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"disqusTitle": "Richmond City Council Approves Increase in City's Minimum Wage ",
"title": "Richmond City Council Approves Increase in City's Minimum Wage ",
"headTitle": "Priced Out | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Dan Brekke and Wendi Jonassen\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_82906\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/12/13/nonprofits-wade-into-political-giving/money-piggy-bank-flickr-kenteegarden/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-82906\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-82906 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/12/money-piggy-bank-flickr-kenteegarden.jpg\" alt=\"Flicker/Kenteegarden\" width=\"300\" height=\"204\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flicker/Kenteegarden\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Wednesday, May 7:\u003c/strong> The Richmond City Council voted unanimously Tuesday night to approve an ordinance that will lift the minimum wage for most workers to $12.30 an hour by 2017. The ordinance would not cover workers under age 18, those who receive tips or those who work in businesses with 10 or fewer employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current California minimum wage, $8 an hour, is scheduled to rise by a dollar an hour on July 1 under a law passed last year. The Richmond minimum would rise to $9.60 next Jan. 1, $11.52 on Jan. 1, 2016, and $12.30 starting Jan. 1, 2017. Beginning in 2018, Richmond’s minimum wage would incease annually, based on the Consumer Price Index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.contracostatimes.com/west-county-times/ci_25713188/richmond-takes-step-toward-higher-minimum-wage\" target=\"_blank\">As Robert Rogers of the Contra Costa Times reports\u003c/a>, the council approved the proposal despite opposition from some local businesses. For example:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Nathan Trivers, who owns the Up & Under Pub in Point Richmond, said the ordinance imperils his business and if forced to pay higher wages to some of his 35 employees, he will either have to lay off workers or face closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't know what sword I will have to fall on,\" Trivers said.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Richmond's move came the same evening that the Berkeley City Council backed away from a proposed ordinance to raise the minimum wage on June 30 to $10.74 an hour— a level that would match San Francisco's current minimum wage — then adjust the wage for inflation in subsequent years. A second proposal, withdrawn during last night's meeting, would have raised the minimum to $10 later this year, and then continued with adjustments that would reportedly bring it to $15.25 by 2020. Instead, the council passed a measure to raise the minimum to $10.75 by July 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judith Scherr of the Contra Costa Times says that proponents of the more aggressive increase, including members of the city's Labor Commission, criticized the revised proposal:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"They caved in to the business community,\" Labor Commission Chairman Sam Frankel said as he left the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a real slap on the face of the Labor Commission that worked on this an entire year,\" he told the council earlier. That proposal would have raised the minimum wage to $10.74 in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But business owners, while acknowledging the need for higher worker pay than the state minimum of $8 per hour ($9 per hour in July), said their businesses could fail with increases mandated in earlier iterations of the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This town is made up of independent businesses,\" said Dandy Harris, owner of two Telegraph Avenue enterprises, addressing the council. \"We bring a lot to the community. I want to be here six years from now. I'm not so afraid of $10.75 an hour, but $15.25 an hour scares the crap out of me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many restaurateurs who addressed the council pointed to costs they could not control, such as escalating food costs and rent. Several asked the council to lobby Sacramento for commercial rent control.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The ordinance, which will be up for a second reading on May 20, also calls for further study of the issues. Mayor Tom Bates has proposed that Berkeley get together with other East Bay cities to craft a regional minimum wage to ensure that no city suffers a competitive disadvantage from adopting a higher minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post: \u003c/strong> Richmond and Berkeley are the latest Bay Area cities hoping to increase the minimum wage, adding momentum to an issue being debated through California and around the country. Both cities will be considering ordinances at City Council meetings Tuesday night, while San Francisco and Oakland are also floating ballot measures that will raise the minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates is \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/04/23/berkeley-mayor-proposes-east-bay-regional-minimum-wage/\">pushing for a collaborative effort\u003c/a> to establish an East Bay regional minimum wage plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is really important for us all to be on the same level playing field,\" Bates told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a uniform regional wage increase, Berkeley Councilman Laurie Capitelli said he worries that small businesses may relocate to cities with lower wage standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you have radically different proposals adopted, it is going to be confusing and might led to a real distortion of the marketplace,\" Capitelli said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two approaches to raising Berkeley's minimum wage, currently $8, will be discussed at Tuesday's City Council meeting. Both would eventually tie the city's minimum wage to the Consumer Price Index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, drafted by the city's Commission on Labor, would raise the minimum wage to an estimated $12.25 an hour by June 30, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second proposal, made by Capitelli, would issue wage increases at a slightly slower rate, hitting $12.25 in January 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richmond\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond's ordinance would set a minimum wage of $9 an hour effective July 1, in compliance with state law. The wage would rise to $9.60 next Jan. 1, $11.52 on Jan. 1, 2016, and $12.30 starting Jan. 1, 2017. Beginning in 2018, Richmond’s minimum wage would incease annually, based on the Consumer Price Index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Jovanka Beckles initially campaigned to place the minimum wage increase on the November ballot. But shortly after the debate began, the City Council decided to take it off the ballot and make it a local ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why do we have to wait for public election? Why can't the council just adopt it?” Beckles told KQED. “We don't want people to have to wait to have a wage that is sustainable to live on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday night, the City Council will discuss a city manager's report that includes a survey of local businesses and their response to the wage proposal. The minimum wage in Richmond is currently $8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Statewide Plans\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/09/12/californias-minimum-wage/\">Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation\u003c/a> in September 2013 that increases the state minimum wage to $9 per hour starting July 1, and then up to $10 by 2016. A new bill under consideration could increase wages further, to $13 per hour by 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everybody agrees the minimum wage needs to be raised,” Bates said. “It is just a question of how much and how fast.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Dan Brekke and Wendi Jonassen\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_82906\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/12/13/nonprofits-wade-into-political-giving/money-piggy-bank-flickr-kenteegarden/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-82906\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-82906 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/12/money-piggy-bank-flickr-kenteegarden.jpg\" alt=\"Flicker/Kenteegarden\" width=\"300\" height=\"204\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flicker/Kenteegarden\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Wednesday, May 7:\u003c/strong> The Richmond City Council voted unanimously Tuesday night to approve an ordinance that will lift the minimum wage for most workers to $12.30 an hour by 2017. The ordinance would not cover workers under age 18, those who receive tips or those who work in businesses with 10 or fewer employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current California minimum wage, $8 an hour, is scheduled to rise by a dollar an hour on July 1 under a law passed last year. The Richmond minimum would rise to $9.60 next Jan. 1, $11.52 on Jan. 1, 2016, and $12.30 starting Jan. 1, 2017. Beginning in 2018, Richmond’s minimum wage would incease annually, based on the Consumer Price Index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.contracostatimes.com/west-county-times/ci_25713188/richmond-takes-step-toward-higher-minimum-wage\" target=\"_blank\">As Robert Rogers of the Contra Costa Times reports\u003c/a>, the council approved the proposal despite opposition from some local businesses. For example:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Nathan Trivers, who owns the Up & Under Pub in Point Richmond, said the ordinance imperils his business and if forced to pay higher wages to some of his 35 employees, he will either have to lay off workers or face closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't know what sword I will have to fall on,\" Trivers said.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Richmond's move came the same evening that the Berkeley City Council backed away from a proposed ordinance to raise the minimum wage on June 30 to $10.74 an hour— a level that would match San Francisco's current minimum wage — then adjust the wage for inflation in subsequent years. A second proposal, withdrawn during last night's meeting, would have raised the minimum to $10 later this year, and then continued with adjustments that would reportedly bring it to $15.25 by 2020. Instead, the council passed a measure to raise the minimum to $10.75 by July 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judith Scherr of the Contra Costa Times says that proponents of the more aggressive increase, including members of the city's Labor Commission, criticized the revised proposal:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"They caved in to the business community,\" Labor Commission Chairman Sam Frankel said as he left the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a real slap on the face of the Labor Commission that worked on this an entire year,\" he told the council earlier. That proposal would have raised the minimum wage to $10.74 in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But business owners, while acknowledging the need for higher worker pay than the state minimum of $8 per hour ($9 per hour in July), said their businesses could fail with increases mandated in earlier iterations of the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This town is made up of independent businesses,\" said Dandy Harris, owner of two Telegraph Avenue enterprises, addressing the council. \"We bring a lot to the community. I want to be here six years from now. I'm not so afraid of $10.75 an hour, but $15.25 an hour scares the crap out of me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many restaurateurs who addressed the council pointed to costs they could not control, such as escalating food costs and rent. Several asked the council to lobby Sacramento for commercial rent control.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The ordinance, which will be up for a second reading on May 20, also calls for further study of the issues. Mayor Tom Bates has proposed that Berkeley get together with other East Bay cities to craft a regional minimum wage to ensure that no city suffers a competitive disadvantage from adopting a higher minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post: \u003c/strong> Richmond and Berkeley are the latest Bay Area cities hoping to increase the minimum wage, adding momentum to an issue being debated through California and around the country. Both cities will be considering ordinances at City Council meetings Tuesday night, while San Francisco and Oakland are also floating ballot measures that will raise the minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates is \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/04/23/berkeley-mayor-proposes-east-bay-regional-minimum-wage/\">pushing for a collaborative effort\u003c/a> to establish an East Bay regional minimum wage plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is really important for us all to be on the same level playing field,\" Bates told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a uniform regional wage increase, Berkeley Councilman Laurie Capitelli said he worries that small businesses may relocate to cities with lower wage standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you have radically different proposals adopted, it is going to be confusing and might led to a real distortion of the marketplace,\" Capitelli said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two approaches to raising Berkeley's minimum wage, currently $8, will be discussed at Tuesday's City Council meeting. Both would eventually tie the city's minimum wage to the Consumer Price Index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, drafted by the city's Commission on Labor, would raise the minimum wage to an estimated $12.25 an hour by June 30, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second proposal, made by Capitelli, would issue wage increases at a slightly slower rate, hitting $12.25 in January 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richmond\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond's ordinance would set a minimum wage of $9 an hour effective July 1, in compliance with state law. The wage would rise to $9.60 next Jan. 1, $11.52 on Jan. 1, 2016, and $12.30 starting Jan. 1, 2017. Beginning in 2018, Richmond’s minimum wage would incease annually, based on the Consumer Price Index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Jovanka Beckles initially campaigned to place the minimum wage increase on the November ballot. But shortly after the debate began, the City Council decided to take it off the ballot and make it a local ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why do we have to wait for public election? Why can't the council just adopt it?” Beckles told KQED. “We don't want people to have to wait to have a wage that is sustainable to live on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday night, the City Council will discuss a city manager's report that includes a survey of local businesses and their response to the wage proposal. The minimum wage in Richmond is currently $8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Statewide Plans\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/09/12/californias-minimum-wage/\">Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation\u003c/a> in September 2013 that increases the state minimum wage to $9 per hour starting July 1, and then up to $10 by 2016. A new bill under consideration could increase wages further, to $13 per hour by 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everybody agrees the minimum wage needs to be raised,” Bates said. “It is just a question of how much and how fast.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last week, San Francisco Art Institute (SFAI) President Charles Desmarais sent an email to part-time and temporary faculty about a forthcoming vote over joining the Service Employees International Union (SEIU). SEIU is most widely known for organizing labor unions for healthcare workers, facilities workers, and public services workers; but in recent months the organization has also been working with visiting faculty at Bay Area art schools to create a union for part-time college educators. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Desmarais’ email, the SEIU filed a petition with the National Labor Relations Board seeking an election to determine if part-time and visiting faculty at the Institute wants to be represented. (Disclosure: Having taught as visiting faculty at SFAI last semester, I am among those eligible to vote.) Ballots are scheduled to be mailed out on May 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mills College is also voting presently and Mitchell Schwarzer, President of the Faculty Senate at California College of the Arts recently announced a special meeting scheduled for this evening for all un-ranked faculty “to provide some background information and, more importantly, a forum for discussion on the SEIU union drive.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One longtime educator who wished to remain anonymous surmised, “This is the first time CCA has held a meeting solely for adjuncts in my experience. The union drive is having an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the death of Duquesne University adjunct Margaret Mary Vojtko sparked a national labor debate around conditions for part-time educators, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2013/09/22/224946206/adjunct-professor-dies-destitute-then-sparks-debate\">reported online\u003c/a> by NPR.org. Vojtko had been part-time faculty for 25 years, and at the time of her death she was essentially destitute, lacking insurance to cover extensive medical bills, and nearly homeless. Her tale brought to light the hardships facing part-time faculty and the fact that extreme stories of survival, from living without healthcare to selling plasma to buy food, are frankly commonplace among her counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a radical shift in education in the 1970s, part-time faculty currently represent three-quarters of college instructors and the vast majority of academia. Such positions typically pay between $20,000 and $25,000 annually, and the marketplace for those essentially unstable jobs is becoming increasingly competitive, resulting in educators rallying for new contracts from one semester to the next and/or traveling extreme distances for gigs at remote schools. Meanwhile, visiting educators are paid minimally without benefits or retirement packages, and have little recourse when contracts aren’t renewed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So then, why do it at all? For many the lure of a permanent position, the prestige of the institution and, at the fore, engagement with young minds and scholars invested in the same field, continue to attract new faculty. But the prevalence of horror stories like Vojtko’s has led to a crossroads in academia, with unionization as a viable route to take. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The logic behind a push to unionize multiple schools in the region, as noted in an \u003ca href=\"http://chronicle.com/article/Power-in-Numbers/145863?cid=megamenu\">article\u003c/a> in \u003cem>The Chronicle of Higher Education\u003c/em>, is that “sufficient union saturation of a given local labor market will not only produce big gains at unionized colleges,” it will also pressure non-unionized colleges to improve conditions in the interest of remaining competitive. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The approach seeks to shift labor-market dynamics, turning a buyer’s market in which colleges have broad leeway to set employment terms into a seller’s market in which adjuncts can take the highest bid for their services,” states the article. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, conventional wisdom argues that college administrations are less resistant to the formation of unions when competing schools also adhere to union demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area artist, writer and educator Christian Nagler supports unionizing visiting faculty at SFAI, where he has taught since 2010. Previous political work with a teachers’ union in El Salvador taught him “that organized scholars/writers/artists can have a good, powerful influence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other perspectives are mixed. One educator spoke on the condition of anonymity about being uncomfortable with SEIU’s aggressive campaign after organizers came to her home. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very invested in collective power, but in my experience the part-time faculty union at my school often serves to maintain and intensify a deep fissure between full-time and part-time faculty,” said Shane Aslan Selzer, an artist and union educator at Parsons the New School for Design in New York. “As a small fine arts department, this fissure has the potential to cripple us intellectually and creatively.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selzer’s sentiments echo those in a second email sent from Desmarais to SFAI faculty that included the header “Why I encourage you to vote No to joining SEIU.” In the email Desmarais noted, “There is no guarantee that SEIU would negotiate any better arrangement than could be achieved by working directly and collegially with the SFAI administration. And without the burden of Union rules, requirements, dues, initiation fees, etc.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is hard to know if collective bargaining has the potential to create a shift in working conditions for part-time faculty, but the conversations being generated seem to represent change in itself. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, in addition to a pragmatic push, it’s been an experiment to see if, and what it takes, for artists to organize, to be able to see themselves as part of a larger labor struggle, and to begin to remake the institutions they serve,” said Nagler. “Now that we’re heading towards an election, it will be interesting to see what sort of issues continue to be at the fore among the faculty — God knows it’s been complicated so far! A balance between strategic momentum and making space for idiosyncratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last week, San Francisco Art Institute (SFAI) President Charles Desmarais sent an email to part-time and temporary faculty about a forthcoming vote over joining the Service Employees International Union (SEIU). SEIU is most widely known for organizing labor unions for healthcare workers, facilities workers, and public services workers; but in recent months the organization has also been working with visiting faculty at Bay Area art schools to create a union for part-time college educators. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Desmarais’ email, the SEIU filed a petition with the National Labor Relations Board seeking an election to determine if part-time and visiting faculty at the Institute wants to be represented. (Disclosure: Having taught as visiting faculty at SFAI last semester, I am among those eligible to vote.) Ballots are scheduled to be mailed out on May 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mills College is also voting presently and Mitchell Schwarzer, President of the Faculty Senate at California College of the Arts recently announced a special meeting scheduled for this evening for all un-ranked faculty “to provide some background information and, more importantly, a forum for discussion on the SEIU union drive.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One longtime educator who wished to remain anonymous surmised, “This is the first time CCA has held a meeting solely for adjuncts in my experience. The union drive is having an impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the death of Duquesne University adjunct Margaret Mary Vojtko sparked a national labor debate around conditions for part-time educators, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2013/09/22/224946206/adjunct-professor-dies-destitute-then-sparks-debate\">reported online\u003c/a> by NPR.org. Vojtko had been part-time faculty for 25 years, and at the time of her death she was essentially destitute, lacking insurance to cover extensive medical bills, and nearly homeless. Her tale brought to light the hardships facing part-time faculty and the fact that extreme stories of survival, from living without healthcare to selling plasma to buy food, are frankly commonplace among her counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a radical shift in education in the 1970s, part-time faculty currently represent three-quarters of college instructors and the vast majority of academia. Such positions typically pay between $20,000 and $25,000 annually, and the marketplace for those essentially unstable jobs is becoming increasingly competitive, resulting in educators rallying for new contracts from one semester to the next and/or traveling extreme distances for gigs at remote schools. Meanwhile, visiting educators are paid minimally without benefits or retirement packages, and have little recourse when contracts aren’t renewed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So then, why do it at all? For many the lure of a permanent position, the prestige of the institution and, at the fore, engagement with young minds and scholars invested in the same field, continue to attract new faculty. But the prevalence of horror stories like Vojtko’s has led to a crossroads in academia, with unionization as a viable route to take. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The logic behind a push to unionize multiple schools in the region, as noted in an \u003ca href=\"http://chronicle.com/article/Power-in-Numbers/145863?cid=megamenu\">article\u003c/a> in \u003cem>The Chronicle of Higher Education\u003c/em>, is that “sufficient union saturation of a given local labor market will not only produce big gains at unionized colleges,” it will also pressure non-unionized colleges to improve conditions in the interest of remaining competitive. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The approach seeks to shift labor-market dynamics, turning a buyer’s market in which colleges have broad leeway to set employment terms into a seller’s market in which adjuncts can take the highest bid for their services,” states the article. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, conventional wisdom argues that college administrations are less resistant to the formation of unions when competing schools also adhere to union demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area artist, writer and educator Christian Nagler supports unionizing visiting faculty at SFAI, where he has taught since 2010. Previous political work with a teachers’ union in El Salvador taught him “that organized scholars/writers/artists can have a good, powerful influence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other perspectives are mixed. One educator spoke on the condition of anonymity about being uncomfortable with SEIU’s aggressive campaign after organizers came to her home. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very invested in collective power, but in my experience the part-time faculty union at my school often serves to maintain and intensify a deep fissure between full-time and part-time faculty,” said Shane Aslan Selzer, an artist and union educator at Parsons the New School for Design in New York. “As a small fine arts department, this fissure has the potential to cripple us intellectually and creatively.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selzer’s sentiments echo those in a second email sent from Desmarais to SFAI faculty that included the header “Why I encourage you to vote No to joining SEIU.” In the email Desmarais noted, “There is no guarantee that SEIU would negotiate any better arrangement than could be achieved by working directly and collegially with the SFAI administration. And without the burden of Union rules, requirements, dues, initiation fees, etc.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is hard to know if collective bargaining has the potential to create a shift in working conditions for part-time faculty, but the conversations being generated seem to represent change in itself. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, in addition to a pragmatic push, it’s been an experiment to see if, and what it takes, for artists to organize, to be able to see themselves as part of a larger labor struggle, and to begin to remake the institutions they serve,” said Nagler. “Now that we’re heading towards an election, it will be interesting to see what sort of issues continue to be at the fore among the faculty — God knows it’s been complicated so far! A balance between strategic momentum and making space for idiosyncratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Berkeley Mayor Proposes East Bay Regional Minimum Wage",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Lance Knobel\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/04/22/berkeley-mayor-proposes-east-bay-minimum-wage/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_133578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/restaurant.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-133578\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/restaurant-640x421.png\" alt=\"The speed of adoption of an increased minimum wage has faced pushback from some restaurateurs in Berkeley. (Postcard PR/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"640\" height=\"421\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The speed of adoption of an increased minimum wage has faced pushback from some restaurateurs in Berkeley. (Postcard PR/Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates today proposed that a number of East Bay cities, including Berkeley, join together to enact a regional minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates’ proposal comes little more than a week before the Berkeley City Council holds a special meeting on a citywide minimum wage on May 1. Richmond has already had the first reading of a minimum wage ordinance, and a minimum wage initiative for the November ballot is being circulated in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"I don't want to put our businesses at a disadvantage with regard to neighboring communities.\"\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“There were two major principles in putting this together,” Bates said. “I don’t want to put our businesses at a disadvantage with regard to neighboring communities. It makes sense for everyone to have the same wage. The second thing is that Oakland is the largest city and the city that determines the fate of what the rest of us have to go along with. People tell me that (the Oakland measure) is going to qualify and it’s going to pass. The rest of us ought to tee off that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Oakland measure, the minimum wage would rise to $12.25 in May next year, from the state minimum of $9, a 36 percent increase. That rate would then be adjusted annually to keep up with the local consumer price index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates’ proposed regional minimum wage would provide a more gradual path to Oakland’s goals. He proposes an 11.6 percent increase this November to $10.04, followed by another 11.6 percent increase in April, 2015 to $11.20, followed by an 11.9 percent increase in April, 2016 to reach $12.25. Following that, the rate would be adjusted annually with the CPI (consumer price index).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_133580\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/bates.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-133580\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/bates-300x240.jpg\" alt=\"Bates: “Berkeley needs to be with Oakland.” (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"300\" height=\"240\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bates: “Berkeley needs to be with Oakland.” (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal from the Berkeley Commission on Labor, which forms the basis for the City Council’s meeting next week, calls for a $10.74 minimum wage this year for businesses with fewer than 50 employees and nonprofits (as well as a medical benefit requirement), and an annual CPI adjustment. From 2016, $0.55 is added to the CPI adjustment, until the rate reaches the Berkeley Living Wage, which is currently $13.34 per hour, according to the commission. For “corporate franchises” or businesses with over 50 employees, the commission recommends a minimum wage increase to the Berkeley Living Wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some restaurant owners in Berkeley have been vocal in opposing the labor commission plan, arguing that it raises the rate too rapidly for their businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restaurant people will think the regional plan goes too fast, and the people that are supporting the labor commission will think it’s a sell out,” Bates said. “So maybe it’s the perfect position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates sent the proposal to all elected councilmembers in Oakland, Richmond, Emeryville, Albany and El Cerrito. He said he had discussed the proposal with three Oakland City Council members and one in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reception from all of them is that they liked the idea of a regional minimum wage,” Bates said. “They all agree that’s the ideal. The question is how do we achieve that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley needs to be with Oakland,” Bates said. “I believe this $12.25 is going to happen. We’ve just done it in a smarter way. I think it’s a fair proposal, but if no one else joins us, at least we’ll be connected with Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates said there are other examples of East Bay cities working together. He pointed to the East Bay Public Safety Corridor, the East Bay Green Corridor, the East Bay Arts Corridor and a regional sports complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The logical thing is to work together with our neighbors,” he said. “All of those are things I started. So why not a regional minimum wage?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED News Associate \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a> is an independently owned news website based in Berkeley, Calif. \u003ca href=\"http://eepurl.com/lh_3b\">Click here\u003c/a> if you would you like to receive the latest Berkeley news in your inbox once a day for free with Berkeleyside's Daily Briefing email.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Lance Knobel\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/04/22/berkeley-mayor-proposes-east-bay-minimum-wage/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_133578\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/restaurant.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-133578\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/restaurant-640x421.png\" alt=\"The speed of adoption of an increased minimum wage has faced pushback from some restaurateurs in Berkeley. (Postcard PR/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"640\" height=\"421\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The speed of adoption of an increased minimum wage has faced pushback from some restaurateurs in Berkeley. (Postcard PR/Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Mayor Tom Bates today proposed that a number of East Bay cities, including Berkeley, join together to enact a regional minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates’ proposal comes little more than a week before the Berkeley City Council holds a special meeting on a citywide minimum wage on May 1. Richmond has already had the first reading of a minimum wage ordinance, and a minimum wage initiative for the November ballot is being circulated in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"I don't want to put our businesses at a disadvantage with regard to neighboring communities.\"\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“There were two major principles in putting this together,” Bates said. “I don’t want to put our businesses at a disadvantage with regard to neighboring communities. It makes sense for everyone to have the same wage. The second thing is that Oakland is the largest city and the city that determines the fate of what the rest of us have to go along with. People tell me that (the Oakland measure) is going to qualify and it’s going to pass. The rest of us ought to tee off that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Oakland measure, the minimum wage would rise to $12.25 in May next year, from the state minimum of $9, a 36 percent increase. That rate would then be adjusted annually to keep up with the local consumer price index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates’ proposed regional minimum wage would provide a more gradual path to Oakland’s goals. He proposes an 11.6 percent increase this November to $10.04, followed by another 11.6 percent increase in April, 2015 to $11.20, followed by an 11.9 percent increase in April, 2016 to reach $12.25. Following that, the rate would be adjusted annually with the CPI (consumer price index).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_133580\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/bates.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-133580\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/bates-300x240.jpg\" alt=\"Bates: “Berkeley needs to be with Oakland.” (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"300\" height=\"240\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bates: “Berkeley needs to be with Oakland.” (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal from the Berkeley Commission on Labor, which forms the basis for the City Council’s meeting next week, calls for a $10.74 minimum wage this year for businesses with fewer than 50 employees and nonprofits (as well as a medical benefit requirement), and an annual CPI adjustment. From 2016, $0.55 is added to the CPI adjustment, until the rate reaches the Berkeley Living Wage, which is currently $13.34 per hour, according to the commission. For “corporate franchises” or businesses with over 50 employees, the commission recommends a minimum wage increase to the Berkeley Living Wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some restaurant owners in Berkeley have been vocal in opposing the labor commission plan, arguing that it raises the rate too rapidly for their businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restaurant people will think the regional plan goes too fast, and the people that are supporting the labor commission will think it’s a sell out,” Bates said. “So maybe it’s the perfect position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates sent the proposal to all elected councilmembers in Oakland, Richmond, Emeryville, Albany and El Cerrito. He said he had discussed the proposal with three Oakland City Council members and one in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reception from all of them is that they liked the idea of a regional minimum wage,” Bates said. “They all agree that’s the ideal. The question is how do we achieve that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley needs to be with Oakland,” Bates said. “I believe this $12.25 is going to happen. We’ve just done it in a smarter way. I think it’s a fair proposal, but if no one else joins us, at least we’ll be connected with Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates said there are other examples of East Bay cities working together. He pointed to the East Bay Public Safety Corridor, the East Bay Green Corridor, the East Bay Arts Corridor and a regional sports complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The logical thing is to work together with our neighbors,” he said. “All of those are things I started. So why not a regional minimum wage?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED News Associate \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a> is an independently owned news website based in Berkeley, Calif. \u003ca href=\"http://eepurl.com/lh_3b\">Click here\u003c/a> if you would you like to receive the latest Berkeley news in your inbox once a day for free with Berkeleyside's Daily Briefing email.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "As Policing Technology in California Advances, So Do Privacy Concerns",
"title": "As Policing Technology in California Advances, So Do Privacy Concerns",
"headTitle": "Priced Out | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Ali Winston, \u003cstrong> The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/strong>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_132115\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/WomanArrest.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-132115 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/WomanArrest-640x358.jpg\" alt=\"Officer Rob Halverson of the Chula Vista police verifies the identity of a woman just arrest for possession of narcotics with facial recognition software. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"358\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Officer Rob Halverson of the Chula Vista police verifies the identity of a woman just arrested for possession of narcotics with facial recognition software. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">P\u003c/span>olice Officer Rob Halverson responds to a call for help with a parole check. When he arrives, he finds officers leading a young woman out of a house in handcuffs. Police say they have found narcotics in the house, a violation of her parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halverson pulls out a Samsung tablet and asks the woman to face him. He takes her picture. In the past, to verify her identity, Halverson would have had to drive her to the police station, take her picture, and run it through a San Diego County database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, the facial recognition software on Halverson’s tablet allows him to verify the woman’s identity as he stands on her front lawn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I look at her booking photos, and that's her,” said Halverson, pointing at the tablet. “So I’m able to verify that she’s the right person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"91eed1a1b9b0c9f24048ef99f1464aa9\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The software on Halverson’s tablet is made by \u003ca href=\"http://www.facefirst.com/\" target=\"_blank\">FaceFirst\u003c/a>, a Camarillo-based company. In an interview, CEO Joe Rosenkrantz said his firm uses an algorithm to analyze facial images by comparing the distance between key points on a person’s face, like from chin to ear or between the eyes. He said the error rate is minimal – he claims it’s less than 1 percent of images scanned – and law-abiding people shouldn't feel threatened by the technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are not in a database or somebody who's legitimately being sought out, whether it's a criminal database or some type of watch list, you really have nothing to worry about,” Rosenkrantz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition is only part of a wider technological shift in policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement agencies around the state are creating databases of information gathered from license-plate readers, which are mounted on police cars or fixed objects and use high-resolution cameras to take pictures of vehicles. Police say license-plate databases help them track criminals and identify stolen cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Law Enforcement Data Collection Leads to Privacy Concerns\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nFor many, the rapid changes in law enforcement technology – and the huge amount of data now collected and stored by local police, private companies and governments – raise troubling questions. Peter Biebring, senior staff attorney for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclusocal.org/\" target=\"_blank\">American Civil Liberties Union\u003c/a> of Southern California, said the devices let police gather data about the personal lives of law-abiding citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not just obviously where they live and work, but if they go to a psychiatrist, if they go to AA meetings, if they go to political meetings – potentially, if they have a mistress or any manner of details about their personal life,” Bibring said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Technology developed for war and for foreign intelligence is being deployed in local communities – I think that's something that should give us pause.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California law has no strict limits for how long police can keep such data. There also are few regulations governing the use of so-called stingray devices, which mimic cellphone towers and allow police to gather information from all wireless devices in the area. Police in San Jose, San Francisco, Oakland, San Diego and Los Angeles have purchased such equipment, documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy advocates say they are concerned not just about individual rights, but also about what happens when police are able to mine data from all these technologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concern that technology developed for war and for foreign intelligence is being deployed in local communities – I think that's something that should give us pause and is reason to scrutinize these technologies closely and ask if the technologies are really compatible with the kind of society we want to live in,” Bibring said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Convergence of Surveillance Technologies\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest trend in policing is to merge all of these technologies into one location where police can monitor and analyze the data using sophisticated software. Oakland's proposed Domain Awareness Center was scaled back in March after sustained protests. The Los Angeles Police Department has been running a similar center since 2009 called the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lapdonline.org/september_2009/news_view/42863\" target=\"_blank\">Real-Time Analysis and Critical Response Division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the facility, police watch data from camera feeds, license-plate readers, crime reports and GPS ankle monitors worn by paroled sex offenders and gang members. The center also has access to the regional license-plate database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re constantly trying to keep a pulse on the city,” said Capt. John Romero, who runs the division. He describes it as a digital command post that enhances the department's “ready war-making capability” – or how they deploy officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ana Muniz, a researcher with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.youth4justice.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Youth Justice Coalition\u003c/a> in Inglewood, said the use of technology and tactics once reserved for the military has migrated from gang policing to entire police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_132142\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 322px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/networksurveillance.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-132142 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/networksurveillance-640x357.jpg\" alt=\"In Los Angeles, police monitor about 1,000 cameras in the city. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"322\" height=\"180\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Los Angeles, police monitor about 1,000 cameras in the city. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People who haven't normally been targeted for surveillance are now starting to experience some portion of what poor communities of color have been experiencing their whole lives,” Muniz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement officials say that in a technology-centric world, they need to collect and monitor far more information than before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Sena, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://ncric.org/default.aspx?AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1\" target=\"_blank\">Northern California Regional Intelligence Center\u003c/a>, said such technologies need strict guidelines – and the public’s trust. Sena’s operation is one of the \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org/reports/what-fusion-center-2951\" target=\"_blank\">78 fusion centers\u003c/a> that were set up around the country after 9/11. While the center doesn't monitor cameras, it maintains a database of license-plate reader information and coordinates the use of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/13/129328/\" target=\"_blank\">stingrays\u003c/a> by local police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don't have the trust of the public in what we do – information-sharing and intelligence – then we can't do information-sharing and intelligence,” Sena said. “The Constitution is in place for a reason, and the Bill of Rights is in place for a reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sena has his own concerns with the privacy challenges brought about by technological advances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants an Orwellian society where people are under constant surveillance,” he said. “I still have issues with – and many people do – with the fact that privacy has kind of been redefined in the last decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-132136\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/cirlogo-640x267.jpg\" alt=\"cirlogo\" width=\"230\" height=\"96\">\u003c/a>This story was produced by the independent, nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>, the country’s largest investigative reporting team, in collaboration with KQED. For more, visit\u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org\" target=\"_blank\"> cironline.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Ali Winston, \u003cstrong> The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/strong>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_132115\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/WomanArrest.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-132115 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/WomanArrest-640x358.jpg\" alt=\"Officer Rob Halverson of the Chula Vista police verifies the identity of a woman just arrest for possession of narcotics with facial recognition software. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"640\" height=\"358\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Officer Rob Halverson of the Chula Vista police verifies the identity of a woman just arrested for possession of narcotics with facial recognition software. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">P\u003c/span>olice Officer Rob Halverson responds to a call for help with a parole check. When he arrives, he finds officers leading a young woman out of a house in handcuffs. Police say they have found narcotics in the house, a violation of her parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halverson pulls out a Samsung tablet and asks the woman to face him. He takes her picture. In the past, to verify her identity, Halverson would have had to drive her to the police station, take her picture, and run it through a San Diego County database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, the facial recognition software on Halverson’s tablet allows him to verify the woman’s identity as he stands on her front lawn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I look at her booking photos, and that's her,” said Halverson, pointing at the tablet. “So I’m able to verify that she’s the right person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The software on Halverson’s tablet is made by \u003ca href=\"http://www.facefirst.com/\" target=\"_blank\">FaceFirst\u003c/a>, a Camarillo-based company. In an interview, CEO Joe Rosenkrantz said his firm uses an algorithm to analyze facial images by comparing the distance between key points on a person’s face, like from chin to ear or between the eyes. He said the error rate is minimal – he claims it’s less than 1 percent of images scanned – and law-abiding people shouldn't feel threatened by the technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are not in a database or somebody who's legitimately being sought out, whether it's a criminal database or some type of watch list, you really have nothing to worry about,” Rosenkrantz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition is only part of a wider technological shift in policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement agencies around the state are creating databases of information gathered from license-plate readers, which are mounted on police cars or fixed objects and use high-resolution cameras to take pictures of vehicles. Police say license-plate databases help them track criminals and identify stolen cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Law Enforcement Data Collection Leads to Privacy Concerns\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nFor many, the rapid changes in law enforcement technology – and the huge amount of data now collected and stored by local police, private companies and governments – raise troubling questions. Peter Biebring, senior staff attorney for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclusocal.org/\" target=\"_blank\">American Civil Liberties Union\u003c/a> of Southern California, said the devices let police gather data about the personal lives of law-abiding citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not just obviously where they live and work, but if they go to a psychiatrist, if they go to AA meetings, if they go to political meetings – potentially, if they have a mistress or any manner of details about their personal life,” Bibring said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Technology developed for war and for foreign intelligence is being deployed in local communities – I think that's something that should give us pause.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California law has no strict limits for how long police can keep such data. There also are few regulations governing the use of so-called stingray devices, which mimic cellphone towers and allow police to gather information from all wireless devices in the area. Police in San Jose, San Francisco, Oakland, San Diego and Los Angeles have purchased such equipment, documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy advocates say they are concerned not just about individual rights, but also about what happens when police are able to mine data from all these technologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concern that technology developed for war and for foreign intelligence is being deployed in local communities – I think that's something that should give us pause and is reason to scrutinize these technologies closely and ask if the technologies are really compatible with the kind of society we want to live in,” Bibring said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Convergence of Surveillance Technologies\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest trend in policing is to merge all of these technologies into one location where police can monitor and analyze the data using sophisticated software. Oakland's proposed Domain Awareness Center was scaled back in March after sustained protests. The Los Angeles Police Department has been running a similar center since 2009 called the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lapdonline.org/september_2009/news_view/42863\" target=\"_blank\">Real-Time Analysis and Critical Response Division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the facility, police watch data from camera feeds, license-plate readers, crime reports and GPS ankle monitors worn by paroled sex offenders and gang members. The center also has access to the regional license-plate database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re constantly trying to keep a pulse on the city,” said Capt. John Romero, who runs the division. He describes it as a digital command post that enhances the department's “ready war-making capability” – or how they deploy officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ana Muniz, a researcher with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.youth4justice.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Youth Justice Coalition\u003c/a> in Inglewood, said the use of technology and tactics once reserved for the military has migrated from gang policing to entire police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_132142\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 322px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/networksurveillance.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-132142 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/networksurveillance-640x357.jpg\" alt=\"In Los Angeles, police monitor about 1,000 cameras in the city. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"322\" height=\"180\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Los Angeles, police monitor about 1,000 cameras in the city. (Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People who haven't normally been targeted for surveillance are now starting to experience some portion of what poor communities of color have been experiencing their whole lives,” Muniz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement officials say that in a technology-centric world, they need to collect and monitor far more information than before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Sena, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://ncric.org/default.aspx?AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1\" target=\"_blank\">Northern California Regional Intelligence Center\u003c/a>, said such technologies need strict guidelines – and the public’s trust. Sena’s operation is one of the \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org/reports/what-fusion-center-2951\" target=\"_blank\">78 fusion centers\u003c/a> that were set up around the country after 9/11. While the center doesn't monitor cameras, it maintains a database of license-plate reader information and coordinates the use of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/13/129328/\" target=\"_blank\">stingrays\u003c/a> by local police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don't have the trust of the public in what we do – information-sharing and intelligence – then we can't do information-sharing and intelligence,” Sena said. “The Constitution is in place for a reason, and the Bill of Rights is in place for a reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sena has his own concerns with the privacy challenges brought about by technological advances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants an Orwellian society where people are under constant surveillance,” he said. “I still have issues with – and many people do – with the fact that privacy has kind of been redefined in the last decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "silicon-valley-spends-big-bucks-lobbying-in-washington-dc",
"title": "Silicon Valley Spends Big Bucks Lobbying in Washington, D.C.",
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"headTitle": "Silicon Valley Spends Big Bucks Lobbying in Washington, D.C. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_131168\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-131168\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/RS2361_108330194-lpr-300x300.jpg\" alt=\"In 2013, Big Tech was the No.4 Big Spender on lobbying, behind Big Health, Big Insurance and Big Oil & Gas. (Saul Loeb/Getty Images)\" width=\"300\" height=\"300\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 2013, Big Tech was the No.4 Big Spender on lobbying, behind Big Health, Big Insurance and Big Oil & Gas. (Saul Loeb/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/archive/R201404020850/c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Listen to the story on The California Report\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.eventbrite.com/directory?q=startup+event&loc=Washington%2C+DC\">delegation\u003c/a> of representatives from Silicon Valley start-ups is making the rounds in Washington, D.C., to press for patent reform legislation. Even in an election year, proponents are optimistic they can garner bipartisan support to tackle what many consider a cancer in high tech: \u003ca href=\"http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/441/when-patents-attack\">patent lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Samuels is executive director of the group organizing this week’s lobbying trip: \u003ca href=\"http://engine.is/\">Engine\u003c/a>. “The House of Representatives last December passed a bill, and the White House has already said it would sign it. And it looks like the Senate is hopefully going to pass a similar bill that will make this better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engine goes to bat for small firms in tech — as opposed to, say, \u003ca href=\"http://www.fwd.us/about_us\">Fwd.us\u003c/a> a lobbying organization that’s garnered national attention with big names like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, Marissa Mayer of Yahoo and Bill Gates of Microsoft. Samuels says tech companies big and small share many of the same interests: patent reform, net neutrality, cybersecurity, copyrights, taxes and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list is growing, along with Silicon Valley’s clout in the nation’s capital. Sarah Bryner is research director at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/\">Center for Responsive Politics\u003c/a>, a campaign finance watchdog. She says that in 2013 Big Tech was the \u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/top.php?indexType=i&showYear=2013\">#4 Big Spende\u003c/a>r on lobbying, behind Big Health, Big Insurance and Big Oil & Gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ctable class=\"tableizer-table\">\n\u003ctbody>\n\u003ctr class=\"tableizer-firstrow\">\n\u003cth>Industry\u003c/th>\n\u003cth>Total\u003c/th>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Pharmaceuticals/Health Products\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$225,715,937\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Insurance\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$153,116,559\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Oil & Gas\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$144,682,462\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>\u003cstrong>Computers/Internet\u003c/strong>\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>\u003cstrong>$140,297,606\u003c/strong>\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Electric Utilities\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$129,618,239\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>TV/Movies/Music\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$117,972,447\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Business Associations\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$108,371,903\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003c/tbody>\n\u003c/table>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/top.php?indexType=i&showYear=2013\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">See the full report.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since 1998, which is the earliest year that I have data for, the industry has increased their lobbying by 258 percent, and that’s more than double the rate at which the lobbying industry as a whole has increased their activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley has been lobbying in Washington, D.C., for a half-century now. \u003ca href=\"http://www8.hp.com/us/en/hp-information/about-hp/history/overview.html\">Hewlett-Packard\u003c/a>, one of the first major Valley firms\u003ca href=\"http://www8.hp.com/us/en/hp-information/about-hp/history/overview.html\">,\u003c/a> was a military contractor. One of its co-founders, \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Packard\">David Packard\u003c/a>, served in the Defense Department during the Nixon administration. Bryner says the \u003cem>kinds\u003c/em> of tech companies that \u003cem>top\u003c/em> the list of big spenders have changed as the industry has changed over the years: from a focus on hardware, to software, to social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You still have traditional tech companies like IBM and Oracle and HP all at the top. But now, you see not necessarily newer — but newer to the game — players like Yahoo, and Facebook is climbing, and Twitter just hired a lobbyist this last year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Google was No.1 by a wide margin, having spent $14 million on lobbying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ctable class=\"tableizer-table\">\n\u003ctbody>\n\u003ctr class=\"tableizer-firstrow\">\n\u003cth>Client/Parent\u003c/th>\n\u003cth>Total\u003c/th>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Google Inc\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$14,060,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Microsoft Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$10,490,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Oracle Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,190,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Hewlett-Packard\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,921,692\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Facebook Inc\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,430,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>IBM Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,950,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Entertainment Software Assn\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,210,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Intel Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$4,393,750\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Amazon.com\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$3,456,831\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Apple Inc\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$3,370,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003c/tbody>\n\u003c/table>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=B12&year=2013\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">See the full report.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google actually is one of the few companies that hired a former member of Congress on their own staff to do lobbying,” Bryner notes. “Most companies that hire [former] members of Congress do so using lobbying firms based in D.C., but Google \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/03/business/susan-molinari-adds-to-googles-political-firepower.html?pagewanted=all\">hired Susan Molinari\u003c/a> of New York from their own payroll. And that’s unusual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, all the big tech companies hire professional schmoozers, including former politicians, to cultivate relationships. They offer advice on bills and on anything else of interest to industry – like regulations and government contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone sort of thinks of lobbying as sort of men in suits talking to Congress people in the hallways,” Bryner says, “but there’s a lot of lobbying of the administration. Including the White House. Even though President Obama has sort of made it a policy to not invite lobbyists to the White House, lobbying of the presidency has increased in the last several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last several years, it’s become increasingly difficult to get legislation through Congress. Individually and through groups, tech titans have spent a lot of money trying to get comprehensive immigration reform passed -– to no avail. But they’re still spending, holding private fundraisers here in Northern California for key Democrats –- and Republicans –- from all over the country. Just a couple of weeks ago, House Judiciary Committee Chair Bob Goodlatte \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/archive/R201403190850/a\">paid a visit to the Bay Area\u003c/a> for the latest in a series of private fundraisers put on by TechNet, a bipartisan network of tech executives.\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_130989\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/31/silicon-valley-the-4-lobbying-force-in-washington-dc/img_6883/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-130989\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-130989 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/03/IMG_6883-640x360.jpg\" alt=\"Attendees at a recent Fwd.us panel discussion fortify themselves for a long wait on immigration reform in Washington, D.C. (Credit: Fwd.us/Lucas Waldron)\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees at a recent Fwd.us panel discussion fortify themselves for a long wait on immigration reform in Washington, D.C. (Credit: Fwd.us/Lucas Waldron)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last week, Julie Samuels, from Engine, moderated yet another panel discussion in San Francisco on the challenge of expanding the labor pool in tech. Right off the bat, she acknowledged the argument that companies should do more to find and cultivate homegrown talent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to find good engineers, and there are two sides of this. It’s the businesses who can’t find people, but it’s also the people who want to be there and can’t get there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was held at a start-up incubator called \u003ca href=\"http://www.parisoma.com/\">PariSoma\u003c/a>, and organized by Fwd.us. The crowd was young, hip and international. Mexican native Miguel Cervera is a software engineer at \u003ca href=\"@MiguelCervera\">Twitter\u003c/a>. Over sliders and beer, the 23-year-old expressed distress over the lack of movement on immigration reform.\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see for the people to stop thinking that we are coming here to steal jobs,” Cervera said. “As an immigrant, that’s how I feel, that –- maybe not here in the city, the city is really open in that aspect — but in other places, I feel like if I am Mexican, and I am coming here, they think I am here to steal some other U.S. citizens’ jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even outside Silicon Valley, American opinion may be changing faster than Cervera realizes. A February bipartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.fwd.us/poll_support_immigration_reform\">poll\u003c/a> that Fwd.us likes to quote found a thousand likely general election voters nationwide overwhelmingly support immigration reform. Whatever happens in D.C. – or doesn’t – Silicon Valley money is working hard to keep immigration reform near the top of the legislative agenda. Patent reform, however, could graduate from the Senate Judiciary Committee as early as this month.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_131168\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-131168\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/RS2361_108330194-lpr-300x300.jpg\" alt=\"In 2013, Big Tech was the No.4 Big Spender on lobbying, behind Big Health, Big Insurance and Big Oil & Gas. (Saul Loeb/Getty Images)\" width=\"300\" height=\"300\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 2013, Big Tech was the No.4 Big Spender on lobbying, behind Big Health, Big Insurance and Big Oil & Gas. (Saul Loeb/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/archive/R201404020850/c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Listen to the story on The California Report\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.eventbrite.com/directory?q=startup+event&loc=Washington%2C+DC\">delegation\u003c/a> of representatives from Silicon Valley start-ups is making the rounds in Washington, D.C., to press for patent reform legislation. Even in an election year, proponents are optimistic they can garner bipartisan support to tackle what many consider a cancer in high tech: \u003ca href=\"http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/441/when-patents-attack\">patent lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Samuels is executive director of the group organizing this week’s lobbying trip: \u003ca href=\"http://engine.is/\">Engine\u003c/a>. “The House of Representatives last December passed a bill, and the White House has already said it would sign it. And it looks like the Senate is hopefully going to pass a similar bill that will make this better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engine goes to bat for small firms in tech — as opposed to, say, \u003ca href=\"http://www.fwd.us/about_us\">Fwd.us\u003c/a> a lobbying organization that’s garnered national attention with big names like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, Marissa Mayer of Yahoo and Bill Gates of Microsoft. Samuels says tech companies big and small share many of the same interests: patent reform, net neutrality, cybersecurity, copyrights, taxes and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list is growing, along with Silicon Valley’s clout in the nation’s capital. Sarah Bryner is research director at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/\">Center for Responsive Politics\u003c/a>, a campaign finance watchdog. She says that in 2013 Big Tech was the \u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/top.php?indexType=i&showYear=2013\">#4 Big Spende\u003c/a>r on lobbying, behind Big Health, Big Insurance and Big Oil & Gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ctable class=\"tableizer-table\">\n\u003ctbody>\n\u003ctr class=\"tableizer-firstrow\">\n\u003cth>Industry\u003c/th>\n\u003cth>Total\u003c/th>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Pharmaceuticals/Health Products\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$225,715,937\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Insurance\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$153,116,559\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Oil & Gas\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$144,682,462\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>\u003cstrong>Computers/Internet\u003c/strong>\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>\u003cstrong>$140,297,606\u003c/strong>\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Electric Utilities\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$129,618,239\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>TV/Movies/Music\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$117,972,447\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Business Associations\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$108,371,903\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003c/tbody>\n\u003c/table>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/top.php?indexType=i&showYear=2013\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">See the full report.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since 1998, which is the earliest year that I have data for, the industry has increased their lobbying by 258 percent, and that’s more than double the rate at which the lobbying industry as a whole has increased their activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley has been lobbying in Washington, D.C., for a half-century now. \u003ca href=\"http://www8.hp.com/us/en/hp-information/about-hp/history/overview.html\">Hewlett-Packard\u003c/a>, one of the first major Valley firms\u003ca href=\"http://www8.hp.com/us/en/hp-information/about-hp/history/overview.html\">,\u003c/a> was a military contractor. One of its co-founders, \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Packard\">David Packard\u003c/a>, served in the Defense Department during the Nixon administration. Bryner says the \u003cem>kinds\u003c/em> of tech companies that \u003cem>top\u003c/em> the list of big spenders have changed as the industry has changed over the years: from a focus on hardware, to software, to social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You still have traditional tech companies like IBM and Oracle and HP all at the top. But now, you see not necessarily newer — but newer to the game — players like Yahoo, and Facebook is climbing, and Twitter just hired a lobbyist this last year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Google was No.1 by a wide margin, having spent $14 million on lobbying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ctable class=\"tableizer-table\">\n\u003ctbody>\n\u003ctr class=\"tableizer-firstrow\">\n\u003cth>Client/Parent\u003c/th>\n\u003cth>Total\u003c/th>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Google Inc\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$14,060,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Microsoft Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$10,490,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Oracle Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$7,190,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Hewlett-Packard\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,921,692\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Facebook Inc\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$6,430,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>IBM Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,950,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Entertainment Software Assn\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$5,210,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Intel Corp\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$4,393,750\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Amazon.com\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$3,456,831\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003ctr>\n\u003ctd>Apple Inc\u003c/td>\n\u003ctd>$3,370,000\u003c/td>\n\u003c/tr>\n\u003c/tbody>\n\u003c/table>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=B12&year=2013\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">See the full report.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google actually is one of the few companies that hired a former member of Congress on their own staff to do lobbying,” Bryner notes. “Most companies that hire [former] members of Congress do so using lobbying firms based in D.C., but Google \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/03/business/susan-molinari-adds-to-googles-political-firepower.html?pagewanted=all\">hired Susan Molinari\u003c/a> of New York from their own payroll. And that’s unusual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, all the big tech companies hire professional schmoozers, including former politicians, to cultivate relationships. They offer advice on bills and on anything else of interest to industry – like regulations and government contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone sort of thinks of lobbying as sort of men in suits talking to Congress people in the hallways,” Bryner says, “but there’s a lot of lobbying of the administration. Including the White House. Even though President Obama has sort of made it a policy to not invite lobbyists to the White House, lobbying of the presidency has increased in the last several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last several years, it’s become increasingly difficult to get legislation through Congress. Individually and through groups, tech titans have spent a lot of money trying to get comprehensive immigration reform passed -– to no avail. But they’re still spending, holding private fundraisers here in Northern California for key Democrats –- and Republicans –- from all over the country. Just a couple of weeks ago, House Judiciary Committee Chair Bob Goodlatte \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/archive/R201403190850/a\">paid a visit to the Bay Area\u003c/a> for the latest in a series of private fundraisers put on by TechNet, a bipartisan network of tech executives.\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_130989\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/31/silicon-valley-the-4-lobbying-force-in-washington-dc/img_6883/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-130989\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-130989 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/03/IMG_6883-640x360.jpg\" alt=\"Attendees at a recent Fwd.us panel discussion fortify themselves for a long wait on immigration reform in Washington, D.C. (Credit: Fwd.us/Lucas Waldron)\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees at a recent Fwd.us panel discussion fortify themselves for a long wait on immigration reform in Washington, D.C. (Credit: Fwd.us/Lucas Waldron)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last week, Julie Samuels, from Engine, moderated yet another panel discussion in San Francisco on the challenge of expanding the labor pool in tech. Right off the bat, she acknowledged the argument that companies should do more to find and cultivate homegrown talent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to find good engineers, and there are two sides of this. It’s the businesses who can’t find people, but it’s also the people who want to be there and can’t get there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was held at a start-up incubator called \u003ca href=\"http://www.parisoma.com/\">PariSoma\u003c/a>, and organized by Fwd.us. The crowd was young, hip and international. Mexican native Miguel Cervera is a software engineer at \u003ca href=\"@MiguelCervera\">Twitter\u003c/a>. Over sliders and beer, the 23-year-old expressed distress over the lack of movement on immigration reform.\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see for the people to stop thinking that we are coming here to steal jobs,” Cervera said. “As an immigrant, that’s how I feel, that –- maybe not here in the city, the city is really open in that aspect — but in other places, I feel like if I am Mexican, and I am coming here, they think I am here to steal some other U.S. citizens’ jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even outside Silicon Valley, American opinion may be changing faster than Cervera realizes. A February bipartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.fwd.us/poll_support_immigration_reform\">poll\u003c/a> that Fwd.us likes to quote found a thousand likely general election voters nationwide overwhelmingly support immigration reform. Whatever happens in D.C. – or doesn’t – Silicon Valley money is working hard to keep immigration reform near the top of the legislative agenda. Patent reform, however, could graduate from the Senate Judiciary Committee as early as this month.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Drought Impacts Central Valley School Enrollment While Debate Over Relief Continues",
"title": "Drought Impacts Central Valley School Enrollment While Debate Over Relief Continues",
"headTitle": "News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129933\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/03/RS9385_467472193-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-129933\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/03/RS9385_467472193-lpr-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"A dog hangs around an abandoned farmhouse on February 6, 2014 near Bakersfield, California. (David McNew/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A dog hangs around an abandoned farmhouse on Feb. 6, 2014, near Bakersfield. (David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While members of Congress visited Fresno on Wednesday to discuss what to do about California's dwindling water supply, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Torlakson announced that the drought is beginning to impact school enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less planting means less demand for farm work, and some of the families of migrant workers are moving from the Central Valley to where there is work.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'What are parents going to do? At a certain point they’re going to leave.'\u003ccite> State Superintendent Tom Torlakson\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"'No water, no jobs.' We see those signs on the freeway, but that translates further to (if there are) no jobs, what are parents going to do? At a certain point they're going to leave,\" Torlakson told KQED's Central Bureau Chief Sasha Khokha in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools receive funding based on student attendance, so when attendance drops, revenue normally does, too. Torlakson said that the state will provide aid to local districts seeing declining enrollment because of the drought. While the state won't provide new money, it will provide the funding school districts would have received if students had not left. Torlakson said the California Department of Education will work with school districts and state senators to determine what districts experience an enrollment decline due to the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superintendent said the drought is affecting students and their families in other ways, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're also seeing the social impact of this crisis where families are doubling up. Farmworker families that have no work, two or three families are living in the same small space so those crowded conditions can lead to conflict, to stress, to the inability to concentrate and do your homework,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/140449652&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Farmers protest in Fresno\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House Natural Resources Committee was greeted by hundreds of farmworkers at Fresno City Hall protesting what they say are unfair water allotments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers held signs that read, \"Warning: No Water! No Food!\" and, \"Water — the hub of life.\" Chants of \"Water! Water!\" rang out in English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven Republican members of the committee — and one Democrat — were on hand to hear statements from invited witnesses who mostly blasted federal policies relating to water shipments to San Joaquin Valley agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"fbd57e7a3f9916ede34c61a3d74f05d9\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans passed a water bill earlier this year that would impose sweeping changes on California water law and suspend endangered species protections for fish, among other measures, to get more water shipped quickly through the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta. Democrats in the Senate have passed a drought relief package without those provisions but focusing on how to transfer water more efficiently among rights-holders and provide emergency relief to communities hurt by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Jim Costa of Fresno was the only Democrat to attend the meeting. In \u003ca href=\"http://costa.house.gov/index.php/2014-press-releases/1027-costa-cooperation-only-way-to-bring-valley-more-water\" target=\"_blank\">a statement\u003c/a> Tuesday, he called for a more bipartisan approach to dealing with the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is my hope that we will hear more about common ground and solutions that will bring more water to this valley instead of rehashing the tired, partisan battles over California water,\" Costa wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But several California Republicans in Congress \u003ca href=\"http://mavensnotebook.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/CA-Delegation-Letter-FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">sent a letter\u003c/a> on Tuesday to President Obama and Gov. Jerry Brown urging them to act now to get more water to the valley. Regulations aimed at protecting endangered fish allowed 445,000 acre-feet of water from February rains to be lost into the ocean, the letter said. House Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy, who was among 13 to sign the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Given that communities in Central and Southern California are struggling to meet water needs and farmers are fallowing hundreds of thousands of acres of land that feed our state and country,\" the letter said, \"loss of this water is absolutely unacceptable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Could a new reservoir help?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the town of Maxwell, in the Sacramento Valley, Democratic Rep. John Garamendi and Republican Rep. Doug LaMalfa announced a bill proposing to build a new reservoir north of Sacramento. With a storage capacity of 1.9 million acre-feet, it would be about the same size as the San Luis Reservoir near Los Banos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which has been studied for years, is to wall off a remote valley just about halfway between Sacramento and Redding, and fill it with water from the Sacramento River when runoff is high. They hope construction can start next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the bill would not guarantee federal funding for the reservoir, which the lawmakers say will cost between $2 billion and $3 billion, although they said federal money could be available later. Likely sources of money are local water districts that will benefit from the reservoir and a state bond that is being negotiated for the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from Sasha Khokha, Craig Miller and Mina Kim of KQED News, and the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129933\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/03/RS9385_467472193-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-129933\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/03/RS9385_467472193-lpr-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"A dog hangs around an abandoned farmhouse on February 6, 2014 near Bakersfield, California. (David McNew/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A dog hangs around an abandoned farmhouse on Feb. 6, 2014, near Bakersfield. (David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While members of Congress visited Fresno on Wednesday to discuss what to do about California's dwindling water supply, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Torlakson announced that the drought is beginning to impact school enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less planting means less demand for farm work, and some of the families of migrant workers are moving from the Central Valley to where there is work.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'What are parents going to do? At a certain point they’re going to leave.'\u003ccite> State Superintendent Tom Torlakson\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"'No water, no jobs.' We see those signs on the freeway, but that translates further to (if there are) no jobs, what are parents going to do? At a certain point they're going to leave,\" Torlakson told KQED's Central Bureau Chief Sasha Khokha in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools receive funding based on student attendance, so when attendance drops, revenue normally does, too. Torlakson said that the state will provide aid to local districts seeing declining enrollment because of the drought. While the state won't provide new money, it will provide the funding school districts would have received if students had not left. Torlakson said the California Department of Education will work with school districts and state senators to determine what districts experience an enrollment decline due to the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superintendent said the drought is affecting students and their families in other ways, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're also seeing the social impact of this crisis where families are doubling up. Farmworker families that have no work, two or three families are living in the same small space so those crowded conditions can lead to conflict, to stress, to the inability to concentrate and do your homework,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/140449652&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Farmers protest in Fresno\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House Natural Resources Committee was greeted by hundreds of farmworkers at Fresno City Hall protesting what they say are unfair water allotments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers held signs that read, \"Warning: No Water! No Food!\" and, \"Water — the hub of life.\" Chants of \"Water! Water!\" rang out in English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven Republican members of the committee — and one Democrat — were on hand to hear statements from invited witnesses who mostly blasted federal policies relating to water shipments to San Joaquin Valley agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans passed a water bill earlier this year that would impose sweeping changes on California water law and suspend endangered species protections for fish, among other measures, to get more water shipped quickly through the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta. Democrats in the Senate have passed a drought relief package without those provisions but focusing on how to transfer water more efficiently among rights-holders and provide emergency relief to communities hurt by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Jim Costa of Fresno was the only Democrat to attend the meeting. In \u003ca href=\"http://costa.house.gov/index.php/2014-press-releases/1027-costa-cooperation-only-way-to-bring-valley-more-water\" target=\"_blank\">a statement\u003c/a> Tuesday, he called for a more bipartisan approach to dealing with the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is my hope that we will hear more about common ground and solutions that will bring more water to this valley instead of rehashing the tired, partisan battles over California water,\" Costa wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But several California Republicans in Congress \u003ca href=\"http://mavensnotebook.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/CA-Delegation-Letter-FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">sent a letter\u003c/a> on Tuesday to President Obama and Gov. Jerry Brown urging them to act now to get more water to the valley. Regulations aimed at protecting endangered fish allowed 445,000 acre-feet of water from February rains to be lost into the ocean, the letter said. House Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy, who was among 13 to sign the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Given that communities in Central and Southern California are struggling to meet water needs and farmers are fallowing hundreds of thousands of acres of land that feed our state and country,\" the letter said, \"loss of this water is absolutely unacceptable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Could a new reservoir help?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the town of Maxwell, in the Sacramento Valley, Democratic Rep. John Garamendi and Republican Rep. Doug LaMalfa announced a bill proposing to build a new reservoir north of Sacramento. With a storage capacity of 1.9 million acre-feet, it would be about the same size as the San Luis Reservoir near Los Banos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which has been studied for years, is to wall off a remote valley just about halfway between Sacramento and Redding, and fill it with water from the Sacramento River when runoff is high. They hope construction can start next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the bill would not guarantee federal funding for the reservoir, which the lawmakers say will cost between $2 billion and $3 billion, although they said federal money could be available later. Likely sources of money are local water districts that will benefit from the reservoir and a state bond that is being negotiated for the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from Sasha Khokha, Craig Miller and Mina Kim of KQED News, and the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Ron Unz: Minimum-Wage Measure Unlikely to Make Ballot ",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/10/RS6975_172765550-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright size-full wp-image-115292\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/10/RS6975_172765550-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Dollars \" width=\"640\" height=\"425\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\nRon Unz, a wealthy conservative activist, says \"it now seems unlikely\" that his \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/11/26/conversative-activist-ron-unz-campaign-for-higher-minimum-wage\" target=\"_blank\">campaign to raise the state's minimum wage\u003c/a> will make it onto the state's November ballot. He adds, \"This will surely come as a surprise to many people, including myself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said in a statement he'd been unable to raise enough money to qualify the measure, which would raise the state's minimum wage to $12 an hour, for the ballot. A big part of the problem, he said, was that he failed to attract the interest of labor unions he had figured would be natural allies in the minimum-wage fight. Neither did wealthy conservatives volunteer to help bankroll his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz is probably best known for \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/1998jun/ca/state/prop/227/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 227\u003c/a>, a successful 1998 initiative that sought to ban bilingual education in California. He promoted his minimum-wage ballot initiative as a way of freeing the working poor from reliance on government aid while also stimulating the economy. Last November, Unz told KQED's Scott Shafer:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>What we have right now is a crazy system where employers pay their workers so low wages that the taxpayers wind up providing billions of dollars of social-welfare subsidies for those same workers — food stamps, housing, earned-income tax credit, all those sorts of things. Now, under a logical system of free-market capitalism, employers should pay their own workers instead of forcing the taxpayers to pay them instead. What we have is a system in which employers have privatized the benefits of their workers — they get all the labor — while they’ve socialized many of the costs, forcing the taxpayers to cover the living costs of their own workers, which is ridiculous.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his statement today, here's Unz's account of his unsuccessful fundraising effort:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Democrats and unions are the traditional supporters of minimum wage hikes and I initially had no contacts with such groups. My undertaking was therefore a difficult one, although I eventually managed to make considerable headway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several weeks ago it seemed reasonably likely that one of the largest California unions might be partnering with me on the campaign, while also serving as an anchor-donor. If this happened, I felt confident of being able to qualify my initiative for the ballot and also win a victory at the polls in November. Unfortunately, after careful consideration the union decided that its pre-existing political commitments were too large to allow it to take on an additional one on short notice. Other unions had roughly similar reactions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given my lack of previous familiarity with the internal dynamics of unions, this response surprised me. During 2012, California's major unions had spent well over $100 million on various initiative campaigns, mostly to protect union dues and to balance the state budget with a tax increase on the wealthy. While union support for both of these measures, especially the first, was certainly understandable, the direct benefit to most California workers was unclear. Balancing the state budget might provide a warm sense of fiscal responsibility for low-wage workers, but little else. By contrast, just one percent of those same dollars would probably have been sufficient to achieve a $12 state minimum wage, thereby boosting worker paychecks by well over $10 billion per year, with union members annually receiving more than a billion of those dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a time, I thought I could surmount this lack of union support. My arguments on the conservative case for a higher minimum wage made great progress, and it suddenly looked like a very wealthy individual on that side of the ideological aisle was willing to become the crucial financial backer. He proposed a donation large enough to ensure that the measure would reach the ballot. But that possibility also disappeared by the end of last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given these developments, it seems unlikely that my measure will be on the November ballot, which is obviously a major disappointment to me.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/10/RS6975_172765550-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignright size-full wp-image-115292\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/10/RS6975_172765550-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Dollars \" width=\"640\" height=\"425\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\nRon Unz, a wealthy conservative activist, says \"it now seems unlikely\" that his \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/11/26/conversative-activist-ron-unz-campaign-for-higher-minimum-wage\" target=\"_blank\">campaign to raise the state's minimum wage\u003c/a> will make it onto the state's November ballot. He adds, \"This will surely come as a surprise to many people, including myself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said in a statement he'd been unable to raise enough money to qualify the measure, which would raise the state's minimum wage to $12 an hour, for the ballot. A big part of the problem, he said, was that he failed to attract the interest of labor unions he had figured would be natural allies in the minimum-wage fight. Neither did wealthy conservatives volunteer to help bankroll his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz is probably best known for \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/1998jun/ca/state/prop/227/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 227\u003c/a>, a successful 1998 initiative that sought to ban bilingual education in California. He promoted his minimum-wage ballot initiative as a way of freeing the working poor from reliance on government aid while also stimulating the economy. Last November, Unz told KQED's Scott Shafer:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>What we have right now is a crazy system where employers pay their workers so low wages that the taxpayers wind up providing billions of dollars of social-welfare subsidies for those same workers — food stamps, housing, earned-income tax credit, all those sorts of things. Now, under a logical system of free-market capitalism, employers should pay their own workers instead of forcing the taxpayers to pay them instead. What we have is a system in which employers have privatized the benefits of their workers — they get all the labor — while they’ve socialized many of the costs, forcing the taxpayers to cover the living costs of their own workers, which is ridiculous.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>From his statement today, here's Unz's account of his unsuccessful fundraising effort:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Democrats and unions are the traditional supporters of minimum wage hikes and I initially had no contacts with such groups. My undertaking was therefore a difficult one, although I eventually managed to make considerable headway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several weeks ago it seemed reasonably likely that one of the largest California unions might be partnering with me on the campaign, while also serving as an anchor-donor. If this happened, I felt confident of being able to qualify my initiative for the ballot and also win a victory at the polls in November. Unfortunately, after careful consideration the union decided that its pre-existing political commitments were too large to allow it to take on an additional one on short notice. Other unions had roughly similar reactions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given my lack of previous familiarity with the internal dynamics of unions, this response surprised me. During 2012, California's major unions had spent well over $100 million on various initiative campaigns, mostly to protect union dues and to balance the state budget with a tax increase on the wealthy. While union support for both of these measures, especially the first, was certainly understandable, the direct benefit to most California workers was unclear. Balancing the state budget might provide a warm sense of fiscal responsibility for low-wage workers, but little else. By contrast, just one percent of those same dollars would probably have been sufficient to achieve a $12 state minimum wage, thereby boosting worker paychecks by well over $10 billion per year, with union members annually receiving more than a billion of those dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a time, I thought I could surmount this lack of union support. My arguments on the conservative case for a higher minimum wage made great progress, and it suddenly looked like a very wealthy individual on that side of the ideological aisle was willing to become the crucial financial backer. He proposed a donation large enough to ensure that the measure would reach the ballot. But that possibility also disappeared by the end of last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given these developments, it seems unlikely that my measure will be on the November ballot, which is obviously a major disappointment to me.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "New Film on Cesar Chavez Evokes Memories in Delano for Original Farmworkers",
"title": "New Film on Cesar Chavez Evokes Memories in Delano for Original Farmworkers",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/storymapjs/latest/embed/?url=https://www.googledrive.com/host/0Bx_2fFP0IuPcc1JDN0p6ejAzZ0U/published.json\" width=\"100%\" height=\"680\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he first feature film about California’s iconic farmworker leader hits theaters later this month, called, simply “Cesar Chavez.” It’s largely set in the Kern County town of Delano, where farmworkers went on strike and started a grape boycott in the 1960s. But it’s not so easy for a visitor to Delano to find the sites depicted in the film, because many of them are unmarked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless, that is, you happen to take a tour with some of the original farmworkers involved in the grape strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129461\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 240px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-129461\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DELANO.jpg\" alt=\"Delano\" width=\"240\" height=\"240\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delano\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All we wanted was our basic rights,” says Roberto Bustos. He says the conditions depicted in the film are spot-on: shots showing farmworkers using short-handled hoes, harvesting crops on bloodied knees and paying money to drink lukewarm water from a shared tin cup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The right to organize. You know, restrooms in the fields, clean, fresh, cold water, to be treated like human beings, period,” says Bustos, who was 23 when he joined the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustos is standing in front of a row of farmworkers’ houses in Delano, across from an alfalfa field. He points to what’s now a Pentecostal church. There’s no plaque or sign marking this site, but this was the first union headquarters and a starting point for the historic farmworker march Chavez led from Delano to Sacramento in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought (Chavez) was talking about a caravan,” recalls Bustos. “He said, ‘No, no, no, we’re talking about walking. We’re going to be marching to Sacramento.’ We thought, ‘That guy is crazy.’ We thought maybe all the pesticides in the grapes have affected his brain. Now he wants us to walk!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk they did, for more than 300 miles. Chavez named Bustos captain of that march.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Man, blisters galore!” laughs Bustos. “We were walking in our Sunday shoes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright noborder\">\n\u003ch3>The trailer for \"Cesar Chavez\"\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b2E7eeSAG90?rel=0]\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The film intersperses dramatized scenes of the march and other key events in the farmworker movement with historical news clips. Directed by Mexican actor Diego Luna, the movie was largely shot in the Mexican state of Sonora, whose government helped finance the project. On the set, Luna went to great lengths to recreate sites in Delano, like Filipino Hall, where Filipino and Mexican strikers came together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m half Filipino and half Mexican, and the growers used to pit the groups against each other,” says Lorraine Agtang, sitting near the old strike kitchen. “It was the first time I felt like a whole person, because Filipinos didn’t hang out with Mexicans. But Cesar had the ability to bring those workers together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really believed that all the roads leading out of Delano led to another grape field,” recalls Agtang, who went on to work as an administrator in Yolo County. “Cesar opened the door to the world for all of us. We were just little farmworkers, in a little farmworker community. I didn’t know anyone outside of Delano. I don’t think I’d ever been outside of Delano. And then in the grape strike, to see the whole world supported the union, and everyone stopped buying grapes, that was pretty amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filmmakers also built a replica of the adobe brick gas station at the 40-acre compound, which later became Chavez’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not remember this room being so small and so barren. Pretty stark,” says Paul Chavez, the son of Cesar, as he unlocks a tiny storeroom. It is empty but for a single bed and side table with a pitcher for water. This is where Cesar Chavez stayed during his 25-day fast to emphasize his commitment to nonviolence back in 1968. Paul was just 11 years old at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\n'I really believed that all the roads leading out of Delano led to another grape field.'\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Lorraine Agtang, Delano resident\u003c/cite>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s a scary feeling to see somebody you love become weaker by the day,” says Paul Chavez. “Knowing they could just start eating, that it would be OK, and not understanding why he wouldn’t eat. But later, I came to understand the importance of penance and sacrifice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial reviews of “Cesar Chavez” have criticized the film for making Chavez appear too one-dimensional, too saintly and not exploring more of his character flaws or darker periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.chavezfoundation.org/\" target=\"_blank\">esar Chavez Foundation\u003c/a>, which Paul heads, weighed in heavily on the script. Paul says the filmmakers encouraged the Chavez family to share more private details of Cesar’s life, so the script could humanize him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we don’t put my father up on a pedestal, so that we make him larger than life and people think there’s only once in a lifetime that a Cesar Chavez comes,” says Paul. “If there’s anything to learn from my father’s example, it was that he was a regular person. He never owned a car, never owned a house. He showed that regular, ordinary people can do extraordinary things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129436\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 327px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-129436\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/paulbed.jpg\" alt=\"Cesar Chavez’s son, Paul, standing in the tiny storage room where Cesar Chavez fasted in 1968 to protest that some farmworkers on strike wanted to resort to violence. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\" width=\"327\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Chavez’s son, Paul, standing in the tiny storage room where Cesar Chavez fasted in 1968 to protest that some farmworkers on strike wanted to resort to violence. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Delano Today\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A visitor to Delano can’t just pull up and see the room where Chavez fasted. A plaque outside shows the compound at “The 40 Acres” has been designated a national historic landmark, but there are no exhibits or tour guides. President Obama did designate the \u003ca href=\"http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/10/08/remarks-president-dedication-cesar-chavez-national-monument-keene-ca\" target=\"_blank\">Cesar Chavez National Monument\u003c/a> at Chavez’s later headquarters in Keene, Calif. That site is run in conjunction with the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why aren’t their murals or museums about Chavez in Delano? People here are slowly forgetting his history,” says Irene Mendoza, a farmworker who still works picking and packing grapes. “New immigrants coming now to Delano, they don’t know who Chavez was. We hear, thanks to him, we have this or that, but not really who he was.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendoza sits in her living room, in the house she was able to buy two years ago in a new subdivision in Delano. She says because of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/living/article/Farmworkers-legacy-on-display-at-SF-State-4529640.php\" target=\"_blank\">farmworker movement\u003c/a>, she now gets unemployment during the winter, when there’s little work in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now the conditions in the fields are better. We have cold water, enough bathrooms. The only thing missing is that we still barely earn above minimum wage. And we don’t have Chavez to help us with that,” Mendoza says in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Membership in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\" target=\"_blank\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> union has dwindled since the period depicted in the film. Mendoza has never worked under a union contract. She says most of her co-workers don’t seem that interested in paying union dues, and count on \u003ca href=\"http://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\" target=\"_blank\">Cal/OSHA\u003c/a> or other agencies to enforce some of the laws the union fought for back in the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The film depicts a town in which Slavic growers were hostile and demeaning to Filipino and Latino farmworkers, shooting guns at striking farmworkers and spraying them with pesticides. The grape boycott forced many of Delano’s growers to the negotiating table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Delano is still largely agricultural, but the power dynamics have changed. Back in the 1960s, white growers largely controlled the police, the courts and the town government. Now, the City Council is all Latino, as is the mayor, former farmworker Grace Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She took me on a tour of Cesar Chavez High School, a gleaming new complex built on a former vineyard in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Back in the 1960s, you would never ever see a display of Cesar’s pictures in any school, let alone have a school named Cesar Chavez High,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129439\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-129439\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/womanshome-e1394820193638.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Irene Mendoza says Chavez’s biggest legacy is winning unemployment benefits, so they can afford to pay rent or mortgage in the off-season. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\" width=\"350\" height=\"197\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Irene Mendoza says Chavez’s biggest legacy is winning unemployment benefits, so they can afford to pay rent or mortgage in the off-season. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It cost the school district $100,000 just to be able to name the school after Chavez. The grower who sold the district the land loathed Chavez so much that he stipulated that, if school officials ever named the school after Chavez, they would have to pay an additional fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo says Chavez didn’t just improve things in the fields, but gave farmworkers the confidence that they could get an education and move into positions of power in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a huge change in Delano. It’s like the caterpillar that became the butterfly. I think that’s what happened to our lives. We don’t want to fly away,” Vallejo says. “We want to be here and we want to improve things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the students and teachers at Cesar Chavez High are children of farmworkers. English teacher Lorraine Leynes, 27, says she came back to Delano after earning a master’s degree. She didn’t learn about the significance of Delano’s history until she got to UC San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delano, the farmworker movement, Cesar Chavez, were being mentioned in textbooks all over the world, and me, being from Delano, I knew very little history. So I made it a point to learn it,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leynes wants to organize a field trip for her students to go see the film in nearby Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The film isn’t scheduled to play in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Update: Since the airing and publication of this story, Diego Luna, the Cesar Chavez Foundation and the UFW jointly hosted a screening of \"Cesar Chavez\" at Forty Acres.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Interactive tour and web production by Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/storymapjs/latest/embed/?url=https://www.googledrive.com/host/0Bx_2fFP0IuPcc1JDN0p6ejAzZ0U/published.json\" width=\"100%\" height=\"680\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he first feature film about California’s iconic farmworker leader hits theaters later this month, called, simply “Cesar Chavez.” It’s largely set in the Kern County town of Delano, where farmworkers went on strike and started a grape boycott in the 1960s. But it’s not so easy for a visitor to Delano to find the sites depicted in the film, because many of them are unmarked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless, that is, you happen to take a tour with some of the original farmworkers involved in the grape strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129461\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 240px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-129461\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DELANO.jpg\" alt=\"Delano\" width=\"240\" height=\"240\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delano\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All we wanted was our basic rights,” says Roberto Bustos. He says the conditions depicted in the film are spot-on: shots showing farmworkers using short-handled hoes, harvesting crops on bloodied knees and paying money to drink lukewarm water from a shared tin cup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The right to organize. You know, restrooms in the fields, clean, fresh, cold water, to be treated like human beings, period,” says Bustos, who was 23 when he joined the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bustos is standing in front of a row of farmworkers’ houses in Delano, across from an alfalfa field. He points to what’s now a Pentecostal church. There’s no plaque or sign marking this site, but this was the first union headquarters and a starting point for the historic farmworker march Chavez led from Delano to Sacramento in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought (Chavez) was talking about a caravan,” recalls Bustos. “He said, ‘No, no, no, we’re talking about walking. We’re going to be marching to Sacramento.’ We thought, ‘That guy is crazy.’ We thought maybe all the pesticides in the grapes have affected his brain. Now he wants us to walk!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk they did, for more than 300 miles. Chavez named Bustos captain of that march.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Man, blisters galore!” laughs Bustos. “We were walking in our Sunday shoes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright noborder\">\n\u003ch3>The trailer for \"Cesar Chavez\"\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/b2E7eeSAG90?rel=0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/b2E7eeSAG90?rel=0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The film intersperses dramatized scenes of the march and other key events in the farmworker movement with historical news clips. Directed by Mexican actor Diego Luna, the movie was largely shot in the Mexican state of Sonora, whose government helped finance the project. On the set, Luna went to great lengths to recreate sites in Delano, like Filipino Hall, where Filipino and Mexican strikers came together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m half Filipino and half Mexican, and the growers used to pit the groups against each other,” says Lorraine Agtang, sitting near the old strike kitchen. “It was the first time I felt like a whole person, because Filipinos didn’t hang out with Mexicans. But Cesar had the ability to bring those workers together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really believed that all the roads leading out of Delano led to another grape field,” recalls Agtang, who went on to work as an administrator in Yolo County. “Cesar opened the door to the world for all of us. We were just little farmworkers, in a little farmworker community. I didn’t know anyone outside of Delano. I don’t think I’d ever been outside of Delano. And then in the grape strike, to see the whole world supported the union, and everyone stopped buying grapes, that was pretty amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filmmakers also built a replica of the adobe brick gas station at the 40-acre compound, which later became Chavez’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not remember this room being so small and so barren. Pretty stark,” says Paul Chavez, the son of Cesar, as he unlocks a tiny storeroom. It is empty but for a single bed and side table with a pitcher for water. This is where Cesar Chavez stayed during his 25-day fast to emphasize his commitment to nonviolence back in 1968. Paul was just 11 years old at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\n'I really believed that all the roads leading out of Delano led to another grape field.'\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Lorraine Agtang, Delano resident\u003c/cite>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s a scary feeling to see somebody you love become weaker by the day,” says Paul Chavez. “Knowing they could just start eating, that it would be OK, and not understanding why he wouldn’t eat. But later, I came to understand the importance of penance and sacrifice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial reviews of “Cesar Chavez” have criticized the film for making Chavez appear too one-dimensional, too saintly and not exploring more of his character flaws or darker periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.chavezfoundation.org/\" target=\"_blank\">esar Chavez Foundation\u003c/a>, which Paul heads, weighed in heavily on the script. Paul says the filmmakers encouraged the Chavez family to share more private details of Cesar’s life, so the script could humanize him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we don’t put my father up on a pedestal, so that we make him larger than life and people think there’s only once in a lifetime that a Cesar Chavez comes,” says Paul. “If there’s anything to learn from my father’s example, it was that he was a regular person. He never owned a car, never owned a house. He showed that regular, ordinary people can do extraordinary things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129436\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 327px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-129436\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/paulbed.jpg\" alt=\"Cesar Chavez’s son, Paul, standing in the tiny storage room where Cesar Chavez fasted in 1968 to protest that some farmworkers on strike wanted to resort to violence. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\" width=\"327\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Chavez’s son, Paul, standing in the tiny storage room where Cesar Chavez fasted in 1968 to protest that some farmworkers on strike wanted to resort to violence. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Delano Today\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A visitor to Delano can’t just pull up and see the room where Chavez fasted. A plaque outside shows the compound at “The 40 Acres” has been designated a national historic landmark, but there are no exhibits or tour guides. President Obama did designate the \u003ca href=\"http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/10/08/remarks-president-dedication-cesar-chavez-national-monument-keene-ca\" target=\"_blank\">Cesar Chavez National Monument\u003c/a> at Chavez’s later headquarters in Keene, Calif. That site is run in conjunction with the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why aren’t their murals or museums about Chavez in Delano? People here are slowly forgetting his history,” says Irene Mendoza, a farmworker who still works picking and packing grapes. “New immigrants coming now to Delano, they don’t know who Chavez was. We hear, thanks to him, we have this or that, but not really who he was.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendoza sits in her living room, in the house she was able to buy two years ago in a new subdivision in Delano. She says because of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/living/article/Farmworkers-legacy-on-display-at-SF-State-4529640.php\" target=\"_blank\">farmworker movement\u003c/a>, she now gets unemployment during the winter, when there’s little work in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now the conditions in the fields are better. We have cold water, enough bathrooms. The only thing missing is that we still barely earn above minimum wage. And we don’t have Chavez to help us with that,” Mendoza says in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Membership in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\" target=\"_blank\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> union has dwindled since the period depicted in the film. Mendoza has never worked under a union contract. She says most of her co-workers don’t seem that interested in paying union dues, and count on \u003ca href=\"http://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\" target=\"_blank\">Cal/OSHA\u003c/a> or other agencies to enforce some of the laws the union fought for back in the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The film depicts a town in which Slavic growers were hostile and demeaning to Filipino and Latino farmworkers, shooting guns at striking farmworkers and spraying them with pesticides. The grape boycott forced many of Delano’s growers to the negotiating table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Delano is still largely agricultural, but the power dynamics have changed. Back in the 1960s, white growers largely controlled the police, the courts and the town government. Now, the City Council is all Latino, as is the mayor, former farmworker Grace Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She took me on a tour of Cesar Chavez High School, a gleaming new complex built on a former vineyard in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Back in the 1960s, you would never ever see a display of Cesar’s pictures in any school, let alone have a school named Cesar Chavez High,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_129439\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-129439\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/womanshome-e1394820193638.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Irene Mendoza says Chavez’s biggest legacy is winning unemployment benefits, so they can afford to pay rent or mortgage in the off-season. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\" width=\"350\" height=\"197\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Irene Mendoza says Chavez’s biggest legacy is winning unemployment benefits, so they can afford to pay rent or mortgage in the off-season. (Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It cost the school district $100,000 just to be able to name the school after Chavez. The grower who sold the district the land loathed Chavez so much that he stipulated that, if school officials ever named the school after Chavez, they would have to pay an additional fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo says Chavez didn’t just improve things in the fields, but gave farmworkers the confidence that they could get an education and move into positions of power in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a huge change in Delano. It’s like the caterpillar that became the butterfly. I think that’s what happened to our lives. We don’t want to fly away,” Vallejo says. “We want to be here and we want to improve things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the students and teachers at Cesar Chavez High are children of farmworkers. English teacher Lorraine Leynes, 27, says she came back to Delano after earning a master’s degree. She didn’t learn about the significance of Delano’s history until she got to UC San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delano, the farmworker movement, Cesar Chavez, were being mentioned in textbooks all over the world, and me, being from Delano, I knew very little history. So I made it a point to learn it,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leynes wants to organize a field trip for her students to go see the film in nearby Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The film isn’t scheduled to play in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Update: Since the airing and publication of this story, Diego Luna, the Cesar Chavez Foundation and the UFW jointly hosted a screening of \"Cesar Chavez\" at Forty Acres.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_126107\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 384px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-126107 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/02/techtalk.jpg\" alt=\"Zach Wasserman and John Mendoza discuss San Francisco's genrification issues at EngageSF. (Sam Harnett/KQED)\" width=\"384\" height=\"216\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zach Wasserman and John Mendoza discuss San Francisco’s genrification issues. (Sam Harnett/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zach Wasserman is a new employee at Facebook. John Mendoza is a longtime community organizer. The two are at a restaurant in the Mission District talking about gentrification flashpoints — tech shuttles, the housing crisis and evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendoza explains how he protests to prevent tenants from being evicted by landlords who want to cash in on the new money that tech workers are bringing to the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wasserman says he wishes the city did more to ease the housing shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are the kinds of face-to-face conversations \u003ca href=\"http://engagesf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">EngageSF\u003c/a> hopes to spur by inviting members of the Mission community to monthly dinners. Tech worker Chris Murphy helped start the organization after reading this \u003ca href=\"http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2013/05/27/130527fa_fact_packer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">article in the New Yorker\u003c/a> about the cultural fissure opening up in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there needs to be easier opportunities to get folks engaged with community in a very quickly gentrifying area,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 50 people came to the Feb. 10 event at Usulutan, a Salvadoran restaurant in the Mission District. The long-term residents consisted of mostly organizers past the age of 40. A majority of the tech people were 20-somethings, employed at established corporations such as Google and Facebook or at small startups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Out for a Quick Field Trip\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After mingling, the members of the group went on a quick field trip to learn some local history. They all walked across the street to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.precitaeyes.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Precita Eyes Mural Arts and Visitors Center\u003c/a>. Many of the tech workers at the event had just recently moved to the Mission District. At a question-and-answer session, they asked about the history behind the murals in their new neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Board of Supervisors member Christina Olague is helping organize the EngageSF dinners. She says that at every meeting they will do one cultural event to try and bring tech workers and the established community closer together. EngageSF has also set up committees to encourage tech workers to volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the dinner, many in tech said they felt stigmatized by their profession. Thomas Devol says he came out to show the community that not all tech workers were selfish, and that they couldn’t all be lumped together into one category. Stan Rosenthal says he takes the protests and tension personally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just the other day down on Mission Street,” he says, “I walked by this sign that said, ‘Beware of dog,’ and ‘dog’ was scratched out and ‘techies’ was written.” \u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\"> At the dinner, many in tech said they felt stigmatized by their profession. \u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>On the other side of the room, Mission resident Mark Rabine tells a Google employee how he himself was a “gentrifier” back in 1977. He says the protests happening these days should not be directed at the workers but at the companies — the real problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The protests around gentrification, I think, are very proper,” he says, “but not aimed at people that are moving in. The tech workers are just like the rest of us who moved into the Mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, that is, aside from the six-figure salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EngageSF plans to have meetings every second Monday of the month. Olague says the next one will be held in a setting where tech workers can interact more directly with Latinos and working-class residents.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 50 people came to the Feb. 10 event at Usulutan, a Salvadoran restaurant in the Mission District. The long-term residents consisted of mostly organizers past the age of 40. A majority of the tech people were 20-somethings, employed at established corporations such as Google and Facebook or at small startups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Out for a Quick Field Trip\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After mingling, the members of the group went on a quick field trip to learn some local history. They all walked across the street to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.precitaeyes.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Precita Eyes Mural Arts and Visitors Center\u003c/a>. Many of the tech workers at the event had just recently moved to the Mission District. At a question-and-answer session, they asked about the history behind the murals in their new neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Board of Supervisors member Christina Olague is helping organize the EngageSF dinners. She says that at every meeting they will do one cultural event to try and bring tech workers and the established community closer together. EngageSF has also set up committees to encourage tech workers to volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the dinner, many in tech said they felt stigmatized by their profession. Thomas Devol says he came out to show the community that not all tech workers were selfish, and that they couldn’t all be lumped together into one category. Stan Rosenthal says he takes the protests and tension personally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just the other day down on Mission Street,” he says, “I walked by this sign that said, ‘Beware of dog,’ and ‘dog’ was scratched out and ‘techies’ was written.” \u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\"> At the dinner, many in tech said they felt stigmatized by their profession. \u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>On the other side of the room, Mission resident Mark Rabine tells a Google employee how he himself was a “gentrifier” back in 1977. He says the protests happening these days should not be directed at the workers but at the companies — the real problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The protests around gentrification, I think, are very proper,” he says, “but not aimed at people that are moving in. The tech workers are just like the rest of us who moved into the Mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, that is, aside from the six-figure salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EngageSF plans to have meetings every second Monday of the month. Olague says the next one will be held in a setting where tech workers can interact more directly with Latinos and working-class residents.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Senate Republicans Again Block Long-Term Unemployment Benefits",
"title": "Senate Republicans Again Block Long-Term Unemployment Benefits",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_125476\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 320px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-125476 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/02/unemployment-640x444.jpg\" alt=\"FILE PHOTO: Job seekers at an employment fair. (Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\" width=\"320\" height=\"221\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FILE PHOTO: Job seekers at an employment fair. (Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>WASHINGTON (AP and KQED) — Senate Republicans narrowly blocked the advance of legislation to restore benefits for the long-term unemployed on Thursday for the second time in less than a month, and Democrats said they intended to call yet another vote on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're one Republican vote away from restoring unemployment benefits for 1.7 million Americans,\" said Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House called the outcome disappointing, and California Sen. Dianne Feinstein tweeted her displeasure after the vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" lang=\"en\">\u003cp>Blocked again. Only one Senate GOP vote stood in the way of restoring unemployment benefits for tens of thousands of Californians. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23renewui&src=hash\">#renewui\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Sen Dianne Feinstein (@SenFeinstein) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SenFeinstein/statuses/431546002634326016\">February 6, 2014\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>About 1.3 million Americans, including 222,000 Californians, lost jobless benefits in December when the federal program to assist the long-term unemployed was not extended. Since then, Democrats say the national total has swelled to more than 1.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure that failed Thursday called for a three-month renewal of an expired program that provided up to 47 weeks of federal benefits when state-paid aid runs out, generally after 26 weeks. The cost was estimated at slightly more than $6 billion over a decade. It would have been offset by lowering pension obligations for some companies, a step that would have increased their taxable income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote was 58-40, two shy of the 60 that backers of the measure needed to prevail. That understated the measure's true support, because Reid sided with opponents at the last minute in a maneuver that will permit him to have the issue reconsidered under the Senate's rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sens. Dean Heller of Nevada, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire sided with 52 Democrats and two independents on the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attempt to renew expired jobless benefits was the first legislation that majority Democrats placed before the Senate this year, and represents the leading edge of their attempt to gain support among economically strapped voters at a time polls show that voters are concerned about the gap between rich and poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a news conference before the vote, Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., said bills to raise the federal minimum wage, provide women with equal pay for equal work and support early-childhood education would be put to a vote in the near future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking of Republicans, Sen. Jack Reed, D-R.I., said Democrats had \"met them more than halfway\" in proposing a bill that was fully paid for and in offering to give GOP lawmakers the opportunity to make changes if they could round up enough votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed, who represents a state with 9 percent unemployment, said some Republicans have called the long-term unemployed immoral, a description he said was \"somewhat offensive.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Republican critic of the bill, Sen. James Inhofe of Oklahoma, issued a statement that said, \"We can get Americans back to work and our economy booming again, but this is not achieved by Washington turning a temporary federal benefit into another welfare program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the legislation say that while joblessness overall is receding, long-term unemployment is at a historically high level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation voted on Thursday, unemployed workers whose state benefits have expired would be eligible for a maximum of 47 additional weeks of aid, depending on the level of joblessness within their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote came three weeks after Republicans prevented legislation from advancing that would have resurrected the expired program at reduced levels. Unlike the revised bill, the earlier one would have raised deficits under congressional budget scorekeeping standards.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_125476\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 320px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-125476 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/02/unemployment-640x444.jpg\" alt=\"FILE PHOTO: Job seekers at an employment fair. (Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\" width=\"320\" height=\"221\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FILE PHOTO: Job seekers at an employment fair. (Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>WASHINGTON (AP and KQED) — Senate Republicans narrowly blocked the advance of legislation to restore benefits for the long-term unemployed on Thursday for the second time in less than a month, and Democrats said they intended to call yet another vote on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're one Republican vote away from restoring unemployment benefits for 1.7 million Americans,\" said Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House called the outcome disappointing, and California Sen. Dianne Feinstein tweeted her displeasure after the vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" lang=\"en\">\u003cp>Blocked again. Only one Senate GOP vote stood in the way of restoring unemployment benefits for tens of thousands of Californians. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23renewui&src=hash\">#renewui\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Sen Dianne Feinstein (@SenFeinstein) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SenFeinstein/statuses/431546002634326016\">February 6, 2014\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>About 1.3 million Americans, including 222,000 Californians, lost jobless benefits in December when the federal program to assist the long-term unemployed was not extended. Since then, Democrats say the national total has swelled to more than 1.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure that failed Thursday called for a three-month renewal of an expired program that provided up to 47 weeks of federal benefits when state-paid aid runs out, generally after 26 weeks. The cost was estimated at slightly more than $6 billion over a decade. It would have been offset by lowering pension obligations for some companies, a step that would have increased their taxable income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote was 58-40, two shy of the 60 that backers of the measure needed to prevail. That understated the measure's true support, because Reid sided with opponents at the last minute in a maneuver that will permit him to have the issue reconsidered under the Senate's rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sens. Dean Heller of Nevada, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire sided with 52 Democrats and two independents on the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attempt to renew expired jobless benefits was the first legislation that majority Democrats placed before the Senate this year, and represents the leading edge of their attempt to gain support among economically strapped voters at a time polls show that voters are concerned about the gap between rich and poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a news conference before the vote, Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., said bills to raise the federal minimum wage, provide women with equal pay for equal work and support early-childhood education would be put to a vote in the near future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking of Republicans, Sen. Jack Reed, D-R.I., said Democrats had \"met them more than halfway\" in proposing a bill that was fully paid for and in offering to give GOP lawmakers the opportunity to make changes if they could round up enough votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed, who represents a state with 9 percent unemployment, said some Republicans have called the long-term unemployed immoral, a description he said was \"somewhat offensive.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Republican critic of the bill, Sen. James Inhofe of Oklahoma, issued a statement that said, \"We can get Americans back to work and our economy booming again, but this is not achieved by Washington turning a temporary federal benefit into another welfare program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the legislation say that while joblessness overall is receding, long-term unemployment is at a historically high level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation voted on Thursday, unemployed workers whose state benefits have expired would be eligible for a maximum of 47 additional weeks of aid, depending on the level of joblessness within their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote came three weeks after Republicans prevented legislation from advancing that would have resurrected the expired program at reduced levels. Unlike the revised bill, the earlier one would have raised deficits under congressional budget scorekeeping standards.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Oakland Raiderettes Sue Team Over Alleged Wage Violations ",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Mina Kim and Jeremy Raff\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_124200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/01/453338679.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-124200\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/01/453338679-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"Members of the Oakland Raiderettes during a November 2013 game at the Coliseum. (Brian Bahr/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the Oakland Raiderettes during a November 2013 game at the Coliseum. (Brian Bahr/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update Feb. 4:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday a second Raiderette, identified in the lawsuit as Sarah G., joined lead plaintiff Lacy T. in accusing the Oakland Raiders of failing to pay cheerleaders minimum wage and illegally withholding pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raiderettes net $5 per hour, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Second-Raiderette-joins-suit-against-team-over-5203869.php#photo-5795619\" target=\"_blank\">the suit claims\u003c/a>. Raiderettes earn $125 per game. However, the plaintiffs say they are not paid for work at events like rehearsals, charity events and photo shoots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their contract “contains clearly illegal provisions,” says Leslie Levy, the attorney representing the women in the proposed class action suit, like paying Raiderettes in a lump sum of $1,250 nine months after signing. The team requires specific hairstyles and nail colors, but does not reimburse Raiderettes for those expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit has drawn the attention of the federal government. Last week, Department of Labor officials began investigating the treatment of cheerleaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This appears to be a pretty prevalent practice in the NFL,” says Levy. “We do think this will crack open the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed class-action suit includes Raiderettes from the last four years. There is not a specific number yet, but if successful, each cheerleader might expect between $10,000 and $20,000 in back wages and penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/133118122&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bay City News\u003c/strong> January 22, 2014\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A member of the Oakland Raiderettes cheerleading squad \u003ca href=\"http://levyvinick.com/images/SKMBT_60014012209230.pdf?abe8f1\" target=\"_blank\">sued the football team\u003c/a> in Alameda County Superior Court on Wednesday, alleging that the club is in \"flagrant violation\" of an array of California wage and employment laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Raiderette, identified in the lawsuit as Lacy T., claims the Oakland Raiders club doesn't pay the cheerleaders for all the time they spend working, withholds pay until the end of the season, and forces them to pay some of their own business expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit seeks to be certified as a class action on behalf of all present and former Raiderettes who cheered for the team since 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy T.'s lawyer, Sharon Vinick, said the cheerleaders are paid only $1,250 per season, which amounts to less than $5 per hour for the time they spend rehearsing, performing and making required appearances at charity events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy T. said in a statement, \"I love the Raiders and I love being a Raiderette, but someone has to stand up for all of the women of the NFL who work so hard for the fans and the teams.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raiders spokesman Mike Taylor declined to comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit seeks an injunction requiring the team to stop the allegedly illegal practices, an award of back pay for the cheerleaders and other financial penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the lawsuit filed Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe id=\"doc_30586\" src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/201552900/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Mina Kim and Jeremy Raff\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_124200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/01/453338679.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-124200\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/01/453338679-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"Members of the Oakland Raiderettes during a November 2013 game at the Coliseum. (Brian Bahr/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the Oakland Raiderettes during a November 2013 game at the Coliseum. (Brian Bahr/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update Feb. 4:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday a second Raiderette, identified in the lawsuit as Sarah G., joined lead plaintiff Lacy T. in accusing the Oakland Raiders of failing to pay cheerleaders minimum wage and illegally withholding pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raiderettes net $5 per hour, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Second-Raiderette-joins-suit-against-team-over-5203869.php#photo-5795619\" target=\"_blank\">the suit claims\u003c/a>. Raiderettes earn $125 per game. However, the plaintiffs say they are not paid for work at events like rehearsals, charity events and photo shoots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their contract “contains clearly illegal provisions,” says Leslie Levy, the attorney representing the women in the proposed class action suit, like paying Raiderettes in a lump sum of $1,250 nine months after signing. The team requires specific hairstyles and nail colors, but does not reimburse Raiderettes for those expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit has drawn the attention of the federal government. Last week, Department of Labor officials began investigating the treatment of cheerleaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This appears to be a pretty prevalent practice in the NFL,” says Levy. “We do think this will crack open the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed class-action suit includes Raiderettes from the last four years. There is not a specific number yet, but if successful, each cheerleader might expect between $10,000 and $20,000 in back wages and penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/133118122&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bay City News\u003c/strong> January 22, 2014\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A member of the Oakland Raiderettes cheerleading squad \u003ca href=\"http://levyvinick.com/images/SKMBT_60014012209230.pdf?abe8f1\" target=\"_blank\">sued the football team\u003c/a> in Alameda County Superior Court on Wednesday, alleging that the club is in \"flagrant violation\" of an array of California wage and employment laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Raiderette, identified in the lawsuit as Lacy T., claims the Oakland Raiders club doesn't pay the cheerleaders for all the time they spend working, withholds pay until the end of the season, and forces them to pay some of their own business expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit seeks to be certified as a class action on behalf of all present and former Raiderettes who cheered for the team since 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy T.'s lawyer, Sharon Vinick, said the cheerleaders are paid only $1,250 per season, which amounts to less than $5 per hour for the time they spend rehearsing, performing and making required appearances at charity events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy T. said in a statement, \"I love the Raiders and I love being a Raiderette, but someone has to stand up for all of the women of the NFL who work so hard for the fans and the teams.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raiders spokesman Mike Taylor declined to comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit seeks an injunction requiring the team to stop the allegedly illegal practices, an award of back pay for the cheerleaders and other financial penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the lawsuit filed Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe id=\"doc_30586\" src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/201552900/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Rim-Fire.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121324\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Rim-Fire-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"The Rim Fire began in mid-August and wasn't completely contained until late October. It was the third-largest wildfire in California’s history, burning 400 square miles in and around Yosemite National Park and threatening the San Francisco-owned Hetch Hetchy reservoir. Estimates of total losses in the fire, including damage to the forest's carbon-storing function, range up to nearly $1 billion. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> The Rim Fire began in mid-August and wasn't completely contained until late October. It was the third-largest wildfire in California’s history, burning 400 square miles in and around Yosemite National Park and threatening the San Francisco-owned Hetch Hetchy reservoir. Estimates of total losses in the fire, including damage to the forest's carbon-storing function, range up to nearly $1 billion. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/DOMA.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121326\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/DOMA-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"On June 26 the Supreme Court let stand a lower court ruling that struck down Proposition 8, California's ban on same-sex marriage, clearing the way for same-sex marriages to resume in California. Two of the the people who sued to overturn Prop. 8, Sandra Stier, left, and Kris Perry, face each other and prepare to seal their marriage with a kiss at San Francisco City Hall on June 28. They were married by California Attorney General Kamala Harris. (Darlene Bouchard/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a>On June 26 the Supreme Court let stand a lower court ruling that struck down Proposition 8, California's ban on same-sex marriage, clearing the way for same-sex marriages to resume in California. Two of the the people who sued to overturn Prop. 8, Sandra Stier, left, and Kris Perry, face each other and prepare to seal their marriage with a kiss at San Francisco City Hall on June 28. They were married by California Attorney General Kamala Harris. (Darlene Bouchard/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/BART-strike.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121461\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/BART-strike-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"BART strikes in July and October sent hundreds of thousands of people scrambling for commute alternatives. Streets and freeways were jammed, ferry lines stretched out of sight, AC Transit provided extra buses and at least one intrepid commuter decided to kayak across the Bay. Here, ferry-borne commuters are reflected in a window as they disembark at San Francisco's Ferry Building on Oct. 18. (Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/bart-strike/\">BART strikes\u003c/a> in July and October sent hundreds of thousands of people scrambling for commute alternatives. Streets and freeways were jammed, ferry lines stretched out of sight, AC Transit provided extra buses and at least one intrepid commuter decided to kayak across the Bay. Here, ferry-borne commuters are reflected in a window as they disembark at San Francisco's Ferry Building on Oct. 18. (Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Last-car.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121325\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Last-car-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"One final car crosses the old eastern section of the Bay Bridge on Aug. 28 as Caltrans shut down the span to put the finishing touches on the bridge's long-delayed $6.4 billion self-anchored suspension span. The new bridge opened late the night of Labor Day, Sept. 2. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> One final car crosses the old eastern section of the Bay Bridge on Aug. 28 as Caltrans shut down the span to put the finishing touches on the bridge's long-delayed $6.4 billion self-anchored suspension span. The new bridge opened late the night of Labor Day, Sept. 2. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130906bikepath.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121462\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130906bikepath.jpg\" alt=\"The new eastern span of the Bay Bridge is not just for vehicles. There's a bicycle and pedestrian path, too. People came out in droves when it first opened to check it out and get a different view of the bay. (Nancy Rubin/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> The new eastern span of the Bay Bridge is not just for vehicles. There's a bicycle and pedestrian path, too. \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2013/09/04/new-bay-bridge-span-its-for-bikes-and-pedestrians-too/\">People came out in droves\u003c/a> when it first opened to check it out and get a different view of the bay. (Nancy Rubin / \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Americas-Cup-2.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121485\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Americas-Cup-2-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco hosted the America's Cup over the summer. During the finals, tens of thousands of people crowded the city's shoreline to watch Oracle Team USA defend the cup against Emirates Team New Zealand in a series of 19 races. The contest was decided Sept. 25, when Oracle came back from a deficit of 8-1 to beat the the Kiwis and retain the cup. (Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> San Francisco hosted the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/americas-cup/\">San Francisco hosted the America's Cup over the summer. During the finals, tens of thousands of people crowded the city's shoreline to watch Oracle Team USA defend the cup against Emirates Team New Zealand in a series of 19 races. The contest was decided Sept. 25, when Oracle came back from a deficit of 8-1 to beat the the Kiwis and retain the cup. (Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Ivanapah.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121327\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Ivanapah-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"Early this summer, construction continued on the Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System in the Mojave Desert. Ivanpah, the largest solar thermal power plant in the world, opened this year, putting the state a step closer to its ambitious renewable energy goal. (Lauren Sommer/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> Early this summer, construction continued on the Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System in the Mojave Desert. Ivanpah, the largest solar thermal power plant in the world, opened this year, putting the state a step closer to its ambitious renewable energy goal. (Lauren Sommer/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/devils-slide-tunnel.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121479\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/devils-slide-tunnel-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"The Devil's Slide Tunnels south of Pacifica and north of Half Moon Bay opened in March after decades of environmental battles and years of construction. The new tunnel consists of two bores, each about 4,200 feet long, with one lane and a wide shoulder. The tunnels are meant to solve the safety and erosion problems that have plagued that notorious stretch of Highway 1 since it was built. Here, a Caltrans construction crew works on one of the twin 30-foot wide tunnels. (Jenny Oh / KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> The Devil's Slide Tunnels south of Pacifica and north of Half Moon Bay \u003ca href=\"http://science.kqed.org/quest/2013/03/22/historic-devils-slide-tunnels-finally-about-to-open/\" target=\"_blank\">opened in March after decades of environmental battles and years of construction\u003c/a>. The new tunnel consists of two bores, each about 4,200 feet long, with one lane and a wide shoulder. The tunnels are meant to solve the safety and erosion problems that have plagued that notorious stretch of Highway 1 since it was built. Here, a Caltrans construction crew works on one of the twin 30-foot wide tunnels. (Jenny Oh/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/CCSF-rally.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121341\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/CCSF-rally-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"In March, hundreds of students from several campuses of the City College of San Francisco arrived at City Hall as part of an ongoing protest against a plan to revoke the college's accreditation. That battle continues, with CCSF supporters now suing to block an accreditation agency from proceeding with its plan. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a>In March, hundreds of students from several campuses of the City College of San Francisco arrived at City Hall as part of an ongoing protest against a plan to revoke the college's accreditation. That battle continues, with CCSF supporters now suing to block an accreditation agency from proceeding with its plan. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/immigration-reform.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121363\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/immigration-reform-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"As part of a July protest against border militarization, faith leaders, workers, and community groups gathered in San Francisco and dramatized the the fate of those who have died trying to cross the U.S.-Mexico border. The action took place at the offices of SAIC, one of the contractors building the U.S. border wall and surveillance system. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> As part of a July protest against border militarization, faith leaders, workers, and community groups gathered in San Francisco and dramatized the the fate of those who have died trying to cross the U.S.-Mexico border. The action took place at the offices of SAIC, one of the contractors building the U.S. border wall and surveillance system. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130517OccupyFarm.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121469\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130517OccupyFarm.jpg\" alt=\"In May, Pancho Ramos-Stierle, part of an urban farming group that repeatedly occupied a UC Berkeley agricultural research plot in Albany, held plant starts that survived a UC plow and were ready to be replanted. The university is proceeding with plans for developing part of the site, but it's also sponsoring a collaboration between researchers and urban farm activists on another part of the plot. (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)PhotoWeek130517OccupyFarm\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> In May, Pancho Ramos-Stierle, part of an urban farming group that repeatedly occupied a UC Berkeley agricultural research plot in Albany, held plant starts that survived a UC plow and were ready to be replanted. The university is proceeding with plans for developing part of the site, but it's also sponsoring a collaboration between researchers and urban farm activists on another part of the plot. (Emilie Raguso/\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130111Dolphin.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121470\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130111Dolphin.jpg\" alt=\"Dolphins from an Ocean Beach pod were spotted leaping from the waves near Sutro Baths. (David Cruz / Ocean Beach Bulletin)\" width=\"620\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> In January, dolphins from an \u003ca href=\"http://oceanbeachbulletin.com/2013/01/09/dolphins-leap-at-sutro-baths/\" target=\"_blank\">Ocean Beach pod\u003c/a> were spotted leaping from the waves near Sutro Baths. (David Cruz / \u003ca href=\"http://oceanbeachbulletin.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Ocean Beach Bulletin\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130301warbler.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121471\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130301warbler.jpg\" alt=\"The protester known as "Warbler" watched a Caltrans truck from her perch 71 feet up a Ponderosa pine near the Mendocino County town of Willits. Warbler protested Caltrans' plan to build a bypass for U.S. 101 by sitting in the tree for more than a month. Critics of the Caltrans proposal said the project will have dire environmental consequences. (Deborah Svoboda / KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> In March, a protester known as \"Warbler\" watched a Caltrans truck from her perch in a Ponderosa pine near the Mendocino County town of Willits. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/04/04/willits-tree-sitter-resumes-highway-bypass-protest-on-the-ground/\" target=\"_blank\">Warbler protested Caltrans' plan to build a bypass for U.S. 101\u003c/a> by sitting in the tree for more than a month. Critics of the Caltrans proposal said the project will have dire environmental consequences. (Deborah Svoboda / KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Rim-Fire.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121324\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Rim-Fire-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"The Rim Fire began in mid-August and wasn't completely contained until late October. It was the third-largest wildfire in California’s history, burning 400 square miles in and around Yosemite National Park and threatening the San Francisco-owned Hetch Hetchy reservoir. Estimates of total losses in the fire, including damage to the forest's carbon-storing function, range up to nearly $1 billion. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> The Rim Fire began in mid-August and wasn't completely contained until late October. It was the third-largest wildfire in California’s history, burning 400 square miles in and around Yosemite National Park and threatening the San Francisco-owned Hetch Hetchy reservoir. Estimates of total losses in the fire, including damage to the forest's carbon-storing function, range up to nearly $1 billion. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/DOMA.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121326\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/DOMA-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"On June 26 the Supreme Court let stand a lower court ruling that struck down Proposition 8, California's ban on same-sex marriage, clearing the way for same-sex marriages to resume in California. Two of the the people who sued to overturn Prop. 8, Sandra Stier, left, and Kris Perry, face each other and prepare to seal their marriage with a kiss at San Francisco City Hall on June 28. They were married by California Attorney General Kamala Harris. (Darlene Bouchard/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a>On June 26 the Supreme Court let stand a lower court ruling that struck down Proposition 8, California's ban on same-sex marriage, clearing the way for same-sex marriages to resume in California. Two of the the people who sued to overturn Prop. 8, Sandra Stier, left, and Kris Perry, face each other and prepare to seal their marriage with a kiss at San Francisco City Hall on June 28. They were married by California Attorney General Kamala Harris. (Darlene Bouchard/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/BART-strike.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121461\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/BART-strike-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"BART strikes in July and October sent hundreds of thousands of people scrambling for commute alternatives. Streets and freeways were jammed, ferry lines stretched out of sight, AC Transit provided extra buses and at least one intrepid commuter decided to kayak across the Bay. Here, ferry-borne commuters are reflected in a window as they disembark at San Francisco's Ferry Building on Oct. 18. (Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/bart-strike/\">BART strikes\u003c/a> in July and October sent hundreds of thousands of people scrambling for commute alternatives. Streets and freeways were jammed, ferry lines stretched out of sight, AC Transit provided extra buses and at least one intrepid commuter decided to kayak across the Bay. Here, ferry-borne commuters are reflected in a window as they disembark at San Francisco's Ferry Building on Oct. 18. (Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Last-car.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121325\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Last-car-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"One final car crosses the old eastern section of the Bay Bridge on Aug. 28 as Caltrans shut down the span to put the finishing touches on the bridge's long-delayed $6.4 billion self-anchored suspension span. The new bridge opened late the night of Labor Day, Sept. 2. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> One final car crosses the old eastern section of the Bay Bridge on Aug. 28 as Caltrans shut down the span to put the finishing touches on the bridge's long-delayed $6.4 billion self-anchored suspension span. The new bridge opened late the night of Labor Day, Sept. 2. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130906bikepath.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121462\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130906bikepath.jpg\" alt=\"The new eastern span of the Bay Bridge is not just for vehicles. There's a bicycle and pedestrian path, too. People came out in droves when it first opened to check it out and get a different view of the bay. (Nancy Rubin/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> The new eastern span of the Bay Bridge is not just for vehicles. There's a bicycle and pedestrian path, too. \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2013/09/04/new-bay-bridge-span-its-for-bikes-and-pedestrians-too/\">People came out in droves\u003c/a> when it first opened to check it out and get a different view of the bay. (Nancy Rubin / \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Americas-Cup-2.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121485\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Americas-Cup-2-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco hosted the America's Cup over the summer. During the finals, tens of thousands of people crowded the city's shoreline to watch Oracle Team USA defend the cup against Emirates Team New Zealand in a series of 19 races. The contest was decided Sept. 25, when Oracle came back from a deficit of 8-1 to beat the the Kiwis and retain the cup. (Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> San Francisco hosted the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/americas-cup/\">San Francisco hosted the America's Cup over the summer. During the finals, tens of thousands of people crowded the city's shoreline to watch Oracle Team USA defend the cup against Emirates Team New Zealand in a series of 19 races. The contest was decided Sept. 25, when Oracle came back from a deficit of 8-1 to beat the the Kiwis and retain the cup. (Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Ivanapah.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121327\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/Ivanapah-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"Early this summer, construction continued on the Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System in the Mojave Desert. Ivanpah, the largest solar thermal power plant in the world, opened this year, putting the state a step closer to its ambitious renewable energy goal. (Lauren Sommer/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> Early this summer, construction continued on the Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System in the Mojave Desert. Ivanpah, the largest solar thermal power plant in the world, opened this year, putting the state a step closer to its ambitious renewable energy goal. (Lauren Sommer/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/devils-slide-tunnel.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121479\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/devils-slide-tunnel-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"The Devil's Slide Tunnels south of Pacifica and north of Half Moon Bay opened in March after decades of environmental battles and years of construction. The new tunnel consists of two bores, each about 4,200 feet long, with one lane and a wide shoulder. The tunnels are meant to solve the safety and erosion problems that have plagued that notorious stretch of Highway 1 since it was built. Here, a Caltrans construction crew works on one of the twin 30-foot wide tunnels. (Jenny Oh / KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> The Devil's Slide Tunnels south of Pacifica and north of Half Moon Bay \u003ca href=\"http://science.kqed.org/quest/2013/03/22/historic-devils-slide-tunnels-finally-about-to-open/\" target=\"_blank\">opened in March after decades of environmental battles and years of construction\u003c/a>. The new tunnel consists of two bores, each about 4,200 feet long, with one lane and a wide shoulder. The tunnels are meant to solve the safety and erosion problems that have plagued that notorious stretch of Highway 1 since it was built. Here, a Caltrans construction crew works on one of the twin 30-foot wide tunnels. (Jenny Oh/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/CCSF-rally.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121341\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/CCSF-rally-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"In March, hundreds of students from several campuses of the City College of San Francisco arrived at City Hall as part of an ongoing protest against a plan to revoke the college's accreditation. That battle continues, with CCSF supporters now suing to block an accreditation agency from proceeding with its plan. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a>In March, hundreds of students from several campuses of the City College of San Francisco arrived at City Hall as part of an ongoing protest against a plan to revoke the college's accreditation. That battle continues, with CCSF supporters now suing to block an accreditation agency from proceeding with its plan. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/immigration-reform.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-121363\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/immigration-reform-640x450.jpg\" alt=\"As part of a July protest against border militarization, faith leaders, workers, and community groups gathered in San Francisco and dramatized the the fate of those who have died trying to cross the U.S.-Mexico border. The action took place at the offices of SAIC, one of the contractors building the U.S. border wall and surveillance system. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> As part of a July protest against border militarization, faith leaders, workers, and community groups gathered in San Francisco and dramatized the the fate of those who have died trying to cross the U.S.-Mexico border. The action took place at the offices of SAIC, one of the contractors building the U.S. border wall and surveillance system. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130517OccupyFarm.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121469\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130517OccupyFarm.jpg\" alt=\"In May, Pancho Ramos-Stierle, part of an urban farming group that repeatedly occupied a UC Berkeley agricultural research plot in Albany, held plant starts that survived a UC plow and were ready to be replanted. The university is proceeding with plans for developing part of the site, but it's also sponsoring a collaboration between researchers and urban farm activists on another part of the plot. (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)PhotoWeek130517OccupyFarm\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> In May, Pancho Ramos-Stierle, part of an urban farming group that repeatedly occupied a UC Berkeley agricultural research plot in Albany, held plant starts that survived a UC plow and were ready to be replanted. The university is proceeding with plans for developing part of the site, but it's also sponsoring a collaboration between researchers and urban farm activists on another part of the plot. (Emilie Raguso/\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130111Dolphin.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121470\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130111Dolphin.jpg\" alt=\"Dolphins from an Ocean Beach pod were spotted leaping from the waves near Sutro Baths. (David Cruz / Ocean Beach Bulletin)\" width=\"620\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> In January, dolphins from an \u003ca href=\"http://oceanbeachbulletin.com/2013/01/09/dolphins-leap-at-sutro-baths/\" target=\"_blank\">Ocean Beach pod\u003c/a> were spotted leaping from the waves near Sutro Baths. (David Cruz / \u003ca href=\"http://oceanbeachbulletin.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Ocean Beach Bulletin\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130301warbler.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-121471\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/12/PhotoWeek130301warbler.jpg\" alt=\"The protester known as "Warbler" watched a Caltrans truck from her perch 71 feet up a Ponderosa pine near the Mendocino County town of Willits. Warbler protested Caltrans' plan to build a bypass for U.S. 101 by sitting in the tree for more than a month. Critics of the Caltrans proposal said the project will have dire environmental consequences. (Deborah Svoboda / KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a> In March, a protester known as \"Warbler\" watched a Caltrans truck from her perch in a Ponderosa pine near the Mendocino County town of Willits. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/04/04/willits-tree-sitter-resumes-highway-bypass-protest-on-the-ground/\" target=\"_blank\">Warbler protested Caltrans' plan to build a bypass for U.S. 101\u003c/a> by sitting in the tree for more than a month. Critics of the Caltrans proposal said the project will have dire environmental consequences. (Deborah Svoboda / KQED)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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