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"content": "\u003cp>SAN FRANCISCO — The union that represents California State University faculty said Monday it is preparing for a five-day strike at the system's 23 campuses, by far the largest walkout since professors and instructors won collective bargaining rights in the early 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Faculty Association's board of directors voted Friday night to schedule a strike for April 13-15 and April 18-19, unless Cal State administrators before then increase the size of the pay raises the union's 26,000 members will receive this school year, CFA president Jennifer Eagan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246237826\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike holds the potential to bring the campuses to a virtual standstill. The association represents counselors, librarians and coaches, as well as faculty members who would cancel classes and skip scheduled office hours to walk picket lines, Eagan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The strike would be a historic strike,\" Eagan said. \"If it happens, it will impact the CSU for a very long time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"IgIJ4IlWVqOMy5ss7jd2BSGOwYJZwy7v\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allied labor organizations that represent custodians, bus drivers and other support staff have agreed not to cross the lines if a work stoppage is called, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CSU chancellor's office did not have immediate comment on the union's plans. The administration previously has said the raises the union is seeking would cost $69 million that already has been pledged to increasing enrollment, hiring more faculty and initiatives to improve graduation rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union members are currently in the second year of a three-year contract that included across-the-board pay raises of 1.6 percent and 3 percent raises for some coaches and part-time instructors for the 2014-15 school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under that contract, salaries for subsequent years have to be renegotiated and the two sides have been unable to reach an agreement since talks resumed in May. The faculty association is seeking a 5 percent salary increase for 2015-16. The university is offering raises of 2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor dispute is currently in the hands of an independent fact-finding panel that is scheduled to release its findings next month. If a resolution still can't be reached, the faculty would be authorized to strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSU campuses enroll about 460,000 students, making it the nation's largest public university system. Although the faculty union held a one-day work stoppage at two campuses in 2011, the system has not been subject to a full faculty strike since systemwide collective bargaining began in the early 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SAN FRANCISCO — The union that represents California State University faculty said Monday it is preparing for a five-day strike at the system's 23 campuses, by far the largest walkout since professors and instructors won collective bargaining rights in the early 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Faculty Association's board of directors voted Friday night to schedule a strike for April 13-15 and April 18-19, unless Cal State administrators before then increase the size of the pay raises the union's 26,000 members will receive this school year, CFA president Jennifer Eagan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246237826&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246237826'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike holds the potential to bring the campuses to a virtual standstill. The association represents counselors, librarians and coaches, as well as faculty members who would cancel classes and skip scheduled office hours to walk picket lines, Eagan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The strike would be a historic strike,\" Eagan said. \"If it happens, it will impact the CSU for a very long time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allied labor organizations that represent custodians, bus drivers and other support staff have agreed not to cross the lines if a work stoppage is called, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CSU chancellor's office did not have immediate comment on the union's plans. The administration previously has said the raises the union is seeking would cost $69 million that already has been pledged to increasing enrollment, hiring more faculty and initiatives to improve graduation rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union members are currently in the second year of a three-year contract that included across-the-board pay raises of 1.6 percent and 3 percent raises for some coaches and part-time instructors for the 2014-15 school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under that contract, salaries for subsequent years have to be renegotiated and the two sides have been unable to reach an agreement since talks resumed in May. The faculty association is seeking a 5 percent salary increase for 2015-16. The university is offering raises of 2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor dispute is currently in the hands of an independent fact-finding panel that is scheduled to release its findings next month. If a resolution still can't be reached, the faculty would be authorized to strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSU campuses enroll about 460,000 students, making it the nation's largest public university system. Although the faculty union held a one-day work stoppage at two campuses in 2011, the system has not been subject to a full faculty strike since systemwide collective bargaining began in the early 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Saru Jayaraman: Give Restaurant Workers One Fair Wage",
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"content": "\u003cp>Here’s something that might surprise you. It surprised me. When I got my first paycheck for my first job in Massachusetts, the total was under $10, and that was for two weeks, 40 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My job? I was a waitress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/author/saru-jayaraman/\" target=\"_blank\">Saru Jayaraman\u003c/a>, co-founder and co-director of the \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Restaurant Opportunities Centers United\u003c/a> and director of the Food Labor Research Center at UC Berkeley, says we can change that by giving all workers, including restaurant workers, one fair wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/241462661\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restaurant industry is the second-largest and absolute fastest-growing sector of the U.S. economy with over 11 million workers,” Jayaraman says. In 43 states, she says the industry pays “as little as $2.13 an hour to workers who earn tips.” That's a far lower minimum wage than what other workers make, currently set at $7.25 federally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jayaraman wants to eliminate that gap between the standard and lower minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before getting into that, she says you need to know the history of tipping in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tipping actually originated in Europe as a vestige of the feudal system,” Jayaraman says, “It was a superior giving money to an inferior.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When wealthy U.S. citizens traveled to Europe in the mid-1800s and returned home, they attempted to show off their worldliness by tipping. But Americans weren’t having it. They called it un-American and elitist. The sentiment was so strong that by the early 1900s, six states (Arkansas, Iowa, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Washington) actually passed anti-tipping laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Not only is this a vestige of the feudal system, it is a legacy of slavery.'\u003ccite>Saru Jayaraman\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>While an anti-tipping movement also grew in Europe, it “was squashed here in the States by the restaurant industry and the Pullman train company,” says Jayaraman. She says both industries \"wanted the right to hire newly freed slaves and not pay them anything and let them live on customer tips.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These train porters and maids worked long hours loading luggage and serving passengers. They eventually unionized and won a full salary. But restaurant workers -- many of whom were also former slaves -- didn’t organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That history really educated us about the fact that not only is this a vestige of the feudal system, it is a legacy of slavery,\" Jayaraman says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a federal law that requires employers to make sure tipped workers are making the standard minimum wage through both salary and tips, and if not, to supplement their income so that they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if that's the case, what's wrong with the minimum wage status quo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are plenty of laws on the books that really aren't enforced, and this is one of the biggest,\" Jayaraman says. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 16 percent of restaurant workers make below the minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"iFqACdEJdZjdJwY7ZJood8jW5CDs9CZH\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some restaurant workers are at mid- to high-end restaurants, \"in fact 70 percent of tipped workers are women who largely work at places like IHOP and Applebee's and Olive Garden.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This overrepresentation of women leads to another tipping-related challenge: sexual harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jayaraman says women in these jobs “suffer from the absolute worst sexual harassment of any industry in the United States.” She says it’s embedded in the culture, from customers to management. When a server is working to get the most money from tips, “you are basically encouraged to objectify yourself,\" she adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that the customer’s power to tip brings better service, but Jayaraman disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sadly, the studies show that tipping is correlated to workers’ skin color, hair color, eye color, breast size, gender, race,\" she says. \"And that actually there's no correlation between better service and tipping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If customers are unhappy with their service, Jayaraman says they should tell the management, similar to the recourses available in other customer service industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In this industry, somehow we think that we as customers not only should have the right to implicate a worker's wages through our power of tipping, but determine whether they eat that day, whether they can feed their kids that day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"RdCVHwgE2T1Gf8P94w6FwhQgWV4Ki7Wh\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jayaraman says we can avoid this mess by giving all workers an equal minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, along with six other states, has one minimum wage regardless of profession. Jayaraman and her team have researched how one minimum wage has impacted these states. Their findings are promising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a state are faring better on every measure than the 43 states with lower wages for tipped workers,\" Jayaraman says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says California and the other states -- Alaska, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada, Oregon and Washington -- have higher restaurant sales per capita and higher job growth in the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Jayaraman's mission is to get the rest of country to sign on.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Here’s something that might surprise you. It surprised me. When I got my first paycheck for my first job in Massachusetts, the total was under $10, and that was for two weeks, 40 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My job? I was a waitress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/author/saru-jayaraman/\" target=\"_blank\">Saru Jayaraman\u003c/a>, co-founder and co-director of the \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Restaurant Opportunities Centers United\u003c/a> and director of the Food Labor Research Center at UC Berkeley, says we can change that by giving all workers, including restaurant workers, one fair wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/241462661&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/241462661'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restaurant industry is the second-largest and absolute fastest-growing sector of the U.S. economy with over 11 million workers,” Jayaraman says. In 43 states, she says the industry pays “as little as $2.13 an hour to workers who earn tips.” That's a far lower minimum wage than what other workers make, currently set at $7.25 federally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jayaraman wants to eliminate that gap between the standard and lower minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before getting into that, she says you need to know the history of tipping in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tipping actually originated in Europe as a vestige of the feudal system,” Jayaraman says, “It was a superior giving money to an inferior.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When wealthy U.S. citizens traveled to Europe in the mid-1800s and returned home, they attempted to show off their worldliness by tipping. But Americans weren’t having it. They called it un-American and elitist. The sentiment was so strong that by the early 1900s, six states (Arkansas, Iowa, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Washington) actually passed anti-tipping laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Not only is this a vestige of the feudal system, it is a legacy of slavery.'\u003ccite>Saru Jayaraman\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>While an anti-tipping movement also grew in Europe, it “was squashed here in the States by the restaurant industry and the Pullman train company,” says Jayaraman. She says both industries \"wanted the right to hire newly freed slaves and not pay them anything and let them live on customer tips.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These train porters and maids worked long hours loading luggage and serving passengers. They eventually unionized and won a full salary. But restaurant workers -- many of whom were also former slaves -- didn’t organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That history really educated us about the fact that not only is this a vestige of the feudal system, it is a legacy of slavery,\" Jayaraman says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a federal law that requires employers to make sure tipped workers are making the standard minimum wage through both salary and tips, and if not, to supplement their income so that they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if that's the case, what's wrong with the minimum wage status quo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are plenty of laws on the books that really aren't enforced, and this is one of the biggest,\" Jayaraman says. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 16 percent of restaurant workers make below the minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some restaurant workers are at mid- to high-end restaurants, \"in fact 70 percent of tipped workers are women who largely work at places like IHOP and Applebee's and Olive Garden.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This overrepresentation of women leads to another tipping-related challenge: sexual harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jayaraman says women in these jobs “suffer from the absolute worst sexual harassment of any industry in the United States.” She says it’s embedded in the culture, from customers to management. When a server is working to get the most money from tips, “you are basically encouraged to objectify yourself,\" she adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that the customer’s power to tip brings better service, but Jayaraman disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sadly, the studies show that tipping is correlated to workers’ skin color, hair color, eye color, breast size, gender, race,\" she says. \"And that actually there's no correlation between better service and tipping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If customers are unhappy with their service, Jayaraman says they should tell the management, similar to the recourses available in other customer service industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In this industry, somehow we think that we as customers not only should have the right to implicate a worker's wages through our power of tipping, but determine whether they eat that day, whether they can feed their kids that day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jayaraman says we can avoid this mess by giving all workers an equal minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, along with six other states, has one minimum wage regardless of profession. Jayaraman and her team have researched how one minimum wage has impacted these states. Their findings are promising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a state are faring better on every measure than the 43 states with lower wages for tipped workers,\" Jayaraman says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says California and the other states -- Alaska, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada, Oregon and Washington -- have higher restaurant sales per capita and higher job growth in the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Jayaraman's mission is to get the rest of country to sign on.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After Los Angeles passed an ordinance this summer to increase the minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2020, Richard LoGuercio spent the following weekend driving around a nearby city, looking for warehouses to move his business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am just screwed,” said LoGuercio, owner and president of Town and Country Event Rentals in Van Nuys, which employs 450 people, more than half of whom earn between $10 to $13 an hour. Moving his shop to another county could help him escape the mandated wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Labor has kind of become our enemy, because it’s just so high,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the minimum wage goes up to $15 an hour, LoGuercio estimates his labor costs will increase by 62 percent. He says he fears his labor costs may rise even further because his more experienced workers will need to be paid more than a new employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in favor of (raising) the minimum wage, but not so much and not so fast,” said LoGuercio, who says he’s weighing his options for cutting labor costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever technology can help, that’s where we’re looking into.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the minimum wage ordinance was approved, LoGuercio invested in a $150,000 industrial dishwasher he had been eyeing to save on utility costs. The machine will also allow him to stop paying six to eight people who earn $10 to $11 an hour washing dishes. LoGuercio expects to recoup his costs in nine months, and save a couple of hundred thousand dollars a year going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a start,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Employers: Minimum Wage Increases Will Put More Machines in the Workplace\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employer groups opposed to raising the minimum wage say labor costs are already driving decisions to replace human labor with technology. They say higher minimum wages will accelerate automation trends in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But economists say even when jobs are replaced by technology, overall employment may not suffer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Machines are already doing what humans had done for decades in supermarkets and some restaurants; shoppers can pay using self-checkout kiosks, and diners at Chili’s can order baby back ribs on a tabletop tablet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Restaurant Association says self-ordering could become more common if the minimum wage is increased to $15 statewide, a scenario proposed in competing initiatives currently trying to qualify for the 2016 November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10795510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10795510\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto.jpg\" alt=\"Jot Condie, president of the California Restaurant Association, picks up his lunch at an automated restaurant in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1272\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-400x265.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-768x509.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-1440x954.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jot Condie, president of the California Restaurant Association, picks up his lunch at an automated restaurant in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beatrice Katcher/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When you’re talking about a 60 percent increase in the minimum wage over a short period of time, that absolutely is a game changer,” said Jot Condie, chief executive and president of the restaurant association. “They’re all planning” on ways to cut costs, including buying pre-chopped ingredients, sourcing food from international sources instead of local farmers, or hiring more discriminately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they haven’t adopted technology, they are absolutely looking at technology as an option, a way to cut costs,” Condie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiosks and tablets are most likely to be seen in fast-food restaurants -- but that’s not just because of labor costs, Condie said. Technology helps deliver food more quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Farmers May Grow What Can Be Mechanized\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to agriculture, the California Farm Bureau Federation says it’s like any other industry that employs large numbers of low-skilled workers. Growers look for “every opportunity” to cut labor costs, and technology is part of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Little, director of employment policy at the farm bureau, said for the past 25 years more and more agricultural products -– including tomatoes, raisins and nuts -– are being harvested by machine. As labor costs go up, Little said, farmers decide what to grow partly on how easily production can be mechanized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"6sxbuv8q9BkiV30DzUu1qqAK3TWv4iTg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot more interest in growing almonds, walnuts, pistachios, other types of tree nuts that can be harvested with a crew of four or five people,” said Little, explaining that machines can shake nuts from a tree, without harming color or texture. Not so for a strawberry or melons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said if there were a statewide $15 minimum wage, farming would likely become more mechanized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’d see more interest in developing commodities that can be machine harvested, or (growers) changing to commodities that lend themselves to machine harvesting,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When Automation Happens, It May Not Be So Bad\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent economic research suggests that job loss does occur following minimum wage increases, but the losses are evened out by other job gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicago-area economists who analyzed employment data between 1999 and 2009 found for every 10 percent increase in the minimum wage, low-wage jobs that involve routine cognitive tasks -– such as cashiers -- declined 1.5 percent a year or two after the hike. The researchers inferred the decline was caused by technology replacing workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the same time, there was this employment growth in jobs that are not easily replaced by technology, “ said Brian Phelan, assistant professor of economics at the Driehaus College of Business at DePaul University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Phelan says the kinds of increases being proposed and implemented in California could accelerate automation in the workplace. The balance between job losses and gains he found in more modest minimum wage increases may not hold in other wage hike scenarios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a different economist says the falling price of technology, not minimum wage increases, is a more significant driver of automation in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Increasing the minimum wage to $15 isn’t going to change very much at all,” said Michael Reich, economics professor and director of the Institute for Research on Labor and Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It (would) be a little bump on the road compared to the big effects of the cheapening price of technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich said technological substitution in the workplace is not necessarily a net job destroyer. A firm could expand and hire more workers. Or jobs may reappear in other industries. In restaurants, former cashiers could be trained as cooks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means the job has been displaced, but not necessarily the worker,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Preparing for the Los Angeles Minimum Wage Increase\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at Town and Country Event Rentals in Los Angeles, owner LoGuercio is still crunching numbers about how his manual-labor heavy, service-oriented business will account for the $15 wage increase by 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I could find robots … to load trucks, I would do that,” LoGuercio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10795556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10795556\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio.jpg\" alt=\"Pauline Bartolone for CALmatters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1397\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-400x291.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-800x582.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-768x559.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-1440x1048.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-1180x859.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-960x699.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard LoGuercio, president and owner of Town & Country Event Rentals, poses in his warehouse in Los Angeles. LoGuercio employs 450 people, more than half of whom earn between $10 and $13 an hour. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He hasn’t decided what he’ll do with the workers who used to be dishwashers, but he may move them to other jobs within the company. He’s also looking into an online ordering system, which would eliminate the need for one or two office positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But LoGuercio says he has acquired one new “expensive” worker because of Los Angeles’ wage increase: a chief financial officer. While he says he considers himself an experienced entrepreneur, when it comes to figuring out the variables created by the upcoming wage increase, he needs help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not that smart,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After Los Angeles passed an ordinance this summer to increase the minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2020, Richard LoGuercio spent the following weekend driving around a nearby city, looking for warehouses to move his business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am just screwed,” said LoGuercio, owner and president of Town and Country Event Rentals in Van Nuys, which employs 450 people, more than half of whom earn between $10 to $13 an hour. Moving his shop to another county could help him escape the mandated wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Labor has kind of become our enemy, because it’s just so high,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the minimum wage goes up to $15 an hour, LoGuercio estimates his labor costs will increase by 62 percent. He says he fears his labor costs may rise even further because his more experienced workers will need to be paid more than a new employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in favor of (raising) the minimum wage, but not so much and not so fast,” said LoGuercio, who says he’s weighing his options for cutting labor costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever technology can help, that’s where we’re looking into.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the minimum wage ordinance was approved, LoGuercio invested in a $150,000 industrial dishwasher he had been eyeing to save on utility costs. The machine will also allow him to stop paying six to eight people who earn $10 to $11 an hour washing dishes. LoGuercio expects to recoup his costs in nine months, and save a couple of hundred thousand dollars a year going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a start,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Employers: Minimum Wage Increases Will Put More Machines in the Workplace\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employer groups opposed to raising the minimum wage say labor costs are already driving decisions to replace human labor with technology. They say higher minimum wages will accelerate automation trends in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But economists say even when jobs are replaced by technology, overall employment may not suffer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Machines are already doing what humans had done for decades in supermarkets and some restaurants; shoppers can pay using self-checkout kiosks, and diners at Chili’s can order baby back ribs on a tabletop tablet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Restaurant Association says self-ordering could become more common if the minimum wage is increased to $15 statewide, a scenario proposed in competing initiatives currently trying to qualify for the 2016 November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10795510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10795510\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto.jpg\" alt=\"Jot Condie, president of the California Restaurant Association, picks up his lunch at an automated restaurant in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1272\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-400x265.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-768x509.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-1440x954.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/CondieResto-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jot Condie, president of the California Restaurant Association, picks up his lunch at an automated restaurant in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beatrice Katcher/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When you’re talking about a 60 percent increase in the minimum wage over a short period of time, that absolutely is a game changer,” said Jot Condie, chief executive and president of the restaurant association. “They’re all planning” on ways to cut costs, including buying pre-chopped ingredients, sourcing food from international sources instead of local farmers, or hiring more discriminately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they haven’t adopted technology, they are absolutely looking at technology as an option, a way to cut costs,” Condie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiosks and tablets are most likely to be seen in fast-food restaurants -- but that’s not just because of labor costs, Condie said. Technology helps deliver food more quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Farmers May Grow What Can Be Mechanized\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to agriculture, the California Farm Bureau Federation says it’s like any other industry that employs large numbers of low-skilled workers. Growers look for “every opportunity” to cut labor costs, and technology is part of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Little, director of employment policy at the farm bureau, said for the past 25 years more and more agricultural products -– including tomatoes, raisins and nuts -– are being harvested by machine. As labor costs go up, Little said, farmers decide what to grow partly on how easily production can be mechanized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot more interest in growing almonds, walnuts, pistachios, other types of tree nuts that can be harvested with a crew of four or five people,” said Little, explaining that machines can shake nuts from a tree, without harming color or texture. Not so for a strawberry or melons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said if there were a statewide $15 minimum wage, farming would likely become more mechanized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’d see more interest in developing commodities that can be machine harvested, or (growers) changing to commodities that lend themselves to machine harvesting,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When Automation Happens, It May Not Be So Bad\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent economic research suggests that job loss does occur following minimum wage increases, but the losses are evened out by other job gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicago-area economists who analyzed employment data between 1999 and 2009 found for every 10 percent increase in the minimum wage, low-wage jobs that involve routine cognitive tasks -– such as cashiers -- declined 1.5 percent a year or two after the hike. The researchers inferred the decline was caused by technology replacing workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the same time, there was this employment growth in jobs that are not easily replaced by technology, “ said Brian Phelan, assistant professor of economics at the Driehaus College of Business at DePaul University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Phelan says the kinds of increases being proposed and implemented in California could accelerate automation in the workplace. The balance between job losses and gains he found in more modest minimum wage increases may not hold in other wage hike scenarios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a different economist says the falling price of technology, not minimum wage increases, is a more significant driver of automation in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Increasing the minimum wage to $15 isn’t going to change very much at all,” said Michael Reich, economics professor and director of the Institute for Research on Labor and Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It (would) be a little bump on the road compared to the big effects of the cheapening price of technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich said technological substitution in the workplace is not necessarily a net job destroyer. A firm could expand and hire more workers. Or jobs may reappear in other industries. In restaurants, former cashiers could be trained as cooks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means the job has been displaced, but not necessarily the worker,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Preparing for the Los Angeles Minimum Wage Increase\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at Town and Country Event Rentals in Los Angeles, owner LoGuercio is still crunching numbers about how his manual-labor heavy, service-oriented business will account for the $15 wage increase by 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I could find robots … to load trucks, I would do that,” LoGuercio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10795556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10795556\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio.jpg\" alt=\"Pauline Bartolone for CALmatters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1397\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-400x291.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-800x582.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-768x559.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-1440x1048.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-1180x859.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LoGuercio-960x699.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard LoGuercio, president and owner of Town & Country Event Rentals, poses in his warehouse in Los Angeles. LoGuercio employs 450 people, more than half of whom earn between $10 and $13 an hour. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He hasn’t decided what he’ll do with the workers who used to be dishwashers, but he may move them to other jobs within the company. He’s also looking into an online ordering system, which would eliminate the need for one or two office positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But LoGuercio says he has acquired one new “expensive” worker because of Los Angeles’ wage increase: a chief financial officer. While he says he considers himself an experienced entrepreneur, when it comes to figuring out the variables created by the upcoming wage increase, he needs help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge has ordered Uber to limit communication with drivers who are part of a class-action lawsuit against the company, saying he had \"grave concerns\" about arbitration agreements the company sent out last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Court Judge Edward Chen said the agreements are \"likely to engender confusion\" and that he would issue an order preventing them from taking effect for drivers who are part of the lawsuit. However, Chen added that he wasn't sure he had the \"complete authority\" to ban arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative rulings are the latest in the class action against Uber, which argues the company misclassifies drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. The drivers are also seeking reimbursement for expenses, including gas and car maintenance, along with tips they claim were advertised to customers as part of the fares but not given to drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen said he was directing Uber not to communicate \"with class members or anything that might affect the prosecution of this case without clearing it through counsel or coming to the court if there's a disagreement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber sent out the new arbitration agreements last Friday, two days after Chen issued a ruling expanding the class of drivers who could be part of the lawsuit. He ruled 2014 and 2015 arbitration agreements were unenforceable, which meant drivers who opted out of those clauses could be included in the lawsuit. Uber is appealing the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Boutrous, the attorney for Uber, estimated that up to 100,000 drivers were added to the class, joining 8,000 drivers \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/09/01/judge-certifies-uber-drivers-lawsuit-as-a-class-action\" target=\"_blank\">certified by Chen on Sept. 1\u003c/a>. The case could affect up to 160,000 Uber drivers in California, and Chen said he would rule later on how last week's agreements might affect other drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for the drivers, Shannon Liss-Riordan, said the agreement and email sent to drivers last week was an attempt by Uber to curtail its liability in pending lawsuits. She argued \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/14/controversy-surrounds-ubers-new-arbitration-agreement-for-drivers\" target=\"_blank\">Uber was trying to \"potentially trick\" drivers\u003c/a> into opting out of the class-action suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In legal briefs, Liss-Riordan wrote that her firm received more than 800 inquiries from Uber drivers \"who have expressed confusion and dismay about the new agreement, and do not know if they need to opt out of the agreement to participate in the case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boutrous argued that the new agreement was a reaction to Chen's concerns about the arbitration clauses in Uber's earlier driver contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[An] agreement was sent out that this court was troubled by, and it fixes those things,\" Boutrous told Chen. \"These aren't some nefarious, evil agreements that must be stopped.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his legal briefs, Boutrous wrote that \"there is nothing deceptive, coercive, or misleading about the agreements Uber has implemented (and drivers voluntarily accepted). Indeed, Uber did not amend, in any substantive way, any of the notice provisions or opt-out mechanisms that this court previously approved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boutrous said that a higher number of drivers have opted out of the new arbitration agreement compared with earlier contracts. Liss-Riordan attributes that to widespread news coverage and drivers finding out about the lawsuit from her firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen suggested that Uber provide more \"robust disclosure\" by providing a hyperlink on the first page of the agreement that clearly gives drivers an opt-out option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If it's to truly implement a fair model, why not have a simple click the box and not have it on page 21?\" Chen asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liss-Riordan also challenged a recent effort by Uber to prove its drivers believe they're independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has begun offering money to drivers for proof they also work for other ride services, such as Lyft. Liss-Riordan called the payments part of a \"deceptive attempt by Uber to gather evidence in support of its defense in this case -- and against the interests of the class -- in exchange for payment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boutrous told Chen the driver information is being gathered for market research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The company gathers information about its competitor, and this email was sent to a fraction of California drivers seeking information about their experience with Lyft,\" he told Chen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Liss-Riordan filed a motion Thursday seeking to have the case tried by the judge instead of a jury.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge has ordered Uber to limit communication with drivers who are part of a class-action lawsuit against the company, saying he had \"grave concerns\" about arbitration agreements the company sent out last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Court Judge Edward Chen said the agreements are \"likely to engender confusion\" and that he would issue an order preventing them from taking effect for drivers who are part of the lawsuit. However, Chen added that he wasn't sure he had the \"complete authority\" to ban arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative rulings are the latest in the class action against Uber, which argues the company misclassifies drivers as independent contractors instead of employees. The drivers are also seeking reimbursement for expenses, including gas and car maintenance, along with tips they claim were advertised to customers as part of the fares but not given to drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen said he was directing Uber not to communicate \"with class members or anything that might affect the prosecution of this case without clearing it through counsel or coming to the court if there's a disagreement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber sent out the new arbitration agreements last Friday, two days after Chen issued a ruling expanding the class of drivers who could be part of the lawsuit. He ruled 2014 and 2015 arbitration agreements were unenforceable, which meant drivers who opted out of those clauses could be included in the lawsuit. Uber is appealing the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Boutrous, the attorney for Uber, estimated that up to 100,000 drivers were added to the class, joining 8,000 drivers \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/09/01/judge-certifies-uber-drivers-lawsuit-as-a-class-action\" target=\"_blank\">certified by Chen on Sept. 1\u003c/a>. The case could affect up to 160,000 Uber drivers in California, and Chen said he would rule later on how last week's agreements might affect other drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for the drivers, Shannon Liss-Riordan, said the agreement and email sent to drivers last week was an attempt by Uber to curtail its liability in pending lawsuits. She argued \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/14/controversy-surrounds-ubers-new-arbitration-agreement-for-drivers\" target=\"_blank\">Uber was trying to \"potentially trick\" drivers\u003c/a> into opting out of the class-action suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In legal briefs, Liss-Riordan wrote that her firm received more than 800 inquiries from Uber drivers \"who have expressed confusion and dismay about the new agreement, and do not know if they need to opt out of the agreement to participate in the case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boutrous argued that the new agreement was a reaction to Chen's concerns about the arbitration clauses in Uber's earlier driver contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[An] agreement was sent out that this court was troubled by, and it fixes those things,\" Boutrous told Chen. \"These aren't some nefarious, evil agreements that must be stopped.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his legal briefs, Boutrous wrote that \"there is nothing deceptive, coercive, or misleading about the agreements Uber has implemented (and drivers voluntarily accepted). Indeed, Uber did not amend, in any substantive way, any of the notice provisions or opt-out mechanisms that this court previously approved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boutrous said that a higher number of drivers have opted out of the new arbitration agreement compared with earlier contracts. Liss-Riordan attributes that to widespread news coverage and drivers finding out about the lawsuit from her firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen suggested that Uber provide more \"robust disclosure\" by providing a hyperlink on the first page of the agreement that clearly gives drivers an opt-out option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If it's to truly implement a fair model, why not have a simple click the box and not have it on page 21?\" Chen asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liss-Riordan also challenged a recent effort by Uber to prove its drivers believe they're independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has begun offering money to drivers for proof they also work for other ride services, such as Lyft. Liss-Riordan called the payments part of a \"deceptive attempt by Uber to gather evidence in support of its defense in this case -- and against the interests of the class -- in exchange for payment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boutrous told Chen the driver information is being gathered for market research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The company gathers information about its competitor, and this email was sent to a fraction of California drivers seeking information about their experience with Lyft,\" he told Chen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Liss-Riordan filed a motion Thursday seeking to have the case tried by the judge instead of a jury.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Seattle Allows Uber and Lyft Drivers to Unionize",
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"content": "\u003cp>Seattle on Monday became the first city in the nation to allow drivers of ride-hailing companies such as Uber and Lyft to unionize over pay and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters erupted into cheers after the City Council voted 8-0 in favor of the legislation, which is seen as a test case for the changing 21st century workforce. The companies strongly oppose it, and several council members acknowledged there would be legal challenges ahead but said it was worth doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'My intent is to make sure that the people, the drivers, the workers in our community continue to have access to good wage jobs.'\u003ccite>Seattle Councilmember Mike O’Brien\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure requires companies that hire or contract with drivers of taxis, for-hire transportation companies and app-based ride-hailing services to bargain with their drivers, if a majority shows they want to be represented. Drivers would be represented by nonprofit organizations certified by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seattle has been a national leader on workers' rights, such as gradually raising the minimum wage to $15 and requiring most employers to provide paid sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My intent is to make sure that the people, the drivers, the workers in our community continue to have access to good wage jobs,\" Councilmember Mike O'Brien said. He added innovation can continue to happen, but it shouldn't be done at the expense of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many drivers in Seattle are immigrants who depend on full-time work, but some make less than minimum wage and lack basic worker rights, such as sick leave and protection from retaliation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"cD4eZlRSX1eM0jcx1iHjlhmRNpBVcMSd\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Act does not extend collective bargaining rights to independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based Uber and others say federal labor law prevents cities from regulating collective bargaining, and the ordinance would violate federal antitrust laws. Opponents also argue it would be costly for the city to implement, it would violate drivers' privacy since their information would be given to the organization, and it would stifle the growth of the on-demand economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a response to a request for a comment on the legislation, Uber said in a statement Monday it is \"creating new opportunities for many people to earn a better living on their own time and their own terms.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based Lyft urged the mayor and council to reconsider the measure and listen to those who seek the flexible economic opportunity the company offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, the ordinance passed today threatens the privacy of drivers, imposes substantial costs on passengers and the city, and conflicts with longstanding federal law,\" Lyft's statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charlotte Garden, an assistant law professor at Seattle University, said it's a \"virtual certainty\" that the ordinance will be challenged in court if it's enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I anticipate that other cities will consider similar measures, but they may wait to see whether the ordinance survives review by a federal court,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Mayor Ed Murray told the council in a letter Monday that he supports the right of workers to unionize but has concerns about the bill. Murray worried about the unknown costs of administering the measure, the burden of rulemaking on city staff and the potential costs of defending it court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10794695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver.jpg\" alt=\"Tevita Vainuku, 59, fiddles with his smartphone as he prepares to pick up his next Lyft customer on Aug. 31, 2015. Vainuku drives for Lyft and Uber six days a week.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1189\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10794695\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-400x248.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-800x495.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-768x476.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-1440x892.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-1180x731.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-960x595.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tevita Vainuku, 59, fiddles with his smartphone as he prepares to pick up his next Lyft customer on Aug. 31, 2015. Vainuku drives for Lyft and Uber six days a week. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Uber has about 400,000 drivers nationwide with about 10,000 in Seattle. Its rival, Lyft, also has thousands of drivers in Seattle but declined to give a specific number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts have been mixed on how the bill would be challenged in court, including whether the ordinance violates antitrust laws because it would allow drivers to get together and set rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber is \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/10/uber-drivers-class-action-lawsuit-expanded\" target=\"_blank\">facing a class-action lawsuit\u003c/a> in federal court in California over worker classification. The plaintiffs named in the suit say they are Uber employees, not independent contractors, and have been shortchanged on expenses and tips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft say drivers have flexibility in deciding when they work and how many hours, and many chose to drive to supplement their income. But drivers don't have a say in rate changes, can be deactivated at will and don't have access to worker protections such as sick leave and minimum wage laws, Dawn Gearhart, a representative with Teamsters Local 117.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed ordinance, the city will give certified nonprofit organizations a list of eligible drivers at each company, and the groups must show that a majority of drivers of each company want representation. The organizations would then bargain on behalf of those drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is amazing,\" said Saad Melouchi, 30, who drives for Uber. \"I'm so happy for myself and for other drivers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he would like to bargain over safety, living wage and other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some for-hire drivers who spoke at the public hearing urged the council to hold off on the legislation, saying they didn't have a voice in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters Union Local 117 also celebrated the vote, while the National Right To Work Legal Foundation criticized it as a violation of drivers' rights.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Seattle on Monday became the first city in the nation to allow drivers of ride-hailing companies such as Uber and Lyft to unionize over pay and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters erupted into cheers after the City Council voted 8-0 in favor of the legislation, which is seen as a test case for the changing 21st century workforce. The companies strongly oppose it, and several council members acknowledged there would be legal challenges ahead but said it was worth doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'My intent is to make sure that the people, the drivers, the workers in our community continue to have access to good wage jobs.'\u003ccite>Seattle Councilmember Mike O’Brien\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure requires companies that hire or contract with drivers of taxis, for-hire transportation companies and app-based ride-hailing services to bargain with their drivers, if a majority shows they want to be represented. Drivers would be represented by nonprofit organizations certified by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seattle has been a national leader on workers' rights, such as gradually raising the minimum wage to $15 and requiring most employers to provide paid sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My intent is to make sure that the people, the drivers, the workers in our community continue to have access to good wage jobs,\" Councilmember Mike O'Brien said. He added innovation can continue to happen, but it shouldn't be done at the expense of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many drivers in Seattle are immigrants who depend on full-time work, but some make less than minimum wage and lack basic worker rights, such as sick leave and protection from retaliation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Act does not extend collective bargaining rights to independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based Uber and others say federal labor law prevents cities from regulating collective bargaining, and the ordinance would violate federal antitrust laws. Opponents also argue it would be costly for the city to implement, it would violate drivers' privacy since their information would be given to the organization, and it would stifle the growth of the on-demand economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a response to a request for a comment on the legislation, Uber said in a statement Monday it is \"creating new opportunities for many people to earn a better living on their own time and their own terms.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-based Lyft urged the mayor and council to reconsider the measure and listen to those who seek the flexible economic opportunity the company offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, the ordinance passed today threatens the privacy of drivers, imposes substantial costs on passengers and the city, and conflicts with longstanding federal law,\" Lyft's statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charlotte Garden, an assistant law professor at Seattle University, said it's a \"virtual certainty\" that the ordinance will be challenged in court if it's enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I anticipate that other cities will consider similar measures, but they may wait to see whether the ordinance survives review by a federal court,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Mayor Ed Murray told the council in a letter Monday that he supports the right of workers to unionize but has concerns about the bill. Murray worried about the unknown costs of administering the measure, the burden of rulemaking on city staff and the potential costs of defending it court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10794695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver.jpg\" alt=\"Tevita Vainuku, 59, fiddles with his smartphone as he prepares to pick up his next Lyft customer on Aug. 31, 2015. Vainuku drives for Lyft and Uber six days a week.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1189\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10794695\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-400x248.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-800x495.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-768x476.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-1440x892.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-1180x731.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/TNCDriver-960x595.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tevita Vainuku, 59, fiddles with his smartphone as he prepares to pick up his next Lyft customer on Aug. 31, 2015. Vainuku drives for Lyft and Uber six days a week. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Uber has about 400,000 drivers nationwide with about 10,000 in Seattle. Its rival, Lyft, also has thousands of drivers in Seattle but declined to give a specific number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts have been mixed on how the bill would be challenged in court, including whether the ordinance violates antitrust laws because it would allow drivers to get together and set rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber is \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/10/uber-drivers-class-action-lawsuit-expanded\" target=\"_blank\">facing a class-action lawsuit\u003c/a> in federal court in California over worker classification. The plaintiffs named in the suit say they are Uber employees, not independent contractors, and have been shortchanged on expenses and tips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft say drivers have flexibility in deciding when they work and how many hours, and many chose to drive to supplement their income. But drivers don't have a say in rate changes, can be deactivated at will and don't have access to worker protections such as sick leave and minimum wage laws, Dawn Gearhart, a representative with Teamsters Local 117.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed ordinance, the city will give certified nonprofit organizations a list of eligible drivers at each company, and the groups must show that a majority of drivers of each company want representation. The organizations would then bargain on behalf of those drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is amazing,\" said Saad Melouchi, 30, who drives for Uber. \"I'm so happy for myself and for other drivers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he would like to bargain over safety, living wage and other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some for-hire drivers who spoke at the public hearing urged the council to hold off on the legislation, saying they didn't have a voice in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters Union Local 117 also celebrated the vote, while the National Right To Work Legal Foundation criticized it as a violation of drivers' rights.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two days after a San Francisco federal judge \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/10/uber-drivers-class-action-lawsuit-expanded\" target=\"_blank\">expanded a lawsuit\u003c/a> by California drivers against Uber, the company sent out a new arbitration agreement that an attorney alleges is an attempt to \"potentially trick\" drivers into opting out of the class action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shannon Liss-Riordan, who filed the suit on behalf of drivers seeking to be classified as employees rather than independent contractors, wrote that she received between 100-200 inquiries from Uber drivers \"who have expressed confusion and dismay about the new agreement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She filed a motion Friday asking U.S. District Judge Edward Chen to invalidate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Uber has attempted to usurp this Court's role of overseeing the process of issuing class notice and allowing drivers to have a full and fair opportunity, supervised by the Court, to learn about the case and choose whether or not to participate or opt out,\" the motion read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Wednesday, Chen agreed to expand the suit to include drivers who signed recent arbitration clauses, which Liss-Riordan said would include \"many more thousands\" of drivers in the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Dt3CpiEyhq9gvdXnR3PAkgUsEsDajHPJ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen ruled the clause was unenforceable because it contained an illegal waiver for PAGA, the Private Attorney General Act, which allows a private citizen to sue on behalf of the state for labor code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber officials say the company sent out a new agreement that clears this up and addresses Chen's concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe strongly that our agreements are valid, but we are making some changes and clarifications to remove uncertainty for drivers and for us as we work through our multiple appeals on this issue,\" said an Uber spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new 21-page contract was emailed to all Uber drivers on Friday. They are required to sign it before they can use the app and drive, the spokesman said, noting that drivers have 30 days to opt out of the arbitration clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Liss-Riordan, in her motion, wrote that Uber's agreements \"mention nothing about class certification\" and give only a passing reference to the class-action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Drivers receiving the agreement would not realize that they are class members in this case, or that by agreeing and failing to opt out of the arbitration agreement, they may be giving up their right to participate,\" she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class-action suit could potentially affect up to 160,000 Uber drivers in California, and if successful would mean drivers could be reimbursed for expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber's lawyers say they informed Chen of the new agreements in court last week during a hearing in a different case involving Uber, and he \"understood both the need for Uber to send out new agreements in light of its rulings and why the planned rollout made sense.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hearing on the case is set for Thursday afternoon in Chen's courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two days after a San Francisco federal judge \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/10/uber-drivers-class-action-lawsuit-expanded\" target=\"_blank\">expanded a lawsuit\u003c/a> by California drivers against Uber, the company sent out a new arbitration agreement that an attorney alleges is an attempt to \"potentially trick\" drivers into opting out of the class action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shannon Liss-Riordan, who filed the suit on behalf of drivers seeking to be classified as employees rather than independent contractors, wrote that she received between 100-200 inquiries from Uber drivers \"who have expressed confusion and dismay about the new agreement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She filed a motion Friday asking U.S. District Judge Edward Chen to invalidate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Uber has attempted to usurp this Court's role of overseeing the process of issuing class notice and allowing drivers to have a full and fair opportunity, supervised by the Court, to learn about the case and choose whether or not to participate or opt out,\" the motion read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Wednesday, Chen agreed to expand the suit to include drivers who signed recent arbitration clauses, which Liss-Riordan said would include \"many more thousands\" of drivers in the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen ruled the clause was unenforceable because it contained an illegal waiver for PAGA, the Private Attorney General Act, which allows a private citizen to sue on behalf of the state for labor code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber officials say the company sent out a new agreement that clears this up and addresses Chen's concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe strongly that our agreements are valid, but we are making some changes and clarifications to remove uncertainty for drivers and for us as we work through our multiple appeals on this issue,\" said an Uber spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new 21-page contract was emailed to all Uber drivers on Friday. They are required to sign it before they can use the app and drive, the spokesman said, noting that drivers have 30 days to opt out of the arbitration clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Liss-Riordan, in her motion, wrote that Uber's agreements \"mention nothing about class certification\" and give only a passing reference to the class-action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Drivers receiving the agreement would not realize that they are class members in this case, or that by agreeing and failing to opt out of the arbitration agreement, they may be giving up their right to participate,\" she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class-action suit could potentially affect up to 160,000 Uber drivers in California, and if successful would mean drivers could be reimbursed for expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber's lawyers say they informed Chen of the new agreements in court last week during a hearing in a different case involving Uber, and he \"understood both the need for Uber to send out new agreements in light of its rulings and why the planned rollout made sense.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hearing on the case is set for Thursday afternoon in Chen's courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Should Farmworkers Own Part of the Farm?",
"headTitle": "Should Farmworkers Own Part of the Farm? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>If you’re a foodie, at some point you’ve probably signed up to get a fresh veggie box delivered from a local farm. You know, the kind that has organic carrots, juicy tomatoes and sometimes a weird root like a kohlrabi or rutabaga thrown in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those veggie boxes can be pricey for many Californians. Now, a new pilot project in Fresno is trying to change that, setting up mobile markets in low-income neighborhoods where people can sample produce and tell surveyors what they could afford to pay for a veggie box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s part of an effort called \u003ca href=\"http://thefoodcommons.org\">The Food Commons\u003c/a>, a project that’s also trying to transform food systems in Atlanta and New Zealand. They’re piloting the effort in Fresno, America’s most productive farm belt. It’s a place where food is largely grown for export outside the region, not for the folks who actually live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Food Commons is the brainchild of a farmer who has brought some radical ideas into agriculture, Santa Cruz strawberry grower Jim Cochran. “Good food is not just for yuppies,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/big-think\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Big Think”\u003c/a> series, we’ve been asking innovative Californians to share their big ideas in 10 words or less. Cochran’s Big Think, though, has a second part: “To grow it, can it, and sell it, all community owned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/237171203″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cochran has long believed that the people who pick and package our food should own a stake in the business, and labor under good working conditions. That’s all been part of his vision ever since he started \u003ca href=\"http://www.swantonberryfarm.com/\">Swanton Berry Farm\u003c/a>, California’s first organic strawberry farm, nearly 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swanton was the first organic farm in the U.S. to sign a union contract with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers union\u003c/a>, or UFW. A big picture of Cesar Chavez hangs on the wall of his farmstand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10790090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10790090 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stop at Swanton's Farm stand to buy organic berries, veggies, and pies, using the honor system - a box where they put in money and make their own change. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People stop at the Swanton farmstand to buy organic berries, veggies and pies, using the honor system — a box where they put in money and make their own change. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cochran says consumers sometimes have a “complete misconception” that if they are eating organically, they’re supporting better pay or working conditions for farmworkers. “It’s not just about small farms, and it’s not just about organic. Really it’s about good business practices, and good farming practices,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Other ranchers should treat their workers like this, too, if they want them to stay.’\u003ccite>Pedro Venega\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Like paying farmworkers to take care of their physical health. Before the sun rises at Cochran’s farm just north of Santa Cruz, farmworkers get ready to plant strawberries in a misty field. They greet the dawn by warming up with calisthenics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cochran brought in a kick-boxing trainer to help his farmworkers stretch their muscles before a day of digging and bending in the dirt. The rows of berries are also planted higher than most farms, so the workers don’t have to stoop so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10790087\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10790087\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworkers at Swanton Berry Farm warm up by doing stretching and calesthenics each morning, to prevent injury while stooping and bending in the fields.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers at Swanton Berry Farm warm up by doing stretching and calesthenics each morning, to prevent injury while stooping and bending in the fields. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All of Cochran’s employees get health insurance. Like Pedro Venegas, who’s worked here six years. “Other ranchers should treat their workers like this, too, if they want them to stay,” Venegas explains in Spanish, as he shovels clods of heavy dirt. “If they don’t care about their employees, they don’t give them health insurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, all the employees get a little bit of stock in the company, becoming part owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farming can bring in some pretty thin margins. So how does Cochran afford to pay those benefits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”qkftUnLFN2SKhDcTFFPxKS4N8l8Uj7Gv”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grow the product, we package it, we distribute it, we process it, and we retail it. We make our own jam out of our own strawberries and out of our own other products. And we sell it directly,” he explains. “I’ve chosen to put that efficiency and that extra margin into paying slightly better wages and quite significantly greater benefits to the employees. Instead of pocketing that myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With The Food Commons, Cochran wants to expand that vision beyond his farm — to transform entire food systems in communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the person who is picking carrots winds up owning some stock in the company that is farming,” Cochran explains. “They also own a little bit of share of the grocery store, and the processing plant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno there’s a real need for food access and decent wages: More than a quarter of residents here live below the poverty line. They’re starting with the mobile pop-up markets and the produce delivery boxes. They’re also planning to open a storefront in a low-income neighborhood, where they’ll package and sell local products like jam and veggies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10790089\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10790089 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"West Fresno residents take home free veggies in exchange for taking a survey about how much they'd pay for a veggie box. “We really have the opportunity to build something special with food commons, “says Food Commons Fresno Manager Kiel Schmidt. “It will be owned by the community, it will create wealth for the community, while it's also improving their health.” \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">West Fresno residents take home free veggies in exchange for taking a survey about how much they’d pay for a veggie box.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.foodcommonsfresno.org/\">Fresno Food Commons\u003c/a> manager Jenny Saklar says they chose to start the pop-up markets in west Fresno because it was recently highlighted by the state EPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Zip code of 93706 in west Fresno is the least healthy place to live in all of California,” she says. “In terms of pesticide use, and highest asthma rates, and proximity to toxic sites, this community has all these layers added on top of not having these fresh fruits and vegetables to eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and other local managers are working to realize Cochran’s vision. The workers and community members would all be part owners, and the food would be priced somewhere between Whole Foods and the local mini-mart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not aiming for the boutique market,” says Cochran. “We’re aiming to produce not necessarily heirloom tomatoes, just really good tomatoes. Not fancy broccoli, just good broccoli.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might be skeptical that folks with limited resources will pay a little more after trying really good broccoli. But a lot of Cochran’s crazy ideas have made good sense. Like going organic when no one else would.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/author/sasha-khokha\">Sasha Khokha\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> and \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kerryklein.com/\">Kerry Klein\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you’re a foodie, at some point you’ve probably signed up to get a fresh veggie box delivered from a local farm. You know, the kind that has organic carrots, juicy tomatoes and sometimes a weird root like a kohlrabi or rutabaga thrown in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those veggie boxes can be pricey for many Californians. Now, a new pilot project in Fresno is trying to change that, setting up mobile markets in low-income neighborhoods where people can sample produce and tell surveyors what they could afford to pay for a veggie box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s part of an effort called \u003ca href=\"http://thefoodcommons.org\">The Food Commons\u003c/a>, a project that’s also trying to transform food systems in Atlanta and New Zealand. They’re piloting the effort in Fresno, America’s most productive farm belt. It’s a place where food is largely grown for export outside the region, not for the folks who actually live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Food Commons is the brainchild of a farmer who has brought some radical ideas into agriculture, Santa Cruz strawberry grower Jim Cochran. “Good food is not just for yuppies,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/big-think\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Big Think”\u003c/a> series, we’ve been asking innovative Californians to share their big ideas in 10 words or less. Cochran’s Big Think, though, has a second part: “To grow it, can it, and sell it, all community owned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/237171203″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/237171203″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cochran has long believed that the people who pick and package our food should own a stake in the business, and labor under good working conditions. That’s all been part of his vision ever since he started \u003ca href=\"http://www.swantonberryfarm.com/\">Swanton Berry Farm\u003c/a>, California’s first organic strawberry farm, nearly 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swanton was the first organic farm in the U.S. to sign a union contract with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers union\u003c/a>, or UFW. A big picture of Cesar Chavez hangs on the wall of his farmstand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10790090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10790090 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stop at Swanton's Farm stand to buy organic berries, veggies, and pies, using the honor system - a box where they put in money and make their own change. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17722_farm-stand-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People stop at the Swanton farmstand to buy organic berries, veggies and pies, using the honor system — a box where they put in money and make their own change. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cochran says consumers sometimes have a “complete misconception” that if they are eating organically, they’re supporting better pay or working conditions for farmworkers. “It’s not just about small farms, and it’s not just about organic. Really it’s about good business practices, and good farming practices,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Other ranchers should treat their workers like this, too, if they want them to stay.’\u003ccite>Pedro Venega\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Like paying farmworkers to take care of their physical health. Before the sun rises at Cochran’s farm just north of Santa Cruz, farmworkers get ready to plant strawberries in a misty field. They greet the dawn by warming up with calisthenics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cochran brought in a kick-boxing trainer to help his farmworkers stretch their muscles before a day of digging and bending in the dirt. The rows of berries are also planted higher than most farms, so the workers don’t have to stoop so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10790087\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10790087\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworkers at Swanton Berry Farm warm up by doing stretching and calesthenics each morning, to prevent injury while stooping and bending in the fields.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17723_calesthenics-2-2-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers at Swanton Berry Farm warm up by doing stretching and calesthenics each morning, to prevent injury while stooping and bending in the fields. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All of Cochran’s employees get health insurance. Like Pedro Venegas, who’s worked here six years. “Other ranchers should treat their workers like this, too, if they want them to stay,” Venegas explains in Spanish, as he shovels clods of heavy dirt. “If they don’t care about their employees, they don’t give them health insurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, all the employees get a little bit of stock in the company, becoming part owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farming can bring in some pretty thin margins. So how does Cochran afford to pay those benefits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grow the product, we package it, we distribute it, we process it, and we retail it. We make our own jam out of our own strawberries and out of our own other products. And we sell it directly,” he explains. “I’ve chosen to put that efficiency and that extra margin into paying slightly better wages and quite significantly greater benefits to the employees. Instead of pocketing that myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With The Food Commons, Cochran wants to expand that vision beyond his farm — to transform entire food systems in communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the person who is picking carrots winds up owning some stock in the company that is farming,” Cochran explains. “They also own a little bit of share of the grocery store, and the processing plant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno there’s a real need for food access and decent wages: More than a quarter of residents here live below the poverty line. They’re starting with the mobile pop-up markets and the produce delivery boxes. They’re also planning to open a storefront in a low-income neighborhood, where they’ll package and sell local products like jam and veggies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10790089\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10790089 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"West Fresno residents take home free veggies in exchange for taking a survey about how much they'd pay for a veggie box. “We really have the opportunity to build something special with food commons, “says Food Commons Fresno Manager Kiel Schmidt. “It will be owned by the community, it will create wealth for the community, while it's also improving their health.” \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/RS17721_food-commons-5-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">West Fresno residents take home free veggies in exchange for taking a survey about how much they’d pay for a veggie box.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.foodcommonsfresno.org/\">Fresno Food Commons\u003c/a> manager Jenny Saklar says they chose to start the pop-up markets in west Fresno because it was recently highlighted by the state EPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Zip code of 93706 in west Fresno is the least healthy place to live in all of California,” she says. “In terms of pesticide use, and highest asthma rates, and proximity to toxic sites, this community has all these layers added on top of not having these fresh fruits and vegetables to eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and other local managers are working to realize Cochran’s vision. The workers and community members would all be part owners, and the food would be priced somewhere between Whole Foods and the local mini-mart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not aiming for the boutique market,” says Cochran. “We’re aiming to produce not necessarily heirloom tomatoes, just really good tomatoes. Not fancy broccoli, just good broccoli.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might be skeptical that folks with limited resources will pay a little more after trying really good broccoli. But a lot of Cochran’s crazy ideas have made good sense. Like going organic when no one else would.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Cities Build Momentum on Minimum Wage Boosts",
"title": "California Cities Build Momentum on Minimum Wage Boosts",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Lydia Flores saves gas money by taking a two-hour train ride to and from her cashier job at a Los Angeles supermarket. She tells her teenage sons about another way the family can save on the cost of eggs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eat it slow,” she tells them. “They gotta savor their eggs now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To stretch her dollars, Flores gets some food from churches. Her sons wear their uncle’s hand-me-downs. A couple of times a year, she’ll ask a local nonprofit to help pay a utility bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You pay one bill and leave the other. And then, you’ll get the disconnection notice, and then you pay that bill, and then leave another bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/235587324\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earning $12.88 an hour, Flores supports her two sons on roughly $2,000 a month or less after taxes. That includes a Social Security check her younger son receives because of a developmental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s stories like hers, of people who work full time and still struggle to meet basic needs, that have fueled groups such as \u003ca href=\"http://fightfor15.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Fight for $15\u003c/a> and the movement to raise wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California cities have heard their call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California cities lead the charge to raise minimum wage\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last three years, 15 of the 30 cities and counties nationwide that have voted to increase the minimum wage have been in California, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/topic/minimum-wage-living-wage/\" target=\"_blank\">UC Berkeley Labor Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is a state that has made it very clear to cities and counties that they have the authority to pass a higher minimum wage,” said Laura Huizar, staff attorney for the National Employment Law Project, a Washington, D.C., nonprofit that publishes research about low-wage workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777889\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10777889\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Lydia Flores rallies with her union, UFCW, for a new contract. Flores supports two teenage sons on $12.88 an hour as a cashier in Los Angeles.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-800x528.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-400x264.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-1180x778.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-960x633.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lydia Flores rallies with her union, UFCW, for a new contract. Flores supports two teenage sons on $12.88 an hour as a cashier in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huizar said some states, like Georgia and Texas, prohibit localities from passing minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other experts say a mix of politics and economics explain why half of the recent local increases have happened through California regional governments. Andrew Busch of the Rose Institute of State and Local Government at Claremont McKenna College said it’s the left-leaning politics and high cost of living in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Policymakers or voters are more receptive to an increased minimum wage because they see that it just costs a lot more to live in those places,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders of the Fight for $15 movement say getting traction on the city level hasn’t necessarily been the focus of their campaign. It is one of many groups that organized to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles. But leaders say their demonstrations have influenced New York State policymakers and employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s all types of ways to get there, and I don’t think that the workers really care how they get there. They care that they have $15 so they can get out of poverty,” said Kendall Fells, organizing director for Fight for $15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"7m2qiWIcCYdLSSCPAxEcFGQRyArAf0rq\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, actions by the California cities could prove influential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California raised its minimum wage from $8 to $9 an hour in July 2014. The state will raise it again to $10 an hour in January 2016. Large cities in the Los Angeles and San Francisco metro areas have passed ordinances to raise their minimum wages to up to $15 an hour by 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Busch said if enough cities adopt an increase, there may be a “psychological momentum” to adopt similar increases statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They might begin to make the argument that there are too many cities at risk of losing jobs to competitor cities, and the playing field needs to be leveled out,” Busch said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cities' minimum wage movements may influence state actions\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, state Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco), who authored a bill this year to raise the minimum wage statewide to $13 with future adjustments for inflation, said higher wages in cities create an opportunity for state policy to make the marketplace fairer for competing businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raising our state minimum wage to be a little closer to some of these higher city and county minimum wages would do that,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, Leno said, if cities show that local wage increases don’t “kill jobs,” that would help proponents of the statewide measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777891\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10777891\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) authored a bill this year to raise the state's minimum wage to $13. It stalled in committee.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-400x265.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1440x953.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) authored a bill this year to raise the state's minimum wage to $13. It stalled in committee. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the wave of new local wage ordinances has California employers concerned. \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbrt.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The California Business Roundtable\u003c/a> hasn’t yet taken a stance on the statewide wage proposals, and says its members don’t employ many low-wage workers. But Robert Lapsley, president of the roundtable, said minimum wage decisions should happen at the state Capitol, with regional economic differences taken into account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"How do you make good public policy if you’re doing it solely within one city when it’s going to have ripple effects throughout the entire region?” Lapsley asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While proponents of this year’s statewide legislation want to raise the minimum wage so that families of three or four people stay out of poverty, Lapsley argued that’s something the minimum wage was never intended to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the wrong debate,” he said. “It’s really about we have to be growing our jobs so that we have middle-class jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Lapsley said the business community wants to see the manufacturing sector grow to create more opportunities for Californians to transition out of lower-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $13 minimum wage bill stalled in committee this year, but Leno said he will reignite the push in 2016. The wave of cities raising their minimum wages wasn’t the impetus for his effort, Leno said, but the local efforts “inspire and encourage” the statewide legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a couple of 2016 ballot proposals would set the state minimum wage at $15 an hour, one by 2020 and the other by 2021. Neither has yet qualified for the ballot. Busch said efforts to raise the wage at the local level may give those initiatives momentum, but backers will still need to show voters that the increase wouldn’t hurt the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That $15 minimum wage in Los Angeles couldn’t come soon enough for Flores, who works in an area supermarket. When her pay is increased, she said, she could buy her two sons new clothes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Couldn’t they raise it right now?\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/pauline-bartolone/\">Pauline Bartolone\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lydia Flores saves gas money by taking a two-hour train ride to and from her cashier job at a Los Angeles supermarket. She tells her teenage sons about another way the family can save on the cost of eggs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eat it slow,” she tells them. “They gotta savor their eggs now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To stretch her dollars, Flores gets some food from churches. Her sons wear their uncle’s hand-me-downs. A couple of times a year, she’ll ask a local nonprofit to help pay a utility bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You pay one bill and leave the other. And then, you’ll get the disconnection notice, and then you pay that bill, and then leave another bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/235587324&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/235587324'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earning $12.88 an hour, Flores supports her two sons on roughly $2,000 a month or less after taxes. That includes a Social Security check her younger son receives because of a developmental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s stories like hers, of people who work full time and still struggle to meet basic needs, that have fueled groups such as \u003ca href=\"http://fightfor15.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Fight for $15\u003c/a> and the movement to raise wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California cities have heard their call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California cities lead the charge to raise minimum wage\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last three years, 15 of the 30 cities and counties nationwide that have voted to increase the minimum wage have been in California, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/topic/minimum-wage-living-wage/\" target=\"_blank\">UC Berkeley Labor Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is a state that has made it very clear to cities and counties that they have the authority to pass a higher minimum wage,” said Laura Huizar, staff attorney for the National Employment Law Project, a Washington, D.C., nonprofit that publishes research about low-wage workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777889\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10777889\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Lydia Flores rallies with her union, UFCW, for a new contract. Flores supports two teenage sons on $12.88 an hour as a cashier in Los Angeles.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-800x528.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-400x264.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-1180x778.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/LydiaFlores-960x633.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lydia Flores rallies with her union, UFCW, for a new contract. Flores supports two teenage sons on $12.88 an hour as a cashier in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huizar said some states, like Georgia and Texas, prohibit localities from passing minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other experts say a mix of politics and economics explain why half of the recent local increases have happened through California regional governments. Andrew Busch of the Rose Institute of State and Local Government at Claremont McKenna College said it’s the left-leaning politics and high cost of living in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Policymakers or voters are more receptive to an increased minimum wage because they see that it just costs a lot more to live in those places,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders of the Fight for $15 movement say getting traction on the city level hasn’t necessarily been the focus of their campaign. It is one of many groups that organized to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles. But leaders say their demonstrations have influenced New York State policymakers and employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s all types of ways to get there, and I don’t think that the workers really care how they get there. They care that they have $15 so they can get out of poverty,” said Kendall Fells, organizing director for Fight for $15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, actions by the California cities could prove influential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California raised its minimum wage from $8 to $9 an hour in July 2014. The state will raise it again to $10 an hour in January 2016. Large cities in the Los Angeles and San Francisco metro areas have passed ordinances to raise their minimum wages to up to $15 an hour by 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Busch said if enough cities adopt an increase, there may be a “psychological momentum” to adopt similar increases statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They might begin to make the argument that there are too many cities at risk of losing jobs to competitor cities, and the playing field needs to be leveled out,” Busch said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cities' minimum wage movements may influence state actions\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, state Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco), who authored a bill this year to raise the minimum wage statewide to $13 with future adjustments for inflation, said higher wages in cities create an opportunity for state policy to make the marketplace fairer for competing businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raising our state minimum wage to be a little closer to some of these higher city and county minimum wages would do that,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, Leno said, if cities show that local wage increases don’t “kill jobs,” that would help proponents of the statewide measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777891\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10777891\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) authored a bill this year to raise the state's minimum wage to $13. It stalled in committee.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-400x265.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1440x953.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) authored a bill this year to raise the state's minimum wage to $13. It stalled in committee. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the wave of new local wage ordinances has California employers concerned. \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbrt.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The California Business Roundtable\u003c/a> hasn’t yet taken a stance on the statewide wage proposals, and says its members don’t employ many low-wage workers. But Robert Lapsley, president of the roundtable, said minimum wage decisions should happen at the state Capitol, with regional economic differences taken into account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"How do you make good public policy if you’re doing it solely within one city when it’s going to have ripple effects throughout the entire region?” Lapsley asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While proponents of this year’s statewide legislation want to raise the minimum wage so that families of three or four people stay out of poverty, Lapsley argued that’s something the minimum wage was never intended to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the wrong debate,” he said. “It’s really about we have to be growing our jobs so that we have middle-class jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Lapsley said the business community wants to see the manufacturing sector grow to create more opportunities for Californians to transition out of lower-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $13 minimum wage bill stalled in committee this year, but Leno said he will reignite the push in 2016. The wave of cities raising their minimum wages wasn’t the impetus for his effort, Leno said, but the local efforts “inspire and encourage” the statewide legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a couple of 2016 ballot proposals would set the state minimum wage at $15 an hour, one by 2020 and the other by 2021. Neither has yet qualified for the ballot. Busch said efforts to raise the wage at the local level may give those initiatives momentum, but backers will still need to show voters that the increase wouldn’t hurt the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That $15 minimum wage in Los Angeles couldn’t come soon enough for Flores, who works in an area supermarket. When her pay is increased, she said, she could buy her two sons new clothes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Couldn’t they raise it right now?\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cal State Faculty Union Votes to Authorize Strike If Negotiations Fail",
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"content": "\u003cp>The union that represents faculty members, counselors, librarians and coaches at the 23 California State University campuses has voted to authorize a strike if contract negotiations fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results released Wednesday follow a 10-day strike authorization vote held online and in person. It is at least the fourth vote that the California Faculty Association has held in eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"DLIR0SMxoZOeAWR2DckOXPcSqwmMLWTl\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, which represents 25,000 university employees, and the Cal State system have been negotiating since May on the size of the pay raises that union members will get this school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faculty association is seeking a 5 percent salary increase, along with a 2.7 percent pay bump based on years of service. The university is offering raises of 2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The union that represents faculty members, counselors, librarians and coaches at the 23 California State University campuses has voted to authorize a strike if contract negotiations fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results released Wednesday follow a 10-day strike authorization vote held online and in person. It is at least the fourth vote that the California Faculty Association has held in eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, which represents 25,000 university employees, and the Cal State system have been negotiating since May on the size of the pay raises that union members will get this school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faculty association is seeking a 5 percent salary increase, along with a 2.7 percent pay bump based on years of service. The university is offering raises of 2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Drought Survey: Jobs Drying Up for Indigenous Farmworkers",
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"content": "\u003cp>I first met Zenaida Ventura 11 years ago, when she was just a teenager. She was wielding giant clippers, pruning gnarled grapevines in a field south of Fresno one cold morning. She was working alongside her father, Rufino, and I showed up with my microphone to ask them how they protected themselves from pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Rufino Ventura on protecting farmworkers from pesticide, 2004\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009\" params=\"color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"20\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Venturas were recent immigrants then, who spoke Mixteco, an indigenous language from Oaxaca. The term “indigenous” means their language and culture predate the Spanish conquest of Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ran into Zenaida again a few weeks ago. Now she’s 29 and trilingual -- she speaks Spanish, Mixteco and English. She has become a community leader, and is helping to conduct a unique survey of other \u003ca href=\"http://www.indigenousfarmworkers.org/index.shtml\">indigenous farmworkers\u003c/a> through the \u003ca href=\"http://centrobinacional.org/en/about-us/\">Binational Center for the Development of Oaxacan Indigenous Communities\u003c/a> (CBDIO), a nonprofit that works in both Mexico and the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s standing at a booth at a farmers market in Madera County, home to one of the highest concentrations of Mexican indigenous immigrants in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing surveys, especially to the farmworkers that are indigenous from Oaxaca, or Guerrero, Pueblo,” she explains. “Have they worked in the fields? Have they been affected because of the drought?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman pushing her kids in a stroller approaches Ventura’s booth and agrees to answer the survey questions. She says her husband went to Washington state this year for the first time to pick blueberries. It was just too hard to piece together enough hours of work in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have tried to quantify the economic impact of the drought on workers. One recent \u003ca href=\"https://watershed.ucdavis.edu/files/biblio/Final_Drought%20Report_08182015_Full_Report_WithAppendices.pdf\">UC Davis forecast\u003c/a>, for example, estimates more than 10,000 California farmworkers will have lost their jobs this year due to farms having less water. What those studies don’t show is that indigenous farmworkers are more likely to be undocumented and among the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727448\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many people do not realize, but there is a pecking order, a hierarchy, in the labor force in agriculture,” says Professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/gaspar-rivera-salgado/\">Gaspar Rivera-Salgado\u003c/a>. He studies Mexican migration at the UCLA Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only hierarchy in terms of when you migrated,\" he explains, \"but also this ethnic hierarchy, because these indigenous migrants that come from Mexico also tend to be very discriminated against, not only in Mexico, but also here in the United States.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re less likely to get more stable jobs as tractor drivers or supervisors. Those jobs usually go to mestizos, Mexicans who have mixed Spanish and indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado says this new grass-roots survey of more than 350 farmworkers -- a collaboration between several nonprofit organizations in Fresno and Madera County, including CBDIO, \u003ca href=\"http://centralcallegal.org\" target=\"_blank\">Central California Legal Services\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"http://www.crlaf.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> CRLA Foundation\u003c/a> -- is taking an important pulse of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve been really picking up a lot of details about how tough it has been for families to make ends meet,\" says Rivera-Salgado. \"A lot of these families, they’re really at a crossroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727449\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, 92 percent of the indigenous farmworkers surveyed in this project say they’ve had less work or no work because of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Maura Lukas, a Mixteca woman who lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. She’s chopping some onions she got at a food bank on a table set up in a patch of dirt in front of her apartment, next to where she hangs laundry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"5GjcnjOHzCAbIoB2R0KlLWzNmzzC9R2i\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rent is $600, and the truth is, we could only pay half, $300,” she tells me. “Our electricity was $119. I have to pay that in payments, too. There just isn’t money for everything. We don’t have enough to eat. That’s what we really need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas says this year has been the hardest since they came to the U.S. from Oaxaca. They’ve scrambled to get enough hours picking grapes, raisins and cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s trying to make meals stretch as best she can, especially as winter approaches. Normally, that’s the time when farmworkers try to live off the savings they’ve scraped together from the harvest season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, she says, there aren’t any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zenaida Ventura says the workers she’s surveyed who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have jobs say working conditions have gotten worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727450\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Because of the lack of jobs, you have to do whatever it takes to stay there, no matter if they don’t give you shade or water or your rights. Your working rights. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura isn’t surprised that 81 percent of those surveyed have no knowledge of any programs to help farmworkers affected by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if they knew about them, Ventura says, they’re not necessarily eligible. Some \u003ca href=\"http://fresnocitycollege.edu/index.aspx?page=3158\">drought-related job retraining programs \u003c/a>for farmworkers require a Social Security number, GED or high school diploma. Farmworkers can’t get unemployment benefits if they’re undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The documented farmworkers, they can go and apply for unemployment,” says Ventura, “or they can look for another job, if there’s an opening for a restaurant to do dishes. But for the undocumented farmworker, there’s nothing. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit groups conducting the surveys plan to present their results at a legislative briefing in Sacramento next week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I first met Zenaida Ventura 11 years ago, when she was just a teenager. She was wielding giant clippers, pruning gnarled grapevines in a field south of Fresno one cold morning. She was working alongside her father, Rufino, and I showed up with my microphone to ask them how they protected themselves from pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Rufino Ventura on protecting farmworkers from pesticide, 2004\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='20'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009&visual=true&color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Venturas were recent immigrants then, who spoke Mixteco, an indigenous language from Oaxaca. The term “indigenous” means their language and culture predate the Spanish conquest of Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ran into Zenaida again a few weeks ago. Now she’s 29 and trilingual -- she speaks Spanish, Mixteco and English. She has become a community leader, and is helping to conduct a unique survey of other \u003ca href=\"http://www.indigenousfarmworkers.org/index.shtml\">indigenous farmworkers\u003c/a> through the \u003ca href=\"http://centrobinacional.org/en/about-us/\">Binational Center for the Development of Oaxacan Indigenous Communities\u003c/a> (CBDIO), a nonprofit that works in both Mexico and the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s standing at a booth at a farmers market in Madera County, home to one of the highest concentrations of Mexican indigenous immigrants in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing surveys, especially to the farmworkers that are indigenous from Oaxaca, or Guerrero, Pueblo,” she explains. “Have they worked in the fields? Have they been affected because of the drought?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman pushing her kids in a stroller approaches Ventura’s booth and agrees to answer the survey questions. She says her husband went to Washington state this year for the first time to pick blueberries. It was just too hard to piece together enough hours of work in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have tried to quantify the economic impact of the drought on workers. One recent \u003ca href=\"https://watershed.ucdavis.edu/files/biblio/Final_Drought%20Report_08182015_Full_Report_WithAppendices.pdf\">UC Davis forecast\u003c/a>, for example, estimates more than 10,000 California farmworkers will have lost their jobs this year due to farms having less water. What those studies don’t show is that indigenous farmworkers are more likely to be undocumented and among the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727448\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many people do not realize, but there is a pecking order, a hierarchy, in the labor force in agriculture,” says Professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/gaspar-rivera-salgado/\">Gaspar Rivera-Salgado\u003c/a>. He studies Mexican migration at the UCLA Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only hierarchy in terms of when you migrated,\" he explains, \"but also this ethnic hierarchy, because these indigenous migrants that come from Mexico also tend to be very discriminated against, not only in Mexico, but also here in the United States.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re less likely to get more stable jobs as tractor drivers or supervisors. Those jobs usually go to mestizos, Mexicans who have mixed Spanish and indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado says this new grass-roots survey of more than 350 farmworkers -- a collaboration between several nonprofit organizations in Fresno and Madera County, including CBDIO, \u003ca href=\"http://centralcallegal.org\" target=\"_blank\">Central California Legal Services\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"http://www.crlaf.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> CRLA Foundation\u003c/a> -- is taking an important pulse of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve been really picking up a lot of details about how tough it has been for families to make ends meet,\" says Rivera-Salgado. \"A lot of these families, they’re really at a crossroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727449\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, 92 percent of the indigenous farmworkers surveyed in this project say they’ve had less work or no work because of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Maura Lukas, a Mixteca woman who lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. She’s chopping some onions she got at a food bank on a table set up in a patch of dirt in front of her apartment, next to where she hangs laundry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rent is $600, and the truth is, we could only pay half, $300,” she tells me. “Our electricity was $119. I have to pay that in payments, too. There just isn’t money for everything. We don’t have enough to eat. That’s what we really need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas says this year has been the hardest since they came to the U.S. from Oaxaca. They’ve scrambled to get enough hours picking grapes, raisins and cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s trying to make meals stretch as best she can, especially as winter approaches. Normally, that’s the time when farmworkers try to live off the savings they’ve scraped together from the harvest season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, she says, there aren’t any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zenaida Ventura says the workers she’s surveyed who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have jobs say working conditions have gotten worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727450\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Because of the lack of jobs, you have to do whatever it takes to stay there, no matter if they don’t give you shade or water or your rights. Your working rights. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura isn’t surprised that 81 percent of those surveyed have no knowledge of any programs to help farmworkers affected by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if they knew about them, Ventura says, they’re not necessarily eligible. Some \u003ca href=\"http://fresnocitycollege.edu/index.aspx?page=3158\">drought-related job retraining programs \u003c/a>for farmworkers require a Social Security number, GED or high school diploma. Farmworkers can’t get unemployment benefits if they’re undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The documented farmworkers, they can go and apply for unemployment,” says Ventura, “or they can look for another job, if there’s an opening for a restaurant to do dishes. But for the undocumented farmworker, there’s nothing. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit groups conducting the surveys plan to present their results at a legislative briefing in Sacramento next week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calstate.edu/\">California State University\u003c/a> faculty members are gearing up for a strike vote on Monday. Labor leaders say possible job actions would not happen until early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 23-campus system got an additional $97 million in state funding for 2015-2016, thanks in part to intense lobbying efforts by students and faculty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The additional funding, however, has resulted in a major labor dispute between the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/\">California Faculty Association\u003c/a> and CSU management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty members are demanding a 5 percent salary increase with an additional 2.65 percent for faculty at the lowest end of the pay scale. CSU officials are refusing to provide those increases, and instead are offering a 2 percent across-the-board pay hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides have deadlocked on the issue despite mediation last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228366318\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next phase of negotiation is a fact-finding mission in an attempt to strike a financial compromise, a phase expected to take a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty union leaders say any kind of job action -- either one-day strikes or rolling strikes across all campuses -- will not likely happen until early 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/person/jennifer-eagan\">Jennifer Eagan\u003c/a>, president of the California Faculty Association, says CSU has been chronically underfunding salaries, and any increase in state funding to the system should go toward instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of tenure-line faculty has decreased by 3 percent, even though the numbers of students have gone up,” Eagan says. “The number of administrators has gone up by 19 percent. So we have fewer faculty and more managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eagan and other labor leaders also cite data that show some public school teachers in certain parts of California are actually making more money than some CSU faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSU administration officials say the 2 percent increase is as much as they can afford, given all the competing interests such as hiring new faculty, technology and facility upgrades, and better student services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chancellor's Office also argues that the additional $97 million was never meant for faculty raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That extra $97 million was designated to improve the number of students that we could accept in our system,” says Laurie Weidner, CSU assistant vice chancellor of public affairs. “We were able to accept 2 percent more students, which is approximately 12,300 more transfer students and more students across the state because of that funding.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calstate.edu/\">California State University\u003c/a> faculty members are gearing up for a strike vote on Monday. Labor leaders say possible job actions would not happen until early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 23-campus system got an additional $97 million in state funding for 2015-2016, thanks in part to intense lobbying efforts by students and faculty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The additional funding, however, has resulted in a major labor dispute between the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/\">California Faculty Association\u003c/a> and CSU management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty members are demanding a 5 percent salary increase with an additional 2.65 percent for faculty at the lowest end of the pay scale. CSU officials are refusing to provide those increases, and instead are offering a 2 percent across-the-board pay hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides have deadlocked on the issue despite mediation last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228366318&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228366318'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next phase of negotiation is a fact-finding mission in an attempt to strike a financial compromise, a phase expected to take a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty union leaders say any kind of job action -- either one-day strikes or rolling strikes across all campuses -- will not likely happen until early 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/person/jennifer-eagan\">Jennifer Eagan\u003c/a>, president of the California Faculty Association, says CSU has been chronically underfunding salaries, and any increase in state funding to the system should go toward instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of tenure-line faculty has decreased by 3 percent, even though the numbers of students have gone up,” Eagan says. “The number of administrators has gone up by 19 percent. So we have fewer faculty and more managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eagan and other labor leaders also cite data that show some public school teachers in certain parts of California are actually making more money than some CSU faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSU administration officials say the 2 percent increase is as much as they can afford, given all the competing interests such as hiring new faculty, technology and facility upgrades, and better student services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chancellor's Office also argues that the additional $97 million was never meant for faculty raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That extra $97 million was designated to improve the number of students that we could accept in our system,” says Laurie Weidner, CSU assistant vice chancellor of public affairs. “We were able to accept 2 percent more students, which is approximately 12,300 more transfer students and more students across the state because of that funding.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Forgotten Filipino-Americans Who Led the ’65 Delano Grape Strike",
"title": "The Forgotten Filipino-Americans Who Led the ’65 Delano Grape Strike",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Today, grapes in the grocery store don’t seem that controversial. But 50 years ago, a historic strike in California’s Central Valley vineyards set in motion the most significant campaign in modern labor history: the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> and Cesar Chavez are widely known for running the Delano Grape Strike and prompting an international boycott of table grapes, the origins of that movement are rarely discussed. Some people in the town of Delano and across the state are determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be easy to drive through Delano and have no idea that history was made here. It’s a dry, hot Central Valley town, and places of historical importance -- such as a retirement home, a church, and acres and acres of farmland -- look ordinary on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667541\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1440x958.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many people, though, these places are sacred ground: the vineyards, picketed for years by farmworkers and their supporters; the high school auditorium where Sen. Bobby Kennedy spoke; a white stucco building on the edge of town where Cesar Chavez carried out a hunger strike and became a national symbol of farmworker rights; and a utilitarian community center known as Filipino Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To resident Roger Gadiano, Filipino Hall is a shrine. “This is our Mecca,” he says. “I guess it’s our Selma. This is it!” Because in this building, on the night of Sept. 7, 1965, farmworkers voted to go on strike the next day. They were almost all Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t know who in the heck walked in here … but I do.” Gadiano says. “It tickles me. We’re a part of a big history. We took a step that was bold and that no one else would take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those voting -- and striking -- were elders called Manongs, the mostly migrant, bachelor Filipino farmworkers whose names and stories few people know, even in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667678\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg\" alt=\"Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-400x271.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1440x975.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1180x799.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-960x650.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Philippine Weekend, a cultural celebration and kind of family reunion, a group of young women say they never learned about the farmworker movement in school. Anhelica Perez says her Latina grandmother and other relatives actually participated in the strike and ensuing boycott, “So it was active family history, but it was not taught -- or talked about -- at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she’s in her late 20s, Melanie Retuda says she learned about the Filipino origins of the strike only last year. “I’d known of Cesar Chavez and Hispanics being involved,” she says. “Being Filipino, it’s like, ‘Wow.’ Filipinos actually made an impact in the process. It makes me proud that they were involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is outraged that this history is not known because the actions those Filipinos took improved her family’s lives. “I mean, I’m extremely proud that Cesar Chavez was the right face at the right time, but a lot of the dirty work was already done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667728\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-800x1010.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1010\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-400x505.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In many ways, Filipino farmworkers and labor organizers had prepared for the Delano Grape Strike for decades. Dawn Mabalon, professor of history at San Francisco State University, says they’d been fighting for better working conditions since the 1920s, and had a key win in 1939 in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five to seven thousand Filipinos in asparagus fields all walk out at the height of the season, on Good Friday,” threatening the availability of asparagus on Easter dinner tables, Mabalon says. “Growers capitulated in a day. So Filipinos know that if they all walk out, in absolute unity, with absolute militancy, they’re probably going to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the ’60s, though, conditions for farmworkers across the state were still dismal. Mabalon describes conducting oral histories in which she heard stories of field crews sharing just one tin cup of water. “You still had no bathrooms in the fields, poor wages, no workers' comp, no unemployment, no Social Security,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the summer of 1965, when growers cut the pay of Filipinos picking grapes in the Coachella Valley, they were prepared to act. These workers, members of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, were “led by this really charismatic, seasoned, militant labor leader, Larry Itliong,” Mabalon says, “and they make a stand against the farmers in Coachella and they win: $1.40 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Xotg4AWAehe1ZfO0noGLK1OdPcrHAvPQ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they migrated north to Delano, organizers like Itliong, Philip Vera Cruz and Pete Velasco urged local families to join them in asking for improved conditions (the same raise to $1.40 an hour). Growers balked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired journalist Alex Edillor was only 11 years old, but he remembers his farmworker parents coming back from heated meetings, and talking about a potential strike over the kitchen table. “There were people with mortgages, with families to feed, considering a strike action,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667730\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667730\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-400x290.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-960x697.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the evening of Sept. 7, workers gathered at Filipino Hall and voted to strike. The next morning they went out to the vineyards, as they always did, but made a dramatic stand. Edillor remembers: \u003ci>“\u003c/i>It was the first day of school, I was all prepared to come home, watch a little TV,” but when he came home, his parents were there. Like the Manongs, and other locals, they’d worked a full day, then left the harvested crop on the ground and walked off the vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano, who had family members join the strike, adds, “Just imagine over 1,500 old Filipino men at different labor camps, different vineyards, all walking out at same time. How awesome is that!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Gadiano’s first day of his senior year of high school. He remembers walking into his Spanish II class, and being approached by a grower’s son. “‘Hey Rog, your Uncle Max just went on strike.’ I went, ‘He did? They just want a raise.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers got kicked out of labor camps. Gadiano says, “The farmers were going to use the Mexicans to break the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Chavez and others, like Dolores Huerta and Gil Padilla, had been organizing Mexican workers around Delano for a few years through the National Farm Workers Association, but a strike wasn’t in their immediate plans. So Larry Itliong appealed to Chavez, and two weeks later, the much more sizable group of Mexican workers joined the strike. Soon, the two unions came together to form what would become United Farm Workers, with Larry Itliong assistant director under Chavez. It was a historic interracial union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667734\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-400x261.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These two groups that had been kept apart for so long, coming together, that is the power in the Delano Grape Strike,” says historian Mabalon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexicans and Filipinos gathered at Filipino Hall, eating fishhead soup and preparing strikers’ meals, organizing, even sleeping there. Gadiano passed by every day on his way to high school and saw the steps filled with picket signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d eat breakfast and pick up their signs and go to a field location and picket,” he remembers. It took five years of striking, plus an international boycott of table grapes, before growers signed contracts with the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those years weren’t easy on strikers, families or Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano shows me around the grocery store his dad once owned. As the only supplier of Filipino goods in the region, it was popular with townspeople and labor camps, where the family delivered fish, meat and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A common order was a 100-pound sack of Calrose rice, sticky rice,” Gadiano remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667737\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667737\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg\" alt=\"Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-400x338.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1440x1216.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1180x996.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-960x811.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His dad also helped out families of striking workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were giving them credit to pay us back when work started. We carried hundreds of families. We were stuck in the middle because we had the store.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families were like Alex Edillor’s: his parents walked off the fields initially, but after a few weeks they felt they had to return to work. He remembers the tension, even in places like church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of split down the middle of the church: This is where the strikers went, this is where the people who went back to work went,” he says. “There was a strange division among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, though, people who sat on either side of the aisle join in wanting to share this history. “We came back together because, looking back on it, we were very proud of that moment,\" Edillor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mabalon says, growing up not knowing this history, she and her peers feel the hurt of a generation. “It’s our story, and it demands our love and attention and respect, and we need to tell this story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667732\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Angelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently-completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-400x292.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1440x1052.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1180x862.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-960x702.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anhelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s happening more and more. Mabalon is writing a biography of Larry Itliong; Edillor and Gadiano have organized a \u003ca href=\"https://roundtown.com/event/10151147/Bold-Step-Celebration-the-50th-Anniversary-the-Delano-Grape-Strike-Delano-CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">celebration\u003c/a> in Delano over Labor Day weekend; and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanomanongs.com/\">documentary\u003c/a> on the Manongs came out last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Gov. Jerry Brown signed two pieces of legislation, one recognizing \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2015/07/06/california-to-recognize-filipino-american-larry-itliong-on-oct-25\">Larry Itliong Day\u003c/a>, the other \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB123\">requiring public schools\u003c/a> to teach this history. Rob Bonta, the state’s only Filipino-American Assembly member, introduced those bills. Although his parents were farm labor organizers and he grew up in UFW headquarters, he says, “When I cracked the history books in high school and college, I didn’t see those stories being told.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, Gadiano ends a tour of the town at one last, ordinary place: Larry Itliong’s simple gravesite. The headstone says only, “Beloved husband and father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He gave our people some dignity,\" Gadiano says. \"He gave his guts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This piece was reported for \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways,\u003c/a> in collaboration with the\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music by Susie Ibarra and Los Lobos.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Today, grapes in the grocery store don’t seem that controversial. But 50 years ago, a historic strike in California’s Central Valley vineyards set in motion the most significant campaign in modern labor history: the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> and Cesar Chavez are widely known for running the Delano Grape Strike and prompting an international boycott of table grapes, the origins of that movement are rarely discussed. Some people in the town of Delano and across the state are determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be easy to drive through Delano and have no idea that history was made here. It’s a dry, hot Central Valley town, and places of historical importance -- such as a retirement home, a church, and acres and acres of farmland -- look ordinary on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667541\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1440x958.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many people, though, these places are sacred ground: the vineyards, picketed for years by farmworkers and their supporters; the high school auditorium where Sen. Bobby Kennedy spoke; a white stucco building on the edge of town where Cesar Chavez carried out a hunger strike and became a national symbol of farmworker rights; and a utilitarian community center known as Filipino Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To resident Roger Gadiano, Filipino Hall is a shrine. “This is our Mecca,” he says. “I guess it’s our Selma. This is it!” Because in this building, on the night of Sept. 7, 1965, farmworkers voted to go on strike the next day. They were almost all Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t know who in the heck walked in here … but I do.” Gadiano says. “It tickles me. We’re a part of a big history. We took a step that was bold and that no one else would take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those voting -- and striking -- were elders called Manongs, the mostly migrant, bachelor Filipino farmworkers whose names and stories few people know, even in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667678\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg\" alt=\"Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-400x271.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1440x975.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1180x799.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-960x650.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Philippine Weekend, a cultural celebration and kind of family reunion, a group of young women say they never learned about the farmworker movement in school. Anhelica Perez says her Latina grandmother and other relatives actually participated in the strike and ensuing boycott, “So it was active family history, but it was not taught -- or talked about -- at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she’s in her late 20s, Melanie Retuda says she learned about the Filipino origins of the strike only last year. “I’d known of Cesar Chavez and Hispanics being involved,” she says. “Being Filipino, it’s like, ‘Wow.’ Filipinos actually made an impact in the process. It makes me proud that they were involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is outraged that this history is not known because the actions those Filipinos took improved her family’s lives. “I mean, I’m extremely proud that Cesar Chavez was the right face at the right time, but a lot of the dirty work was already done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667728\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-800x1010.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1010\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-400x505.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In many ways, Filipino farmworkers and labor organizers had prepared for the Delano Grape Strike for decades. Dawn Mabalon, professor of history at San Francisco State University, says they’d been fighting for better working conditions since the 1920s, and had a key win in 1939 in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five to seven thousand Filipinos in asparagus fields all walk out at the height of the season, on Good Friday,” threatening the availability of asparagus on Easter dinner tables, Mabalon says. “Growers capitulated in a day. So Filipinos know that if they all walk out, in absolute unity, with absolute militancy, they’re probably going to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the ’60s, though, conditions for farmworkers across the state were still dismal. Mabalon describes conducting oral histories in which she heard stories of field crews sharing just one tin cup of water. “You still had no bathrooms in the fields, poor wages, no workers' comp, no unemployment, no Social Security,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the summer of 1965, when growers cut the pay of Filipinos picking grapes in the Coachella Valley, they were prepared to act. These workers, members of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, were “led by this really charismatic, seasoned, militant labor leader, Larry Itliong,” Mabalon says, “and they make a stand against the farmers in Coachella and they win: $1.40 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they migrated north to Delano, organizers like Itliong, Philip Vera Cruz and Pete Velasco urged local families to join them in asking for improved conditions (the same raise to $1.40 an hour). Growers balked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired journalist Alex Edillor was only 11 years old, but he remembers his farmworker parents coming back from heated meetings, and talking about a potential strike over the kitchen table. “There were people with mortgages, with families to feed, considering a strike action,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667730\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667730\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-400x290.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-960x697.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the evening of Sept. 7, workers gathered at Filipino Hall and voted to strike. The next morning they went out to the vineyards, as they always did, but made a dramatic stand. Edillor remembers: \u003ci>“\u003c/i>It was the first day of school, I was all prepared to come home, watch a little TV,” but when he came home, his parents were there. Like the Manongs, and other locals, they’d worked a full day, then left the harvested crop on the ground and walked off the vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano, who had family members join the strike, adds, “Just imagine over 1,500 old Filipino men at different labor camps, different vineyards, all walking out at same time. How awesome is that!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Gadiano’s first day of his senior year of high school. He remembers walking into his Spanish II class, and being approached by a grower’s son. “‘Hey Rog, your Uncle Max just went on strike.’ I went, ‘He did? They just want a raise.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers got kicked out of labor camps. Gadiano says, “The farmers were going to use the Mexicans to break the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Chavez and others, like Dolores Huerta and Gil Padilla, had been organizing Mexican workers around Delano for a few years through the National Farm Workers Association, but a strike wasn’t in their immediate plans. So Larry Itliong appealed to Chavez, and two weeks later, the much more sizable group of Mexican workers joined the strike. Soon, the two unions came together to form what would become United Farm Workers, with Larry Itliong assistant director under Chavez. It was a historic interracial union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667734\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-400x261.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These two groups that had been kept apart for so long, coming together, that is the power in the Delano Grape Strike,” says historian Mabalon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexicans and Filipinos gathered at Filipino Hall, eating fishhead soup and preparing strikers’ meals, organizing, even sleeping there. Gadiano passed by every day on his way to high school and saw the steps filled with picket signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d eat breakfast and pick up their signs and go to a field location and picket,” he remembers. It took five years of striking, plus an international boycott of table grapes, before growers signed contracts with the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those years weren’t easy on strikers, families or Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano shows me around the grocery store his dad once owned. As the only supplier of Filipino goods in the region, it was popular with townspeople and labor camps, where the family delivered fish, meat and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A common order was a 100-pound sack of Calrose rice, sticky rice,” Gadiano remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667737\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667737\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg\" alt=\"Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-400x338.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1440x1216.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1180x996.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-960x811.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His dad also helped out families of striking workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were giving them credit to pay us back when work started. We carried hundreds of families. We were stuck in the middle because we had the store.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families were like Alex Edillor’s: his parents walked off the fields initially, but after a few weeks they felt they had to return to work. He remembers the tension, even in places like church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of split down the middle of the church: This is where the strikers went, this is where the people who went back to work went,” he says. “There was a strange division among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, though, people who sat on either side of the aisle join in wanting to share this history. “We came back together because, looking back on it, we were very proud of that moment,\" Edillor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mabalon says, growing up not knowing this history, she and her peers feel the hurt of a generation. “It’s our story, and it demands our love and attention and respect, and we need to tell this story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667732\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Angelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently-completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-400x292.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1440x1052.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1180x862.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-960x702.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anhelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s happening more and more. Mabalon is writing a biography of Larry Itliong; Edillor and Gadiano have organized a \u003ca href=\"https://roundtown.com/event/10151147/Bold-Step-Celebration-the-50th-Anniversary-the-Delano-Grape-Strike-Delano-CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">celebration\u003c/a> in Delano over Labor Day weekend; and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanomanongs.com/\">documentary\u003c/a> on the Manongs came out last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Gov. Jerry Brown signed two pieces of legislation, one recognizing \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2015/07/06/california-to-recognize-filipino-american-larry-itliong-on-oct-25\">Larry Itliong Day\u003c/a>, the other \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB123\">requiring public schools\u003c/a> to teach this history. Rob Bonta, the state’s only Filipino-American Assembly member, introduced those bills. Although his parents were farm labor organizers and he grew up in UFW headquarters, he says, “When I cracked the history books in high school and college, I didn’t see those stories being told.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, Gadiano ends a tour of the town at one last, ordinary place: Larry Itliong’s simple gravesite. The headstone says only, “Beloved husband and father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He gave our people some dignity,\" Gadiano says. \"He gave his guts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This piece was reported for \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways,\u003c/a> in collaboration with the\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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