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"disqusTitle": "In Los Angeles, Piecing Together the Numbers on Police Shootings",
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"content": "\u003cp>The official statistics for shootings by police in America are \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2015/03/06/391269342/system-for-reporting-police-killings-unreliable-study-finds\">bad to nonexistent\u003c/a>. The totals are underreported, and the Justice Department admits it doesn't have crucial details such as the race of people shot, and whether they were armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 2014 protests in Ferguson, Missouri, after the police killing of Michael Brown, this lack has become an embarrassment. But that's slowly beginning to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take, for instance, the nation's second-largest metro area, where \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">KPCC\u003c/a> in Pasadena has created a \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/explore/\">database of shootings by law enforcement officers in Los Angeles County\u003c/a> from 2010 to 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KPCC analyzed paperwork from the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office, which reviews police shootings; the L.A. County medical examiner provided the ethnicity of fatal shooting victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During those five years, KPCC found, police shot 375 people, and half of those shootings -- 187 -- were fatal; no officers were prosecuted. Of the people shot, about one in four was unarmed. And 24 percent of those shot and killed were black, \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/stories/black-people-shot-at-disproportionate-rate/\" target=\"_blank\">while African-Americans make up 8 percent\u003c/a> of the L.A. County population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10753837\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10753837\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-800x628.jpg\" alt=\"KPCC analyzed summaries of officer-involved shootings by the Los Angeles County District Attorney from 2010-2014. Explore the full series.\" width=\"800\" height=\"628\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-800x628.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-400x314.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-1180x926.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-960x754.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KPCC analyzed summaries of officer-involved shootings by the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office from 2010-2014. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/\">Explore the full series\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>. \u003ccite>(KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The dataset also includes a breakdown of factors such as the justifications given by police who shoot suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, 148 people were shot for moving their hands out of sight or reaching for their waistbands; of those, 47 turned out to be unarmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When Is Use Of Force Justified?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether that proportion seems high is up for debate. As \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/stories/unarmed-and-dangerous/\">KPCC's reporting about those shootings\u003c/a> puts it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"[Michigan State University criminologist William Terrill] said he doesn't think missing hands alone are enough to justify self-defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>'If they were shooting all the suspects that reach or don't show their hands when the officer wants them to,' he said, 'I can't imagine the number of police shootings – if the public thinks there's a high number now – I can't imagine what there would be.'\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Sheriff's Department Commander Rod Kusch, whose homicide bureau investigates all deputy shootings, disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>'There is nothing that requires us to actually wait and see the gun or wait to see the knife,' he said. Deputies' 'background, training and experience' with armed suspects triggers a self-protection response when a suspect's hands disappear, he said.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>American police have considerable leeway in these situations because of two Supreme Court rulings in the late 1980s. In essence, the court held that officers may use deadly force if they have a reasonable belief that the suspect poses imminent danger of bodily harm to them or someone else. In addition, officers may not be judged based on information they didn't have at the moment they employed deadly force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, on Monday, the Supreme Court bolstered the protections for officers, when it ruled that an officer in Texas could not be sued for shooting into a fleeing car from a highway overpass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police say these standards are only fair, and without them they would live in constant fear of being second-guessed after the fact. They say if they had to worry about being prosecuted for honest mistakes or for misreading a threat, they wouldn't be able to do their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side, groups such as Black Lives Matter say this benefit of the doubt has gone too far. They say prosecutors are too deferential to police, and overly aggressive use of force routinely gets a pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Growing Efforts To Collect Statistics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Missing from this debate are good numbers. The federal government has tried — and failed — to get police agencies to report details about the use of deadly force. FBI Director James Comey often complains about how little data Americans have to work with, when debating policing and race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some police organizations say it's a problem; they say the current national discussion relies too much on anecdotes and high-profile incidents caught on video, and they say better statistics would create a more sympathetic view of how police use force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government isn't about to require police agencies to start reporting these numbers, but it is experimenting with the next best thing. The Bureau of Justice Statistics has a pilot program to gather detailed information about \"arrest-related deaths\" in America — and they're going to use \"open-source data\" as a basis for their statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, they'll draw on information that media organizations such as KPCC are collecting on police shootings. Equipped with these numbers, the BJS will then ask police agencies directly for more information on the cases that have been identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2015 Southern California Public Radio. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpcc.org/\">http://www.kpcc.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=In+Los+Angeles%2C+Piecing+Together+The+Numbers+On+Police+Shootings&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The official statistics for shootings by police in America are \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2015/03/06/391269342/system-for-reporting-police-killings-unreliable-study-finds\">bad to nonexistent\u003c/a>. The totals are underreported, and the Justice Department admits it doesn't have crucial details such as the race of people shot, and whether they were armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 2014 protests in Ferguson, Missouri, after the police killing of Michael Brown, this lack has become an embarrassment. But that's slowly beginning to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take, for instance, the nation's second-largest metro area, where \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">KPCC\u003c/a> in Pasadena has created a \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/explore/\">database of shootings by law enforcement officers in Los Angeles County\u003c/a> from 2010 to 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KPCC analyzed paperwork from the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office, which reviews police shootings; the L.A. County medical examiner provided the ethnicity of fatal shooting victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During those five years, KPCC found, police shot 375 people, and half of those shootings -- 187 -- were fatal; no officers were prosecuted. Of the people shot, about one in four was unarmed. And 24 percent of those shot and killed were black, \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/stories/black-people-shot-at-disproportionate-rate/\" target=\"_blank\">while African-Americans make up 8 percent\u003c/a> of the L.A. County population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10753837\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10753837\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-800x628.jpg\" alt=\"KPCC analyzed summaries of officer-involved shootings by the Los Angeles County District Attorney from 2010-2014. Explore the full series.\" width=\"800\" height=\"628\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-800x628.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-400x314.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-1180x926.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData-960x754.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KPCCData.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KPCC analyzed summaries of officer-involved shootings by the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office from 2010-2014. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/\">Explore the full series\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>. \u003ccite>(KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The dataset also includes a breakdown of factors such as the justifications given by police who shoot suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, 148 people were shot for moving their hands out of sight or reaching for their waistbands; of those, 47 turned out to be unarmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When Is Use Of Force Justified?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether that proportion seems high is up for debate. As \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/officer-involved/stories/unarmed-and-dangerous/\">KPCC's reporting about those shootings\u003c/a> puts it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"[Michigan State University criminologist William Terrill] said he doesn't think missing hands alone are enough to justify self-defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>'If they were shooting all the suspects that reach or don't show their hands when the officer wants them to,' he said, 'I can't imagine the number of police shootings – if the public thinks there's a high number now – I can't imagine what there would be.'\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Sheriff's Department Commander Rod Kusch, whose homicide bureau investigates all deputy shootings, disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>'There is nothing that requires us to actually wait and see the gun or wait to see the knife,' he said. Deputies' 'background, training and experience' with armed suspects triggers a self-protection response when a suspect's hands disappear, he said.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>American police have considerable leeway in these situations because of two Supreme Court rulings in the late 1980s. In essence, the court held that officers may use deadly force if they have a reasonable belief that the suspect poses imminent danger of bodily harm to them or someone else. In addition, officers may not be judged based on information they didn't have at the moment they employed deadly force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, on Monday, the Supreme Court bolstered the protections for officers, when it ruled that an officer in Texas could not be sued for shooting into a fleeing car from a highway overpass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police say these standards are only fair, and without them they would live in constant fear of being second-guessed after the fact. They say if they had to worry about being prosecuted for honest mistakes or for misreading a threat, they wouldn't be able to do their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side, groups such as Black Lives Matter say this benefit of the doubt has gone too far. They say prosecutors are too deferential to police, and overly aggressive use of force routinely gets a pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Growing Efforts To Collect Statistics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Missing from this debate are good numbers. The federal government has tried — and failed — to get police agencies to report details about the use of deadly force. FBI Director James Comey often complains about how little data Americans have to work with, when debating policing and race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some police organizations say it's a problem; they say the current national discussion relies too much on anecdotes and high-profile incidents caught on video, and they say better statistics would create a more sympathetic view of how police use force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government isn't about to require police agencies to start reporting these numbers, but it is experimenting with the next best thing. The Bureau of Justice Statistics has a pilot program to gather detailed information about \"arrest-related deaths\" in America — and they're going to use \"open-source data\" as a basis for their statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, they'll draw on information that media organizations such as KPCC are collecting on police shootings. Equipped with these numbers, the BJS will then ask police agencies directly for more information on the cases that have been identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2015 Southern California Public Radio. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpcc.org/\">http://www.kpcc.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=In+Los+Angeles%2C+Piecing+Together+The+Numbers+On+Police+Shootings&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Practically ever since the Chicago-based Tribune Co. merged with the Times-Mirror Co. in 2000, there have been calls from Los Angeles civic leaders for the L.A. Times to return to local control. After the firing of a popular publisher and more newsroom cuts this fall, those calls have grown louder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the L.A. County Board of Supervisors passed a resolution calling for local leadership at the newspaper, and a group of more than 50 local civic leaders signed a letter to the Tribune Co., urging the company to put leaders in charge who know and love L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Having key decisions at the Los Angeles Times made by an entity 1,750 miles and two time zones away is not in the best interests of those who depend on the newspaper for vital information and analysis,\" said L.A. County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas. \"Our constituents deserve better than the current setup, which is essentially publishing by remote control.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/232295514\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is one local buyer’s name that keeps popping up: Eli Broad. But there are mixed feelings about the 82-year-old billionaire philanthropist taking over the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broad has already tried to buy the Times, twice. He partnered with a group of local investors two years ago, but that went nowhere. Then last month, Broad, who did not respond to requests to speak for this story, told the L.A. Business Journal he tried again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the request of the chairman of the board of the Tribune Co. I did make an offer … which they ultimately rejected,” Broad said. “I’ve always believed that the Los Angeles Times and the San Diego papers ought to be owned by Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2015/10/22/55160/should-eli-broad-buy-the-los-angeles-times/\" target=\"_blank\">Read the full story via KPCC\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Practically ever since the Chicago-based Tribune Co. merged with the Times-Mirror Co. in 2000, there have been calls from Los Angeles civic leaders for the L.A. Times to return to local control. After the firing of a popular publisher and more newsroom cuts this fall, those calls have grown louder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the L.A. County Board of Supervisors passed a resolution calling for local leadership at the newspaper, and a group of more than 50 local civic leaders signed a letter to the Tribune Co., urging the company to put leaders in charge who know and love L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Having key decisions at the Los Angeles Times made by an entity 1,750 miles and two time zones away is not in the best interests of those who depend on the newspaper for vital information and analysis,\" said L.A. County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas. \"Our constituents deserve better than the current setup, which is essentially publishing by remote control.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/232295514&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/232295514'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is one local buyer’s name that keeps popping up: Eli Broad. But there are mixed feelings about the 82-year-old billionaire philanthropist taking over the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broad has already tried to buy the Times, twice. He partnered with a group of local investors two years ago, but that went nowhere. Then last month, Broad, who did not respond to requests to speak for this story, told the L.A. Business Journal he tried again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the request of the chairman of the board of the Tribune Co. I did make an offer … which they ultimately rejected,” Broad said. “I’ve always believed that the Los Angeles Times and the San Diego papers ought to be owned by Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2015/10/22/55160/should-eli-broad-buy-the-los-angeles-times/\" target=\"_blank\">Read the full story via KPCC\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "On Airbnb Rentals, Some California Cities Tax First and Regulate Later",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Despite the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/11/03/san-francisco-2015-election-results\" target=\"_blank\">defeat\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/06/how-san-franciscos-prop-f-would-change-airbnb-rentals\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition F\u003c/a> and its stricter rules on short-term rentals, San Francisco is still legislative light-years ahead of other California cities in regulating rental platforms like Airbnb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco passed its initial law regulating Airbnb-type rentals more than a year ago. It now has a city office -- a small one, so far -- dedicated to administering and enforcing the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The precursor to San Francisco's legislative action was an agreement with Airbnb in which the company would collect a hotel tax from guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though few cities in California have attempted to pass and enforce restrictions on short-term rentals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.airbnb.com/help/article/653/in-what-areas-is-occupancy-tax-collection-and-remittance-by-airbnb-available\" target=\"_blank\">eight cities in the state\u003c/a> have reached an agreement with Airbnb to remit the taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/231698816\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tax First, Ask Questions Later?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A tax collection agreement has benefits for both cities and operators like Airbnb. Cities get a new stream of revenue, and platforms gain legitimacy by coming to terms with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Cities should go ahead and make their units subject to the transit occupancy tax right away,\" says Karen Chapple, a professor of urban planning at UC Berkeley. \"Why not take that first move, while we're still figuring out that regulation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements are not always a precursor to more expansive regulation, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"dsJkDW2CH7xicOk57plk0fXUutQfDqfv\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Santa Clara is the most recent California city to begin collecting taxes from Airbnb, and officials there say they have no intention of taking on legislation to regulate short-term rentals. When the City Council \u003ca href=\"http://sireweb.santaclaraca.gov/sirepub/cache/2/eq14msd1nepqabvo0spvym1q/7294861105201512165731.PDF\" target=\"_blank\">passed a tax agreement\u003c/a> in September, the chief concern of many members seemed to be whether the deal would go into effect fast enough to collect taxes from renters during the Super Bowl, which the city hosts in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to be proactive in capturing revenue for the Super Bowl,\" City Attorney Richard Nosky told the council in September. \"Our code does not have any use restrictions on rentals ... so we didn't see a need to regulate short-term rentals and kick that rock.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, short-term rentals have been seen as a direct threat to permanent rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In Santa Clara, that's not the case. Many of our homes are occupied by one or two people,\" says Mayor Jamie Matthews. \"This will give people an opportunity to try out what it's like to be able to have part of their home or accessory unit rented. That might lead to additional affordable housing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One ready use for that new stream of tax revenue would be to offset the loss of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We shouldn't set up a regulatory system that is going to cost us a lot of money to implement,\" Chapple says. \"Ideally, what we want to do with this hotel tax revenue coming in is put it into an affordable housing trust fund.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>High Cost of Enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the beachside city of Santa Monica made headlines by enacting a ban on the short-term rental of a full unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulation was more straightforward than the rules in San Francisco. By banning all rentals of a full unit and placing no restrictions on hosts renting out a spare bedroom, the city doesn't need to keep track of the number of nights a unit was rented. Under San Francisco's ordinance, full unit rentals are capped at 90 nights a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, as Santa Monica begins its enforcement effort in earnest, it's finding it needs to devote every penny of the hotel tax in that direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The money that we are going to collect on the now-legal short-term vacation rentals is only enough to pay for the two code people and staff analyst to do effective enforcement against the illegal ones that were doing us so much damage,\" says Santa Monica Mayor Kevin McKeown. \"So it's probably going to be revenue-neutral for the city.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has been loath to give cities like San Francisco and Santa Monica specific data on rentals that might aid enforcement. A state bill to require the release of that information \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB593\" target=\"_blank\">stalled earlier this year in the state Senate. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Los Angeles Holding Off on Tax Agreement \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's largest city is taking a different approach: holding off on a tax agreement while legislation plods through the City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10747654\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10747654\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-800x981.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti.\" width=\"800\" height=\"981\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-800x981.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-400x491.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-1440x1766.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-1180x1447.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-960x1178.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti. \u003ccite>(Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Eric Garcetti has urged the city to move ahead on a tax agreement, but some council members have expressed concern that taking the money now would muddy the waters if the city imposes regulations on short-term rentals later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think this would actually put the cart before the horse,\" said City Councilman Mitch Englander at a Budget and Finance Committee meeting over the summer. \"To go forth and say, 'Let's go ahead and look at this revenue' before we've set off a path of having the policy in place.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the city will instead move ahead with committee hearings, \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2015/09/29/54719/city-takes-publics-pulse-on-short-term-rentals/\" target=\"_blank\">public meetings\u003c/a> and staff studies before an ordinance moves to the full council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Airbnb Stays on Message \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Lehane, head of global policy for Airbnb, says the leading short-term rental platform is comfortable reaching agreements with cities, like San Diego, in which short-term rentals are not fully legalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to pay taxes, we're happy to pay taxes, we want to contribute,\" he says. \"When we can collect and remit, it's a great thing for a city.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb may have gotten a bit too excited about its willingness to fill city coffers with a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/22/airbnb-concedes-it-goofed-with-dear-san-francisco-ads\" target=\"_blank\">series of billboards\u003c/a> in San Francisco last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ads notified city and county agencies of the things they could be doing with the $12 million in tax money that Airbnb remitted on the behalf of hosts. Not mentioned was the possibility some of the money could be used to fund the Office of Short-Term Rentals, which currently is budgeted for \u003ca href=\"http://openbook.sfgov.org/openbooks/cgi-bin/cognosisapi.dll?b_action=cognosViewer&ui.action=run&ui.object=%2fcontent%2ffolder%5b%40name%3d%27Reports%27%5d%2freport%5b%40name%3d%27Budget%27%5d&ui.name=20Budget&run.outputFormat=&run.prompt=false\" target=\"_blank\">just $475,000\u003c/a> in the current fiscal year and $464,630 for next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ads that threatened to become a snatching-defeat-from-the-jaws-of-victory marketing blunder didn't move the needle enough for voters to approve Prop. F and its increased restrictions on short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has apologized for the ads, but Lehane says the company will continue to emphasize the message that it is willing to pay its fair share of taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have historically been very consistent about talking about our commitment to paying taxes,\" he said. \"We'll talk about it in the future, and I think we'll certainly talk about it in a smart way that's consistent with how cities want that to be discussed.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/11/03/san-francisco-2015-election-results\" target=\"_blank\">defeat\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/06/how-san-franciscos-prop-f-would-change-airbnb-rentals\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition F\u003c/a> and its stricter rules on short-term rentals, San Francisco is still legislative light-years ahead of other California cities in regulating rental platforms like Airbnb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco passed its initial law regulating Airbnb-type rentals more than a year ago. It now has a city office -- a small one, so far -- dedicated to administering and enforcing the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The precursor to San Francisco's legislative action was an agreement with Airbnb in which the company would collect a hotel tax from guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though few cities in California have attempted to pass and enforce restrictions on short-term rentals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.airbnb.com/help/article/653/in-what-areas-is-occupancy-tax-collection-and-remittance-by-airbnb-available\" target=\"_blank\">eight cities in the state\u003c/a> have reached an agreement with Airbnb to remit the taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/231698816&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/231698816'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tax First, Ask Questions Later?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A tax collection agreement has benefits for both cities and operators like Airbnb. Cities get a new stream of revenue, and platforms gain legitimacy by coming to terms with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Cities should go ahead and make their units subject to the transit occupancy tax right away,\" says Karen Chapple, a professor of urban planning at UC Berkeley. \"Why not take that first move, while we're still figuring out that regulation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements are not always a precursor to more expansive regulation, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Santa Clara is the most recent California city to begin collecting taxes from Airbnb, and officials there say they have no intention of taking on legislation to regulate short-term rentals. When the City Council \u003ca href=\"http://sireweb.santaclaraca.gov/sirepub/cache/2/eq14msd1nepqabvo0spvym1q/7294861105201512165731.PDF\" target=\"_blank\">passed a tax agreement\u003c/a> in September, the chief concern of many members seemed to be whether the deal would go into effect fast enough to collect taxes from renters during the Super Bowl, which the city hosts in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to be proactive in capturing revenue for the Super Bowl,\" City Attorney Richard Nosky told the council in September. \"Our code does not have any use restrictions on rentals ... so we didn't see a need to regulate short-term rentals and kick that rock.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, short-term rentals have been seen as a direct threat to permanent rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In Santa Clara, that's not the case. Many of our homes are occupied by one or two people,\" says Mayor Jamie Matthews. \"This will give people an opportunity to try out what it's like to be able to have part of their home or accessory unit rented. That might lead to additional affordable housing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One ready use for that new stream of tax revenue would be to offset the loss of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We shouldn't set up a regulatory system that is going to cost us a lot of money to implement,\" Chapple says. \"Ideally, what we want to do with this hotel tax revenue coming in is put it into an affordable housing trust fund.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>High Cost of Enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the beachside city of Santa Monica made headlines by enacting a ban on the short-term rental of a full unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulation was more straightforward than the rules in San Francisco. By banning all rentals of a full unit and placing no restrictions on hosts renting out a spare bedroom, the city doesn't need to keep track of the number of nights a unit was rented. Under San Francisco's ordinance, full unit rentals are capped at 90 nights a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, as Santa Monica begins its enforcement effort in earnest, it's finding it needs to devote every penny of the hotel tax in that direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The money that we are going to collect on the now-legal short-term vacation rentals is only enough to pay for the two code people and staff analyst to do effective enforcement against the illegal ones that were doing us so much damage,\" says Santa Monica Mayor Kevin McKeown. \"So it's probably going to be revenue-neutral for the city.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has been loath to give cities like San Francisco and Santa Monica specific data on rentals that might aid enforcement. A state bill to require the release of that information \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB593\" target=\"_blank\">stalled earlier this year in the state Senate. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Los Angeles Holding Off on Tax Agreement \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's largest city is taking a different approach: holding off on a tax agreement while legislation plods through the City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10747654\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10747654\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-800x981.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti.\" width=\"800\" height=\"981\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-800x981.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-400x491.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-1440x1766.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-1180x1447.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Garcetti-960x1178.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti. \u003ccite>(Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Eric Garcetti has urged the city to move ahead on a tax agreement, but some council members have expressed concern that taking the money now would muddy the waters if the city imposes regulations on short-term rentals later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think this would actually put the cart before the horse,\" said City Councilman Mitch Englander at a Budget and Finance Committee meeting over the summer. \"To go forth and say, 'Let's go ahead and look at this revenue' before we've set off a path of having the policy in place.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the city will instead move ahead with committee hearings, \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2015/09/29/54719/city-takes-publics-pulse-on-short-term-rentals/\" target=\"_blank\">public meetings\u003c/a> and staff studies before an ordinance moves to the full council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Airbnb Stays on Message \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Lehane, head of global policy for Airbnb, says the leading short-term rental platform is comfortable reaching agreements with cities, like San Diego, in which short-term rentals are not fully legalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to pay taxes, we're happy to pay taxes, we want to contribute,\" he says. \"When we can collect and remit, it's a great thing for a city.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb may have gotten a bit too excited about its willingness to fill city coffers with a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/22/airbnb-concedes-it-goofed-with-dear-san-francisco-ads\" target=\"_blank\">series of billboards\u003c/a> in San Francisco last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ads notified city and county agencies of the things they could be doing with the $12 million in tax money that Airbnb remitted on the behalf of hosts. Not mentioned was the possibility some of the money could be used to fund the Office of Short-Term Rentals, which currently is budgeted for \u003ca href=\"http://openbook.sfgov.org/openbooks/cgi-bin/cognosisapi.dll?b_action=cognosViewer&ui.action=run&ui.object=%2fcontent%2ffolder%5b%40name%3d%27Reports%27%5d%2freport%5b%40name%3d%27Budget%27%5d&ui.name=20Budget&run.outputFormat=&run.prompt=false\" target=\"_blank\">just $475,000\u003c/a> in the current fiscal year and $464,630 for next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ads that threatened to become a snatching-defeat-from-the-jaws-of-victory marketing blunder didn't move the needle enough for voters to approve Prop. F and its increased restrictions on short-term rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb has apologized for the ads, but Lehane says the company will continue to emphasize the message that it is willing to pay its fair share of taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have historically been very consistent about talking about our commitment to paying taxes,\" he said. \"We'll talk about it in the future, and I think we'll certainly talk about it in a smart way that's consistent with how cities want that to be discussed.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At least 28 people in California this year have \u003ca href=\"http://www.westnile.ca.gov/\">died from West Nile virus\u003c/a>, the neurologically debilitating disease spread through mosquito bites. Riverside and Los Angeles counties both recorded a surge in human infections not seen in several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with peak West Nile virus season coming to an end, attention is shifting to a potentially virulent mosquito species rarely seen in California; \u003ca href=\"http://www.glacvcd.org/vector-information/mosquitoes/invasive-mosquitoes/\">the Asian tiger mosquito\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/231398516″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The non-native, disease-carrying pest has been spotted throughout Los Angeles County and other parts of the Southland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s important to let people know what the potential risks are, and how we can take precautions to prevent the mosquitoes from spreading” says Los Angeles City Councilman Mitch O’Farrell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Farrell hosted a public meeting about the potential health risks of the Asian tiger mosquito in L.A.’s Silverlake district on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main worry is over how quickly the Asian tiger mosquito multiplies, reproducing in large numbers and spreading potentially fatal diseases at rates not previously seen with native mosquito species.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10744533\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10744533 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The petri dish on the right holds samples of the Asian Tiger mosquito.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The petri dish on the right holds samples of the Asian tiger mosquito. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The black-and-white-striped bloodsucking member of the \u003cem>Culicidae\u003c/em> family hasn’t been categorized as a major public health crisis yet. But the pest’s gradual migration across parts of Southern California and other parts of the state is being closely tracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Currently there’s nothing that these guys are transmitting locally, but we are concerned that they have the potential to,” says Kelly Middleton of the Greater Los Angeles County Vector Control District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re excellent vectors and transmitters of diseases like dengue virus and chikungunya,” says Middleton, who brought samples of the Asian tiger mosquito to Monday’s public meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”tHKm5DYPU3ebp7Wf5gkDx78FWl3z2RHd”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Middleton says the Asian tiger is unusually aggressive and resilient, and unlike mosquitoes normally seen in the state can come out to feed during the day and during times of the year when mosquitoes usually go dormant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to proactively monitor mosquito populations and mosquito numbers to keep those numbers down as much as possible,” says Middleton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10744535\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10744535\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Greater L.A. County Vector Control District’s Kelly Middleton after a public meeting in Los Angeles on Monday\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Greater L.A. County Vector Control District’s Kelly Middleton after a public meeting in Los Angeles on Monday \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The biggest challenge we have are in people’s backyards, where we don’t have easy access,” says Middleton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian tiger lays its eggs along the waterline of buckets, used tires, plant saucers and even bottle caps that hold water for long periods of time. Thoroughly dumping that water out can make a huge difference in reducing the spread of the mosquito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents should also re-examine those locations where the mosquitoes can thrive. That’s because Asian tiger mosquito eggs can remain alive for years without water, and then hatch when the conditions are more favorable.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At least 28 people in California this year have \u003ca href=\"http://www.westnile.ca.gov/\">died from West Nile virus\u003c/a>, the neurologically debilitating disease spread through mosquito bites. Riverside and Los Angeles counties both recorded a surge in human infections not seen in several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with peak West Nile virus season coming to an end, attention is shifting to a potentially virulent mosquito species rarely seen in California; \u003ca href=\"http://www.glacvcd.org/vector-information/mosquitoes/invasive-mosquitoes/\">the Asian tiger mosquito\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/231398516″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/231398516″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The non-native, disease-carrying pest has been spotted throughout Los Angeles County and other parts of the Southland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s important to let people know what the potential risks are, and how we can take precautions to prevent the mosquitoes from spreading” says Los Angeles City Councilman Mitch O’Farrell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Farrell hosted a public meeting about the potential health risks of the Asian tiger mosquito in L.A.’s Silverlake district on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main worry is over how quickly the Asian tiger mosquito multiplies, reproducing in large numbers and spreading potentially fatal diseases at rates not previously seen with native mosquito species.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10744533\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10744533 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The petri dish on the right holds samples of the Asian Tiger mosquito.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-samples-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The petri dish on the right holds samples of the Asian tiger mosquito. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The black-and-white-striped bloodsucking member of the \u003cem>Culicidae\u003c/em> family hasn’t been categorized as a major public health crisis yet. But the pest’s gradual migration across parts of Southern California and other parts of the state is being closely tracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Currently there’s nothing that these guys are transmitting locally, but we are concerned that they have the potential to,” says Kelly Middleton of the Greater Los Angeles County Vector Control District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re excellent vectors and transmitters of diseases like dengue virus and chikungunya,” says Middleton, who brought samples of the Asian tiger mosquito to Monday’s public meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Middleton says the Asian tiger is unusually aggressive and resilient, and unlike mosquitoes normally seen in the state can come out to feed during the day and during times of the year when mosquitoes usually go dormant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to proactively monitor mosquito populations and mosquito numbers to keep those numbers down as much as possible,” says Middleton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10744535\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10744535\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Greater L.A. County Vector Control District’s Kelly Middleton after a public meeting in Los Angeles on Monday\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/KM-prof-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Greater L.A. County Vector Control District’s Kelly Middleton after a public meeting in Los Angeles on Monday \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The biggest challenge we have are in people’s backyards, where we don’t have easy access,” says Middleton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian tiger lays its eggs along the waterline of buckets, used tires, plant saucers and even bottle caps that hold water for long periods of time. Thoroughly dumping that water out can make a huge difference in reducing the spread of the mosquito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents should also re-examine those locations where the mosquitoes can thrive. That’s because Asian tiger mosquito eggs can remain alive for years without water, and then hatch when the conditions are more favorable.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Joe Parra is like a lot of guys you meet on Skid Row. He’s not from Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was (on the streets) in the South Bay, like in the Torrance and Carson area,” says Parra. “And then it got harder and I had to stay in Bellflower.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those cities are a good 20 miles from Skid Row. They’re also woefully thin on homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/230522157\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Parra might be able to get a hotel voucher for a couple nights or directions to a local food bank. But often they’ll get steered to Skid Row. And if they’re lucky, like Parra, they will eventually qualify for a space in one of its tightly packed \u003ca href=\"http://skidrow.org\">supportive housing apartments\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The services and that supportive network behind it just wasn’t happening in other areas outside Skid Row,” says Ryan Navales, an outreach coordinator at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.midnightmission.org/\">Midnight Mission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mission dishes out around 3,000 meals a day on Skid Row, and runs a temporary shelter and a host of drug and alcohol rehab programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness doesn’t have any city barriers,” says Navales. “And there’s 88 different mayors, I think, in L.A. County, and so there’s a real need for the services to be regionalized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the critical mass of homeless services remains concentrated in Skid Row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10737200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10737200\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-800x521.jpg\" alt=\"Many homeless people come to Skid Row because they could not find housing and services in their own communities.\" width=\"800\" height=\"521\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-800x521.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-400x260.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-1440x938.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-1180x768.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-960x625.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many homeless people come to Skid Row because they could not find housing and services in their own communities. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s left a lot of communities ill-prepared to deal with sudden spikes of homelessness. And when there are services, there can be resistance to expanding them for fear of becoming a magnet for more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re throwing bait out right now for people to come here, and we’re attracting people,” says Redondo Beach Mayor Steve Aspel at a recent City Council meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We’re not trying to boot the homeless out...But it’s not the city of Redondo Beach’s responsibility to take care of the entire South Bay'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The city just formed a homelessness task force after this year’s L.A. County homeless count recorded a surge in Redondo Beach’s homeless population. Redondo Beach police say 911 calls involving homeless individuals are up some 400 percent since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is mulling a number of actions, from expanding existing services to cracking down on nuisance laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspel echoes a sentiment you hear a lot and not just in Redondo Beach: Homelessness is a problem exported from outside the city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not like trying to boot the homeless out of town,” says Aspel. “But it’s not the city of Redondo Beach’s responsibility to take care of the entire South Bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a person does end up on the street, it’s usually in the streets of where they live, in an area where they have ties to friends and family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most homeless have three or four reasons to connect them to a community. They used to live there, they got family there, they work there, something that draws them to that community,\" says Todd Palmquist of the San Gabriel Valley Consortium on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10737204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10737204\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-800x487.jpg\" alt=\"One of Skid Row's dozens of sidewalk encampments.\" width=\"800\" height=\"487\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-800x487.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-400x244.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-1440x877.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-1180x718.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-960x585.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of Skid Row's dozens of sidewalk encampments. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nobody likes to see the guy with the shopping cart sitting in front of McDonald's, but there's a reason why he or she is there. And there's a reason that maybe we can help get them to the next step rather than saying we just want to get rid of them,” says Palmquist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worlds away from the fetid streets of Skid Row are the leafy, well-manicured avenues of Claremont, an affluent suburb about 45 minutes east of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also home to a new public-private partnership that aims to house the chronically homeless in rental homes. Four men just moved into the pilot house about four months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked into other homeless programs for indigent men all around Southern California,” says Marty, who asked that we not publish his last name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"B98yAyTKAW5IazGbQOnG1lp4MzSaH2xW\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marty shares the cozy three-bedroom house with three other men who, like him, were all living on the streets of the Claremont area. He says women and kids usually have priority when it comes to shelter and supportive housing like this. If you’re a single male, you can fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, you can get food here and there,” says Marty. “The resources are gone by the time you try to get something, and that's what makes CHAP different. CHAP is geared toward helping the indigent person alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAP is the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chapclaremont.org/about.html\">Claremont Homeless Advocacy Program, \u003c/a>a volunteer group that aims to get homeless people into stable housing, get them job training, get them help staying sober and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea of transitional housing, wraparound services is really a regional issue,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.claremont.ca.us/government/departments-divisions/human-services\">Claremont Director of Human Services Ann Turner\u003c/a>, who works closely with CHAP. “Financially it's a bigger obligation than any one single municipality can commit on their own. So how do we collectively work together?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities like Claremont rely on county funding to sustain whatever services they have available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Los Angeles County supervisors pledged an additional $100 million for long-term housing and other aid across the region. The city of L.A., meanwhile, declared a homelessness “state of emergency,” an action that enables it to tap into alternative resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Up until that, there really has not been a unified statement saying here's what we want to do,” says Palmquist. “And I think as a result, other communities in the area would say, 'Well, it’s not a priority for them, why should we take it as a priority?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redondo Beach police lieutenant and homeless task force member Wayne Windman says it’s an attitude that is changing -- at least in his city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please don’t for a second think this committee was thinking (that) we have to get rid of these people,” Windman says. “We have to deal with the issue. You have to get people into housing to get long-term services to get them out of these environments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge facing Redondo Beach and a host of other cities across the L.A. region is to provide enough of those services so that homeless individuals can get back on track and stay in their own hometowns.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Joe Parra is like a lot of guys you meet on Skid Row. He’s not from Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was (on the streets) in the South Bay, like in the Torrance and Carson area,” says Parra. “And then it got harder and I had to stay in Bellflower.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those cities are a good 20 miles from Skid Row. They’re also woefully thin on homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/230522157&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/230522157'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Parra might be able to get a hotel voucher for a couple nights or directions to a local food bank. But often they’ll get steered to Skid Row. And if they’re lucky, like Parra, they will eventually qualify for a space in one of its tightly packed \u003ca href=\"http://skidrow.org\">supportive housing apartments\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The services and that supportive network behind it just wasn’t happening in other areas outside Skid Row,” says Ryan Navales, an outreach coordinator at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.midnightmission.org/\">Midnight Mission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mission dishes out around 3,000 meals a day on Skid Row, and runs a temporary shelter and a host of drug and alcohol rehab programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness doesn’t have any city barriers,” says Navales. “And there’s 88 different mayors, I think, in L.A. County, and so there’s a real need for the services to be regionalized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the critical mass of homeless services remains concentrated in Skid Row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10737200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10737200\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-800x521.jpg\" alt=\"Many homeless people come to Skid Row because they could not find housing and services in their own communities.\" width=\"800\" height=\"521\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-800x521.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-400x260.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-1440x938.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-1180x768.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkidRowCartsGuys-960x625.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many homeless people come to Skid Row because they could not find housing and services in their own communities. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s left a lot of communities ill-prepared to deal with sudden spikes of homelessness. And when there are services, there can be resistance to expanding them for fear of becoming a magnet for more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re throwing bait out right now for people to come here, and we’re attracting people,” says Redondo Beach Mayor Steve Aspel at a recent City Council meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We’re not trying to boot the homeless out...But it’s not the city of Redondo Beach’s responsibility to take care of the entire South Bay'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The city just formed a homelessness task force after this year’s L.A. County homeless count recorded a surge in Redondo Beach’s homeless population. Redondo Beach police say 911 calls involving homeless individuals are up some 400 percent since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is mulling a number of actions, from expanding existing services to cracking down on nuisance laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspel echoes a sentiment you hear a lot and not just in Redondo Beach: Homelessness is a problem exported from outside the city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not like trying to boot the homeless out of town,” says Aspel. “But it’s not the city of Redondo Beach’s responsibility to take care of the entire South Bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a person does end up on the street, it’s usually in the streets of where they live, in an area where they have ties to friends and family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most homeless have three or four reasons to connect them to a community. They used to live there, they got family there, they work there, something that draws them to that community,\" says Todd Palmquist of the San Gabriel Valley Consortium on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10737204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10737204\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-800x487.jpg\" alt=\"One of Skid Row's dozens of sidewalk encampments.\" width=\"800\" height=\"487\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-800x487.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-400x244.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-1440x877.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-1180x718.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/SkEncampment-960x585.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of Skid Row's dozens of sidewalk encampments. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nobody likes to see the guy with the shopping cart sitting in front of McDonald's, but there's a reason why he or she is there. And there's a reason that maybe we can help get them to the next step rather than saying we just want to get rid of them,” says Palmquist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worlds away from the fetid streets of Skid Row are the leafy, well-manicured avenues of Claremont, an affluent suburb about 45 minutes east of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also home to a new public-private partnership that aims to house the chronically homeless in rental homes. Four men just moved into the pilot house about four months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked into other homeless programs for indigent men all around Southern California,” says Marty, who asked that we not publish his last name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marty shares the cozy three-bedroom house with three other men who, like him, were all living on the streets of the Claremont area. He says women and kids usually have priority when it comes to shelter and supportive housing like this. If you’re a single male, you can fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, you can get food here and there,” says Marty. “The resources are gone by the time you try to get something, and that's what makes CHAP different. CHAP is geared toward helping the indigent person alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAP is the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chapclaremont.org/about.html\">Claremont Homeless Advocacy Program, \u003c/a>a volunteer group that aims to get homeless people into stable housing, get them job training, get them help staying sober and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea of transitional housing, wraparound services is really a regional issue,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.claremont.ca.us/government/departments-divisions/human-services\">Claremont Director of Human Services Ann Turner\u003c/a>, who works closely with CHAP. “Financially it's a bigger obligation than any one single municipality can commit on their own. So how do we collectively work together?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities like Claremont rely on county funding to sustain whatever services they have available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Los Angeles County supervisors pledged an additional $100 million for long-term housing and other aid across the region. The city of L.A., meanwhile, declared a homelessness “state of emergency,” an action that enables it to tap into alternative resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Up until that, there really has not been a unified statement saying here's what we want to do,” says Palmquist. “And I think as a result, other communities in the area would say, 'Well, it’s not a priority for them, why should we take it as a priority?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redondo Beach police lieutenant and homeless task force member Wayne Windman says it’s an attitude that is changing -- at least in his city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please don’t for a second think this committee was thinking (that) we have to get rid of these people,” Windman says. “We have to deal with the issue. You have to get people into housing to get long-term services to get them out of these environments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge facing Redondo Beach and a host of other cities across the L.A. region is to provide enough of those services so that homeless individuals can get back on track and stay in their own hometowns.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>There is a 99.9 percent chance of a 5-magnitude or greater earthquake striking within three years in the greater Los Angeles area, where a similar sized temblor caused more than $12 million in damage last year, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://geodesy.unr.edu/publications/DonnellanEtAl2015.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">study\u003c/a> by NASA and university researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study released Tuesday was based on Global Positioning System (GPS) and airborne radar measurements of how the Earth's crust was deformed by the 5.1-magnitude quake on March 28, 2014, in La Habra, about 20 miles southeast of downtown Los Angeles. The damage included broken water mains and cracked pavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, in 1994 the 6.7-magnitude Northridge earthquake left $25 billion in damage, caused dozens of deaths and injured 9,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study looked at a 62-mile radius around the La Habra epicenter. Researchers observed shallow movements of the ground, took into account a deficit in the number of earthquakes expected there and calculated how much strain may remain in deeper faults that are still locked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"k5fFdK6BR3WYkUQld2BklT4IwUmPl2g6\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the magnitude-5 quake was found to be extremely likely by April 1, 2018, one of magnitude-6 or higher was pegged at just 35 percent and the largest potential quake was estimated at 6.3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Study leader Andrea Donnellan, a geophysicist at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, said the research is not a prediction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a statistical probability that we computed,\" she said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-usgs-99-9-percent-chance-20151022-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">took issue with the study\u003c/a>, asserting that it was unclear how the study derived its numbers and that the accepted probability is 85 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding to the criticism, Donnellan said the study's references to other scientific papers would allow other researchers to reconstruct the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the most recent Uniform California Earthquake Rupture Forecast, which was published in March and is the basis for the agency's National Seismic Hazard Maps, the Southern California region has a 100 percent chance of one or more magnitude-5 or larger quakes and a 93 percent chance of a 6.7 jolt during the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of older wood and concrete apartment buildings vulnerable to collapse in a major earthquake would get costly upgrades under sweeping retrofitting rules passed this month by the Los Angeles City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also participating in the NASA-led study were researchers from the University of California, Irvine; Indiana University, Bloomington; UC Davis; and the University of Nevada, Reno.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There is a 99.9 percent chance of a 5-magnitude or greater earthquake striking within three years in the greater Los Angeles area, where a similar sized temblor caused more than $12 million in damage last year, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://geodesy.unr.edu/publications/DonnellanEtAl2015.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">study\u003c/a> by NASA and university researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study released Tuesday was based on Global Positioning System (GPS) and airborne radar measurements of how the Earth's crust was deformed by the 5.1-magnitude quake on March 28, 2014, in La Habra, about 20 miles southeast of downtown Los Angeles. The damage included broken water mains and cracked pavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, in 1994 the 6.7-magnitude Northridge earthquake left $25 billion in damage, caused dozens of deaths and injured 9,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study looked at a 62-mile radius around the La Habra epicenter. Researchers observed shallow movements of the ground, took into account a deficit in the number of earthquakes expected there and calculated how much strain may remain in deeper faults that are still locked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the magnitude-5 quake was found to be extremely likely by April 1, 2018, one of magnitude-6 or higher was pegged at just 35 percent and the largest potential quake was estimated at 6.3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Study leader Andrea Donnellan, a geophysicist at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, said the research is not a prediction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a statistical probability that we computed,\" she said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-usgs-99-9-percent-chance-20151022-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">took issue with the study\u003c/a>, asserting that it was unclear how the study derived its numbers and that the accepted probability is 85 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding to the criticism, Donnellan said the study's references to other scientific papers would allow other researchers to reconstruct the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the most recent Uniform California Earthquake Rupture Forecast, which was published in March and is the basis for the agency's National Seismic Hazard Maps, the Southern California region has a 100 percent chance of one or more magnitude-5 or larger quakes and a 93 percent chance of a 6.7 jolt during the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of older wood and concrete apartment buildings vulnerable to collapse in a major earthquake would get costly upgrades under sweeping retrofitting rules passed this month by the Los Angeles City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also participating in the NASA-led study were researchers from the University of California, Irvine; Indiana University, Bloomington; UC Davis; and the University of Nevada, Reno.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When the crack epidemic hit South Los Angeles in the '80s and '90s, addiction among low-income residents skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wanda Enix found herself pulled into its vortex in 1992 when her husband phoned her at work in a panic. His niece had just given birth to her fourth child. Due to the mother's drug addiction, the infant was sick and social workers were about to remove her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228750509\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My husband called me and said, 'They’re getting ready to take the kids. What should I do?'” Enix recalled recently in her family home in South Los Angeles. “I said, 'Go with your heart.’ And I came home and I had four kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, 27 percent of all foster children are living with a relative. For California, the number is about 39 percent. But in Los Angeles County, about 52 percent of all foster children are living with a relative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Los Angeles, many foster parents who take in the children of their relatives survive on very limited incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that many of our relative foster parents are living at and below the poverty line,” said Angie Schwartz, attorney for the advocacy group \u003ca href=\"http://kids-alliance.org/\">Alliance for Children’s Rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2015/09/10/53927/as-south-la-families-struggle-to-raise-their-relat/\" target=\"_blank\">Read the full story via KPCC\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the crack epidemic hit South Los Angeles in the '80s and '90s, addiction among low-income residents skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wanda Enix found herself pulled into its vortex in 1992 when her husband phoned her at work in a panic. His niece had just given birth to her fourth child. Due to the mother's drug addiction, the infant was sick and social workers were about to remove her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228750509&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228750509'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My husband called me and said, 'They’re getting ready to take the kids. What should I do?'” Enix recalled recently in her family home in South Los Angeles. “I said, 'Go with your heart.’ And I came home and I had four kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, 27 percent of all foster children are living with a relative. For California, the number is about 39 percent. But in Los Angeles County, about 52 percent of all foster children are living with a relative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "scorching-heat-wave-threat-of-devil-winds-put-southland-fire-crews-on-high-alert",
"title": "Heat Wave, Threat of ‘Devil Winds’ Put Southland Fire Crews on High Alert",
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"content": "\u003cp>Writers and rock bands, from Raymond Chandler and Joan Didion to the Beach Boys and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pdGmXIq5Ho8\">Survivor\u003c/a>, have summoned the seasonal hot blast of Santa Ana winds to imbue their work with a sense of dread and menace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his short story “Red Wind,” Chandler writes of the hot dry winds that sweep down from the mountain passes to curl you hair and set your nerves on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On nights like that every booze party ends in a fight,” he writes. “Meek little wives feel the edge of the carving knife and study their husbands’ necks. Anything can happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228212339″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They call it the Devil Winds,” says Tony Bell, spokesman for L.A. County Supervisor Michael Antonovich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Anas can uproot trees, blow out windows and whip a modest brush fire into a monstrous inferno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hotter than Hades, and when you add on top of that four years of drought, you’re looking at a potential for devastating wildfires,” says Bell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One deadly example is the October, 2006 Esperanza Fire in Riverside County. The arson-ignited inferno was deliberately started at night, just as Santa Ana winds were reaching a fever peak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A crew of five U.S. Forest Service firefighters was pinned down at the top of a ridge and killed by the fast-moving flames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10718790\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Firefighters battle the deadly, wind-fed Esperanza Fire before dawn in the San Jacinto Mountains on October 27, 2006.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10718790\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Firefighters battle the deadly, wind-fed Esperanza Fire before dawn in the San Jacinto Mountains on October 27, 2006. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County beefed up firefighting resources this month, when Santa Ana winds tend to be at their most fierce. That includes leasing a fleet of water-dumping aircraft from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also another seasonal resource for firefighters and for residents in fire-prone parts of the region designed for just this time of year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s called the \u003ca href=\"http://sawti.fs.fed.us/#8/33.995/-119.192\">Santa Ana Wildfire Threat Index\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Forest Service developed the threat index with climate experts at UCLA and San Diego Gas and Electric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Forest Service meteorologist Thomas Rolinski says it uses data culled from past wind events to get a better idea of how incoming Santa Anas will mix with fire-prone conditions on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can measure the severity in terms of how that event is going to impact the fire environment, how likely will it be that we get a major wildfire,” says Rolinski.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”kfrbG60DtcxckZHktLXttUmExsUN6PYT”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The index assigns a color to each threat level. Yellow means a fire may grow rapidly. Orange and it could be tough to contain. Red, it’ll grow really fast and likely get out of control. And finally, purple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re in that kind of threat level, fires are going to be essentially uncontrollable,” says Rolinksi. “Not only because of how fast it’s moving but because the (firefighting) aircraft, in the strong winds, often times are grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like those air tankers L.A. County has on loan from Canada. But Bell’s got his fingers crossed that the winds and the fire won’t materialize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“God willing, they can release all four Super Scoopers in November,” says Bell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then,” he laughs, “all we have to worry about is flooding and landslides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courtesy of what forecasters say could be one of the wettest Southern California winters in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Writers and rock bands, from Raymond Chandler and Joan Didion to the Beach Boys and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pdGmXIq5Ho8\">Survivor\u003c/a>, have summoned the seasonal hot blast of Santa Ana winds to imbue their work with a sense of dread and menace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his short story “Red Wind,” Chandler writes of the hot dry winds that sweep down from the mountain passes to curl you hair and set your nerves on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On nights like that every booze party ends in a fight,” he writes. “Meek little wives feel the edge of the carving knife and study their husbands’ necks. Anything can happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228212339″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228212339″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They call it the Devil Winds,” says Tony Bell, spokesman for L.A. County Supervisor Michael Antonovich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Anas can uproot trees, blow out windows and whip a modest brush fire into a monstrous inferno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hotter than Hades, and when you add on top of that four years of drought, you’re looking at a potential for devastating wildfires,” says Bell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One deadly example is the October, 2006 Esperanza Fire in Riverside County. The arson-ignited inferno was deliberately started at night, just as Santa Ana winds were reaching a fever peak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A crew of five U.S. Forest Service firefighters was pinned down at the top of a ridge and killed by the fast-moving flames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10718790\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Firefighters battle the deadly, wind-fed Esperanza Fire before dawn in the San Jacinto Mountains on October 27, 2006.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10718790\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/EsperanzaFire-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Firefighters battle the deadly, wind-fed Esperanza Fire before dawn in the San Jacinto Mountains on October 27, 2006. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County beefed up firefighting resources this month, when Santa Ana winds tend to be at their most fierce. That includes leasing a fleet of water-dumping aircraft from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also another seasonal resource for firefighters and for residents in fire-prone parts of the region designed for just this time of year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s called the \u003ca href=\"http://sawti.fs.fed.us/#8/33.995/-119.192\">Santa Ana Wildfire Threat Index\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Forest Service developed the threat index with climate experts at UCLA and San Diego Gas and Electric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Forest Service meteorologist Thomas Rolinski says it uses data culled from past wind events to get a better idea of how incoming Santa Anas will mix with fire-prone conditions on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can measure the severity in terms of how that event is going to impact the fire environment, how likely will it be that we get a major wildfire,” says Rolinski.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The index assigns a color to each threat level. Yellow means a fire may grow rapidly. Orange and it could be tough to contain. Red, it’ll grow really fast and likely get out of control. And finally, purple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re in that kind of threat level, fires are going to be essentially uncontrollable,” says Rolinksi. “Not only because of how fast it’s moving but because the (firefighting) aircraft, in the strong winds, often times are grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like those air tankers L.A. County has on loan from Canada. But Bell’s got his fingers crossed that the winds and the fire won’t materialize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“God willing, they can release all four Super Scoopers in November,” says Bell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then,” he laughs, “all we have to worry about is flooding and landslides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courtesy of what forecasters say could be one of the wettest Southern California winters in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Huntington Park Still Roiling Over Appointment of Undocumented Immigrants",
"title": "Huntington Park Still Roiling Over Appointment of Undocumented Immigrants",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/\">Huntington Park’s \u003c/a>main drag, Pacific Boulevard, was once a magnet for people from across South L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locals like Laura Herrera like to talk about how it once rivaled Rodeo Drive in Beverly Hills when it comes to glitzy storefronts and upscale shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days it caters to a largely working-class Latino clientele. Mexican bakeries and q\u003cem>uinceañera\u003c/em> shops sit alongside storefronts with window shingles offering legal services for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a popular local coffeehouse, morning commuters share space with retirees, students and wandering street musicians singing old Mexican ballads for spare change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cafe's name is Tierra Mia, or \"my land\" -- a fitting name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a white enclave just a handful of streetcar stops from downtown Los Angeles, Huntington Park is now around 97 percent Latino. About half of the city’s 59,000 residents were born outside the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/223382935\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a daughter of an immigrant and I know how important it is to have a voice in government,” says Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She used to be one of those voices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera had just begun a second term as a city planning commissioner two months ago when the newly elected City Council decided to disband all active\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/index.aspx?nid=60\"> city commissions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council also took the controversial action of opening commission seats to people who live outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and other commissioners were informed they could reapply, but she says the writing was on the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were removed,” says Herrera, who now intends to run for City Council in 2017. “(They said) there was a lack of good appointees, and that was very offensive to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676607\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676607\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park city council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park City Council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among the new commissioners handpicked by a trio of young new council members were people who helped get them elected, including a campaign consultant who lives in another city and, most controversial of all, two young undocumented immigrants; 21-year-old Julian Zatarain and 28-year-old Francisco Medina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I catch up with Medina by phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says it’s hard to meet up in person because his schedule is so unpredictable. He's got to take work whenever it comes up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever I can get, I can be working construction, tutoring for kids, cleaning,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina’s newest job is a seat on the Huntington Park Health and Education commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to be focusing just on undocumented students,” says Medina, who crossed into the U.S. without papers around 10 years ago. “We’re going to representing all the residents of Huntington Park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina is no stranger to civic participation. He interned for former state Assemblyman Gil Cedillo and also helped out on Cedillo’s campaign for L.A. City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if he knew that Medina was in the country illegally when he hired him, Cedillo says he does not verify the status of unpaid staffers. But he says he supports Medina’s appointment in Huntington Park, and he hopes it sets an example for other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s a young man who has a lot to contribute,” says Cedillo. “He’s bilingual, and he’s reflective of his community, and so there’s no reason why we would not want him to continue his public service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fresh-faced councilman who made the Huntington Park appointments, Jhonny Pineda, did not respond to numerous interview requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.jhonnypineda.com/pr2.html\">press release, \u003c/a>he said the appointments were a way to get undocumented residents more involved in city politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more participation, the more engagement, the more eyes and ears you have paying attention to city politics,” says Loyola Marymount University political science professor Fernando Guerra. “That will create much more transparency, much more responsiveness to the residents, including undocumented immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the patchwork of predominantly Latino communities in and around South L.A., voter turnout is dismally low, public meetings sparsely attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New immigrants may arrive without papers, from places where speaking out can be risky. They keep their heads down. It’s a good recipe for municipal corruption\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bordering city of Bell drew big headlines a few years ago when top officials were caught up in a salary corruption scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just next door in Huntington Park, public officials have also come under scrutiny for alleged, though much less serious, misconduct in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former councilwoman Linda Caraballo worries this new council is cut from the same cloth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve only been on the job less than six months and you have all this ruckus, you have all these people protesting,” says Caraballo, sitting beneath shade trees outside Huntington Park’s stately Mission-style City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676669\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676669\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \u003ccite>(Youtube )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caraballo is talking about the carloads of anti-illegal immigration activists from out of town who have been crowding council chambers to protest the appointment of Medina and Zatarain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the decision to appoint Medina and Zatarain is final, recent public council sessions have devolved into heated, hours-long forums on the pros and cons of illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Opponents are) saying these appointments are unjust. I agree with that,” says Caraballo. “You have many documented people that are very well qualified that could have easily done those jobs. But they immediately went to their friends.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina says he’s heard the allegations of political favoritism and worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably there’s a lot of corruption with Francisco Medina. I wonder how much money he’s going to get out of it,” he says, referring to the kinds of rumors apparently coursing through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help dampen the controversy, Medina and Zatarain agreed to do their jobs without pay, even though they’re eligible for a small stipend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That way there’s not an excuse to say, 'Oh, they’re taking resources from the city,' ” says Medina. “We’re just giving back to our own people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After several weeks of delay, Huntington Park’s newest city commissioners are set to be sworn in sometime next month.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/\">Huntington Park’s \u003c/a>main drag, Pacific Boulevard, was once a magnet for people from across South L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locals like Laura Herrera like to talk about how it once rivaled Rodeo Drive in Beverly Hills when it comes to glitzy storefronts and upscale shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days it caters to a largely working-class Latino clientele. Mexican bakeries and q\u003cem>uinceañera\u003c/em> shops sit alongside storefronts with window shingles offering legal services for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a popular local coffeehouse, morning commuters share space with retirees, students and wandering street musicians singing old Mexican ballads for spare change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cafe's name is Tierra Mia, or \"my land\" -- a fitting name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a white enclave just a handful of streetcar stops from downtown Los Angeles, Huntington Park is now around 97 percent Latino. About half of the city’s 59,000 residents were born outside the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/223382935&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/223382935'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a daughter of an immigrant and I know how important it is to have a voice in government,” says Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She used to be one of those voices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera had just begun a second term as a city planning commissioner two months ago when the newly elected City Council decided to disband all active\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/index.aspx?nid=60\"> city commissions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council also took the controversial action of opening commission seats to people who live outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and other commissioners were informed they could reapply, but she says the writing was on the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were removed,” says Herrera, who now intends to run for City Council in 2017. “(They said) there was a lack of good appointees, and that was very offensive to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676607\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676607\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park city council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park City Council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among the new commissioners handpicked by a trio of young new council members were people who helped get them elected, including a campaign consultant who lives in another city and, most controversial of all, two young undocumented immigrants; 21-year-old Julian Zatarain and 28-year-old Francisco Medina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I catch up with Medina by phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says it’s hard to meet up in person because his schedule is so unpredictable. He's got to take work whenever it comes up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever I can get, I can be working construction, tutoring for kids, cleaning,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina’s newest job is a seat on the Huntington Park Health and Education commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to be focusing just on undocumented students,” says Medina, who crossed into the U.S. without papers around 10 years ago. “We’re going to representing all the residents of Huntington Park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina is no stranger to civic participation. He interned for former state Assemblyman Gil Cedillo and also helped out on Cedillo’s campaign for L.A. City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if he knew that Medina was in the country illegally when he hired him, Cedillo says he does not verify the status of unpaid staffers. But he says he supports Medina’s appointment in Huntington Park, and he hopes it sets an example for other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s a young man who has a lot to contribute,” says Cedillo. “He’s bilingual, and he’s reflective of his community, and so there’s no reason why we would not want him to continue his public service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fresh-faced councilman who made the Huntington Park appointments, Jhonny Pineda, did not respond to numerous interview requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.jhonnypineda.com/pr2.html\">press release, \u003c/a>he said the appointments were a way to get undocumented residents more involved in city politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more participation, the more engagement, the more eyes and ears you have paying attention to city politics,” says Loyola Marymount University political science professor Fernando Guerra. “That will create much more transparency, much more responsiveness to the residents, including undocumented immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the patchwork of predominantly Latino communities in and around South L.A., voter turnout is dismally low, public meetings sparsely attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New immigrants may arrive without papers, from places where speaking out can be risky. They keep their heads down. It’s a good recipe for municipal corruption\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bordering city of Bell drew big headlines a few years ago when top officials were caught up in a salary corruption scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just next door in Huntington Park, public officials have also come under scrutiny for alleged, though much less serious, misconduct in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former councilwoman Linda Caraballo worries this new council is cut from the same cloth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve only been on the job less than six months and you have all this ruckus, you have all these people protesting,” says Caraballo, sitting beneath shade trees outside Huntington Park’s stately Mission-style City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676669\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676669\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \u003ccite>(Youtube )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caraballo is talking about the carloads of anti-illegal immigration activists from out of town who have been crowding council chambers to protest the appointment of Medina and Zatarain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the decision to appoint Medina and Zatarain is final, recent public council sessions have devolved into heated, hours-long forums on the pros and cons of illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Opponents are) saying these appointments are unjust. I agree with that,” says Caraballo. “You have many documented people that are very well qualified that could have easily done those jobs. But they immediately went to their friends.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina says he’s heard the allegations of political favoritism and worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably there’s a lot of corruption with Francisco Medina. I wonder how much money he’s going to get out of it,” he says, referring to the kinds of rumors apparently coursing through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help dampen the controversy, Medina and Zatarain agreed to do their jobs without pay, even though they’re eligible for a small stipend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That way there’s not an excuse to say, 'Oh, they’re taking resources from the city,' ” says Medina. “We’re just giving back to our own people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After several weeks of delay, Huntington Park’s newest city commissioners are set to be sworn in sometime next month.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Presidential candidate Donald Trump's proposal to deport all 11 million immigrants living in the country illegally, along with their U.S.-born children, sounds far-fetched. But something similar happened before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s and into the 1940s, up to 2 million Mexicans and Mexican-Americans were deported or expelled from cities and towns across the U.S. and shipped to Mexico. According to some estimates, more than half of these people were U.S. citizens, born in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a largely forgotten chapter in history that Francisco Balderrama, a California State University historian, documented in \"\u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=1A6iBy_0qacC&source=gbs_book_other_versions\">Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.\u003c/a>\" He co-wrote that book with the late historian Raymond Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a perception in the United States that Mexicans are Mexicans,\" Balderrama said. \"Whether they were American citizens, or whether they were Mexican nationals, in the American mind — that is, in the mind of government officials, in the mind of industry leaders — they're all Mexicans. So ship them home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the Great Depression, when up to a quarter of Americans were unemployed and many believed that Mexicans were taking scarce jobs. In response, federal, state and local officials launched so-called \"repatriation\" campaigns. They held raids in workplaces and in public places, rounded up Mexicans and Mexican-Americans alike, and deported them. The most famous of these was in downtown Los Angeles' Placita Olvera in 1931.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these raids were intended to spread fear throughout Mexican barrios and pressure Mexicans and Mexican-Americans to leave on their own. In many cases, they succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where they didn't, government officials often used coercion to get rid of Mexican-Americans who were U.S. citizens. In Los Angeles, it was standard practice for county social workers to tell those receiving public assistance that they would lose it, and that they would be better off in Mexico. Those social workers would then get tickets for families to travel to Mexico. According to Balderrama's research, one-third of L.A.'s Mexican population was expelled between 1929 and 1944 as a result of these practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what happened to Emilia Castañeda and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was born in Los Angeles in 1926 to immigrant parents. Her mother died while she was growing up, and her father struggled to get work during the Depression. When Castañeda was 9, Los Angeles County paid to put the family on a southbound train to Mexico. They lived with relatives, but often had to sleep outdoors for lack of space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The oldest of the boys, he used to call me a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>,\" Castañeda remembered in a 1971 interview, using the Spanish word for a repatriate. \"And I don't think I felt that I was a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>, because I was an American citizen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda didn't return to the U.S. until she was 17, by which point she had lost much of her English. Her father never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these family separations remain a lasting legacy of the mass deportations of that era. Despite claims by officials at the time that deporting U.S.-born children — along with their immigrant parents — would keep families together, many families were destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esteban Torres was a toddler when his father, a Mexican immigrant, was caught up in a workplace roundup at an Arizona copper mine in the mid-1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My mother, like other wives, waited for the husbands to come home from the mine. But he didn't come home,\" Torres recalled in a recent interview. He now lives east of Los Angeles. \"I was 3 years old. My brother was 2 years old. And we never saw my father again.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres' mother suspected that his father had been targeted because of his efforts to organize miners. That led Esteban Torres to a lifelong involvement with organized labor. He was eventually elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and served there from 1983 to 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Torres serves on the board of \u003ca href=\"http://lapca.org/\">La Plaza de Cultura y Artes\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, a Mexican-American cultural center. In front of it stands a memorial that the state of California dedicated in 2012, apologizing to the hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens who were illegally deported or expelled during the Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was a sorrowful step that this country took,\" Torres said. \"It was a mistake. And for Trump to suggest that we should do it again is ludicrous, stupid and incomprehensible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2015 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Mass+Deportation+May+Sound+Unlikely%2C+But+It%27s+Happened+Before&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Presidential candidate Donald Trump's proposal to deport all 11 million immigrants living in the country illegally, along with their U.S.-born children, sounds far-fetched. But something similar happened before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s and into the 1940s, up to 2 million Mexicans and Mexican-Americans were deported or expelled from cities and towns across the U.S. and shipped to Mexico. According to some estimates, more than half of these people were U.S. citizens, born in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a largely forgotten chapter in history that Francisco Balderrama, a California State University historian, documented in \"\u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=1A6iBy_0qacC&source=gbs_book_other_versions\">Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.\u003c/a>\" He co-wrote that book with the late historian Raymond Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a perception in the United States that Mexicans are Mexicans,\" Balderrama said. \"Whether they were American citizens, or whether they were Mexican nationals, in the American mind — that is, in the mind of government officials, in the mind of industry leaders — they're all Mexicans. So ship them home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the Great Depression, when up to a quarter of Americans were unemployed and many believed that Mexicans were taking scarce jobs. In response, federal, state and local officials launched so-called \"repatriation\" campaigns. They held raids in workplaces and in public places, rounded up Mexicans and Mexican-Americans alike, and deported them. The most famous of these was in downtown Los Angeles' Placita Olvera in 1931.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these raids were intended to spread fear throughout Mexican barrios and pressure Mexicans and Mexican-Americans to leave on their own. In many cases, they succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where they didn't, government officials often used coercion to get rid of Mexican-Americans who were U.S. citizens. In Los Angeles, it was standard practice for county social workers to tell those receiving public assistance that they would lose it, and that they would be better off in Mexico. Those social workers would then get tickets for families to travel to Mexico. According to Balderrama's research, one-third of L.A.'s Mexican population was expelled between 1929 and 1944 as a result of these practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what happened to Emilia Castañeda and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was born in Los Angeles in 1926 to immigrant parents. Her mother died while she was growing up, and her father struggled to get work during the Depression. When Castañeda was 9, Los Angeles County paid to put the family on a southbound train to Mexico. They lived with relatives, but often had to sleep outdoors for lack of space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The oldest of the boys, he used to call me a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>,\" Castañeda remembered in a 1971 interview, using the Spanish word for a repatriate. \"And I don't think I felt that I was a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>, because I was an American citizen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda didn't return to the U.S. until she was 17, by which point she had lost much of her English. Her father never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these family separations remain a lasting legacy of the mass deportations of that era. Despite claims by officials at the time that deporting U.S.-born children — along with their immigrant parents — would keep families together, many families were destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esteban Torres was a toddler when his father, a Mexican immigrant, was caught up in a workplace roundup at an Arizona copper mine in the mid-1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My mother, like other wives, waited for the husbands to come home from the mine. But he didn't come home,\" Torres recalled in a recent interview. He now lives east of Los Angeles. \"I was 3 years old. My brother was 2 years old. And we never saw my father again.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres' mother suspected that his father had been targeted because of his efforts to organize miners. That led Esteban Torres to a lifelong involvement with organized labor. He was eventually elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and served there from 1983 to 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Torres serves on the board of \u003ca href=\"http://lapca.org/\">La Plaza de Cultura y Artes\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, a Mexican-American cultural center. In front of it stands a memorial that the state of California dedicated in 2012, apologizing to the hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens who were illegally deported or expelled during the Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was a sorrowful step that this country took,\" Torres said. \"It was a mistake. And for Trump to suggest that we should do it again is ludicrous, stupid and incomprehensible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2015 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Mass+Deportation+May+Sound+Unlikely%2C+But+It%27s+Happened+Before&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In its pitch to host the 2024 Olympic Games, Los Angeles officials told the U.S. Olympic Committee that Gov. Jerry Brown had \"expressed support for a state financial guarantee for the Games.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, one day after that pitch booklet was made public, it is not clear if Brown actually made such a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The line was deep in the 218-page \"bid book\" that Los Angeles Olympics organizers prepared for the U.S. Olympic Committee. The guarantee is mentioned in a section of the booklet where organizers detail widespread political support for the games, though no one from the governor's or mayor's office could say when Brown expressed such support. Neither office would confirm that a state financial guarantee meant that the state would cover cost overruns, should the games go over budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/221138018\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The sentence you quote re: a 'state financial guarantee' is not accurate,\" Evan Westrup, a spokesman for Brown, wrote in an e-mail, while adding that the governor's administration has stated its \"general support\" for a bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2015/08/26/54001/olympics-bid-book-says-jerry-brown-supported-state/\">Read the full story via KPCC\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In its pitch to host the 2024 Olympic Games, Los Angeles officials told the U.S. Olympic Committee that Gov. Jerry Brown had \"expressed support for a state financial guarantee for the Games.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, one day after that pitch booklet was made public, it is not clear if Brown actually made such a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The line was deep in the 218-page \"bid book\" that Los Angeles Olympics organizers prepared for the U.S. Olympic Committee. The guarantee is mentioned in a section of the booklet where organizers detail widespread political support for the games, though no one from the governor's or mayor's office could say when Brown expressed such support. Neither office would confirm that a state financial guarantee meant that the state would cover cost overruns, should the games go over budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/221138018&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/221138018'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The sentence you quote re: a 'state financial guarantee' is not accurate,\" Evan Westrup, a spokesman for Brown, wrote in an e-mail, while adding that the governor's administration has stated its \"general support\" for a bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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