assembly and represents the Tenderloin, backed the emergency order, other supervisors were swayed to join him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they did so amid publicly aired concerns. Breed spurred fears she would criminalize drug use when she announced earlier this month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899060/vowing-to-end-reign-of-criminals-destroying-our-city-sf-mayor-breed-announces-latest-tenderloin-crackdown\">a new public safety strategy in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, calling for a “tough love” approach that would have more cops on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her remarks, she said San Franciscans should be “less tolerant of all the bull— that has destroyed our city,” and suggested that people who did not accept services would be jailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/12/san-francisco-tenderloin-matrix-declaration-of-emergency-london-breed/\">and others from Breed\u003c/a>, hung over the more than 10-hour-long meeting, as some of the supervisors argued people using drugs need care, not jail, to find healthier lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, city staff delivered a softened version of Breed’s message to the supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I can say unequivocally our office will not use authority in the emergency order to provide appropriations [of funding] to the police department,” Mayor’s Office Deputy Chief of Staff Andres Power told the board Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Power and other staff said, the state of emergency would cut red tape and enable San Francisco agencies to lease a location near the Tenderloin to establish a “linkage site” to help connect people who use drugs to health services and resources, staffed by social workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the emergency order, it would take months, perhaps a year, to create such a site in the Tenderloin, city staff said at the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also would allow the city to more quickly hire 250 behavioral health staffers to help people with substance use disorders heal from their illnesses by blazing through “byzantine” civil-service rules, city staff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are things that can absolutely save lives,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those assurances, other supervisors said they were disappointed Breed didn’t attend the meeting herself to tell them how much, or how little, the police would be involved in her plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Dean Preston, who represents Haight-Ashbury, the Fillmore and Japantown, among other neighborhoods, was openly critical of the emergency order, calling it a “publicity stunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan, who represents the Richmond neighborhood, also questioned the political nature of the declaration and asked why the mayor hadn’t taken similar action earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this declaration was truly about tackling the fentanyl crisis, where was this declaration when we voted to urge the mayor to do so in September of this year?” Chan said, referencing a resolution introduced by Haney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some supervisors worried approving the emergency order would tacitly endorse Breed’s law-and-order messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a community market opening in the Tenderloin in mid-December,\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1474166266797518888\"> Breed was recorded on video saying\u003c/a>, “We are going to make people who are dealing drugs, who are using drugs out in the open with no regard for the community, people who are assaulting and spitting on and stabbing and shooting and destroying this community, we are going to make life hell for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston called out those words in the meeting — making “life hell” for those who use drugs — when \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/newsroom/news/headlines/its-time-to-treat-substance-abuse-like-a-chronic-disease/2021/12\">public health experts consider substance use disorder to be a disease that can be treated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the meeting, SFPD Chief Bill Scott expressed frustration at the position his officers are placed in when addressing the sale and consumption of drugs in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in this ‘no-person’s-land’ where they’re being asked not to arrest, and they’re seeing people smoking fentanyl out on the streets,” Scott said. “What tools do they have to address this, if they’re not going to be arresting?”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>In other critiques, Supervisor Shamann Walton questioned why there wasn’t an emergency order when homicides rose in the southeast of the city, which he represents, and Chan questioned why the mayor didn’t have similar urgency around attacks against the Asian American and Pacific Islander community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of people called in to comment on the vote during the public meeting. Those supporting Breed’s emergency order ran the gamut: Some lauded Breed’s plan as compassionate for boosting access to services, while others embraced more police action, even going so far as to suggest jailing drug dealers on Alcatraz, or encouraging the police to commit violence against drug users and dealers alike. Callers often called the Tenderloin a “dystopia,” and called for “order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other callers lived with their families in the Tenderloin, and were calling for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t forget that children and young people are affected in their mental health directly. It’s a day-to-day situation where they’re offered drugs and are afraid of being shot,” said Norma Carrera, a 26-year Tenderloin resident who spoke in Spanish with the aid of an interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Wolf, who previously struggled with substance abuse \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/26/us/san-francisco-drug-crisis.html\">and became notable in San Francisco for going sober after his arrest by city police\u003c/a>, told the board, “I’m alive today, and in recovery, because I was held accountable when I broke the law to support my addiction. Accountability is the cornerstone of recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People speaking publicly against Breed’s emergency order sometimes characterized it as police overreach, even though the mayor’s office pledged in the meeting not to add funding to policing by using the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callers repeatedly described fear of the police, citing the police killings of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1000988747/george-floyds-murder-one-year-later\">George Floyd\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/mar/21/death-by-gentrification-the-killing-that-shamed-san-francisco\"> Alex Nieto\u003c/a>. They also often suggested officials boost funding for the Community Alternative Response Team (CART), a citywide program designed to connect unhoused people with community workers, as opposed to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, an 18-year-old who said they were unhoused, said “instead of a police crackdown,” Breed should increase funding for housing initiatives to aid those living on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to live in fear,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Murphy, a Tenderloin resident who works at the Mental Health Association of San Francisco, said his agency opposes the emergency order and any measure that would criminalize substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I identify as an addict and an alcoholic. The only thing that’s worked for me is voluntary treatment,” he said, and suggested the city fund CART. “This is not the time to repeat the mistakes of the past, with over-policing the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributable to drug overdoses have increased more than 200% in San Francisco since 2018, and last year, more than 700 people died from drug overdoses in the city, more than the number who died from COVID-19, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/sites/default/files/Emergency%20Declaration%20-%20Tenderloin.pdf\">Breed’s proclamation of a local emergency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nearly 600 people have died of drug overdoses through November of this year, with nearly half the deaths occurring in the Tenderloin and the neighboring South of Market neighborhood, the proclamation said. These areas make up 7% of San Francisco’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin joined the city’s public defender Mano Raju at a news conference on Monday to denounce the mayor’s plan, saying that jailing people experiencing substance use disorders, mental health issues and homelessness would not work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If arrests and prosecutions alone could solve the drug crisis in this country or in this city, it would have been solved long ago,” Boudin said. “We’ve invested over a trillion dollars in fighting the so-called war on drugs, and where has it gotten us?”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Boudin said the “raw human suffering” he sees in the neighborhood outrages him. But using outdated methods won’t make people any safer, and the city has other options, said Boudin, who worked in the public defender’s office before becoming DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among local community activists, reaction to Breed’s declaration has been mixed, at best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, last week slammed the mayor’s strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really clear that Mayor Breed is vilifying and degrading people who are living in poverty,” she said, calling it a shortsighted political response to the “misleading flood of media hysteria around crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to Proposition C, the 2018 voter-approved measure that directs hundreds of millions of dollars a year to pay for services for unhoused people in the city, Friedenbach said Breed was already “sitting on very carefully crafted solutions to these issues that the community has been calling for, with feedback and expertise from unhoused community members themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, the supervisor representing the Richmond, said at the meeting that San Francisco has seen police-focused plans to address drug use and homelessness in the past, and they haven’t succeeded — because the problem still lingers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in city government for almost two decades, serving under four different mayors. We’ve seen this all before. It’s why we know it’s not going to work. From \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-gavin-newsom-homelessness-san-francisco-20181023-story.html\">Care Not Cash\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/The-Scanner-SF-police-have-backed-off-13322561.php\">sit-lie ordinance\u003c/a>, to the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.curbed.com/2016/11/10/13576508/san-francisco-homeless-tents-election\">[Proposition] Q tent prohibition\u003c/a>. Different slogans, but the same tactics of criminalizing the poor and the unhoused. Different players, same game, and we know they don’t work, because we’re suffering from these measures’ cumulative impact on our streets right now,” Chan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We know the solution, colleagues, and that work is hard, to implement policy solutions that may not garner news attention. Work that includes meaningful investment in the health care system, public education, workforce development and housing security not just for the homeless, but working families to stop them from becoming homeless in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED’s Kate Wolffe, Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí, Matthew Green and David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF Supervisor Wants to Limit 'McMansions,' Allow Fourplexes Where Single Family Homes Roam",
"title": "SF Supervisor Wants to Limit 'McMansions,' Allow Fourplexes Where Single Family Homes Roam",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Rafael Mandelman is coming for the city's mansions, while also turning up the heat on housing production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His proposed legislation, announced this weekend, and set to be introduced at the Board of Supervisors on Tuesday, would curtail the construction of oversized homes, sometimes nicknamed \"McMansions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land used for such giant homes, Mandelman argues, should go toward creating more units for more people to live in. That's where his next proposal comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His companion piece of legislation, which is still in the works, would allow the construction of fourplexes on corner lots and areas of the city where only single-family homes are currently allowed to be built, as long as the area is within a half-mile of a major transit stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential change in zoning rules to increase housing density in some neighborhoods — a process called upzoning — could result in denser construction near most of the city's BART and Caltrain stations, as well as near the West Portal, Castro and Forest Hill Muni stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is similar in concept — but not scope — to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB50\">Senate Bill 50\u003c/a>, a highly controversial and ultimately unsuccessful statewide measure, that would have required upzoning near most transit lines, not just major stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Housing and Community Development recently called for the construction of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/SF-Bay-Area-needs-to-build-lots-of-housing-to-15421749.php\">440,000 new \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/SF-Bay-Area-needs-to-build-lots-of-housing-to-15421749.php\">homes\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/SF-Bay-Area-needs-to-build-lots-of-housing-to-15421749.php\"> in the Bay Area \u003c/a>between 2022 and 2030 — more than double the current pace of housing production — to help ease the region's massive housing shortage and drive down sky-high prices. San Francisco\u003ca href=\"https://commissions.sfplanning.org/cpcpackets/2018-004047CWP-02_07162020.pdf\"> has lagged significantly\u003c/a> on meeting its own state housing production goals, and Mandelman hopes his measure will help narrow that gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It wouldn't cover the entire city. It is not anywhere close to as far-reaching, for example, as something like SB 50. But it would enable a little bit more density in the areas around train stations,\" Mandelman said of his proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think of it as diet-SB 50: same flavor, less sugar. And much like the statewide measure — which was fiercely protested and voted down — Mandelman's downscaled local version is already drawing criticism from those who fear that density will drive displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Supervisor Shamann Walton, who represents some of the city's historically Black southeastern neighborhoods. Walton \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/heatherknight/article/S-F-supervisor-s-creative-proposal-Make-it-15910055.php\">told the San Francisco Chronicle's Heather Knight\u003c/a> that turning homes into fourplexes would push the Black community out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guess people really don’t want Black people and other communities of color in this city. Would [Mandelman] do this to his neighborhoods?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]Walton says he's especially concerned about certain communities in the Potrero Hill and Dogpatch neighborhoods, near the 22nd Street Caltrain station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden of building more housing, particularly more dense housing like apartment complexes, has not been imposed on all communities equally in San Francisco, often falling disproportionately on the city's Black and Latino neighborhoods. Relatively wealthier communities that are largely white or Asian, on the city's west side, have not seen the same level of development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco's Mission District, for instance, cranes now dot the horizon, constructing multimillion-dollar condos, which has helped drive out scores of lower-income Latino families that have lived in the neighborhood for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's the kind of issue that David Garcia, policy director of UC Berkeley's Terner Center for Housing Innovation, says people should take seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's fair to be cautious about the unintended consequences of allowing densification in single-family areas, particularly when those areas are populated mostly by renters who are already at risk of displacement,\" Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's an age-old tension in the Bay Area housing debate:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Density advocates say building \u003cem>more\u003c/em>, building \u003cem>higher\u003c/em> and building \u003cem>faster \u003c/em>will bring down the price of housing across the region through basic rules of supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But neighborhood and tenants' advocates often fear the short-term local effects of the \u003cem>build, build, build\u003c/em> ethos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, however, argues that denser housing policies needn't drive displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well thought-out proposal to allow the construction of fourplexes in San Francisco \"could actually benefit communities of color in neighborhoods where there are higher proportions of people of color who own homes,\" Garcia said, as it would allow residents to add a second unit or convert their properties into fourplexes for added rental income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman's fourplex legislation, he added, also has the potential to boost housing production by quite a bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The potential increase in new homes is pretty significant when you consider the fact that the vast majority of California zoned land is reserved specifically for single-family homes,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That holds true even in already-dense cities like San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman's proposal, for instance, could increase housing density in some of the city's tonier western neighborhoods — like St. Francis Wood and Forest Hill — that have long been off-limits to planners and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly a century ago, the city's Forest Hill subway station was built just west of Twin Peaks, as Muni — and its streetcars — began to spread west. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847897/sfmta-muni-forced-to-redo-portion-of-52-million-twin-peaks-tunnel-project\">The Twin Peaks Tunnel\u003c/a>, as it's called, runs through the hill and outlets at West Portal Station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those rail tracks were laid down, higher-income neighborhoods sprung up, including St. Francis Wood and Forest Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Those are neighborhoods that did not exist before the Twin Peaks tunnel was built, which is important to note,\" said Rick Laubscher, a transit historian and president of the Market Street Railway museum. \"Forest Hill grew up as a white-collar, semi-privileged enclave, as did St. Francis Wood. That's where doctors and lawyers and high-paid professionals, almost all of whom were white, lived when they were built.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's perhaps a historical irony, then, that the same train stations that helped create those wealthy neighborhoods of sprawling houses will be the legal anchors Mandelman is trying to use to build more dense — and perhaps more affordable — housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those neighborhoods, though, have long resisted such a change. One 2018\u003ca href=\"https://sf.curbed.com/2018/3/9/17101728/forest-hill-senior-affordable-housing-nimbys-san-francisco\"> battle\u003c/a> in the Forest Hill neighborhood to block construction of a 150-unit affordable housing development for seniors may portend a rough road ahead for Mandelman's effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an almost cookie-cutter example of housing density bouts that have played out across the city, neighbors shouted their grievances to the rafters during public meetings on the project, citing concerns that any formerly homeless person invited to live at the new affordable housing development could pose a physical danger to children in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, the project was defeated, partly because of such fierce resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most San Franciscans agree that affordable housing should be available for the city's essential workers, Mandelman said, but a lot of residents \"also don't want to just have radical change in their neighborhood.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the likelihood of finding a \"center of gravity\" between opposing viewpoints on housing development, Mandelman said, \"We'll find out.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Staff writer Erin Baldassari contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Rafael Mandelman is coming for the city's mansions, while also turning up the heat on housing production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His proposed legislation, announced this weekend, and set to be introduced at the Board of Supervisors on Tuesday, would curtail the construction of oversized homes, sometimes nicknamed \"McMansions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land used for such giant homes, Mandelman argues, should go toward creating more units for more people to live in. That's where his next proposal comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His companion piece of legislation, which is still in the works, would allow the construction of fourplexes on corner lots and areas of the city where only single-family homes are currently allowed to be built, as long as the area is within a half-mile of a major transit stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential change in zoning rules to increase housing density in some neighborhoods — a process called upzoning — could result in denser construction near most of the city's BART and Caltrain stations, as well as near the West Portal, Castro and Forest Hill Muni stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is similar in concept — but not scope — to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB50\">Senate Bill 50\u003c/a>, a highly controversial and ultimately unsuccessful statewide measure, that would have required upzoning near most transit lines, not just major stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Housing and Community Development recently called for the construction of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/SF-Bay-Area-needs-to-build-lots-of-housing-to-15421749.php\">440,000 new \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/SF-Bay-Area-needs-to-build-lots-of-housing-to-15421749.php\">homes\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/SF-Bay-Area-needs-to-build-lots-of-housing-to-15421749.php\"> in the Bay Area \u003c/a>between 2022 and 2030 — more than double the current pace of housing production — to help ease the region's massive housing shortage and drive down sky-high prices. San Francisco\u003ca href=\"https://commissions.sfplanning.org/cpcpackets/2018-004047CWP-02_07162020.pdf\"> has lagged significantly\u003c/a> on meeting its own state housing production goals, and Mandelman hopes his measure will help narrow that gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It wouldn't cover the entire city. It is not anywhere close to as far-reaching, for example, as something like SB 50. But it would enable a little bit more density in the areas around train stations,\" Mandelman said of his proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think of it as diet-SB 50: same flavor, less sugar. And much like the statewide measure — which was fiercely protested and voted down — Mandelman's downscaled local version is already drawing criticism from those who fear that density will drive displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Supervisor Shamann Walton, who represents some of the city's historically Black southeastern neighborhoods. Walton \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/heatherknight/article/S-F-supervisor-s-creative-proposal-Make-it-15910055.php\">told the San Francisco Chronicle's Heather Knight\u003c/a> that turning homes into fourplexes would push the Black community out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guess people really don’t want Black people and other communities of color in this city. Would [Mandelman] do this to his neighborhoods?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Walton says he's especially concerned about certain communities in the Potrero Hill and Dogpatch neighborhoods, near the 22nd Street Caltrain station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden of building more housing, particularly more dense housing like apartment complexes, has not been imposed on all communities equally in San Francisco, often falling disproportionately on the city's Black and Latino neighborhoods. Relatively wealthier communities that are largely white or Asian, on the city's west side, have not seen the same level of development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco's Mission District, for instance, cranes now dot the horizon, constructing multimillion-dollar condos, which has helped drive out scores of lower-income Latino families that have lived in the neighborhood for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's the kind of issue that David Garcia, policy director of UC Berkeley's Terner Center for Housing Innovation, says people should take seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's fair to be cautious about the unintended consequences of allowing densification in single-family areas, particularly when those areas are populated mostly by renters who are already at risk of displacement,\" Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's an age-old tension in the Bay Area housing debate:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Density advocates say building \u003cem>more\u003c/em>, building \u003cem>higher\u003c/em> and building \u003cem>faster \u003c/em>will bring down the price of housing across the region through basic rules of supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But neighborhood and tenants' advocates often fear the short-term local effects of the \u003cem>build, build, build\u003c/em> ethos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, however, argues that denser housing policies needn't drive displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well thought-out proposal to allow the construction of fourplexes in San Francisco \"could actually benefit communities of color in neighborhoods where there are higher proportions of people of color who own homes,\" Garcia said, as it would allow residents to add a second unit or convert their properties into fourplexes for added rental income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman's fourplex legislation, he added, also has the potential to boost housing production by quite a bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The potential increase in new homes is pretty significant when you consider the fact that the vast majority of California zoned land is reserved specifically for single-family homes,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That holds true even in already-dense cities like San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman's proposal, for instance, could increase housing density in some of the city's tonier western neighborhoods — like St. Francis Wood and Forest Hill — that have long been off-limits to planners and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly a century ago, the city's Forest Hill subway station was built just west of Twin Peaks, as Muni — and its streetcars — began to spread west. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11847897/sfmta-muni-forced-to-redo-portion-of-52-million-twin-peaks-tunnel-project\">The Twin Peaks Tunnel\u003c/a>, as it's called, runs through the hill and outlets at West Portal Station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those rail tracks were laid down, higher-income neighborhoods sprung up, including St. Francis Wood and Forest Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Those are neighborhoods that did not exist before the Twin Peaks tunnel was built, which is important to note,\" said Rick Laubscher, a transit historian and president of the Market Street Railway museum. \"Forest Hill grew up as a white-collar, semi-privileged enclave, as did St. Francis Wood. That's where doctors and lawyers and high-paid professionals, almost all of whom were white, lived when they were built.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's perhaps a historical irony, then, that the same train stations that helped create those wealthy neighborhoods of sprawling houses will be the legal anchors Mandelman is trying to use to build more dense — and perhaps more affordable — housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those neighborhoods, though, have long resisted such a change. One 2018\u003ca href=\"https://sf.curbed.com/2018/3/9/17101728/forest-hill-senior-affordable-housing-nimbys-san-francisco\"> battle\u003c/a> in the Forest Hill neighborhood to block construction of a 150-unit affordable housing development for seniors may portend a rough road ahead for Mandelman's effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an almost cookie-cutter example of housing density bouts that have played out across the city, neighbors shouted their grievances to the rafters during public meetings on the project, citing concerns that any formerly homeless person invited to live at the new affordable housing development could pose a physical danger to children in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, the project was defeated, partly because of such fierce resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most San Franciscans agree that affordable housing should be available for the city's essential workers, Mandelman said, but a lot of residents \"also don't want to just have radical change in their neighborhood.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about the likelihood of finding a \"center of gravity\" between opposing viewpoints on housing development, Mandelman said, \"We'll find out.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Staff writer Erin Baldassari contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mayor London Breed and San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors largely agree on the city’s most pernicious problems — the pandemic, the rental crisis, homelessness, the survival of small businesses — but find themselves disagreeing on how to solve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible, though, that these ideological logjams will clear after the final results of the election are in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is considered a political moderate, generally in ideological opposition to what has been a Board of Supervisors with a progressive majority. The mayor and the progressive bloc are particularly split on how to solve the rental housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moderates tend to favor market-rate housing production at any rental price in a bid to bring down rents through abundant supply, whereas progressives tend to favor city or developer-subsidized affordable housing with rents targeted at residents with specific income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When disagreements over housing solutions or other proposed legislation arise, the 11-member board has an ace-in-the-hole: Any vote backed by a supermajority can’t be vetoed by the mayor, an advantage that a solid group of eight progressive allies have enjoyed over the last year, providing an open path to their preferred legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supermajority can be tenuous, however, said David Campos, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party and a former supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the other side can split you off and siphon you off, your leverage is diminished,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11845745/sf-election-may-tilt-board-of-supervisors-in-mayor-breeds-favor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez (\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">@FitzTheReporter\u003c/a>)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Votes are still being counted, but right now it looks like the election may shift the balance of power toward Mayor London Breed over differences she has had with the Board of Supervisors over housing policies.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mayor London Breed and San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors largely agree on the city’s most pernicious problems — the pandemic, the rental crisis, homelessness, the survival of small businesses — but find themselves disagreeing on how to solve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible, though, that these ideological logjams will clear after the final results of the election are in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is considered a political moderate, generally in ideological opposition to what has been a Board of Supervisors with a progressive majority. The mayor and the progressive bloc are particularly split on how to solve the rental housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moderates tend to favor market-rate housing production at any rental price in a bid to bring down rents through abundant supply, whereas progressives tend to favor city or developer-subsidized affordable housing with rents targeted at residents with specific income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When disagreements over housing solutions or other proposed legislation arise, the 11-member board has an ace-in-the-hole: Any vote backed by a supermajority can’t be vetoed by the mayor, an advantage that a solid group of eight progressive allies have enjoyed over the last year, providing an open path to their preferred legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supermajority can be tenuous, however, said David Campos, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party and a former supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the other side can split you off and siphon you off, your leverage is diminished,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11845745/sf-election-may-tilt-board-of-supervisors-in-mayor-breeds-favor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez (\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">@FitzTheReporter\u003c/a>)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mayor London Breed and San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors largely agree on the city’s most pernicious problems — the pandemic, the rental crisis, homelessness, the survival of small businesses — but find themselves disagreeing on how to solve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These ideological logjams, however, may clear after this November’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is considered a political moderate, generally in ideological opposition to the (for now) progressive-majority Board of Supervisors, and they’re particularly split on how to solve the rental housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moderates tend to favor market-rate housing production at any rental price, in a bid to bring down rents through abundant supply, whereas progressives tend to favor city- or developer-subsidized affordable housing with rents targeted at residents with specific income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When disagreements over housing solutions or other proposed legislation arise, the 11-member board has an ace in the hole: Any vote backed by a supermajority can’t be vetoed by the mayor, an advantage a solid bloc of eight progressive allies have enjoyed over the last year. Marshaling those eight members on a particular issue gives progressives an open road to author their preferred laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supermajority can be tenuous, however, said David Campos, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party and a former supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the other side can split you off and siphon you off, your leverage is diminished,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while votes are still being counted, this November’s election may shift the balance of power. While no one is calling out “checkmate,” a few vital rooks may be knocked off the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one new ally to the mayor is on a firm path to the board after voting concluded Tuesday, while another of Breed’s allies is only dozens of votes away from winning, with some San Franciscans clicking the “refresh” button on the Department of Elections’ website repeatedly — and nervously — as officials continue to count mail-in ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Myrna Melgar, a former Planning Commission president who is a progressive Democrat, declared herself winner after the latest ballot count showed her leading her closest opponent, Joel Engardio, by seven points. The latest count looks poised to clinch Melgar’s win, as of Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar will represent District 7 on the southwestern side of San Francisco, which includes Parkmerced. While she is ideologically progressive, she was appointed to the Planning Commission by Breed and is considered a close ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar and Breed have known each other for years and enjoy a positive working relationship. That’s particularly key for Breed, whose history with the board has shown that she often values the ability to work with someone over how closely they align with her views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SFyimby/status/1324184754900463618\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the city’s Richmond District, Breed’s former senior adviser, Marjan Philhour, a moderate Democrat, is locked in a tight race with progressive Democrat Connie Chan. In each day’s new count, the two jockey for the lead by mere dozens of votes, amounting to a toss-up that’s still too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 90,000 mail-in ballots left to count, according to the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philhour is considered a close ally of Breed’s and if elected, would take the seat of outgoing Supervisor Sandra Lee Fewer, who, while friendly with the mayor, is considered particularly powerful among the progressive camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philhour did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Meeting in the Middle\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Progressives and moderates play nice on some issues, but add a dash of housing discussion and you’ll often find a combustible mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar can perhaps douse the powder keg by serving as a conduit between Breed and the progressive camp. As a candidate, Melgar uniquely obtained the backing of SF YIMBY Action, a pro-housing development group, and also of progressives and their allies who are normally opposed to YIMBY ideologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing built on the West Side is my top priority,” Melgar told KQED, where she’s thinking of pushing for subsidized co-ops in partnership with progressive supervisor Gordon Mar, perhaps in a unique arrangement between government and labor groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept would rely on a funding mechanism favored by progressives and would see the construction of housing in a part of town that moderates have long complained hasn’t borne its fair share of housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And beyond housing proposals alone, boasting allies on both sides of the aisle may make it possible for Melgar to serve as a crucial swing vote on the Board of Supervisors more generally, a position once enjoyed by former supervisor David Chiu, who is now serving as a state Assembly member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Todd David, director of the SF Housing Action Coalition\"]‘I’d like to see the Board of Supervisors put their money where their mouth is, take their mandate, and change zoning in the city to allow for some geographic affordable housing equity.’[/pullquote]The calculation is simple: If you’re ideologically in two camps, both will negotiate with you for your vote. Melgar could use that power to unite Breed and the supervisors on thorny issues where they may not otherwise see eye to eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s possible, she certainly could do that,” Campos said. “But for this kind of unity to really work, there has to be a commitment on the part of everyone involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if she thought that dynamic could emerge on the board, Melgar simply answered, “I do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think if the board reaches out to the mayor there will be a good outcome in this city,” Campos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans “elected London Breed mayor and a progressive Board of Supervisors as a balance to one another. I think the hope is that they’ll work together and find a common ground that is needed,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Even More Leverage\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While Melgar’s win may give Breed a trusted ombudsman with the progressive-led board, an additional Philhour win would give Breed a far higher stack of chips at the poker table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would give Breed enough allies among the supervisors to break up the progressives’ veto-proof supermajority. It would also give the mayor a chance to stymie higher taxation in future ballot propositions from the board, for instance, or to argue for more affordable housing for middle-income San Franciscans versus low-income residents, two positions she has espoused in previous years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MarjanPhilhour/status/1313282016633266177\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philhour may carry another trump card: Her time in City Hall has shown she’s not afraid to get in scraps over ideas she backs. In the past, vocal critics of the board’s progressive wing have been successful at drawing public attention to policies they disagree with, and Philhour could fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philhour is viewed skeptically by some progressives as perhaps too close to Breed, having served directly in her office. They’re particularly worried that super PAC-like campaign accounts, called independent expenditure committees, spent money to support Philhour’s election in the Richmond District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that funding came from William Oberndorf, a wealthy investor who gave more than $1 million to help Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, in his senate race, \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2020/10/the-big-gop-and-real-estate-money-moves-into-district-one/\">according to 48 Hills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Favorable donations from Republican allies prompted some progressives to question local candidates’ proposals, but Philhour tweeted in October, “I am the only candidate in this race to denounce all Independent Expenditures and Super PACs. I’ve done so from the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti Singh, a tenants organizer, hopes that Philhour, if elected, will show her independence and favor progressive affordable housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Marjan [Philhour] wins, it’s incumbent on her to think about that vision and not what the PAC, big business-backers want to do about housing,” Singh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results,Full Election Results\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/KQED-Election-Results-Hero-1020x574.jpg\"]That’s particularly important with the likely passages of San Francisco’s Propositions I and K, the former of which is a property transfer tax that would raise about $196 million annually for the city’s general fund, and the latter of which is a mandate for the city to build up to 10,000 affordable rental units, a proposal which still needs identified funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is buying what the progressives are putting on the ballot right now,” Singh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Todd David, director of the SF Housing Action Coalition, said progressives should strike while the iron is hot, as this week’s likely multiple ballot proposition wins would give progressives more tools to begin tackling the housing affordability crisis in a way he claims they have not yet done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many political moderates like David, who side with market-rate ideologies, agree that the progressives should aggressively pursue their housing proposals because building more affordable housing on the West Side, for example, would at least see the neighborhood become more housing-dense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see the Board of Supervisors put their money where their mouth is,” David said. “Take their mandate, and change zoning in the city to allow for some geographic affordable housing equity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David critiqued the progressive supervisors for failing to use their majority to add more housing on San Francisco’s West Side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have “all said they can do this,” but “last time I checked they haven’t added any new zoning locally,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any possible new cooperation between Breed’s camp and the progressives, if pursued, could transform the city, he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mayor London Breed and San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors largely agree on the city’s most pernicious problems — the pandemic, the rental crisis, homelessness, the survival of small businesses — but find themselves disagreeing on how to solve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These ideological logjams, however, may clear after this November’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is considered a political moderate, generally in ideological opposition to the (for now) progressive-majority Board of Supervisors, and they’re particularly split on how to solve the rental housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moderates tend to favor market-rate housing production at any rental price, in a bid to bring down rents through abundant supply, whereas progressives tend to favor city- or developer-subsidized affordable housing with rents targeted at residents with specific income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When disagreements over housing solutions or other proposed legislation arise, the 11-member board has an ace in the hole: Any vote backed by a supermajority can’t be vetoed by the mayor, an advantage a solid bloc of eight progressive allies have enjoyed over the last year. Marshaling those eight members on a particular issue gives progressives an open road to author their preferred laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supermajority can be tenuous, however, said David Campos, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party and a former supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the other side can split you off and siphon you off, your leverage is diminished,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while votes are still being counted, this November’s election may shift the balance of power. While no one is calling out “checkmate,” a few vital rooks may be knocked off the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one new ally to the mayor is on a firm path to the board after voting concluded Tuesday, while another of Breed’s allies is only dozens of votes away from winning, with some San Franciscans clicking the “refresh” button on the Department of Elections’ website repeatedly — and nervously — as officials continue to count mail-in ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Myrna Melgar, a former Planning Commission president who is a progressive Democrat, declared herself winner after the latest ballot count showed her leading her closest opponent, Joel Engardio, by seven points. The latest count looks poised to clinch Melgar’s win, as of Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar will represent District 7 on the southwestern side of San Francisco, which includes Parkmerced. While she is ideologically progressive, she was appointed to the Planning Commission by Breed and is considered a close ally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar and Breed have known each other for years and enjoy a positive working relationship. That’s particularly key for Breed, whose history with the board has shown that she often values the ability to work with someone over how closely they align with her views.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>In the city’s Richmond District, Breed’s former senior adviser, Marjan Philhour, a moderate Democrat, is locked in a tight race with progressive Democrat Connie Chan. In each day’s new count, the two jockey for the lead by mere dozens of votes, amounting to a toss-up that’s still too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 90,000 mail-in ballots left to count, according to the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philhour is considered a close ally of Breed’s and if elected, would take the seat of outgoing Supervisor Sandra Lee Fewer, who, while friendly with the mayor, is considered particularly powerful among the progressive camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philhour did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Meeting in the Middle\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Progressives and moderates play nice on some issues, but add a dash of housing discussion and you’ll often find a combustible mix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar can perhaps douse the powder keg by serving as a conduit between Breed and the progressive camp. As a candidate, Melgar uniquely obtained the backing of SF YIMBY Action, a pro-housing development group, and also of progressives and their allies who are normally opposed to YIMBY ideologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing built on the West Side is my top priority,” Melgar told KQED, where she’s thinking of pushing for subsidized co-ops in partnership with progressive supervisor Gordon Mar, perhaps in a unique arrangement between government and labor groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept would rely on a funding mechanism favored by progressives and would see the construction of housing in a part of town that moderates have long complained hasn’t borne its fair share of housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And beyond housing proposals alone, boasting allies on both sides of the aisle may make it possible for Melgar to serve as a crucial swing vote on the Board of Supervisors more generally, a position once enjoyed by former supervisor David Chiu, who is now serving as a state Assembly member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I’d like to see the Board of Supervisors put their money where their mouth is, take their mandate, and change zoning in the city to allow for some geographic affordable housing equity.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The calculation is simple: If you’re ideologically in two camps, both will negotiate with you for your vote. Melgar could use that power to unite Breed and the supervisors on thorny issues where they may not otherwise see eye to eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s possible, she certainly could do that,” Campos said. “But for this kind of unity to really work, there has to be a commitment on the part of everyone involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if she thought that dynamic could emerge on the board, Melgar simply answered, “I do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think if the board reaches out to the mayor there will be a good outcome in this city,” Campos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans “elected London Breed mayor and a progressive Board of Supervisors as a balance to one another. I think the hope is that they’ll work together and find a common ground that is needed,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Even More Leverage\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>While Melgar’s win may give Breed a trusted ombudsman with the progressive-led board, an additional Philhour win would give Breed a far higher stack of chips at the poker table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would give Breed enough allies among the supervisors to break up the progressives’ veto-proof supermajority. It would also give the mayor a chance to stymie higher taxation in future ballot propositions from the board, for instance, or to argue for more affordable housing for middle-income San Franciscans versus low-income residents, two positions she has espoused in previous years.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Philhour may carry another trump card: Her time in City Hall has shown she’s not afraid to get in scraps over ideas she backs. In the past, vocal critics of the board’s progressive wing have been successful at drawing public attention to policies they disagree with, and Philhour could fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philhour is viewed skeptically by some progressives as perhaps too close to Breed, having served directly in her office. They’re particularly worried that super PAC-like campaign accounts, called independent expenditure committees, spent money to support Philhour’s election in the Richmond District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that funding came from William Oberndorf, a wealthy investor who gave more than $1 million to help Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, in his senate race, \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2020/10/the-big-gop-and-real-estate-money-moves-into-district-one/\">according to 48 Hills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Favorable donations from Republican allies prompted some progressives to question local candidates’ proposals, but Philhour tweeted in October, “I am the only candidate in this race to denounce all Independent Expenditures and Super PACs. I’ve done so from the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti Singh, a tenants organizer, hopes that Philhour, if elected, will show her independence and favor progressive affordable housing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Marjan [Philhour] wins, it’s incumbent on her to think about that vision and not what the PAC, big business-backers want to do about housing,” Singh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s particularly important with the likely passages of San Francisco’s Propositions I and K, the former of which is a property transfer tax that would raise about $196 million annually for the city’s general fund, and the latter of which is a mandate for the city to build up to 10,000 affordable rental units, a proposal which still needs identified funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is buying what the progressives are putting on the ballot right now,” Singh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Todd David, director of the SF Housing Action Coalition, said progressives should strike while the iron is hot, as this week’s likely multiple ballot proposition wins would give progressives more tools to begin tackling the housing affordability crisis in a way he claims they have not yet done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many political moderates like David, who side with market-rate ideologies, agree that the progressives should aggressively pursue their housing proposals because building more affordable housing on the West Side, for example, would at least see the neighborhood become more housing-dense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see the Board of Supervisors put their money where their mouth is,” David said. “Take their mandate, and change zoning in the city to allow for some geographic affordable housing equity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David critiqued the progressive supervisors for failing to use their majority to add more housing on San Francisco’s West Side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have “all said they can do this,” but “last time I checked they haven’t added any new zoning locally,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any possible new cooperation between Breed’s camp and the progressives, if pursued, could transform the city, he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two San Francisco supervisors have introduced legislation that would require the city to expand its system of safe sleeping sites for homeless people. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816648/sf-used-to-trash-homeless-tents-now-the-city-will-sanction-these-safe-sleeping-sites\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">city first opened the sanctioned tent villages in May\u003c/a>, as the pandemic forced shelters to limit the number of people they could take, and more people began sleeping on sidewalks in crowded encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Supervisors approve the proposal, it would mandate enough new safe sleeping sites to accommodate 500 people within nine months. Within 18 months, the city would need to have enough sites for anyone without access to a permanent supportive housing unit, shelter bed or hotel room. While the current number of unhoused people in San Francisco is unknown, the city’s 2019 point-in-time count found about 8,000 homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Rafael Mandelman introduced the proposal along with Supervisor Sandra Lee Fewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman says the sleeping sites the city has already set up have been successful alternatives to shelters and sidewalks for unhoused people during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are places where folks can set up tents. They’re managed. They have port-a-potties and sometimes showers and services, regular cleaning, 24 hour 24/7 staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently five sanctioned safe sleeping sites throughout the city, with a total capacity of 213 people. It’s unclear how many people are currently staying at those sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness recently \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1thWoIG4PXe36QoInR-QiOwEKi4RIccer/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">surveyed\u003c/a> 584 unhoused people in the city and found that 58% of the people surveyed would prefer a legal, free campsite over sleeping in one of the city’s existing shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keegan Medrano, policy and social media director for the Coalition, says the group doesn’t have an official position on the legislation yet, but supports expanding safe sleeping sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you gave me a choice of someone living in a vehicle, or on streets, someplace where they won’t be policed, where they won’t be harassed, I would be supportive of that,” said Medrano. [aside tag=\"housing\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, they recognize that the sites are a harm reduction approach, and are less optimal than hotel rooms or RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want permanently supportive housing. I want people to have a roof over their heads, but right now we don’t, as a city, have the will to do that completely,” said Medrano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman said he would prefer if the city could find ways to afford more permanent housing for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the very, very least, we should be identifying safe places where people can at least spend the night rather than leaving it to them to figure out which sidewalk it’s okay to be on. And rather than expecting neighbors to sort of accept having an encampment pop up outside their window,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Supervisors adopt the proposal, the Department of Housing and Supportive Services would have 60 days to come up with a budget and plan for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two San Francisco supervisors have introduced legislation that would require the city to expand its system of safe sleeping sites for homeless people. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816648/sf-used-to-trash-homeless-tents-now-the-city-will-sanction-these-safe-sleeping-sites\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">city first opened the sanctioned tent villages in May\u003c/a>, as the pandemic forced shelters to limit the number of people they could take, and more people began sleeping on sidewalks in crowded encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Supervisors approve the proposal, it would mandate enough new safe sleeping sites to accommodate 500 people within nine months. Within 18 months, the city would need to have enough sites for anyone without access to a permanent supportive housing unit, shelter bed or hotel room. While the current number of unhoused people in San Francisco is unknown, the city’s 2019 point-in-time count found about 8,000 homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Rafael Mandelman introduced the proposal along with Supervisor Sandra Lee Fewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman says the sleeping sites the city has already set up have been successful alternatives to shelters and sidewalks for unhoused people during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are places where folks can set up tents. They’re managed. They have port-a-potties and sometimes showers and services, regular cleaning, 24 hour 24/7 staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently five sanctioned safe sleeping sites throughout the city, with a total capacity of 213 people. It’s unclear how many people are currently staying at those sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness recently \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1thWoIG4PXe36QoInR-QiOwEKi4RIccer/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">surveyed\u003c/a> 584 unhoused people in the city and found that 58% of the people surveyed would prefer a legal, free campsite over sleeping in one of the city’s existing shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keegan Medrano, policy and social media director for the Coalition, says the group doesn’t have an official position on the legislation yet, but supports expanding safe sleeping sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you gave me a choice of someone living in a vehicle, or on streets, someplace where they won’t be policed, where they won’t be harassed, I would be supportive of that,” said Medrano. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, they recognize that the sites are a harm reduction approach, and are less optimal than hotel rooms or RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want permanently supportive housing. I want people to have a roof over their heads, but right now we don’t, as a city, have the will to do that completely,” said Medrano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman said he would prefer if the city could find ways to afford more permanent housing for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the very, very least, we should be identifying safe places where people can at least spend the night rather than leaving it to them to figure out which sidewalk it’s okay to be on. And rather than expecting neighbors to sort of accept having an encampment pop up outside their window,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Supervisors adopt the proposal, the Department of Housing and Supportive Services would have 60 days to come up with a budget and plan for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors moved a step closer to voting later this month on a local measure that would bar anyone in the city from filing improper, racially biased police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Introduced by Supervisor Shamann Walton in July, the Caution Against Racial and Exploitive Non-Emergencies (or “CAREN”) Act would amend the city’s police code, in a nod to a series of recent high-profile confrontations, captured on video, of white people calling the police on African Americans for generally innocuous behavior. A committee approved the measure Thursday, paving the way for the full board to vote on it within a few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the 2018 “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13832886/were-still-here-bbqn-while-black-draws-out-oaklanders-in-force\">Barbecue Becky\u003c/a>” incident, when a white woman called the police on two black men who were barbecuing by Lake Merritt in Oakland, to the white couple who in June threatened to call the police on a Filipino in San Francisco’s Pacific Heights neighborhood, Walton contends these calls weaponize the police against people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"racial-discrimination\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black, Indigenous people and people of color suffer post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of law enforcement violating their rights to everyday normal activities based on fraudulent 911 calls by an individual with racial bias,” Walton said at a September committee meeting on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the bill would make it unlawful for anyone to “contact a person with the specific intent to discriminate against the person on the basis of the person’s race, color, ancestry, ethnicity, national origin, place of birth, sex, age, religious affiliation, creed, disability, gender, sexual orientation, or gender identity, weight, or height.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation states that 911 calls of this nature violate the constitutional rights of the targeted person. It would allow victims of purportedly biased police calls to sue the caller in civil court for at least $1,000 in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“911 calls and emergency reports are not customer service lines for racist behavior and should not be weaponized as so,” Walton said at the September meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is taking up the issue as well. Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1775\">AB 1775\u003c/a>, which increases financial penalties and potential jail time for those who use the 911 system for any reason besides an emergency (although the law has much less specific language on racial discrimination as compared to San Francisco’s measure). The state law also allows victims of false police reports to seek restitution of up to $25,000 under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.shouselaw.com/ca/civil-rights/ralph-act/\">Ralph Civil Rights Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 9: The original version of this story contained inaccurate information. Although the full Board of Supervisors is likely to take up the measure before the end of October, an actual vote has not yet been scheduled.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Supervisors could vote later this month on the measure, which would make it illegal for anyone in the city to call 911 on someone based on concerns stemming from that person's race or other identity factors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors moved a step closer to voting later this month on a local measure that would bar anyone in the city from filing improper, racially biased police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Introduced by Supervisor Shamann Walton in July, the Caution Against Racial and Exploitive Non-Emergencies (or “CAREN”) Act would amend the city’s police code, in a nod to a series of recent high-profile confrontations, captured on video, of white people calling the police on African Americans for generally innocuous behavior. A committee approved the measure Thursday, paving the way for the full board to vote on it within a few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the 2018 “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13832886/were-still-here-bbqn-while-black-draws-out-oaklanders-in-force\">Barbecue Becky\u003c/a>” incident, when a white woman called the police on two black men who were barbecuing by Lake Merritt in Oakland, to the white couple who in June threatened to call the police on a Filipino in San Francisco’s Pacific Heights neighborhood, Walton contends these calls weaponize the police against people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black, Indigenous people and people of color suffer post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of law enforcement violating their rights to everyday normal activities based on fraudulent 911 calls by an individual with racial bias,” Walton said at a September committee meeting on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the bill would make it unlawful for anyone to “contact a person with the specific intent to discriminate against the person on the basis of the person’s race, color, ancestry, ethnicity, national origin, place of birth, sex, age, religious affiliation, creed, disability, gender, sexual orientation, or gender identity, weight, or height.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation states that 911 calls of this nature violate the constitutional rights of the targeted person. It would allow victims of purportedly biased police calls to sue the caller in civil court for at least $1,000 in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“911 calls and emergency reports are not customer service lines for racist behavior and should not be weaponized as so,” Walton said at the September meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is taking up the issue as well. Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1775\">AB 1775\u003c/a>, which increases financial penalties and potential jail time for those who use the 911 system for any reason besides an emergency (although the law has much less specific language on racial discrimination as compared to San Francisco’s measure). The state law also allows victims of false police reports to seek restitution of up to $25,000 under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.shouselaw.com/ca/civil-rights/ralph-act/\">Ralph Civil Rights Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 9: The original version of this story contained inaccurate information. Although the full Board of Supervisors is likely to take up the measure before the end of October, an actual vote has not yet been scheduled.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF Supervisor Seeks to Restore Oversight of Homeless Shelter Contracts Amid Corruption Scandal",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the name of expediting construction of homeless shelters, San Francisco Mayor London Breed in March 2019 asked the Board of Supervisors to relinquish its oversight of the contract process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The argument was, if Public Works could simply award shelter construction contracts faster, people living in dire circumstances would be moved off the streets months earlier — saving crucial time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t quite work out that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of oversight allegedly allowed former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru to grant more than $1 million in homeless shelter construction contracts to Walter Wong, a permit expediter who was arrested by the FBI last month and charged with conspiracy to commit fraud and conspiracy to engage in money laundering, according to the U.S. Attorney's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru was also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798447/sf-public-works-director-mohammed-nuru-arrested-by-fbi\">arrested by the FBI\u003c/a> in January on public fraud charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Supervisor Aaron Peskin said he will introduce legislation Tuesday allowing the Board of Supervisors to regain oversight and ultimate approval over homeless shelter construction in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the name of streamlining and expediting services to the city’s unhoused, the Board of Supervisors ceded our authority and checks and balances,” Peskin said last Thursday. “Mr. Nuru drove a truck through it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"mohammed-nuru\"]The findings come from the City Controller’s Office, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826653/bad-policies-and-practices-report-highlights-weak-sf-laws-that-enable-public-corruption\">issued a report\u003c/a> early last week detailing rules that it urged city leaders to tighten in order to better prevent government corruption, including the one pushed by Breed to streamline homeless service construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under that ordinance, Public Works no longer had to set up a normal bidding process for contracts for the construction of homeless shelters, nor did they need ultimate authorization from the Board of Supervisors to award those contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move had broad support, even from pro-business organizations and homeless nonprofits that often stand opposed. A broad range of groups, including the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce, Larkin Street Youth Services and the Mission Housing Development Corporation, all spoke publicly in support of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the proof is really in the pudding. You have service provider after service provider” who supports the measure, Sam Moss, executive director of Mission Housing Development Corporation, said to the Board of Supervisors last year, before the legislation's continuation from a board committee to the full board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Board of Supervisors approved the measure within 20 seconds after it was introduced, granting the Public Works director — at the time, Nuru — the broad authority to just say “yes” to contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its report, the controller’s office revealed Nuru said “yes” to roughly $24.6 million in homeless shelter contracts, about $10.5 million of which were “directly awarded” with no solicitation of any kind. Some $3.5 million in contracts were also awarded through “unclear” methods because “no outreach or solicitation documentation exists,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru also awarded three contracts — including the construction of a Bayview navigation center — totaling more than $2.5 million to Charles Pankow Builders, according to the City Controller’s Office, which released more detailed data in the wake of the report. The firm was subpoenaed by the City Attorney’s Office in February in connection to the corruption scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Wong, the permit expediter arrested by the FBI, was awarded a $907,000 contract to renovate Jelani House, a substance abuse rehab center, and a $110,595 contract to construct a building attached to a navigation center on Fifth and Bryant streets, according to the controller's office findings. Nuru also awarded a $171,000 portable toilet contract to restaurateur Nick Bovis, who was also arrested by the FBI in connection with the corruption schemes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Alameida, a Public Works deputy director, was among officials who publicly supported the fast-tracking measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'll vouch my support for the ordinance,\" he told supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But emails of his that have since been made public, show that he solicited a donation from a city contractor Public Works oversaw to a charity run by Nick Bovis, one that allegedly used such contributions to throw lavish parties for city officials, in violation of ethics laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contractor, Webcor Builders, was later subpoenaed in the City Attorney’s Office corruption investigation.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the name of expediting construction of homeless shelters, San Francisco Mayor London Breed in March 2019 asked the Board of Supervisors to relinquish its oversight of the contract process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The argument was, if Public Works could simply award shelter construction contracts faster, people living in dire circumstances would be moved off the streets months earlier — saving crucial time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t quite work out that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of oversight allegedly allowed former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru to grant more than $1 million in homeless shelter construction contracts to Walter Wong, a permit expediter who was arrested by the FBI last month and charged with conspiracy to commit fraud and conspiracy to engage in money laundering, according to the U.S. Attorney's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru was also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798447/sf-public-works-director-mohammed-nuru-arrested-by-fbi\">arrested by the FBI\u003c/a> in January on public fraud charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Supervisor Aaron Peskin said he will introduce legislation Tuesday allowing the Board of Supervisors to regain oversight and ultimate approval over homeless shelter construction in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the name of streamlining and expediting services to the city’s unhoused, the Board of Supervisors ceded our authority and checks and balances,” Peskin said last Thursday. “Mr. Nuru drove a truck through it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The findings come from the City Controller’s Office, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826653/bad-policies-and-practices-report-highlights-weak-sf-laws-that-enable-public-corruption\">issued a report\u003c/a> early last week detailing rules that it urged city leaders to tighten in order to better prevent government corruption, including the one pushed by Breed to streamline homeless service construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under that ordinance, Public Works no longer had to set up a normal bidding process for contracts for the construction of homeless shelters, nor did they need ultimate authorization from the Board of Supervisors to award those contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move had broad support, even from pro-business organizations and homeless nonprofits that often stand opposed. A broad range of groups, including the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce, Larkin Street Youth Services and the Mission Housing Development Corporation, all spoke publicly in support of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the proof is really in the pudding. You have service provider after service provider” who supports the measure, Sam Moss, executive director of Mission Housing Development Corporation, said to the Board of Supervisors last year, before the legislation's continuation from a board committee to the full board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Board of Supervisors approved the measure within 20 seconds after it was introduced, granting the Public Works director — at the time, Nuru — the broad authority to just say “yes” to contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its report, the controller’s office revealed Nuru said “yes” to roughly $24.6 million in homeless shelter contracts, about $10.5 million of which were “directly awarded” with no solicitation of any kind. Some $3.5 million in contracts were also awarded through “unclear” methods because “no outreach or solicitation documentation exists,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru also awarded three contracts — including the construction of a Bayview navigation center — totaling more than $2.5 million to Charles Pankow Builders, according to the City Controller’s Office, which released more detailed data in the wake of the report. The firm was subpoenaed by the City Attorney’s Office in February in connection to the corruption scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Wong, the permit expediter arrested by the FBI, was awarded a $907,000 contract to renovate Jelani House, a substance abuse rehab center, and a $110,595 contract to construct a building attached to a navigation center on Fifth and Bryant streets, according to the controller's office findings. Nuru also awarded a $171,000 portable toilet contract to restaurateur Nick Bovis, who was also arrested by the FBI in connection with the corruption schemes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Alameida, a Public Works deputy director, was among officials who publicly supported the fast-tracking measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'll vouch my support for the ordinance,\" he told supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But emails of his that have since been made public, show that he solicited a donation from a city contractor Public Works oversaw to a charity run by Nick Bovis, one that allegedly used such contributions to throw lavish parties for city officials, in violation of ethics laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contractor, Webcor Builders, was later subpoenaed in the City Attorney’s Office corruption investigation.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The possibility for corruption is rife in San Francisco’s Public Works and homelessness contract approval processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, there’s a fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according \u003ca href=\"http://openbook.sfgov.org/webreports/details3.aspx?id=2843\">to a new report released Monday\u003c/a> by the San Francisco City Controller’s Office, which analyzed city laws and processes following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798447/sf-public-works-director-mohammed-nuru-arrested-by-fbi\">FBI’s January arrest \u003c/a>of former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru on public corruption charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru was charged in connection with a series of alleged schemes involving public agency contracts, including an attempt to bribe a San Francisco International Airport commissioner to obtain a favorable contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI investigation has also widened, encompassing former director of the Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Services Sandra Zuniga and Balmore Hernandez, CEO of engineering firm Azul Works, Inc which holds large contracts with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controller’s report offers suggestions for closing the legal loopholes that allowed Nuru, and others, to allegedly award city contracts to close allies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to ensure the transparency, accountability, and ethical behavior that San Franciscans are owed when it comes to the delivery of city services and the use of their tax dollars,” City Controller Ben Rosenfield said in a statement. “In simple terms, the Controller’s Office is seeking to rectify bad policies and practices that undermine those goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"mohammed-nuru\"]The report reveals sweeping vulnerabilities in city accountability provisions, and recommends a spate of changes, including stricter reporting requirements for financial gifts, greater transparency in how city contractors are hired and more competitive bidding processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most glaring among the report’s findings is that Nuru essentially had no direct oversight for spending millions of dollars in city money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many city departments have an oversight board, usually appointed by the mayor or board of supervisors, responsible for scrutinizing and approving often lucrative contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Public Works, the department Nuru led, which was once overseen by the mayor’s office, has for years monitored itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayor should reverse” that delegation, the report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using that power, Nuru awarded roughly $25 million in homelessness contracts. Of those, the report found roughly $10 million were awarded “through no discernable selection process and are at the greatest risk of fraud or abuse in the award process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the contracts in that $10 million pool, the controller’s office noted, were awarded by Nuru to Walter Wong, a permit-expediter who was arrested by the FBI just last week and charged with two counts of conspiracy to commit fraud and conspiracy to engage in money laundering, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-conversation=\"none\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Wong allegedly arranged for Nuru to be flown to China to be wined/dined by Zhang Li, the 555 Fulton developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new City Attorney investigative report today alleges Wong did the same for DBI director Tom Hui.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s the full investigative report:\u003ca href=\"https://t.co/V81IOrnnG6\">https://t.co/V81IOrnnG6\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez (@FitzTheReporter) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1237514322638594050?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">March 10, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A $171,000 portable toilet contract also went to Nick Bovis, the Lefty O’Doul’s restauranteur who was indicted alongside Nuru in January. The city canceled that contract, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends greater transparency for behest payments, in which contractors donate to nonprofits at the behest of a city official. Currently, only the board of supervisors and particular city officials are required to reveal such payments. But the report shows department heads and other staffers should reveal all donations they request from contractors, even if those donations are directed to third-party charities, as those payments can be used as workarounds for bribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, in response to the controller’s report, Mayor London Breed announced a set of immediate fixes and legislation to address some of the many shortcomings identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those changes, Breed pledged to rescind the unusual authority of the Public Works director to award contracts with little oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know these are the first in a series of recommendations, and we need to continue to identify problematic issues that erode public trust across our city,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor has made an effort to clean house in the wake of the Nuru scandal, one she became tied to in February after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801734/sf-mayor-breed-reveals-she-once-dated-mohammed-nuru-received-gift-from-him\">publicly admitting\u003c/a> she had accepted $5,600 in car repairs from Nuru in 2019, a gift she did not report despite a legal requirement to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Haney is also seeking fixes based on the controller’s report, including limiting “insider contracting” — in which pre-qualified contractors do not have to competitively bid for new contracts — and revisiting the city’s ethics code rule that bars officials from accepting gifts from contractors, but includes an exemption for friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MattHaneySF/status/1277711045306417152\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The controller’s analysis makes it clear that we need sweeping structural reform in City Hall,” Haney said in a statement. “We’ve let years of corruption waste taxpayer dollars, as city hall bureaucrats have awarded millions of dollars in contracts to their friends with no oversight. And in too many cases, they’ve gotten kickbacks for themselves or their friends under the table.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The possibility for corruption is rife in San Francisco’s Public Works and homelessness contract approval processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, there’s a fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according \u003ca href=\"http://openbook.sfgov.org/webreports/details3.aspx?id=2843\">to a new report released Monday\u003c/a> by the San Francisco City Controller’s Office, which analyzed city laws and processes following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798447/sf-public-works-director-mohammed-nuru-arrested-by-fbi\">FBI’s January arrest \u003c/a>of former Public Works Director Mohammed Nuru on public corruption charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nuru was charged in connection with a series of alleged schemes involving public agency contracts, including an attempt to bribe a San Francisco International Airport commissioner to obtain a favorable contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI investigation has also widened, encompassing former director of the Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Services Sandra Zuniga and Balmore Hernandez, CEO of engineering firm Azul Works, Inc which holds large contracts with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controller’s report offers suggestions for closing the legal loopholes that allowed Nuru, and others, to allegedly award city contracts to close allies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to ensure the transparency, accountability, and ethical behavior that San Franciscans are owed when it comes to the delivery of city services and the use of their tax dollars,” City Controller Ben Rosenfield said in a statement. “In simple terms, the Controller’s Office is seeking to rectify bad policies and practices that undermine those goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The report reveals sweeping vulnerabilities in city accountability provisions, and recommends a spate of changes, including stricter reporting requirements for financial gifts, greater transparency in how city contractors are hired and more competitive bidding processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most glaring among the report’s findings is that Nuru essentially had no direct oversight for spending millions of dollars in city money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many city departments have an oversight board, usually appointed by the mayor or board of supervisors, responsible for scrutinizing and approving often lucrative contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Public Works, the department Nuru led, which was once overseen by the mayor’s office, has for years monitored itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayor should reverse” that delegation, the report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using that power, Nuru awarded roughly $25 million in homelessness contracts. Of those, the report found roughly $10 million were awarded “through no discernable selection process and are at the greatest risk of fraud or abuse in the award process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the contracts in that $10 million pool, the controller’s office noted, were awarded by Nuru to Walter Wong, a permit-expediter who was arrested by the FBI just last week and charged with two counts of conspiracy to commit fraud and conspiracy to engage in money laundering, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-conversation=\"none\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Wong allegedly arranged for Nuru to be flown to China to be wined/dined by Zhang Li, the 555 Fulton developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new City Attorney investigative report today alleges Wong did the same for DBI director Tom Hui.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s the full investigative report:\u003ca href=\"https://t.co/V81IOrnnG6\">https://t.co/V81IOrnnG6\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez (@FitzTheReporter) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FitzTheReporter/status/1237514322638594050?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">March 10, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A $171,000 portable toilet contract also went to Nick Bovis, the Lefty O’Doul’s restauranteur who was indicted alongside Nuru in January. The city canceled that contract, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends greater transparency for behest payments, in which contractors donate to nonprofits at the behest of a city official. Currently, only the board of supervisors and particular city officials are required to reveal such payments. But the report shows department heads and other staffers should reveal all donations they request from contractors, even if those donations are directed to third-party charities, as those payments can be used as workarounds for bribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, in response to the controller’s report, Mayor London Breed announced a set of immediate fixes and legislation to address some of the many shortcomings identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those changes, Breed pledged to rescind the unusual authority of the Public Works director to award contracts with little oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know these are the first in a series of recommendations, and we need to continue to identify problematic issues that erode public trust across our city,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor has made an effort to clean house in the wake of the Nuru scandal, one she became tied to in February after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801734/sf-mayor-breed-reveals-she-once-dated-mohammed-nuru-received-gift-from-him\">publicly admitting\u003c/a> she had accepted $5,600 in car repairs from Nuru in 2019, a gift she did not report despite a legal requirement to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Haney is also seeking fixes based on the controller’s report, including limiting “insider contracting” — in which pre-qualified contractors do not have to competitively bid for new contracts — and revisiting the city’s ethics code rule that bars officials from accepting gifts from contractors, but includes an exemption for friends.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Gay Supervisor Harry Britt Dead at 82; Appointed After Harvey Milk's Assassination",
"title": "Gay Supervisor Harry Britt Dead at 82; Appointed After Harvey Milk's Assassination",
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"content": "\u003cp>Harry Britt, a soft-spoken openly gay Methodist preacher who was thrust into politics when then-Mayor Dianne Feinstein appointed him to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors after Supervisor Harvey Milk and Mayor George Moscone were assassinated in 1978, died Tuesday night. He was 82.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Britt, a natural introvert who didn't seek the spotlight, was one of four people Milk named as his preferred successors in the event of his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Harry was progressive before the word became vogue,\" said Feinstein, now California's senior U.S. Senator. \"He was a powerful advocate for the gay community who never took no for an answer. Strong, passionate advocates like Harry have done so much for San Francisco and the country, and I’m glad to have known him. He’ll be missed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Britt was born in Port Arthur, Texas in 1938 and eventually made his way to San Francisco as the gay rights movement was gaining momentum. Although he was not a natural politician, Britt was tapped to fulfill the vision of a slain gay icon, Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He didn't like the limelight. He didn't care for it -- for any of that,\" said Tom Ammiano, another openly gay politician who later served on the Board of Supervisors. \"In a way, I hate to say it this way, but, you know, he did us a favor by saying, yes [to Feinstein], he sacrificed a lot. But I think he realized it was bigger than him because we who knew him and Harvey knew that we could trust him.\"\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sharon Johnson, who worked for Britt while he was a supervisor\"]'Social justice, economic justice and equality for all humankind — that was his deep passion. Equality in the truest sense of equality and really all social justice issues were important to him.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a supervisor, Britt championed domestic partners legislation, an early form of legal recognition for same-sex couples. But when the legislation landed on Mayor Feinstein's desk in 1982, she vetoed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was really hurt deeply by that,\" said Sharon Johnson, who worked in City Hall for Britt during his years as supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet when Britt gave remarks last year at the Board of Supervisors where he received a commendation 40 years after taking office, he tearfully thanked Feinstein for appointing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She saw something good in me,\" Britt said. \"Without Dianne I know my life would never have taken the course it took.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson, who remained close to Britt until he died, said he always felt unworthy of following Milk on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was truly an introvert,\" Johnson said. \"I always said that Harry lived in his head but made decisions from his heart. And that's how I found him to be.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson recalled that Britt, who attended Duke University, was a big basketball fan and also enjoyed spending time at the horse racing track where he would place bets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He came into the office one day and said, 'Sharon, there's a horse named Jennifer Ray. And I'm going to bet on this horse because it's named after your daughter, Jennifer Ray. But the horse isn't going to win because it's running on mud and not the the hard ground that it's accustomed to. But I want you to know I'm gonna bet on it.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Johnson said, the horse lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides LGBTQ rights, Britt continued Milk's alliance with organized labor and working people in general. He also left his mark on police reform, helping to create the San Francisco Office of Citizens Complaints, which investigated allegations of police misuse or abuse of power. He also helped enact the city's rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Social justice, economic justice and equality for all humankind — that was his deep passion,\" Johnson said. \"Equality in the truest sense of equality and really all social justice issues were important to him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although not a natural politician himself, Britt nudged others to enter public service, said Tim Wolfred, a longtime friend of Britt's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was always out there encouraging other people to get involved, take on roles. I mean, he's the one who said, 'Tim, you have to run for Community College Board,'\" which Wolfred was elected to. \"Over the years he did that with other people too.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"lgbtq\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1987, Britt was one of at least a dozen candidates running for the congressional seat left open by the death of Sala Burton. Nancy Pelosi eventually won the seat, but Britt gave her a run for her money, presenting his candidacy as a chance to send an openly gay man to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the loss to Pelosi was bitter at the time, Johnson said Britt recognized that the best person won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What she brought to the office was something he could never bring,\" Johnson said, \"and the way he simply put it is, 'She raises more money by her first cup of coffee than I can in a year and a half.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the ceremony in his honor at City Hall last year, Britt recalled Harvey Milk as \"a prophet and a dreamer.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\"I would not be me without him and our city would not be our city without him,\" Britt said. \"\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I love the history that I have been a part of.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Britt was living at the Laguna Honda skilled nursing facility when he died. His friends say they're waiting for the COVID-19 pandemic to subside before planning an in-person tribute to Britt's life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Harry Britt, a soft-spoken openly gay Methodist preacher who was thrust into politics when then-Mayor Dianne Feinstein appointed him to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors after Supervisor Harvey Milk and Mayor George Moscone were assassinated in 1978, died Tuesday night. He was 82.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Britt, a natural introvert who didn't seek the spotlight, was one of four people Milk named as his preferred successors in the event of his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Harry was progressive before the word became vogue,\" said Feinstein, now California's senior U.S. Senator. \"He was a powerful advocate for the gay community who never took no for an answer. Strong, passionate advocates like Harry have done so much for San Francisco and the country, and I’m glad to have known him. He’ll be missed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Britt was born in Port Arthur, Texas in 1938 and eventually made his way to San Francisco as the gay rights movement was gaining momentum. Although he was not a natural politician, Britt was tapped to fulfill the vision of a slain gay icon, Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He didn't like the limelight. He didn't care for it -- for any of that,\" said Tom Ammiano, another openly gay politician who later served on the Board of Supervisors. \"In a way, I hate to say it this way, but, you know, he did us a favor by saying, yes [to Feinstein], he sacrificed a lot. But I think he realized it was bigger than him because we who knew him and Harvey knew that we could trust him.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a supervisor, Britt championed domestic partners legislation, an early form of legal recognition for same-sex couples. But when the legislation landed on Mayor Feinstein's desk in 1982, she vetoed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was really hurt deeply by that,\" said Sharon Johnson, who worked in City Hall for Britt during his years as supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet when Britt gave remarks last year at the Board of Supervisors where he received a commendation 40 years after taking office, he tearfully thanked Feinstein for appointing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She saw something good in me,\" Britt said. \"Without Dianne I know my life would never have taken the course it took.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson, who remained close to Britt until he died, said he always felt unworthy of following Milk on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was truly an introvert,\" Johnson said. \"I always said that Harry lived in his head but made decisions from his heart. And that's how I found him to be.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson recalled that Britt, who attended Duke University, was a big basketball fan and also enjoyed spending time at the horse racing track where he would place bets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He came into the office one day and said, 'Sharon, there's a horse named Jennifer Ray. And I'm going to bet on this horse because it's named after your daughter, Jennifer Ray. But the horse isn't going to win because it's running on mud and not the the hard ground that it's accustomed to. But I want you to know I'm gonna bet on it.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Johnson said, the horse lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides LGBTQ rights, Britt continued Milk's alliance with organized labor and working people in general. He also left his mark on police reform, helping to create the San Francisco Office of Citizens Complaints, which investigated allegations of police misuse or abuse of power. He also helped enact the city's rent control law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Social justice, economic justice and equality for all humankind — that was his deep passion,\" Johnson said. \"Equality in the truest sense of equality and really all social justice issues were important to him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although not a natural politician himself, Britt nudged others to enter public service, said Tim Wolfred, a longtime friend of Britt's.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was always out there encouraging other people to get involved, take on roles. I mean, he's the one who said, 'Tim, you have to run for Community College Board,'\" which Wolfred was elected to. \"Over the years he did that with other people too.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1987, Britt was one of at least a dozen candidates running for the congressional seat left open by the death of Sala Burton. Nancy Pelosi eventually won the seat, but Britt gave her a run for her money, presenting his candidacy as a chance to send an openly gay man to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the loss to Pelosi was bitter at the time, Johnson said Britt recognized that the best person won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What she brought to the office was something he could never bring,\" Johnson said, \"and the way he simply put it is, 'She raises more money by her first cup of coffee than I can in a year and a half.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the ceremony in his honor at City Hall last year, Britt recalled Harvey Milk as \"a prophet and a dreamer.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\"I would not be me without him and our city would not be our city without him,\" Britt said. \"\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I love the history that I have been a part of.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Britt was living at the Laguna Honda skilled nursing facility when he died. His friends say they're waiting for the COVID-19 pandemic to subside before planning an in-person tribute to Britt's life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mohammed Nuru, the disgraced former San Francisco Public Works director, was so proud of his charge to powerwash city sidewalks he called himself “Mr. Clean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798447/sf-public-works-director-mohammed-nuru-arrested-by-fbi\">arrested by the FBI in late January\u003c/a> on public corruption charges, however, “Mr. Clean” was suddenly seen as an almost stereotypically dirty bureaucrat. His fall from grace cast a pall over his department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They felt dirty, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, those Public Works employees, from street cleaners and sewer workers to arborists and pavement layers, want to scrub their reputations free from “Mr. Clean’s” influence, and they’re looking to San Francisco Supervisors Matt Haney and Gordon Mar to help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laborers’ International Union of North America (LiUNA) Local 261, representing a majority of San Francisco Public Works maintenance and trades workers, voted unanimously Wednesday to support Haney and Mar’s forthcoming November 2020 ballot measures to reform Public Works and increase city oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The corruption had a huge impact on membership,” said Theresa Foglio-Ramirez, a city representative and business agent of LiUNA Local 261, which represents Public Works’ front-line workers, who do hands-on work outdoors cleaning streets, urban forestry, pothole repair and performing sewer work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The morale is now terrible,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MrCleanSF/status/1150827337572741120\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s professional workers, including architects and engineers, are represented by the International Federation of Technical Engineers Local 21, which have yet to vote on supporting the ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sources familiar with the matter say department employees represented by Local 21 have long-held concerns about department management and its contracts, which were a focus of the federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s measure, announced in February, would create an oversight committee for Public Works, whereas Mar’s would create an Office of the Public Advocate as an independent city watchdog, replete with subpoena powers, to root out future would-be Nurus. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Theresa Foglio-Ramirez\"]“The morale is now terrible.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, the measures have detractors. The mayor’s office noted San Francisco is facing a budget deficit, a difficult time to create new oversight bodies that would balloon government costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Considering we have a $1.5 billion deficit, we shouldn’t be adding more spending and bureaucracy through ballot measures,” Jeff Cretan, spokesperson for Mayor London Breed, told KQED. “We have real challenges ahead to support our existing workforce and provide basic city services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to a statement from LiUNA Local 261, neither measure can come soon enough to battle “casual bureaucratic corruption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Working for ‘Mr. Clean’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Foglio-Ramirez said Public Works staff had — for two decades — lived under the spectre of corruption, which was only revealed when Nuru was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had no problem in ruling with an iron first,” Foglio-Ramirez said. [aside tag=\"corruption,mohammed nuru\" label=\"More corruption coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foglio-Ramirez has worked at Public Works long enough to remember a time before Nuru. She started in 1997 shortly before Nuru was hired to the department. As his leadership style settled in, the cultural change was a total 180-degree turn, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers did try to resist, but to little success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they spotted public corruption — like Nuru awarding contracts to suspected friends, or people with deep-pocketed connections as detailed in the U.S. Attorney’s Office complaint — they met resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you whistle blew, you were forced out,” Foglio-Ramirez said. She could recall at least a dozen employees pushed out of Public Works after trying to sound the alarm to its now publicly known corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Nuru cut standards across the board, Foglio-Ramirez said, including winnowing some safety training for her union members, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Public Works] was a respected department. We had top-notch equipment, the best safety training, you were proud. When you said you worked for DPW, people said, ‘Oh, that’s a nice place to work!’ ” Foglio-Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But under Nuru, she said, “Our work was so devalued they would call us the ‘poop patrol.’ That’s how it would affect your everyday life … because of years of what I call abuse.” [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>FBI Investigation Continues\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/san-francisco-director-public-works-and-restauranteur-charged-public-corruption\">published a complaint\u003c/a> in late January detailing examples of Nuru allegedly abusing his position as Public Works director to help city contractors who were reportedly complicit in his bribery schemes. He also stands accused of planning to bribe an airport commissioner, though that bribe was not consummated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just this month, Nick Bovis, a San Francisco restaurant owner who was charged alongside Nuru, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11819898/owner-of-lefty-odouls-pleads-guilty-to-wire-fraud-charges-agrees-to-cooperate-in-case\">agreed to plead guilty\u003c/a> to two counts and cooperate with the ongoing investigation, according to federal prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to learn from the FBI investigation,” Foglio-Ramirez said. “[Public Works’] budget is huge. You need to make sure that money is spent where it’s supposed to be spent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to have oversight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Haney’s proposed ballot measure is intended to provide: It would also split off Public Works’ street cleaning functions into an independent agency, leaving other functions of the behemoth department — like the construction of city properties — under the jurisdiction of the existing Public Works department. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Supervisor Matt Haney\"]“We’re a laughing stock, an international embarrassment, for how dirty our sidewalks are.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the new and old departments would net oversight commissions responsible for approving public contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Works said it was still evaluating the measure to reform the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two amendments to San Francisco’s charter have yet to be approved for the November 2020 ballot and are still winding through Board of Supervisors committee approvals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney noted, however, that his measure is polling well above 70% approval, a strong sign it can succeed. While it is intended to stem public corruption, Haney also said a new department concentrating mainly on cleaning city streets would quell a common San Franciscan concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a laughing stock, an international embarrassment, for how dirty our sidewalks are,” he said. “This will add some accountability, focus and oversight to get this done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mohammed Nuru, the disgraced former San Francisco Public Works director, was so proud of his charge to powerwash city sidewalks he called himself “Mr. Clean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798447/sf-public-works-director-mohammed-nuru-arrested-by-fbi\">arrested by the FBI in late January\u003c/a> on public corruption charges, however, “Mr. Clean” was suddenly seen as an almost stereotypically dirty bureaucrat. His fall from grace cast a pall over his department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They felt dirty, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, those Public Works employees, from street cleaners and sewer workers to arborists and pavement layers, want to scrub their reputations free from “Mr. Clean’s” influence, and they’re looking to San Francisco Supervisors Matt Haney and Gordon Mar to help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laborers’ International Union of North America (LiUNA) Local 261, representing a majority of San Francisco Public Works maintenance and trades workers, voted unanimously Wednesday to support Haney and Mar’s forthcoming November 2020 ballot measures to reform Public Works and increase city oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The corruption had a huge impact on membership,” said Theresa Foglio-Ramirez, a city representative and business agent of LiUNA Local 261, which represents Public Works’ front-line workers, who do hands-on work outdoors cleaning streets, urban forestry, pothole repair and performing sewer work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The morale is now terrible,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, the measures have detractors. The mayor’s office noted San Francisco is facing a budget deficit, a difficult time to create new oversight bodies that would balloon government costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Considering we have a $1.5 billion deficit, we shouldn’t be adding more spending and bureaucracy through ballot measures,” Jeff Cretan, spokesperson for Mayor London Breed, told KQED. “We have real challenges ahead to support our existing workforce and provide basic city services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to a statement from LiUNA Local 261, neither measure can come soon enough to battle “casual bureaucratic corruption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Working for ‘Mr. Clean’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Foglio-Ramirez said Public Works staff had — for two decades — lived under the spectre of corruption, which was only revealed when Nuru was arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had no problem in ruling with an iron first,” Foglio-Ramirez said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foglio-Ramirez has worked at Public Works long enough to remember a time before Nuru. She started in 1997 shortly before Nuru was hired to the department. As his leadership style settled in, the cultural change was a total 180-degree turn, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers did try to resist, but to little success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they spotted public corruption — like Nuru awarding contracts to suspected friends, or people with deep-pocketed connections as detailed in the U.S. Attorney’s Office complaint — they met resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you whistle blew, you were forced out,” Foglio-Ramirez said. She could recall at least a dozen employees pushed out of Public Works after trying to sound the alarm to its now publicly known corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Nuru cut standards across the board, Foglio-Ramirez said, including winnowing some safety training for her union members, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Public Works] was a respected department. We had top-notch equipment, the best safety training, you were proud. When you said you worked for DPW, people said, ‘Oh, that’s a nice place to work!’ ” Foglio-Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But under Nuru, she said, “Our work was so devalued they would call us the ‘poop patrol.’ That’s how it would affect your everyday life … because of years of what I call abuse.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>FBI Investigation Continues\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/san-francisco-director-public-works-and-restauranteur-charged-public-corruption\">published a complaint\u003c/a> in late January detailing examples of Nuru allegedly abusing his position as Public Works director to help city contractors who were reportedly complicit in his bribery schemes. He also stands accused of planning to bribe an airport commissioner, though that bribe was not consummated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just this month, Nick Bovis, a San Francisco restaurant owner who was charged alongside Nuru, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11819898/owner-of-lefty-odouls-pleads-guilty-to-wire-fraud-charges-agrees-to-cooperate-in-case\">agreed to plead guilty\u003c/a> to two counts and cooperate with the ongoing investigation, according to federal prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to learn from the FBI investigation,” Foglio-Ramirez said. “[Public Works’] budget is huge. You need to make sure that money is spent where it’s supposed to be spent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to have oversight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Haney’s proposed ballot measure is intended to provide: It would also split off Public Works’ street cleaning functions into an independent agency, leaving other functions of the behemoth department — like the construction of city properties — under the jurisdiction of the existing Public Works department. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
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