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"content": "\u003cp>One day after a nail-biter of a presidential election that still remains too close to call, a rally in front of Oakland City Hall Wednesday afternoon drew as many as 300 demonstrators urging states to count every vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event, organized by Bay Resistance, a collective of local progressive activist groups, drew participants who were alarmed by President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionupdates/news/11845474/how-did-news-networks-handle-trumps-false-victory-claims\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">false claims of victory\u003c/a> and his efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionupdates/news/11845807/trump-files-election-lawsuits-as-biden-edges-ahead-in-key-states\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">block remaining mail-in votes from being counted\u003c/a> in critical battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said it plans to organize “escalating actions” in the Bay Area and across the country if Trump is defeated by Joe Biden but refuses to concede power, or if bad actors interfere with the remaining vote count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11845661/count-every-vote-rally-in-oakland-draws-hundreds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>— Matthew Green (\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MGreenKQED\">@MGreenKQED\u003c/a>), Raquel Maria Dillon (\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RaquelMDillon\">@RaquelMDillon\u003c/a>)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One day after a nail-biter of a presidential election that still remains too close to call, a rally in front of Oakland City Hall Wednesday afternoon drew as many as 300 demonstrators urging states to count every vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event, organized by Bay Resistance, a collective of local progressive activist groups, drew participants who were alarmed by President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionupdates/news/11845474/how-did-news-networks-handle-trumps-false-victory-claims\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">false claims of victory\u003c/a> and his efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionupdates/news/11845807/trump-files-election-lawsuits-as-biden-edges-ahead-in-key-states\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">block remaining mail-in votes from being counted\u003c/a> in critical battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said it plans to organize “escalating actions” in the Bay Area and across the country if Trump is defeated by Joe Biden but refuses to concede power, or if bad actors interfere with the remaining vote count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11845661/count-every-vote-rally-in-oakland-draws-hundreds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>— Matthew Green (\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MGreenKQED\">@MGreenKQED\u003c/a>), Raquel Maria Dillon (\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RaquelMDillon\">@RaquelMDillon\u003c/a>)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>People should decide their own leaders and every vote must be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the resounding message at a rally in front of Oakland City Hall Wednesday afternoon, a day after a nail-biter of a presidential election that still remained too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event, organized by Bay Resistance, a collective of local progressive activist groups, drew as many as 300 demonstrators alarmed by President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionupdates/news/11845474/how-did-news-networks-handle-trumps-false-victory-claims\">false claims of victory\u003c/a> and his \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/liveblogs/20201103-election/share/trump-campaign-asks-supreme-court-356.html\">efforts to block\u003c/a> remaining mail-in votes from being counted in critical battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said it plans to organize “escalating actions” in the Bay Area and across the country if Trump is defeated by Joe Biden but refuses to concede power, or if bad actors interfere with the remaining vote count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845820\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland demonstrator\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845820\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator attends a rally outside Oakland City Hall on Wednesday, a day after a still undecided presidential election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re feeling it. A lot of emotions, a lot of despair,” said Geordee Mae Corpuz, an organizer with Californians for Justice. “But this is the moment we have to step up and protect our democracy, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of the young people she works with had just voted in their first election and now felt disillusioned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re outraged,” said Corpuz, who hopes Oakland will be a model for protesting without violence. “To have the president now actively suppress their vote, the count? They’re inheriting a country that’s messed up. They know that and they want to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally was among dozens of similar actions that took place Wednesday in \u003ca href=\"https://protecttheresults.com\">cities around the country\u003c/a>, including San Jose, Los Angeles and San Francisco, where about 100 people attended a rally downtown, calling for all votes to be counted and a peaceful transition of power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845873\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">About 100 people attended a Protect the Results rally in San Francisco on Nov. 4, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland organizers have called on local elected officials and community leaders to join a pledge to uphold democracy. Last week, activists painted a large street mural in downtown Oakland emblazoned with the message, “Choose Democracy, Stop a Coup.” And over the weekend, dozens of protesters visited the homes of Twitter and Facebook executives demanding they prevent their platforms from being used to undermine democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abby Boggs Noura, an Oakland native who attended the rally, immediately thought back to the clashes between police and protesters following the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the same issue,” she said. “This election wasn’t about different views on different policies, it was about racism and xenophobia and the ways that Trump has brought to the surface all the underpinnings of how our society is deeply rooted in racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-7-scaled-e1604542950980.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-7-scaled-e1604542950980.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of demonstrators attend a rally at Oakland City Hall on Nov. 4, 2020, a day after a still undecided presidential election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zach Norris, executive director of the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights in Oakland, said he’s disheartened it’s been such a close election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Across the country, people are upset that someone who has basically shown himself to be a white supremacist could still come this close to winning,” Norris said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And yet, you know, I take heart and stock in the fact that the majority of the American people voted to move Trump out of office,” he said. “And now it’s time to make sure that the will of the people is respected [and] every vote is counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845799\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-6-scaled-e1604542833926.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845799\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-6-scaled-e1604542833926.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator listens during a protest in downtown Oakland on Nov. 4, 2020 as speakers demand that every vote in the presidential election be counted. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A rally demanding a full count of every vote cast in the presidential election also drew more than 100 demonstrators in San Jose. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darcie Green, a San Jose activist with Anti-Racist San Jose, which co-organized the rally, said she helped organize the event because she’s worried about voter suppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve already seen months of voter suppression happening,” Green said. “Voter suppression is a form of racism. Voter suppression is rooted in racism. So if we’re going to be committed to an anti-racist … country, we have to stand up to voter suppression.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/oddity_adhiti/status/1324179085753348097?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of what’s going on is particularly a surprise, but it’s nauseating,” said Celeste Walker, who attended the rally with her 14-year-old son. “Hanging in this limbo is pretty awful, knowing that one party is actively working against counting every vote, trying to shut things down right now, it’s really disappointing, but not surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Adhiti Bandlamudi contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>People should decide their own leaders and every vote must be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the resounding message at a rally in front of Oakland City Hall Wednesday afternoon, a day after a nail-biter of a presidential election that still remained too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event, organized by Bay Resistance, a collective of local progressive activist groups, drew as many as 300 demonstrators alarmed by President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionupdates/news/11845474/how-did-news-networks-handle-trumps-false-victory-claims\">false claims of victory\u003c/a> and his \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/liveblogs/20201103-election/share/trump-campaign-asks-supreme-court-356.html\">efforts to block\u003c/a> remaining mail-in votes from being counted in critical battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said it plans to organize “escalating actions” in the Bay Area and across the country if Trump is defeated by Joe Biden but refuses to concede power, or if bad actors interfere with the remaining vote count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845820\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland demonstrator\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845820\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Count-Every-Vote-Oakland-BLM-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator attends a rally outside Oakland City Hall on Wednesday, a day after a still undecided presidential election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re feeling it. A lot of emotions, a lot of despair,” said Geordee Mae Corpuz, an organizer with Californians for Justice. “But this is the moment we have to step up and protect our democracy, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of the young people she works with had just voted in their first election and now felt disillusioned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re outraged,” said Corpuz, who hopes Oakland will be a model for protesting without violence. “To have the president now actively suppress their vote, the count? They’re inheriting a country that’s messed up. They know that and they want to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally was among dozens of similar actions that took place Wednesday in \u003ca href=\"https://protecttheresults.com\">cities around the country\u003c/a>, including San Jose, Los Angeles and San Francisco, where about 100 people attended a rally downtown, calling for all votes to be counted and a peaceful transition of power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845873\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/SFRallySign-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">About 100 people attended a Protect the Results rally in San Francisco on Nov. 4, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland organizers have called on local elected officials and community leaders to join a pledge to uphold democracy. Last week, activists painted a large street mural in downtown Oakland emblazoned with the message, “Choose Democracy, Stop a Coup.” And over the weekend, dozens of protesters visited the homes of Twitter and Facebook executives demanding they prevent their platforms from being used to undermine democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abby Boggs Noura, an Oakland native who attended the rally, immediately thought back to the clashes between police and protesters following the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the same issue,” she said. “This election wasn’t about different views on different policies, it was about racism and xenophobia and the ways that Trump has brought to the surface all the underpinnings of how our society is deeply rooted in racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-7-scaled-e1604542950980.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-7-scaled-e1604542950980.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of demonstrators attend a rally at Oakland City Hall on Nov. 4, 2020, a day after a still undecided presidential election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zach Norris, executive director of the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights in Oakland, said he’s disheartened it’s been such a close election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Across the country, people are upset that someone who has basically shown himself to be a white supremacist could still come this close to winning,” Norris said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And yet, you know, I take heart and stock in the fact that the majority of the American people voted to move Trump out of office,” he said. “And now it’s time to make sure that the will of the people is respected [and] every vote is counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11845799\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-6-scaled-e1604542833926.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11845799\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/Image-from-iOS-6-scaled-e1604542833926.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator listens during a protest in downtown Oakland on Nov. 4, 2020 as speakers demand that every vote in the presidential election be counted. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A rally demanding a full count of every vote cast in the presidential election also drew more than 100 demonstrators in San Jose. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darcie Green, a San Jose activist with Anti-Racist San Jose, which co-organized the rally, said she helped organize the event because she’s worried about voter suppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve already seen months of voter suppression happening,” Green said. “Voter suppression is a form of racism. Voter suppression is rooted in racism. So if we’re going to be committed to an anti-racist … country, we have to stand up to voter suppression.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“None of what’s going on is particularly a surprise, but it’s nauseating,” said Celeste Walker, who attended the rally with her 14-year-old son. “Hanging in this limbo is pretty awful, knowing that one party is actively working against counting every vote, trying to shut things down right now, it’s really disappointing, but not surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Adhiti Bandlamudi contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The cities of Oakland and Portland, Oregon have sued the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the Justice Department, alleging that the agencies are overstepping constitutional limits in their use of federal law enforcement officers to tamp down on protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed late Wednesday in U.S. District Court in San Francisco, cites the deployment of U.S. agents this summer to quell protests in Portland and alleges the U.S. Marshals Service unlawfully deputized dozens of local Portland police officers as federal agents despite objections from city officials. The federal deputations have meant protesters arrested by local police could face federal charges, which generally carry stiffer penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The use of federal agents in these ways is a major shift in policy and threatens the independence of local law enforcement, according to the lawsuit. The complaint cites the anti-commandeering doctrine of the Tenth Amendment, which says that the federal government cannot require states or state officials to adopt or enforce federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Thursday, the Department of Homeland Security criticized the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yet again, dangerous politicians and fringe special interest groups have ginned up a meritless lawsuit. They aim to harm President Trump and distract from his law and order agenda,” the department said. “Department of Homeland Security have acted entirely lawfully. Instead of condemning the violence we are seeing across the country, these politicians focus on scoring cheap political points to the detriment of the American people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, acting DHS secretary Chad Wolf has been a vocal defender of the administration’s response to the civil unrest in Portland\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says the work of the federal agents is limited to federal property but the lawsuit says “the activities in cities such as Portland instead reveal a distinct and meaningful policy shift to use federal enforcement to unilaterally step in and replace local law enforcement departments that do not subscribe to the President’s view of domestic ‘law and order.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations of constitutional overreach focus on the federal government’s actions in Portland but Oakland joined the lawsuit because of concerns that the Trump administration might send U.S. agents to Oakland or deputize police officers there as well, court papers show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests over racial injustice and police brutality have roiled both cities since the death of George Floyd and drawn attacks from President Donald Trump, who threatened to send federal resources to restore law and order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, the Trump administration sent dozens of U.S. agents to the city in July to guard a federal courthouse that had become a target of protesters, but those agents clashed with protesters blocks from the courthouse on several occasions. The state of Oregon sued over allegations that federal agents swept up protesters in unmarked cars without identifying themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Attorney for Oregon Billy J. Williams said in late September that more than 80 people had been charged with federal crimes related to the protests. [aside tag=\"protest\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Portland agreed to have about five dozen of its police officers deputized as federal agents by the Marshals Service in advance of a rally planned in the city by the right-wing group Proud Boys. The city anticipated potential clashes between left- and right-wing protesters. Troopers from the Oregon State Police and a local sheriff’s department were also deputized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders have since said that they believed the police officers would only be federally deputized for that weekend and sought to cancel the agreement after the rally was over. But the U.S. Attorney for Oregon and the Marshals Service have refused to cancel the deputization, which officially expires on Dec. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also alleges that the U.S. government has illegally erected a fence around the Mark O. Hatfield Courthouse, which is federal property, against the city’s wishes. The fence blocks a major bike thoroughfare that is city property, according to Portland officials.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The cities of Oakland and Portland, Oregon have sued the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the Justice Department, alleging that the agencies are overstepping constitutional limits in their use of federal law enforcement officers to tamp down on protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed late Wednesday in U.S. District Court in San Francisco, cites the deployment of U.S. agents this summer to quell protests in Portland and alleges the U.S. Marshals Service unlawfully deputized dozens of local Portland police officers as federal agents despite objections from city officials. The federal deputations have meant protesters arrested by local police could face federal charges, which generally carry stiffer penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The use of federal agents in these ways is a major shift in policy and threatens the independence of local law enforcement, according to the lawsuit. The complaint cites the anti-commandeering doctrine of the Tenth Amendment, which says that the federal government cannot require states or state officials to adopt or enforce federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Thursday, the Department of Homeland Security criticized the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yet again, dangerous politicians and fringe special interest groups have ginned up a meritless lawsuit. They aim to harm President Trump and distract from his law and order agenda,” the department said. “Department of Homeland Security have acted entirely lawfully. Instead of condemning the violence we are seeing across the country, these politicians focus on scoring cheap political points to the detriment of the American people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, acting DHS secretary Chad Wolf has been a vocal defender of the administration’s response to the civil unrest in Portland\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says the work of the federal agents is limited to federal property but the lawsuit says “the activities in cities such as Portland instead reveal a distinct and meaningful policy shift to use federal enforcement to unilaterally step in and replace local law enforcement departments that do not subscribe to the President’s view of domestic ‘law and order.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations of constitutional overreach focus on the federal government’s actions in Portland but Oakland joined the lawsuit because of concerns that the Trump administration might send U.S. agents to Oakland or deputize police officers there as well, court papers show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests over racial injustice and police brutality have roiled both cities since the death of George Floyd and drawn attacks from President Donald Trump, who threatened to send federal resources to restore law and order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, the Trump administration sent dozens of U.S. agents to the city in July to guard a federal courthouse that had become a target of protesters, but those agents clashed with protesters blocks from the courthouse on several occasions. The state of Oregon sued over allegations that federal agents swept up protesters in unmarked cars without identifying themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Attorney for Oregon Billy J. Williams said in late September that more than 80 people had been charged with federal crimes related to the protests. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Portland agreed to have about five dozen of its police officers deputized as federal agents by the Marshals Service in advance of a rally planned in the city by the right-wing group Proud Boys. The city anticipated potential clashes between left- and right-wing protesters. Troopers from the Oregon State Police and a local sheriff’s department were also deputized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders have since said that they believed the police officers would only be federally deputized for that weekend and sought to cancel the agreement after the rally was over. But the U.S. Attorney for Oregon and the Marshals Service have refused to cancel the deputization, which officially expires on Dec. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also alleges that the U.S. government has illegally erected a fence around the Mark O. Hatfield Courthouse, which is federal property, against the city’s wishes. The fence blocks a major bike thoroughfare that is city property, according to Portland officials.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "SF Police Used Camera Network to Illegally ‘Spy on Protesters,’ New Lawsuit Alleges",
"title": "SF Police Used Camera Network to Illegally ‘Spy on Protesters,’ New Lawsuit Alleges",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four anti-police violence activists filed suit against San Francisco on Wednesday, accusing the city's Police Department of illegally conducting mass surveillance on protesters during a string of Black Lives Matter demonstrations that began in late spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Hope Williams, lead plaintiff\"]'We're saying that Black lives matter and how did the police respond but with more abuse of power. It was a tactic to provoke fear and to prevent people from speaking out.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks following the May 25 killing of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, hundreds of thousands of people in the Bay Area took to city streets to march against police brutality. Despite the mostly peaceful demonstrations that took place in downtown San Francisco, there were also multiple incidents of vandalism, theft and clashes between protesters and police that occurred over consecutive nights, prompting officials to order citywide curfews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department responded to these protests in part by commandeering private security cameras to keep an eye, in real-time, on a 27-block area surrounding Union Square, according to a lawsuit filed Wednesday that seeks to prevent police from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From May 31 through June 7, 2020, The San Francisco Police Department (“SFPD”) acquired, borrowed, and used a private network of more than 400 surveillance cameras to spy on protesters in real time,” the suit alleges in papers filed in San Francisco Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so violated a recently enacted city ordinance that requires the Board of Supervisors to approve any new surveillance systems for police use, according to attorneys with the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the Northern California chapter of the ACLU, who are representing the four activist plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They reached out to the Union Square Business Improvement District (USBID) and said, ‘We want access to your cameras,’ ” said Saira Hussain, an attorney with EFF. The organization obtained email exchanges through a public records request that confirmed the arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco enacted the Acquisition of Surveillance Technology Ordinance in 2019 to specifically prevent police abuse of power, Hussain said. She called the arrangement between the USBID and SFPD “a back door deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841416\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11841416 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1129\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-800x470.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1020x600.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-160x94.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1536x903.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 27-block area where the Union Square Business Improvement District has installed an elaborate surveillance system of nearly 400 cameras. A new lawsuit alleges the SFPD accessed those cameras during mass protests in early June without first obtaining permission from the Board of Supervisors. \u003ccite>(Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It really is about SFPD playing fast and loose with a city ordinance that is supposed to put a democratic check on how law enforcement is using surveillance technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police routinely requested and received live access to USBID's camera network in 2019, seeking live surveillance of July Fourth, Pride and Super Bowl celebrations, all reportedly without board approval, according an investigation by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/sf-police-repeatedly-secure-access-to-camera-network-for-live-surveillance-emails-show/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Examiner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD has said officers didn’t always end up using the video feeds they sought to access during those events, but emails obtained through public records requests indicate officers did access live feeds, according to the Examiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hope Williams, a San Francisco resident and lead plaintiff in the lawsuit, organized and participated in a June 2 protest that began at City Hall and culminated in a sit-in in front of the Hall of Justice, in defiance of an 8 p.m. curfew that Mayor London Breed ordered for five nights in early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was out there to protest police violence against Black people,” Williams said. “We're saying that Black lives matter and how did the police respond but with more abuse of power. It was a tactic to provoke fear and to prevent people from speaking out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other plaintiffs in the case participated in a June 3 protest organized by students at Mission High School and another on June 5 that began at City Hall and headed west up Market Street toward the Castro District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Chief William Scott argued in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223144-SF-Admin-Code-19B-7-Exigency-Letter-to-the-BOS.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aug. 5 letter\u003c/a> to supervisors that protests involving “looting, vandalism and rioting” on May 30 created an emergency that allowed police to access cameras without board approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott followed up in response to questions from Supervisor Aaron Peskin with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223143-Response-Letter-to-Sup-Peskin-Re-SFPD-Use-of.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sept. 9 letter\u003c/a>. He wrote that although SFPD's Homeland Security Unit requested access to the camera system on May 31, criminal activity did not continue in the Union Square area, so \"HSU did not monitor any activities, including first amendment activities.\" Officers separately reviewed the network's recorded footage network from May 30, Scott wrote, and that resulted in at least one arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"george-floyd\"]The City Attorney's Office provided copies of Scott's letters to supervisors in response to a request for comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On its \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitunionsquaresf.com/about-bid/about-us\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>, USBID describes itself as “a defined area wherein property owners are self-assessed to fund services that improve the overall quality of life for residents and visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business district also touts an elaborate surveillance system to protect members from crime. Nearly 400 cameras cover the 27-block area, bordered by Bush Street to the north, Kearny Street to the east, Market Street to the south and Taylor Street to the west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union Square partnered with law enforcement and became the first area in San Francisco to deploy surveillance cameras (now over 350), resulting in crime enforcement and prosecution,” the district's business plan states. “Footage of incidents may be given to SFPD for investigative purposes. Members of the general public may request video camera footage if not part of an active investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USBID cameras can zoom in and focus on a subject, EFF attorney Hussain said, although it’s not clear whether SFPD used this capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you consider what people were speaking out against, it just makes this surveillance even more invasive,” Hussain said, “and makes it more likely in the future that people will be afraid to participate or organize protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shannon Lin of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks following the May 25 killing of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, hundreds of thousands of people in the Bay Area took to city streets to march against police brutality. Despite the mostly peaceful demonstrations that took place in downtown San Francisco, there were also multiple incidents of vandalism, theft and clashes between protesters and police that occurred over consecutive nights, prompting officials to order citywide curfews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department responded to these protests in part by commandeering private security cameras to keep an eye, in real-time, on a 27-block area surrounding Union Square, according to a lawsuit filed Wednesday that seeks to prevent police from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From May 31 through June 7, 2020, The San Francisco Police Department (“SFPD”) acquired, borrowed, and used a private network of more than 400 surveillance cameras to spy on protesters in real time,” the suit alleges in papers filed in San Francisco Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so violated a recently enacted city ordinance that requires the Board of Supervisors to approve any new surveillance systems for police use, according to attorneys with the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the Northern California chapter of the ACLU, who are representing the four activist plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They reached out to the Union Square Business Improvement District (USBID) and said, ‘We want access to your cameras,’ ” said Saira Hussain, an attorney with EFF. The organization obtained email exchanges through a public records request that confirmed the arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco enacted the Acquisition of Surveillance Technology Ordinance in 2019 to specifically prevent police abuse of power, Hussain said. She called the arrangement between the USBID and SFPD “a back door deal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841416\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11841416 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1129\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-800x470.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1020x600.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-160x94.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Surveillance-area-1536x903.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 27-block area where the Union Square Business Improvement District has installed an elaborate surveillance system of nearly 400 cameras. A new lawsuit alleges the SFPD accessed those cameras during mass protests in early June without first obtaining permission from the Board of Supervisors. \u003ccite>(Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It really is about SFPD playing fast and loose with a city ordinance that is supposed to put a democratic check on how law enforcement is using surveillance technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police routinely requested and received live access to USBID's camera network in 2019, seeking live surveillance of July Fourth, Pride and Super Bowl celebrations, all reportedly without board approval, according an investigation by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/sf-police-repeatedly-secure-access-to-camera-network-for-live-surveillance-emails-show/\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Examiner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD has said officers didn’t always end up using the video feeds they sought to access during those events, but emails obtained through public records requests indicate officers did access live feeds, according to the Examiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hope Williams, a San Francisco resident and lead plaintiff in the lawsuit, organized and participated in a June 2 protest that began at City Hall and culminated in a sit-in in front of the Hall of Justice, in defiance of an 8 p.m. curfew that Mayor London Breed ordered for five nights in early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was out there to protest police violence against Black people,” Williams said. “We're saying that Black lives matter and how did the police respond but with more abuse of power. It was a tactic to provoke fear and to prevent people from speaking out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other plaintiffs in the case participated in a June 3 protest organized by students at Mission High School and another on June 5 that began at City Hall and headed west up Market Street toward the Castro District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Chief William Scott argued in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223144-SF-Admin-Code-19B-7-Exigency-Letter-to-the-BOS.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aug. 5 letter\u003c/a> to supervisors that protests involving “looting, vandalism and rioting” on May 30 created an emergency that allowed police to access cameras without board approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott followed up in response to questions from Supervisor Aaron Peskin with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7223143-Response-Letter-to-Sup-Peskin-Re-SFPD-Use-of.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sept. 9 letter\u003c/a>. He wrote that although SFPD's Homeland Security Unit requested access to the camera system on May 31, criminal activity did not continue in the Union Square area, so \"HSU did not monitor any activities, including first amendment activities.\" Officers separately reviewed the network's recorded footage network from May 30, Scott wrote, and that resulted in at least one arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The City Attorney's Office provided copies of Scott's letters to supervisors in response to a request for comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On its \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitunionsquaresf.com/about-bid/about-us\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>, USBID describes itself as “a defined area wherein property owners are self-assessed to fund services that improve the overall quality of life for residents and visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The business district also touts an elaborate surveillance system to protect members from crime. Nearly 400 cameras cover the 27-block area, bordered by Bush Street to the north, Kearny Street to the east, Market Street to the south and Taylor Street to the west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union Square partnered with law enforcement and became the first area in San Francisco to deploy surveillance cameras (now over 350), resulting in crime enforcement and prosecution,” the district's business plan states. “Footage of incidents may be given to SFPD for investigative purposes. Members of the general public may request video camera footage if not part of an active investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USBID cameras can zoom in and focus on a subject, EFF attorney Hussain said, although it’s not clear whether SFPD used this capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you consider what people were speaking out against, it just makes this surveillance even more invasive,” Hussain said, “and makes it more likely in the future that people will be afraid to participate or organize protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shannon Lin of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'War on Us': Black Women Rally in Oakland for Breonna Taylor",
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"content": "\u003cp>They raised their voices in anger, pain and poetry, speaking words of protest and calling for action in the wake of a Kentucky grand jury’s decision not to charge any Louisville police officers for the death of Breonna Taylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One after another, Black women representing Bay Area community organizing groups weighed in Thursday morning during a rally in front of an Oakland mural honoring Taylor at 15th and Broadway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Breonna Taylor did not die in a vacuum. She died inside of a paradigm in this country where the lives of Black women and girls do not matter,” said Cat Brooks, one of the event’s organizers and co-founder of the Anti Police-Terror Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be really clear that what happened to Breonna Taylor was part and parcel and pattern of the war that is daily waged on our lives and we’ve got to start talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839588\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839588\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Cat Brooks (L) and Carroll Fife (R) speak at a Sept. 24, 2020, rally in Oakland to protest a Kentucky grand jury's decision not to charge any officers for the death of Breonna Taylor.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cat Brooks (L) and Carroll Fife (R) speak at a Sept. 24, 2020, rally in Oakland to protest a Kentucky grand jury’s decision not to charge any officers for the death of Breonna Taylor. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor, an emergency medical worker, was shot multiple times by officers who entered her Louisville home on a “no-knock” warrant as part of a botched drug raid in March. The warrant used to search her home was connected to a suspect who did not live there, and no drugs were found inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, grand jurors brought only one indictment against an officer for the reckless use of a gun. Brett Hankison, who has since been dismissed from the force, was charged with three counts of “wanton endangerment” for firing into Taylor’s neighbors’ apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two other officers whose bullets hit Taylor were not charged at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests began erupting across the country immediately, and in the Bay Area, lawmakers and community leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839319/deeply-wrong-bay-area-reacts-to-grand-jury-decision-in-death-of-breonna-taylor\">called the grand jury’s decision\u003c/a> “deeply wrong,” “devastating” and the result of structural racism in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839583\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Ayodele Nzinga, director of Lower Bottom Playaz, speaks out against the killings of Breonna Taylor and other Black women by police, at a rally in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ayodele Nzinga, executive director of The Lower Bottom Playaz, speaks out against the killings of Breonna Taylor and other Black women by police, at a rally in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t bring poetry for you. I brought the truth,” Ayodele Nzinga, executive director of Black performing arts group The Lower Bottom Playaz, told a crowd of approximately 150 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a war going on. There’s a war on Black bodies. There’s a war on truth in a country that refuses to recognize that this country sits on a foundation of white hubris and white supremacy and extractive capitalism. That’s good for nobody, not even white people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"breonna-taylor\" label=\"related coverage\"]“I have no more tears,” said Carroll Fife, executive director of Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew the outcome would be what it is. I knew that. But my heart is still ripped from my chest … I know what I want to say will get me arrested and indicted for more than the officers who got away with killing this woman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The speakers called for police reform, racial justice, better access to health care and housing equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Walker, whose group Moms 4 Housing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">organized occupations of vacant homes\u003c/a> to call attention to gentrification and the housing crisis in Oakland spoke about systemic inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839586\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839586\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Moms 4 Housing activist Dominique Walker speaks out against the police killing of Breonna Taylor in front of a mural honoring Taylor on 15th and Broadway in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Moms 4 Housing activist Dominique Walker speaks out against the police killing of Breonna Taylor in front of a mural honoring Taylor on 15th and Broadway in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s war on us and we need to get prepared for what’s happening,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s about to be mad evictions. Folks on the street. It’s going to affect Black folks and brown folks the most.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839585\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839585\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Bay Area Black women leaders held a rally to speak out against a Kentucky grand jury's decision not to charge any police officers for killing Breonna Taylor.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bay Area Black women leaders held a rally to speak out against a Kentucky grand jury’s decision not to charge any police officers for killing Breonna Taylor. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Say her name,” several speakers said in a call-and-response with the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Breonna Taylor,” the crowd chanted back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aiyana Stanley-Jones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kayla Moore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nia Wilson.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a sobering list of names, all Black girls and women who died before their time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>They raised their voices in anger, pain and poetry, speaking words of protest and calling for action in the wake of a Kentucky grand jury’s decision not to charge any Louisville police officers for the death of Breonna Taylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One after another, Black women representing Bay Area community organizing groups weighed in Thursday morning during a rally in front of an Oakland mural honoring Taylor at 15th and Broadway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Breonna Taylor did not die in a vacuum. She died inside of a paradigm in this country where the lives of Black women and girls do not matter,” said Cat Brooks, one of the event’s organizers and co-founder of the Anti Police-Terror Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be really clear that what happened to Breonna Taylor was part and parcel and pattern of the war that is daily waged on our lives and we’ve got to start talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839588\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839588\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Cat Brooks (L) and Carroll Fife (R) speak at a Sept. 24, 2020, rally in Oakland to protest a Kentucky grand jury's decision not to charge any officers for the death of Breonna Taylor.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45037_018_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cat Brooks (L) and Carroll Fife (R) speak at a Sept. 24, 2020, rally in Oakland to protest a Kentucky grand jury’s decision not to charge any officers for the death of Breonna Taylor. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor, an emergency medical worker, was shot multiple times by officers who entered her Louisville home on a “no-knock” warrant as part of a botched drug raid in March. The warrant used to search her home was connected to a suspect who did not live there, and no drugs were found inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, grand jurors brought only one indictment against an officer for the reckless use of a gun. Brett Hankison, who has since been dismissed from the force, was charged with three counts of “wanton endangerment” for firing into Taylor’s neighbors’ apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two other officers whose bullets hit Taylor were not charged at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protests began erupting across the country immediately, and in the Bay Area, lawmakers and community leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839319/deeply-wrong-bay-area-reacts-to-grand-jury-decision-in-death-of-breonna-taylor\">called the grand jury’s decision\u003c/a> “deeply wrong,” “devastating” and the result of structural racism in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839583\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Ayodele Nzinga, director of Lower Bottom Playaz, speaks out against the killings of Breonna Taylor and other Black women by police, at a rally in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45028_004_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ayodele Nzinga, executive director of The Lower Bottom Playaz, speaks out against the killings of Breonna Taylor and other Black women by police, at a rally in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t bring poetry for you. I brought the truth,” Ayodele Nzinga, executive director of Black performing arts group The Lower Bottom Playaz, told a crowd of approximately 150 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a war going on. There’s a war on Black bodies. There’s a war on truth in a country that refuses to recognize that this country sits on a foundation of white hubris and white supremacy and extractive capitalism. That’s good for nobody, not even white people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I have no more tears,” said Carroll Fife, executive director of Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew the outcome would be what it is. I knew that. But my heart is still ripped from my chest … I know what I want to say will get me arrested and indicted for more than the officers who got away with killing this woman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The speakers called for police reform, racial justice, better access to health care and housing equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Walker, whose group Moms 4 Housing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797001/moms-4-housing-group-reaches-agreement-to-buy-vacant-house\">organized occupations of vacant homes\u003c/a> to call attention to gentrification and the housing crisis in Oakland spoke about systemic inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839586\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839586\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Moms 4 Housing activist Dominique Walker speaks out against the police killing of Breonna Taylor in front of a mural honoring Taylor on 15th and Broadway in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45032_010_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Moms 4 Housing activist Dominique Walker speaks out against the police killing of Breonna Taylor in front of a mural honoring Taylor on 15th and Broadway in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s war on us and we need to get prepared for what’s happening,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s about to be mad evictions. Folks on the street. It’s going to affect Black folks and brown folks the most.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839585\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839585\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Bay Area Black women leaders held a rally to speak out against a Kentucky grand jury's decision not to charge any police officers for killing Breonna Taylor.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/RS45063_045_KQED_Oakland_BreonnaTaylorRally_09242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bay Area Black women leaders held a rally to speak out against a Kentucky grand jury’s decision not to charge any police officers for killing Breonna Taylor. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Say her name,” several speakers said in a call-and-response with the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Breonna Taylor,” the crowd chanted back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aiyana Stanley-Jones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kayla Moore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nia Wilson.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a sobering list of names, all Black girls and women who died before their time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioretrumpoakland\">threatened to send federal agents to Oakland\u003c/a> and several other U.S. cities \"run by liberal Democrats.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After some protesters in Portland were beaten and others pulled into \u003ca href=\"https://www.opb.org/news/article/federal-law-enforcement-unmarked-vehicles-portland-protesters/\">unmarked rental vans\u003c/a> by anonymous federal agents wearing tactical gear, this may not be just another idle Trump threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Detroit and Baltimore, Trump called out Oakland because, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/in-trumps-new-version-of-american-carnage-the-threat-isnt-immigrants-or-foreign-nations-its-other-americans/2020/07/04/f1354fa6-be10-11ea-8cf5-9c1b8d7f84c6_story.html\">President American Carnage\u003c/a>, \"Oakland is a mess.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf said she could think of nothing more likely to incite civil unrest \"than the presence of Trump-ordered military troops into Oakland.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I fear that may be exactly what our desperate president is trying to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioretrumpoakland\">threatened to send federal agents to Oakland\u003c/a> and several other U.S. cities \"run by liberal Democrats.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After some protesters in Portland were beaten and others pulled into \u003ca href=\"https://www.opb.org/news/article/federal-law-enforcement-unmarked-vehicles-portland-protesters/\">unmarked rental vans\u003c/a> by anonymous federal agents wearing tactical gear, this may not be just another idle Trump threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Detroit and Baltimore, Trump called out Oakland because, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/in-trumps-new-version-of-american-carnage-the-threat-isnt-immigrants-or-foreign-nations-its-other-americans/2020/07/04/f1354fa6-be10-11ea-8cf5-9c1b8d7f84c6_story.html\">President American Carnage\u003c/a>, \"Oakland is a mess.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf said she could think of nothing more likely to incite civil unrest \"than the presence of Trump-ordered military troops into Oakland.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I fear that may be exactly what our desperate president is trying to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Remembering John Lewis, Rights Icon and 'American Hero'",
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"content": "\u003cp>People paid great heed to John Lewis for much of his life in the civil rights movement. But at the very beginning — when he was just a kid wanting to be a minister someday — his audience didn’t care much for what he had to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A son of Alabama sharecroppers, the young Lewis first preached moral righteousness to his family’s chickens. His place in the vanguard of the 1960s campaign for Black equality had its roots in that hardscrabble Alabama farm and all those clucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis, who died Friday at age 80, was the youngest and last survivor of the Big Six civil rights activists who organized the 1963 March on Washington, and spoke shortly before the group’s leader, Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., gave his “I Have a Dream” speech to a vast sea of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that speech marked a turning point in the civil rights era — or at least the most famous moment — the struggle was far from over. Two more hard years passed before truncheon-wielding state troopers beat Lewis bloody and fractured his skull as he led 600 protesters over Selma’s Edmund Pettus Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Searing TV images of that brutality helped to galvanize national opposition to racial oppression and embolden leaders in Washington to pass the landmark 1965 Voting Rights Act five months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The American public had already seen so much of this sort of thing, countless images of beatings and dogs and cursing and hoses,” Lewis wrote in his memoirs. “But something about that day in Selma touched a nerve deeper than anything that had come before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bridge became a touchstone in Lewis’ life. He returned there often during his decades in Congress representing the Atlanta area, bringing lawmakers from both parties to see where “Bloody Sunday” went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More brutality would loom in his life’s last chapter. He wept watching the video of George Floyd’s death at the hands of police in Minnesota. “I kept saying to myself: How many more? How many young Black men will be murdered?” he said last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet he declared, or at least dared to hope: “We’re one people, we’re one family. We all live in the same house, not just the American house but the world house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis earned bipartisan respect in Washington, where some called him the “conscience of Congress.” His humble manner contrasted with the puffed chests on Capitol Hill. But as a liberal on the losing side of many issues, he lacked the influence he’d summoned at the segregated lunch counters of his youth, or later, within the Democratic Party, as a steadfast voice for the poor and disenfranchised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was a guiding voice for a young Illinois senator who became the first Black president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told him that I stood on his shoulders,” Obama wrote in a statement marking Lewis’s death. “When I was elected President of the United States, I hugged him on the inauguration stand before I was sworn in and told him I was only there because of the sacrifices he made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis was a 23-year-old firebrand, a founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, when he joined King and four other civil rights leaders at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York to plan and announce the Washington demonstration. The others were Whitney Young of the National Urban League; A. Philip Randolph of the Negro American Labor Council; James L. Farmer Jr., of the interracial Congress of Racial Equality; and Roy Wilkins of the NAACP.[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Lewis\"]“The sight of them rolling over us like human tanks was something that had never been seen before. People just couldn’t believe this was happening, not in America.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the National Mall months later, he had a speaking slot before King and toned down his intended remarks, bowing to pressure that “incensed” him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted it to have an air of militancy,” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He dropped a reference to leading a “scorched earth” campaign across the South, like Civil War Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman’s March to the Sea. (“John, that doesn’t sound like you,” he recalled King telling him.) He scaled back criticism of President John Kennedy’s civil rights record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a potent speech nonetheless. He vowed: “By the forces of our demands, our determination and our numbers, we shall splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them together in an image of God and democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His words were soon and for all time overshadowed by the speech of King. “He changed us forever,” Lewis said of King’s oratory that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the change the movement sought would take many more sacrifices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of training in nonviolent protest, demonstrators led by Lewis and the Rev. Hosea Williams began a march of more than 50 miles from Selma to Alabama’s capital in Montgomery. They didn’t get far: On March 7, 1965, a phalanx of police blocked their exit from the Selma bridge. Authorities swung truncheons, fired tear gas and charged on horseback, sending many to the hospital. The nation was horrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a face-off in the most vivid terms between a dignified, composed, completely nonviolent multitude of silent protesters and the truly malevolent force of a heavily armed, hateful battalion of troopers,” Lewis wrote. “The sight of them rolling over us like human tanks was something that had never been seen before. People just couldn’t believe this was happening, not in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King swiftly returned to the scene with a multitude, and the march to Montgomery was made whole before the end of the month.Lewis was born on Feb. 21, 1940, outside Troy, in Alabama’s Pike County. He attended segregated public schools and was denied a library card because of his race, but he read books and newspapers avidly, and could rattle off obscure historical facts even in his later years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SpeakerPelosi/status/1284336417330651137\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was a teenager when he first heard King, then a young minister from Atlanta, preach on the radio. They met after Lewis wrote him seeking support to become the first Black student at his local college. He ultimately attended the American Baptist Theological Seminary and Fisk University instead, in Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, the young man King nicknamed “the boy from Troy” was organizing sit-ins at whites-only lunch counters and volunteering as a Freedom Rider, enduring beatings and arrests while challenging segregation around the South. Lewis helped form the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to organize this effort, led the group from 1963 to 1966 and kept pursuing civil rights work and voter registration drives for years thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Jimmy Carter appointed Lewis to lead ACTION, a federal volunteer agency, in 1977. In 1981, he was elected to the Atlanta City Council, and then won a seat in Congress in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humble and unfailingly friendly, Lewis was revered on Capitol Hill. When Democrats controlled the House, he tried to keep them unified as his party’s senior deputy whip, a behind-the-scenes leadership post. The opening of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture was a key victory. But as one of the most liberal members of Congress, spending much of his career in the minority, he often lost policy battles, from his effort to stop the Iraq War to his defense of young immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis also met bipartisan success in Congress in 2006 when he led efforts to renew the Voting Rights Act, but the Supreme Court invalidated much of the law in 2013, and it became once again what it was in his youth, a work in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis initially endorsed Hillary Rodham Clinton in the 2008 Democratic presidential primary, but belatedly backed Obama when it became clear he had more Black support. After Obama’s swearing-in, he signed a commemorative photograph for Lewis that reflected much more than his endorsement, writing “Because of you, John. Barack Obama.” Later, they marched hand in hand in Selma on the 50th anniversary of the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when Obama was succeeded by a president who sought to dismantle much of his legacy, Lewis made no effort to hide his pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis refused to attend Donald Trump’s inauguration, saying he didn’t consider him a “legitimate president” because Russians had conspired to get him elected. When Trump later complained about immigrants from “s—hole countries,” Lewis declared, “I think he is a racist … we have to try to stand up and speak up and not try to sweep it under the rug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BarackObama/status/1284358592083169280\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump on Saturday ordered flags at half-staff at the White House and all federal public buildings and grounds, including embassies abroad and all military posts and naval stations, until the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said he’d been arrested 40 times in the 1960s, five more as a congressman. At 78, he told a rally he’d do it again to help reunite immigrant families separated by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There cannot be any peace in America until these young children are returned to their parents and set all of our people free,” Lewis said. “If we fail to do it, history will not be kind to us,” he shouted. “I will go to the border. I’ll get arrested again. If necessary, I’m prepared to go to jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rise of the Black Lives Matter movement and the racial diversity of the crowds protesting racism and police brutality gave him encouragement in his last weeks even as the unrest exposed anguished division that would not be overcome in his lifetime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very moving, very moving to see hundreds and thousands of people from all over America and around the world take to the streets to speak up, to speak out,” he said on “CBS This Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He urged protesters seeking justice in Floyd’s killing and the authorities confronting them to be nonviolent, because “there’s something cleansing, something wholesome, about being peaceful and orderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis announced in late December 2019 that he had been diagnosed with advanced pancreatic cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have never faced a fight quite like the one I have now,” he said at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/rihanna/status/1284536062857973761\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis’ wife of four decades, Lillian Miles, died in 2012. They had one son, John Miles Lewis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Voting Rights Act that Lewis cherished was a work in progress, so was America, Lewis observed as he spoke once again from the Lincoln Memorial, a half-century after the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fifty years later we can ride anywhere we want to ride, we can stay where we want to stay,” he said that day in August 2013. “Those signs that said ‘white’ and ’colored are gone. And you won’t see them anymore except in a museum, in a book, on a video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there are still invisible signs buried in the hearts in humankind that form a gulf between us. Too many of us still believe our differences define us instead of the divine spark that runs through all of human creation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the cheers and applause. This time he was no warm-up act for a giant of history. This was his moment, and there was not a cluck to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Michael Warren contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Remembering John Lewis, Rights Icon and 'American Hero' | KQED",
"description": "People paid great heed to John Lewis for much of his life in the civil rights movement. But at the very beginning — when he was just a kid wanting to be a minister someday — his audience didn’t care much for what he had to say. A son of Alabama sharecroppers, the young Lewis",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>People paid great heed to John Lewis for much of his life in the civil rights movement. But at the very beginning — when he was just a kid wanting to be a minister someday — his audience didn’t care much for what he had to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A son of Alabama sharecroppers, the young Lewis first preached moral righteousness to his family’s chickens. His place in the vanguard of the 1960s campaign for Black equality had its roots in that hardscrabble Alabama farm and all those clucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis, who died Friday at age 80, was the youngest and last survivor of the Big Six civil rights activists who organized the 1963 March on Washington, and spoke shortly before the group’s leader, Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., gave his “I Have a Dream” speech to a vast sea of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that speech marked a turning point in the civil rights era — or at least the most famous moment — the struggle was far from over. Two more hard years passed before truncheon-wielding state troopers beat Lewis bloody and fractured his skull as he led 600 protesters over Selma’s Edmund Pettus Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Searing TV images of that brutality helped to galvanize national opposition to racial oppression and embolden leaders in Washington to pass the landmark 1965 Voting Rights Act five months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The American public had already seen so much of this sort of thing, countless images of beatings and dogs and cursing and hoses,” Lewis wrote in his memoirs. “But something about that day in Selma touched a nerve deeper than anything that had come before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bridge became a touchstone in Lewis’ life. He returned there often during his decades in Congress representing the Atlanta area, bringing lawmakers from both parties to see where “Bloody Sunday” went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More brutality would loom in his life’s last chapter. He wept watching the video of George Floyd’s death at the hands of police in Minnesota. “I kept saying to myself: How many more? How many young Black men will be murdered?” he said last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet he declared, or at least dared to hope: “We’re one people, we’re one family. We all live in the same house, not just the American house but the world house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis earned bipartisan respect in Washington, where some called him the “conscience of Congress.” His humble manner contrasted with the puffed chests on Capitol Hill. But as a liberal on the losing side of many issues, he lacked the influence he’d summoned at the segregated lunch counters of his youth, or later, within the Democratic Party, as a steadfast voice for the poor and disenfranchised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was a guiding voice for a young Illinois senator who became the first Black president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told him that I stood on his shoulders,” Obama wrote in a statement marking Lewis’s death. “When I was elected President of the United States, I hugged him on the inauguration stand before I was sworn in and told him I was only there because of the sacrifices he made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis was a 23-year-old firebrand, a founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, when he joined King and four other civil rights leaders at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York to plan and announce the Washington demonstration. The others were Whitney Young of the National Urban League; A. Philip Randolph of the Negro American Labor Council; James L. Farmer Jr., of the interracial Congress of Racial Equality; and Roy Wilkins of the NAACP.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the National Mall months later, he had a speaking slot before King and toned down his intended remarks, bowing to pressure that “incensed” him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted it to have an air of militancy,” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He dropped a reference to leading a “scorched earth” campaign across the South, like Civil War Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman’s March to the Sea. (“John, that doesn’t sound like you,” he recalled King telling him.) He scaled back criticism of President John Kennedy’s civil rights record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a potent speech nonetheless. He vowed: “By the forces of our demands, our determination and our numbers, we shall splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them together in an image of God and democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His words were soon and for all time overshadowed by the speech of King. “He changed us forever,” Lewis said of King’s oratory that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the change the movement sought would take many more sacrifices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of training in nonviolent protest, demonstrators led by Lewis and the Rev. Hosea Williams began a march of more than 50 miles from Selma to Alabama’s capital in Montgomery. They didn’t get far: On March 7, 1965, a phalanx of police blocked their exit from the Selma bridge. Authorities swung truncheons, fired tear gas and charged on horseback, sending many to the hospital. The nation was horrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a face-off in the most vivid terms between a dignified, composed, completely nonviolent multitude of silent protesters and the truly malevolent force of a heavily armed, hateful battalion of troopers,” Lewis wrote. “The sight of them rolling over us like human tanks was something that had never been seen before. People just couldn’t believe this was happening, not in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King swiftly returned to the scene with a multitude, and the march to Montgomery was made whole before the end of the month.Lewis was born on Feb. 21, 1940, outside Troy, in Alabama’s Pike County. He attended segregated public schools and was denied a library card because of his race, but he read books and newspapers avidly, and could rattle off obscure historical facts even in his later years.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>He was a teenager when he first heard King, then a young minister from Atlanta, preach on the radio. They met after Lewis wrote him seeking support to become the first Black student at his local college. He ultimately attended the American Baptist Theological Seminary and Fisk University instead, in Nashville, Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, the young man King nicknamed “the boy from Troy” was organizing sit-ins at whites-only lunch counters and volunteering as a Freedom Rider, enduring beatings and arrests while challenging segregation around the South. Lewis helped form the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to organize this effort, led the group from 1963 to 1966 and kept pursuing civil rights work and voter registration drives for years thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Jimmy Carter appointed Lewis to lead ACTION, a federal volunteer agency, in 1977. In 1981, he was elected to the Atlanta City Council, and then won a seat in Congress in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humble and unfailingly friendly, Lewis was revered on Capitol Hill. When Democrats controlled the House, he tried to keep them unified as his party’s senior deputy whip, a behind-the-scenes leadership post. The opening of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture was a key victory. But as one of the most liberal members of Congress, spending much of his career in the minority, he often lost policy battles, from his effort to stop the Iraq War to his defense of young immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis also met bipartisan success in Congress in 2006 when he led efforts to renew the Voting Rights Act, but the Supreme Court invalidated much of the law in 2013, and it became once again what it was in his youth, a work in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis initially endorsed Hillary Rodham Clinton in the 2008 Democratic presidential primary, but belatedly backed Obama when it became clear he had more Black support. After Obama’s swearing-in, he signed a commemorative photograph for Lewis that reflected much more than his endorsement, writing “Because of you, John. Barack Obama.” Later, they marched hand in hand in Selma on the 50th anniversary of the attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when Obama was succeeded by a president who sought to dismantle much of his legacy, Lewis made no effort to hide his pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis refused to attend Donald Trump’s inauguration, saying he didn’t consider him a “legitimate president” because Russians had conspired to get him elected. When Trump later complained about immigrants from “s—hole countries,” Lewis declared, “I think he is a racist … we have to try to stand up and speak up and not try to sweep it under the rug.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Trump on Saturday ordered flags at half-staff at the White House and all federal public buildings and grounds, including embassies abroad and all military posts and naval stations, until the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said he’d been arrested 40 times in the 1960s, five more as a congressman. At 78, he told a rally he’d do it again to help reunite immigrant families separated by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There cannot be any peace in America until these young children are returned to their parents and set all of our people free,” Lewis said. “If we fail to do it, history will not be kind to us,” he shouted. “I will go to the border. I’ll get arrested again. If necessary, I’m prepared to go to jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rise of the Black Lives Matter movement and the racial diversity of the crowds protesting racism and police brutality gave him encouragement in his last weeks even as the unrest exposed anguished division that would not be overcome in his lifetime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very moving, very moving to see hundreds and thousands of people from all over America and around the world take to the streets to speak up, to speak out,” he said on “CBS This Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He urged protesters seeking justice in Floyd’s killing and the authorities confronting them to be nonviolent, because “there’s something cleansing, something wholesome, about being peaceful and orderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis announced in late December 2019 that he had been diagnosed with advanced pancreatic cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have never faced a fight quite like the one I have now,” he said at the time.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Lewis’ wife of four decades, Lillian Miles, died in 2012. They had one son, John Miles Lewis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Voting Rights Act that Lewis cherished was a work in progress, so was America, Lewis observed as he spoke once again from the Lincoln Memorial, a half-century after the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fifty years later we can ride anywhere we want to ride, we can stay where we want to stay,” he said that day in August 2013. “Those signs that said ‘white’ and ’colored are gone. And you won’t see them anymore except in a museum, in a book, on a video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there are still invisible signs buried in the hearts in humankind that form a gulf between us. Too many of us still believe our differences define us instead of the divine spark that runs through all of human creation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the cheers and applause. This time he was no warm-up act for a giant of history. This was his moment, and there was not a cluck to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Sean Monterrosa's Family Call on Vallejo Police to Release More Officer Footage",
"title": "Sean Monterrosa's Family Call on Vallejo Police to Release More Officer Footage",
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"content": "\u003cp>A public display of anguish and agony poured from the family of Sean Monterrosa, Saturday after hundreds marched to the Vallejo police station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterrosa, 22, was shot and killed by police, who the protesters condemned after the Vallejo Police Department released \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826613/vallejo-police-release-video-of-deadly-shooting-of-sean-monterrosa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">body camera footage\u003c/a> of the incident on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday, Monterrosa's family called for the police to release footage from other police officers and nearby businesses for the sake of transparency.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Michelle Monterrosa, sister of Sean Monterrosa\"]'It's not just Vallejo’s fight. It's the whole Bay Area’s fight.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo PD were responding to reports of break-ins at a Walgreens on June 2 when they encountered Monterrosa at a Walgreens parking lot. Police say they thought he had a gun. A hammer was later found in his pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s video doesn’t show the events leading up to the shooting, the cameras began recording only seconds before Monterrosa was shot. By the time Monterrosa is seen in the footage, he is laying down, dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also called into question Vallejo PD’s Police Chief Shawny Williams’ response to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why is it that Shawny Williams, on his press conference of June 3, he was talking like he had already seen the video? He was talking like my brother was on his knees with his hands up, he acted like he already knew everything that had happened,” said Ashley Monterrosa, Sean Monterrosa’s sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[gallery size=\"medium\" ids=\"11828668,11828684,11828667,11828678,11828682,11828679,11828669,11828681,11828680,11828685\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>On a computer, click the arrows at either side of the photos above to scroll through the photo gallery. On mobile, swipe left or right on the photos above to scroll through the gallery. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday, Williams said Monterrosa was \"in a crouching, half-kneeling position. His hands were toward his waistband\" — walking back his earlier statement that described Monterrosa as kneeling when the officer fired, with his hands above his waist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the Monterrosa family fought back tears as they thanked the crowd for the continued support. “It's not just Vallejo’s fight. It's the whole Bay Area’s fight,” said Michelle Monterrosa, another sister of Sean Monterrosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"police-reform\" label=\"More police reform coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers of the protest, Vessels of Vallejo, said they want Vallejo police to release all footage related to Monterrosa’s case, including the body camera footage of every officer called to the scene the night when Monterrosa was shot and killed. Wednesday’s video shows body camera footage from three officers, but more officers can be seen responding at the scene in the recordings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the protest, civil rights lawyer John Burris, who is representing the Monterrosa family, said officers’ body cameras were not used properly. Burris said that while some body cameras were turned on, others were not. “We have been told that they did not turn on at the critical moment when the shooting took place. It’s hard to believe, and we do not believe it.” Burris added that critical evidence that could be used against police was missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Monterrosa's were joined at the protest by families of others also killed by Vallejo PD, including the family of Eric Reason, Willie McCoy and Mario Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827959\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11827959\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-800x460.jpg\" alt=\"A still from body camera footage taken by the driver of an unmarked Vallejo police pickup truck shows the muzzle of the rifle an officer sitting in the back seat used to shoot Sean Monterrosa through the vehicle's windshield on June 2. Multiple bullet holes can be seen in the windshield.\" width=\"800\" height=\"460\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-800x460.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-1020x587.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-160x92.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-1536x884.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A still from body camera footage taken by the driver of an unmarked Vallejo police pickup truck shows the muzzle of the rifle an officer sitting in the back seat used to shoot Sean Monterrosa through the vehicle's windshield on June 2. Multiple bullet holes can be seen in the windshield. \u003ccite>(Vallejo Police Dept.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eric Reason’s brother Rob Reason started the Frontline Activist Movement (FAM), a coalition and support group for families of those killed by Vallejo police, after the death of his brother. “I gave up hope on the Vallejo police. They are not going to do their jobs. But you know what? We are going to do our jobs. We are going to look out for each other,” Reason said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo City Council Member Robert McConnell stopped by the protest to lend his support. He encouraged demonstrators to keep advocating for systemic change in the police department. “There are certain things the city council can do, and certain things it cannot do,\" McConnell said, \"but we can't do anything without your support, your involvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo PD says it’s called for an independent, third-party investigation of Monterrosa’s case by the OIR group, a police oversight agency.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A public display of anguish and agony poured from the family of Sean Monterrosa, Saturday after hundreds marched to the Vallejo police station. Monterrosa's family called for the police to release footage from other police officers and nearby businesses for the sake of transparency.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A public display of anguish and agony poured from the family of Sean Monterrosa, Saturday after hundreds marched to the Vallejo police station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterrosa, 22, was shot and killed by police, who the protesters condemned after the Vallejo Police Department released \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826613/vallejo-police-release-video-of-deadly-shooting-of-sean-monterrosa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">body camera footage\u003c/a> of the incident on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday, Monterrosa's family called for the police to release footage from other police officers and nearby businesses for the sake of transparency.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo PD were responding to reports of break-ins at a Walgreens on June 2 when they encountered Monterrosa at a Walgreens parking lot. Police say they thought he had a gun. A hammer was later found in his pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s video doesn’t show the events leading up to the shooting, the cameras began recording only seconds before Monterrosa was shot. By the time Monterrosa is seen in the footage, he is laying down, dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also called into question Vallejo PD’s Police Chief Shawny Williams’ response to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why is it that Shawny Williams, on his press conference of June 3, he was talking like he had already seen the video? He was talking like my brother was on his knees with his hands up, he acted like he already knew everything that had happened,” said Ashley Monterrosa, Sean Monterrosa’s sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>On a computer, click the arrows at either side of the photos above to scroll through the photo gallery. On mobile, swipe left or right on the photos above to scroll through the gallery. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday, Williams said Monterrosa was \"in a crouching, half-kneeling position. His hands were toward his waistband\" — walking back his earlier statement that described Monterrosa as kneeling when the officer fired, with his hands above his waist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the Monterrosa family fought back tears as they thanked the crowd for the continued support. “It's not just Vallejo’s fight. It's the whole Bay Area’s fight,” said Michelle Monterrosa, another sister of Sean Monterrosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers of the protest, Vessels of Vallejo, said they want Vallejo police to release all footage related to Monterrosa’s case, including the body camera footage of every officer called to the scene the night when Monterrosa was shot and killed. Wednesday’s video shows body camera footage from three officers, but more officers can be seen responding at the scene in the recordings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the protest, civil rights lawyer John Burris, who is representing the Monterrosa family, said officers’ body cameras were not used properly. Burris said that while some body cameras were turned on, others were not. “We have been told that they did not turn on at the critical moment when the shooting took place. It’s hard to believe, and we do not believe it.” Burris added that critical evidence that could be used against police was missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Monterrosa's were joined at the protest by families of others also killed by Vallejo PD, including the family of Eric Reason, Willie McCoy and Mario Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11827959\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11827959\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-800x460.jpg\" alt=\"A still from body camera footage taken by the driver of an unmarked Vallejo police pickup truck shows the muzzle of the rifle an officer sitting in the back seat used to shoot Sean Monterrosa through the vehicle's windshield on June 2. Multiple bullet holes can be seen in the windshield.\" width=\"800\" height=\"460\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-800x460.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-1020x587.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-160x92.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain-1536x884.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/BodyCamMain.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A still from body camera footage taken by the driver of an unmarked Vallejo police pickup truck shows the muzzle of the rifle an officer sitting in the back seat used to shoot Sean Monterrosa through the vehicle's windshield on June 2. Multiple bullet holes can be seen in the windshield. \u003ccite>(Vallejo Police Dept.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eric Reason’s brother Rob Reason started the Frontline Activist Movement (FAM), a coalition and support group for families of those killed by Vallejo police, after the death of his brother. “I gave up hope on the Vallejo police. They are not going to do their jobs. But you know what? We are going to do our jobs. We are going to look out for each other,” Reason said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo City Council Member Robert McConnell stopped by the protest to lend his support. He encouraged demonstrators to keep advocating for systemic change in the police department. “There are certain things the city council can do, and certain things it cannot do,\" McConnell said, \"but we can't do anything without your support, your involvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo PD says it’s called for an independent, third-party investigation of Monterrosa’s case by the OIR group, a police oversight agency.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>By now, we’ve all seen the videos taken by people of color who document the daily microaggressions — or outright racism — they’ve had to endure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While racist behavior caught on camera is not new, the makers of the newer generation of viral videos have tried a new strategy by letting their counterparts do most of the talking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take the case of James Juanillo, a Filipino American living in San Francisco’s Pacific Heights, a wealthy and mostly white neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juanillo was writing “Black Lives Matter” in chalk on the retaining wall in front of his home \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824410/she-rode-that-bias-off-a-cliff-man-who-filmed-sf-viral-video-on-handling-karens\">when he was confronted by Lisa Alexander\u003c/a>, a white woman who said he was defacing private property and claimed to know the owner of the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juanillo could have told Alexander and her companion Robert that he lived there, but he didn’t. He says that was intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see where Robert and Lisa make the jump from a person of color to him not having anything to do with his beautiful property … but they were wrong … and they rode that racial bias all the way off a cliff,” Juanillo told KQED in an interview in mid-June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wanted the whole world to see, for themselves, that subtle racist conflicts exist everywhere. Yes, even in an affluent, “progressive” neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If enough people see incidents like this, then maybe people will actually think about it and change their behavior,” Juanillo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juanillo posted his video on Twitter where it quickly went viral and has been viewed more than 23 million times. Alexander later had a company sever ties with her cosmetics business, and Robert was fired from his job, according to news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These conscious confrontations by people of color are nothing new, according to Stanford history professor Allyson Hobbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Hobbs says you can trace their roots back to the civil rights movement in the 60s when Black activists exposed the violence they were subjected to in much the same way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke with Hobbs about the early forms of protests against racial injustice, the role of the media and how these viral videos are reigniting the conscience of white America.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Allyson Hobbs, historian\"]“I think we’re in a different moment right now where the conscience has been reignited and we’re acting.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shannon Lin: In many of these videos, it’s a person of color who is calling out racial discrimination with their camera. On the one hand, it’s about accountability, and on the other, it’s like they are documenting their experiences with racism for future generations. What are the historical parallels? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Allyson Hobbs: \u003c/strong>There’s been a long history of Black people trying to show and to prove that there has been unequal violent treatment [of Black people in America]. I think it really does stem from a reality that white people aren’t going to believe how bad it is unless they sort of see it for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The genre of slave narratives and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/115198/frederick-douglass-on-how-slave-owners-used-food-as-a-weapon-of-control\">ways that Frederick Douglass\u003c/a> and Harriet Jacobs and many others wrote about their lives was about giving their white northern audiences a very vivid and very uncomfortable picture of what was really happening. And that kind of journalism continued into the 20th century with Black newspapers that would cover race riots and [described] the damage, violence and destruction that white rioters caused.[aside tag=\"protests, black lives matter\" label=\"More George Floyd protest coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And how did that evolve in the Civil Rights era of the 60s?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the moment when more people had television and could see this unfolding on the news. It’s similar to what the cellphone does now, to see these moments that white people normally would not see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to fight for integration, using children, and sort of putting them through very traumatic situations by integrating them into all-white schools was a deeply thought out decision. Similarly, when very well-dressed, very respectable, very well-behaved Black men and women sat at lunch counters in Woolworths or peacefully protesting on the streets and then being met with ferocious violence. It really did shock the conscience of white America and would eventually lead to some changes and dismantling of some of the Jim Crow system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jaimetoons/status/1271300265170186240?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1271300265170186240%7Ctwgr%5E&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.kqed.org%2Fnews%2F11824410%2Fshe-rode-that-bias-off-a-cliff-man-who-filmed-sf-viral-video-on-handling-karens\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>Many of the activists who took part in the lunch counter protests were members of activist organizations like SNCC (Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee) and CORE (Congress of Racial Equality) and later the Black Panther Party. They continued to take part in other organizing efforts.\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is this “shock-and-awe” type of activism effective? At some point, don’t people become numb and return to a state of apathy and possibly ignorance? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do worry that people can become numb, partially because I think that there is a danger of seeing Black people mistreated so regularly and seeing Black death so regularly that we do become inured to that violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I think we’re in a different moment right now where the conscience has been reignited and we’re acting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re realizing that this can’t just continue, that this is not right. Perhaps seeing all of those videos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101877787/george-floyds-death-sparks-demands-for-change\">including the video of George Floyd\u003c/a> reminds us of this long history of violence, injustice and brutality. And it makes us feel like we need to act. That’s part of what we’re seeing right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>But it’s important to note that the civil rights movement always had an economic plank and activists, including Dr. Martin Luther King, found it extremely difficult to push for economic justice and economic equality. After 1966, the movement fractured between those who supported nonviolence and integration and younger and more radical leaders who supported Black power. The more radical wing alienated some white allies as did rioting in northern cities throughout 1965 and 1967. More rioting occurred after King’s assassination in 1968. Some historians argue that the rioting led to a white backlash that ushered in more conservative politicians and the rise of the new American Right. A cohesive civil rights movement became harder to maintain.\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>Many historians would argue that we are still fighting these battles\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shannon Lin: In many of these videos, it’s a person of color who is calling out racial discrimination with their camera. On the one hand, it’s about accountability, and on the other, it’s like they are documenting their experiences with racism for future generations. What are the historical parallels? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Allyson Hobbs: \u003c/strong>There’s been a long history of Black people trying to show and to prove that there has been unequal violent treatment [of Black people in America]. I think it really does stem from a reality that white people aren’t going to believe how bad it is unless they sort of see it for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The genre of slave narratives and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/115198/frederick-douglass-on-how-slave-owners-used-food-as-a-weapon-of-control\">ways that Frederick Douglass\u003c/a> and Harriet Jacobs and many others wrote about their lives was about giving their white northern audiences a very vivid and very uncomfortable picture of what was really happening. And that kind of journalism continued into the 20th century with Black newspapers that would cover race riots and [described] the damage, violence and destruction that white rioters caused.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And how did that evolve in the Civil Rights era of the 60s?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the moment when more people had television and could see this unfolding on the news. It’s similar to what the cellphone does now, to see these moments that white people normally would not see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to fight for integration, using children, and sort of putting them through very traumatic situations by integrating them into all-white schools was a deeply thought out decision. Similarly, when very well-dressed, very respectable, very well-behaved Black men and women sat at lunch counters in Woolworths or peacefully protesting on the streets and then being met with ferocious violence. It really did shock the conscience of white America and would eventually lead to some changes and dismantling of some of the Jim Crow system.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cdiv>Many of the activists who took part in the lunch counter protests were members of activist organizations like SNCC (Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee) and CORE (Congress of Racial Equality) and later the Black Panther Party. They continued to take part in other organizing efforts.\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is this “shock-and-awe” type of activism effective? At some point, don’t people become numb and return to a state of apathy and possibly ignorance? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do worry that people can become numb, partially because I think that there is a danger of seeing Black people mistreated so regularly and seeing Black death so regularly that we do become inured to that violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I think we’re in a different moment right now where the conscience has been reignited and we’re acting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re realizing that this can’t just continue, that this is not right. Perhaps seeing all of those videos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101877787/george-floyds-death-sparks-demands-for-change\">including the video of George Floyd\u003c/a> reminds us of this long history of violence, injustice and brutality. And it makes us feel like we need to act. That’s part of what we’re seeing right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>But it’s important to note that the civil rights movement always had an economic plank and activists, including Dr. Martin Luther King, found it extremely difficult to push for economic justice and economic equality. After 1966, the movement fractured between those who supported nonviolence and integration and younger and more radical leaders who supported Black power. The more radical wing alienated some white allies as did rioting in northern cities throughout 1965 and 1967. More rioting occurred after King’s assassination in 1968. Some historians argue that the rioting led to a white backlash that ushered in more conservative politicians and the rise of the new American Right. A cohesive civil rights movement became harder to maintain.\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>Many historians would argue that we are still fighting these battles\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>During the Black Lives Matter protests, numerous businesses covered their windows with plywood to protect against potential vandalism. San Jose State student Miko Baker saw that plywood as a blank canvas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She contacted the Latino-owned, local franchise of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cinnaholic.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cinnaholic\u003c/a> to ask if they’d be open to an artist putting up a mural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just messaged them on Instagram, nothing super formal, just like, ‘Hey! Can I come paint your shop and help you out?’ And they were like, ‘Sure,'” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a similar fashion, artists from all over San Jose volunteered to paint murals in solidarity with the protests. “Instead of us reaching out to shops, they were reaching out to us,” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She soon turned her community project into \u003ca href=\"https://www.storiesforsolidarity.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stories for Solidarity\u003c/a>, originally called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstories_original/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Storefront Stories\u003c/a>, an organization linking businesses and local artists to collaborate on mural projects. Baker is still filling out paperwork to become an official nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, she’s also organized mural projects with artists in \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstoriessac/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sacramento\u003c/a>, and begun talking with artists in Redwood City, Oakland and Bakersfield to start similar movements in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/vagueidea/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales\u003c/a> painted a mural outside of Philz Coffee, a background of blue featuring a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11826304 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg\" alt='Andrew \"Andy\" Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the \"Stories for Solidarity\" project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which reads \"You at this time can only be destroyed by yourself from within and not from without. You have reached the point where victory is to be won from within and can only be lost from within.\" It stands outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-536x402.jpeg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the “Stories for Solidarity” project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which can be seen outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Miko Baker)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said he can’t afford therapy, so he paints to grapple with his emotions and stress. “All this stuff I have inside of me — there it goes. Lemme put it on a wall,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales reached out to other artists in the South Bay to contribute to the murals around downtown. He feels this movement gave many non-white, male artists a platform they didn’t have before. [aside tag=\"racism\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get a lot of female artists, a lot of Black and brown artists out there, just doing their thing, just to shine some light on them” Gonzales said. “We might be underrepresented in the art community, at least as far as public art and galleries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now that stores are starting to reopen, the plywood boards are coming down. Cinnaholic liked their mural so much, it is moving the mural inside the bakery for display. Other stores are auctioning the pieces and giving the proceeds back to the artist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Or [the artist] can donate it to our organization where we can, hopefully, get an event space,” Baker said. Baker would like to see the art be displayed in galleries for everyone to be able to see this aspect of San Jose history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales doesn’t know what will happen to his art, but he’s not attached to it. He thinks of it like the Tibetan Buddhist mandalas made out of sand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These Buddhist monks spend hours, days just to create a beautiful piece of art out of sand and then, once it’s done, they just destroy it,” Gonzales said. “The act of creating the art was the art itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the summer, Gonzales and Baker are hoping to have a barbecue with the artists who participated in the mural project and showcase their work in an outdoor exhibition.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the Black Lives Matter protests, numerous businesses covered their windows with plywood to protect against potential vandalism. San Jose State student Miko Baker saw that plywood as a blank canvas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She contacted the Latino-owned, local franchise of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cinnaholic.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cinnaholic\u003c/a> to ask if they’d be open to an artist putting up a mural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just messaged them on Instagram, nothing super formal, just like, ‘Hey! Can I come paint your shop and help you out?’ And they were like, ‘Sure,'” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a similar fashion, artists from all over San Jose volunteered to paint murals in solidarity with the protests. “Instead of us reaching out to shops, they were reaching out to us,” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She soon turned her community project into \u003ca href=\"https://www.storiesforsolidarity.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stories for Solidarity\u003c/a>, originally called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstories_original/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Storefront Stories\u003c/a>, an organization linking businesses and local artists to collaborate on mural projects. Baker is still filling out paperwork to become an official nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, she’s also organized mural projects with artists in \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/storefrontstoriessac/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sacramento\u003c/a>, and begun talking with artists in Redwood City, Oakland and Bakersfield to start similar movements in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/vagueidea/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales\u003c/a> painted a mural outside of Philz Coffee, a background of blue featuring a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11826304 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg\" alt='Andrew \"Andy\" Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the \"Stories for Solidarity\" project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which reads \"You at this time can only be destroyed by yourself from within and not from without. You have reached the point where victory is to be won from within and can only be lost from within.\" It stands outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c-536x402.jpeg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/5EFCB520-47DB-4D06-B8AD-1A1D49AB7DF8_1_105_c.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew “Andy” Gonzales was one of the first artists to paint a mural in downtown San Jose as part of the “Stories for Solidarity” project. He painted a quote from Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, which can be seen outside Philz Coffee in downtown San Jose. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Miko Baker)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said he can’t afford therapy, so he paints to grapple with his emotions and stress. “All this stuff I have inside of me — there it goes. Lemme put it on a wall,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales reached out to other artists in the South Bay to contribute to the murals around downtown. He feels this movement gave many non-white, male artists a platform they didn’t have before. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get a lot of female artists, a lot of Black and brown artists out there, just doing their thing, just to shine some light on them” Gonzales said. “We might be underrepresented in the art community, at least as far as public art and galleries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now that stores are starting to reopen, the plywood boards are coming down. Cinnaholic liked their mural so much, it is moving the mural inside the bakery for display. Other stores are auctioning the pieces and giving the proceeds back to the artist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Or [the artist] can donate it to our organization where we can, hopefully, get an event space,” Baker said. Baker would like to see the art be displayed in galleries for everyone to be able to see this aspect of San Jose history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales doesn’t know what will happen to his art, but he’s not attached to it. He thinks of it like the Tibetan Buddhist mandalas made out of sand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These Buddhist monks spend hours, days just to create a beautiful piece of art out of sand and then, once it’s done, they just destroy it,” Gonzales said. “The act of creating the art was the art itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the summer, Gonzales and Baker are hoping to have a barbecue with the artists who participated in the mural project and showcase their work in an outdoor exhibition.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'People Will Insist That They are Not Racist': Robin DiAngelo on 'White Fragility' and the Way Forward",
"title": "'People Will Insist That They are Not Racist': Robin DiAngelo on 'White Fragility' and the Way Forward",
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"content": "\u003cp>\"I'm going to assume most white progressives would acknowledge structural racism. And yet individually, most white people will say, 'I'm not racist. I have nothing to do with it,'\" says Robin DiAngelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DiAngelo, a San Francisco-born social justice educator, is the author of \"White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism\". Her exploration of white people's defensiveness in the face of their own biases was originally published back in 2018, but after ongoing protests against the killing of George Floyd and other Black people at the hands of police, the book was included in many recent reading lists on race. It's now #1 on \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/books/best-sellers/combined-print-and-e-book-nonfiction/\">The New York Times nonfiction best sellers list\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To DiAngelo, white people's unwillingness to see themselves as complicit in a racist system \u003cem>— \u003c/em>and their ensuing \"fragility\" on the subject \u003cem>— \u003c/em>is actively hampering the anti-racism movement. As she says, true progress can come only when they acknowledge their own biases. \"That idea that 'I'm not racist,'\" she said, \"is not \u003cem>changing\u003c/em> racism. We have to come from a fundamentally different paradigm.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DiAngelo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878145/white-fragility-author-robin-diangelo-on-what-white-people-can-do-to-address-racism\">appeared on KQED Forum \u003c/a>to discuss how admitting to ingrained racism can be \"liberating,\" what's wrong with the term \"ally,\" why poverty doesn't cancel out privilege and why white people need to \"get uncomfortable,\" as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and brevity\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why focus on the idea of 'white fragility'?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 'fragility' aspect speaks to how little it takes to cause so many white people to erupt in that kind of defensiveness and anger. And for many white people, just \u003cem>using\u003c/em> the term 'white people,' proceeding as if we could know anything about anyone 'just because they're white,' will cause that. What I think of as a 'meltdown,' but it's not fragile at all in its \u003cem>impact — \u003c/em>because it marshals behind it the weight of history and legal authority and institutional control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, all white people are complicit with racism. There will be umbrage and upset. People will insist that they are not racist. That I don't know them ... 'I've traveled a lot. I speak lots of languages ... I had a Black roommate in college. I'm a minority myself.' This is the kind of evidence that many white people used to exempt themselves from that system. It's not \u003cem>possible\u003c/em> to be exempt from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And actually, that's liberating. It's liberating to start from that premise because then you can change your question from '\u003cem>if\u003c/em> I'm complicit with racism' ... to 'how am I complicit?' That sets you on a lifelong path.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why she doesn't call herself 'an ally'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Of course, I strive to \u003cem>be\u003c/em> an ally, but I do not \u003cem>call\u003c/em> myself an ally. I don't even call myself 'an anti-racist white person.' I say that I'm 'involved in anti-racist work,' because that really is for people of color to decide if, at any given moment, I'm actually \u003cem>behaving\u003c/em> in anti-racist ways. I am the \u003cem>least\u003c/em> qualified to make that determination; the \u003cem>most\u003c/em> invested in actually not seeing the ways I may be complicit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11822854\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11822854\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams and Dujuanna Archable stand during a protest against police violence at 14th and Broadway in Oakland on June 3, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But for those striving to 'be an ally,' I'm always going to turn it back to you. I'm an educator, and I believe deeply that the more we can see what it is within \u003cem>ourselves\u003c/em>, the more effective we will be at helping others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On what's wrong with 'not seeing color'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[Color] has profound meaning in this society. And when white people say that, I just have to let let them know it's not convincing — and it's absolutely not convincing to Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Trent Johnson is a Black woman I often co-lead [workshops] with. And she says, 'you know, when I hear white people say that, what I'm thinking is this is a dangerous white person. This is a white person who's going to deny my reality, who will have no critical thinking about race, who will have no self-awareness about how their own race shapes other experiences in the world. This is not conveying that this person is a safe person.'\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why the idea of 'white guilt' is unproductive\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>I am clear that as a result of being raised in this society, I have a racist worldview. There's simply no way I did not absorb that. I have racist biases. I have racist behaviors at times and I also have an investment in the status quo — which is racism — because it's comfortable and because it has served me. It has impacted the outcome of my efforts and it has impacted my ability to manage the struggles that I do face, because, of course, I face struggles, but \u003cem>not racism\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I don't feel guilty about anything I just admitted to. I didn't choose that socialization ... What I feel is responsible for the outcome of that socialization. How is that manifesting in my life? And if you're living in a neighborhood in Oakland that is diverse, it is most likely in the process of gentrification. And if you're insisting that, 'we're all one and we just need to see each other as one,' it just reminds me of standing [next to] a Black man once, and a white woman said to him, 'I don't even see you as Black!' And his response was, 'Well, then how are you going to see racism? Because I \u003cem>am\u003c/em> Black. I know that you see that. And I'm having a different experience than you are.'\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why white people's personal circumstances don't cancel out white privilege\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>I was raised in poverty [in the Bay Area] and I mean that explicitly ... homelessness, periods of living in our car, periods of foster care. I didn't go to college until I was in my thirties. I had a deep sense of shame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825880\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11825880\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"574\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin DiAngelo, author of 'White Fragility' \u003ccite>(Gabriel Solis)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I always knew that I was white. I knew that it was \u003cem>better\u003c/em> to be white, and that being white is a large part of what helped me navigate poverty and classism. I don't have less racial privilege because I grew up poor. Now, I don't have \u003cem>more\u003c/em> either. I just learned my place in the racial hierarchy from a different class position than I would had I been middle class. But I \u003cem>learned\u003c/em> it. I could be queer and non-binary: I still have white privilege. And that impacts how I experience my gender identity ... As race scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw has taught us, these are intersecting identities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On being the white author of a book about racism\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>I am speaking as a white person to white people in a way that only I can. So let me be really clear: we white people will \u003cem>never\u003c/em> understand what we need to understand about racism if we are not listening to Black people, Indigenous people and other people of color. But for all too long, we have been missing from the conversation, as if we are \u003cem>outside\u003c/em> of race and they are the holders of racial knowledge. And that's problematic for many reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm very clear that Black people understand everything I'm writing about — most likely to a degree that I never will. But as an insider, there is a way that I can name it that is harder to deny. And so to \u003cem>not\u003c/em> use that platform, that reality that I might be heard a little more openly? To not use that, for me, would be unacceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why white people being 'nice' to Black people doesn't mean they're not racist\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It can come across as a kind of objectification or exoticism, right? A kind of \u003cem>over\u003c/em>-smiling, \u003cem>over\u003c/em>-extension. And still, what's at the root of it: 'I need you to know that I'm not racist. I need you to \u003cem>think\u003c/em> that I'm not racist.'\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11825877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators marched on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020 during a protest over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In my experience, most Black people start from the premise, as do I, that \u003cem>of\u003c/em> \u003cem>course\u003c/em> white people have internalized racism. We have a racist world view. There's no way we couldn't. It's everywhere. We're born into a society in which it's the bedrock. And so when we overextend ourselves, it doesn't come across as sincere or genuine ... We're not particularly relaxed and we're just trying a little too hard, which only ends up amplifying that sense that this person is \u003cem>different\u003c/em> to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On acknowledging how personal bias feeds the system\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Everyone\u003c/em> has bias. There is no human objectivity. And most of the bias is unconscious, not conscious. So implicit racism is what happens when you back one group's collective — in this case racial — bias with legal authority and institutional control that transforms that into the system. It becomes the default. It's not dependent on any one individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why white people need to 'get uncomfortable'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The default of this society is racism. That's the default. It's not an aberration. It is the norm. It is reproduced 24/7, 365 through all of our institutions. And as a white person, I move through a society in which racism is the default in racial comfort. I'm \u003cem>comfortable\u003c/em>, racially, virtually every day. It's an exception for me to be outside of my racial comfort zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mean, really take that in. I live in racial comfort, in a racially unjust society that benefits me. So we're not going to get where we need to go from a place of white comfort.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Robin DiAngelo, the author of 'White Fragility,' has a message for white people in the Bay Area: 'all white people are complicit with racism.' Here, she says, is where to go from there.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\"I'm going to assume most white progressives would acknowledge structural racism. And yet individually, most white people will say, 'I'm not racist. I have nothing to do with it,'\" says Robin DiAngelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DiAngelo, a San Francisco-born social justice educator, is the author of \"White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism\". Her exploration of white people's defensiveness in the face of their own biases was originally published back in 2018, but after ongoing protests against the killing of George Floyd and other Black people at the hands of police, the book was included in many recent reading lists on race. It's now #1 on \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/books/best-sellers/combined-print-and-e-book-nonfiction/\">The New York Times nonfiction best sellers list\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To DiAngelo, white people's unwillingness to see themselves as complicit in a racist system \u003cem>— \u003c/em>and their ensuing \"fragility\" on the subject \u003cem>— \u003c/em>is actively hampering the anti-racism movement. As she says, true progress can come only when they acknowledge their own biases. \"That idea that 'I'm not racist,'\" she said, \"is not \u003cem>changing\u003c/em> racism. We have to come from a fundamentally different paradigm.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DiAngelo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878145/white-fragility-author-robin-diangelo-on-what-white-people-can-do-to-address-racism\">appeared on KQED Forum \u003c/a>to discuss how admitting to ingrained racism can be \"liberating,\" what's wrong with the term \"ally,\" why poverty doesn't cancel out privilege and why white people need to \"get uncomfortable,\" as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and brevity\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why focus on the idea of 'white fragility'?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 'fragility' aspect speaks to how little it takes to cause so many white people to erupt in that kind of defensiveness and anger. And for many white people, just \u003cem>using\u003c/em> the term 'white people,' proceeding as if we could know anything about anyone 'just because they're white,' will cause that. What I think of as a 'meltdown,' but it's not fragile at all in its \u003cem>impact — \u003c/em>because it marshals behind it the weight of history and legal authority and institutional control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, all white people are complicit with racism. There will be umbrage and upset. People will insist that they are not racist. That I don't know them ... 'I've traveled a lot. I speak lots of languages ... I had a Black roommate in college. I'm a minority myself.' This is the kind of evidence that many white people used to exempt themselves from that system. It's not \u003cem>possible\u003c/em> to be exempt from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And actually, that's liberating. It's liberating to start from that premise because then you can change your question from '\u003cem>if\u003c/em> I'm complicit with racism' ... to 'how am I complicit?' That sets you on a lifelong path.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why she doesn't call herself 'an ally'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Of course, I strive to \u003cem>be\u003c/em> an ally, but I do not \u003cem>call\u003c/em> myself an ally. I don't even call myself 'an anti-racist white person.' I say that I'm 'involved in anti-racist work,' because that really is for people of color to decide if, at any given moment, I'm actually \u003cem>behaving\u003c/em> in anti-racist ways. I am the \u003cem>least\u003c/em> qualified to make that determination; the \u003cem>most\u003c/em> invested in actually not seeing the ways I may be complicit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11822854\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11822854\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/002_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_06032020-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams and Dujuanna Archable stand during a protest against police violence at 14th and Broadway in Oakland on June 3, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But for those striving to 'be an ally,' I'm always going to turn it back to you. I'm an educator, and I believe deeply that the more we can see what it is within \u003cem>ourselves\u003c/em>, the more effective we will be at helping others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On what's wrong with 'not seeing color'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[Color] has profound meaning in this society. And when white people say that, I just have to let let them know it's not convincing — and it's absolutely not convincing to Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Trent Johnson is a Black woman I often co-lead [workshops] with. And she says, 'you know, when I hear white people say that, what I'm thinking is this is a dangerous white person. This is a white person who's going to deny my reality, who will have no critical thinking about race, who will have no self-awareness about how their own race shapes other experiences in the world. This is not conveying that this person is a safe person.'\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why the idea of 'white guilt' is unproductive\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>I am clear that as a result of being raised in this society, I have a racist worldview. There's simply no way I did not absorb that. I have racist biases. I have racist behaviors at times and I also have an investment in the status quo — which is racism — because it's comfortable and because it has served me. It has impacted the outcome of my efforts and it has impacted my ability to manage the struggles that I do face, because, of course, I face struggles, but \u003cem>not racism\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I don't feel guilty about anything I just admitted to. I didn't choose that socialization ... What I feel is responsible for the outcome of that socialization. How is that manifesting in my life? And if you're living in a neighborhood in Oakland that is diverse, it is most likely in the process of gentrification. And if you're insisting that, 'we're all one and we just need to see each other as one,' it just reminds me of standing [next to] a Black man once, and a white woman said to him, 'I don't even see you as Black!' And his response was, 'Well, then how are you going to see racism? Because I \u003cem>am\u003c/em> Black. I know that you see that. And I'm having a different experience than you are.'\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why white people's personal circumstances don't cancel out white privilege\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>I was raised in poverty [in the Bay Area] and I mean that explicitly ... homelessness, periods of living in our car, periods of foster care. I didn't go to college until I was in my thirties. I had a deep sense of shame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825880\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11825880\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"574\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Robin-2018-by-Gabriel-Solis-2-1020x574-1-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin DiAngelo, author of 'White Fragility' \u003ccite>(Gabriel Solis)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I always knew that I was white. I knew that it was \u003cem>better\u003c/em> to be white, and that being white is a large part of what helped me navigate poverty and classism. I don't have less racial privilege because I grew up poor. Now, I don't have \u003cem>more\u003c/em> either. I just learned my place in the racial hierarchy from a different class position than I would had I been middle class. But I \u003cem>learned\u003c/em> it. I could be queer and non-binary: I still have white privilege. And that impacts how I experience my gender identity ... As race scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw has taught us, these are intersecting identities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On being the white author of a book about racism\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>I am speaking as a white person to white people in a way that only I can. So let me be really clear: we white people will \u003cem>never\u003c/em> understand what we need to understand about racism if we are not listening to Black people, Indigenous people and other people of color. But for all too long, we have been missing from the conversation, as if we are \u003cem>outside\u003c/em> of race and they are the holders of racial knowledge. And that's problematic for many reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I'm very clear that Black people understand everything I'm writing about — most likely to a degree that I never will. But as an insider, there is a way that I can name it that is harder to deny. And so to \u003cem>not\u003c/em> use that platform, that reality that I might be heard a little more openly? To not use that, for me, would be unacceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why white people being 'nice' to Black people doesn't mean they're not racist\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It can come across as a kind of objectification or exoticism, right? A kind of \u003cem>over\u003c/em>-smiling, \u003cem>over\u003c/em>-extension. And still, what's at the root of it: 'I need you to know that I'm not racist. I need you to \u003cem>think\u003c/em> that I'm not racist.'\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11825877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS43429_017_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators marched on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020 during a protest over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In my experience, most Black people start from the premise, as do I, that \u003cem>of\u003c/em> \u003cem>course\u003c/em> white people have internalized racism. We have a racist world view. There's no way we couldn't. It's everywhere. We're born into a society in which it's the bedrock. And so when we overextend ourselves, it doesn't come across as sincere or genuine ... We're not particularly relaxed and we're just trying a little too hard, which only ends up amplifying that sense that this person is \u003cem>different\u003c/em> to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On acknowledging how personal bias feeds the system\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Everyone\u003c/em> has bias. There is no human objectivity. And most of the bias is unconscious, not conscious. So implicit racism is what happens when you back one group's collective — in this case racial — bias with legal authority and institutional control that transforms that into the system. It becomes the default. It's not dependent on any one individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On why white people need to 'get uncomfortable'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The default of this society is racism. That's the default. It's not an aberration. It is the norm. It is reproduced 24/7, 365 through all of our institutions. And as a white person, I move through a society in which racism is the default in racial comfort. I'm \u003cem>comfortable\u003c/em>, racially, virtually every day. It's an exception for me to be outside of my racial comfort zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mean, really take that in. I live in racial comfort, in a racially unjust society that benefits me. So we're not going to get where we need to go from a place of white comfort.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
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