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"content": "\u003cp>I first met Zenaida Ventura 11 years ago, when she was just a teenager. She was wielding giant clippers, pruning gnarled grapevines in a field south of Fresno one cold morning. She was working alongside her father, Rufino, and I showed up with my microphone to ask them how they protected themselves from pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Rufino Ventura on protecting farmworkers from pesticide, 2004\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009\" params=\"color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"20\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Venturas were recent immigrants then, who spoke Mixteco, an indigenous language from Oaxaca. The term “indigenous” means their language and culture predate the Spanish conquest of Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ran into Zenaida again a few weeks ago. Now she’s 29 and trilingual -- she speaks Spanish, Mixteco and English. She has become a community leader, and is helping to conduct a unique survey of other \u003ca href=\"http://www.indigenousfarmworkers.org/index.shtml\">indigenous farmworkers\u003c/a> through the \u003ca href=\"http://centrobinacional.org/en/about-us/\">Binational Center for the Development of Oaxacan Indigenous Communities\u003c/a> (CBDIO), a nonprofit that works in both Mexico and the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s standing at a booth at a farmers market in Madera County, home to one of the highest concentrations of Mexican indigenous immigrants in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing surveys, especially to the farmworkers that are indigenous from Oaxaca, or Guerrero, Pueblo,” she explains. “Have they worked in the fields? Have they been affected because of the drought?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman pushing her kids in a stroller approaches Ventura’s booth and agrees to answer the survey questions. She says her husband went to Washington state this year for the first time to pick blueberries. It was just too hard to piece together enough hours of work in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have tried to quantify the economic impact of the drought on workers. One recent \u003ca href=\"https://watershed.ucdavis.edu/files/biblio/Final_Drought%20Report_08182015_Full_Report_WithAppendices.pdf\">UC Davis forecast\u003c/a>, for example, estimates more than 10,000 California farmworkers will have lost their jobs this year due to farms having less water. What those studies don’t show is that indigenous farmworkers are more likely to be undocumented and among the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727448\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many people do not realize, but there is a pecking order, a hierarchy, in the labor force in agriculture,” says Professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/gaspar-rivera-salgado/\">Gaspar Rivera-Salgado\u003c/a>. He studies Mexican migration at the UCLA Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only hierarchy in terms of when you migrated,\" he explains, \"but also this ethnic hierarchy, because these indigenous migrants that come from Mexico also tend to be very discriminated against, not only in Mexico, but also here in the United States.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re less likely to get more stable jobs as tractor drivers or supervisors. Those jobs usually go to mestizos, Mexicans who have mixed Spanish and indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado says this new grass-roots survey of more than 350 farmworkers -- a collaboration between several nonprofit organizations in Fresno and Madera County, including CBDIO, \u003ca href=\"http://centralcallegal.org\" target=\"_blank\">Central California Legal Services\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"http://www.crlaf.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> CRLA Foundation\u003c/a> -- is taking an important pulse of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve been really picking up a lot of details about how tough it has been for families to make ends meet,\" says Rivera-Salgado. \"A lot of these families, they’re really at a crossroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727449\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, 92 percent of the indigenous farmworkers surveyed in this project say they’ve had less work or no work because of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Maura Lukas, a Mixteca woman who lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. She’s chopping some onions she got at a food bank on a table set up in a patch of dirt in front of her apartment, next to where she hangs laundry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"5GjcnjOHzCAbIoB2R0KlLWzNmzzC9R2i\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rent is $600, and the truth is, we could only pay half, $300,” she tells me. “Our electricity was $119. I have to pay that in payments, too. There just isn’t money for everything. We don’t have enough to eat. That’s what we really need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas says this year has been the hardest since they came to the U.S. from Oaxaca. They’ve scrambled to get enough hours picking grapes, raisins and cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s trying to make meals stretch as best she can, especially as winter approaches. Normally, that’s the time when farmworkers try to live off the savings they’ve scraped together from the harvest season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, she says, there aren’t any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zenaida Ventura says the workers she’s surveyed who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have jobs say working conditions have gotten worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727450\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Because of the lack of jobs, you have to do whatever it takes to stay there, no matter if they don’t give you shade or water or your rights. Your working rights. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura isn’t surprised that 81 percent of those surveyed have no knowledge of any programs to help farmworkers affected by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if they knew about them, Ventura says, they’re not necessarily eligible. Some \u003ca href=\"http://fresnocitycollege.edu/index.aspx?page=3158\">drought-related job retraining programs \u003c/a>for farmworkers require a Social Security number, GED or high school diploma. Farmworkers can’t get unemployment benefits if they’re undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The documented farmworkers, they can go and apply for unemployment,” says Ventura, “or they can look for another job, if there’s an opening for a restaurant to do dishes. But for the undocumented farmworker, there’s nothing. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit groups conducting the surveys plan to present their results at a legislative briefing in Sacramento next week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I first met Zenaida Ventura 11 years ago, when she was just a teenager. She was wielding giant clippers, pruning gnarled grapevines in a field south of Fresno one cold morning. She was working alongside her father, Rufino, and I showed up with my microphone to ask them how they protected themselves from pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Rufino Ventura on protecting farmworkers from pesticide, 2004\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='20'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009&visual=true&color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Venturas were recent immigrants then, who spoke Mixteco, an indigenous language from Oaxaca. The term “indigenous” means their language and culture predate the Spanish conquest of Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ran into Zenaida again a few weeks ago. Now she’s 29 and trilingual -- she speaks Spanish, Mixteco and English. She has become a community leader, and is helping to conduct a unique survey of other \u003ca href=\"http://www.indigenousfarmworkers.org/index.shtml\">indigenous farmworkers\u003c/a> through the \u003ca href=\"http://centrobinacional.org/en/about-us/\">Binational Center for the Development of Oaxacan Indigenous Communities\u003c/a> (CBDIO), a nonprofit that works in both Mexico and the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s standing at a booth at a farmers market in Madera County, home to one of the highest concentrations of Mexican indigenous immigrants in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing surveys, especially to the farmworkers that are indigenous from Oaxaca, or Guerrero, Pueblo,” she explains. “Have they worked in the fields? Have they been affected because of the drought?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman pushing her kids in a stroller approaches Ventura’s booth and agrees to answer the survey questions. She says her husband went to Washington state this year for the first time to pick blueberries. It was just too hard to piece together enough hours of work in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have tried to quantify the economic impact of the drought on workers. One recent \u003ca href=\"https://watershed.ucdavis.edu/files/biblio/Final_Drought%20Report_08182015_Full_Report_WithAppendices.pdf\">UC Davis forecast\u003c/a>, for example, estimates more than 10,000 California farmworkers will have lost their jobs this year due to farms having less water. What those studies don’t show is that indigenous farmworkers are more likely to be undocumented and among the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727448\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many people do not realize, but there is a pecking order, a hierarchy, in the labor force in agriculture,” says Professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/gaspar-rivera-salgado/\">Gaspar Rivera-Salgado\u003c/a>. He studies Mexican migration at the UCLA Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only hierarchy in terms of when you migrated,\" he explains, \"but also this ethnic hierarchy, because these indigenous migrants that come from Mexico also tend to be very discriminated against, not only in Mexico, but also here in the United States.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re less likely to get more stable jobs as tractor drivers or supervisors. Those jobs usually go to mestizos, Mexicans who have mixed Spanish and indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado says this new grass-roots survey of more than 350 farmworkers -- a collaboration between several nonprofit organizations in Fresno and Madera County, including CBDIO, \u003ca href=\"http://centralcallegal.org\" target=\"_blank\">Central California Legal Services\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"http://www.crlaf.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> CRLA Foundation\u003c/a> -- is taking an important pulse of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve been really picking up a lot of details about how tough it has been for families to make ends meet,\" says Rivera-Salgado. \"A lot of these families, they’re really at a crossroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727449\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, 92 percent of the indigenous farmworkers surveyed in this project say they’ve had less work or no work because of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Maura Lukas, a Mixteca woman who lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. She’s chopping some onions she got at a food bank on a table set up in a patch of dirt in front of her apartment, next to where she hangs laundry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rent is $600, and the truth is, we could only pay half, $300,” she tells me. “Our electricity was $119. I have to pay that in payments, too. There just isn’t money for everything. We don’t have enough to eat. That’s what we really need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas says this year has been the hardest since they came to the U.S. from Oaxaca. They’ve scrambled to get enough hours picking grapes, raisins and cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s trying to make meals stretch as best she can, especially as winter approaches. Normally, that’s the time when farmworkers try to live off the savings they’ve scraped together from the harvest season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, she says, there aren’t any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zenaida Ventura says the workers she’s surveyed who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have jobs say working conditions have gotten worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727450\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Because of the lack of jobs, you have to do whatever it takes to stay there, no matter if they don’t give you shade or water or your rights. Your working rights. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura isn’t surprised that 81 percent of those surveyed have no knowledge of any programs to help farmworkers affected by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if they knew about them, Ventura says, they’re not necessarily eligible. Some \u003ca href=\"http://fresnocitycollege.edu/index.aspx?page=3158\">drought-related job retraining programs \u003c/a>for farmworkers require a Social Security number, GED or high school diploma. Farmworkers can’t get unemployment benefits if they’re undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The documented farmworkers, they can go and apply for unemployment,” says Ventura, “or they can look for another job, if there’s an opening for a restaurant to do dishes. But for the undocumented farmworker, there’s nothing. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit groups conducting the surveys plan to present their results at a legislative briefing in Sacramento next week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calstate.edu/\">California State University\u003c/a> faculty members are gearing up for a strike vote on Monday. Labor leaders say possible job actions would not happen until early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 23-campus system got an additional $97 million in state funding for 2015-2016, thanks in part to intense lobbying efforts by students and faculty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The additional funding, however, has resulted in a major labor dispute between the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/\">California Faculty Association\u003c/a> and CSU management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty members are demanding a 5 percent salary increase with an additional 2.65 percent for faculty at the lowest end of the pay scale. CSU officials are refusing to provide those increases, and instead are offering a 2 percent across-the-board pay hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides have deadlocked on the issue despite mediation last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228366318\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next phase of negotiation is a fact-finding mission in an attempt to strike a financial compromise, a phase expected to take a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty union leaders say any kind of job action -- either one-day strikes or rolling strikes across all campuses -- will not likely happen until early 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/person/jennifer-eagan\">Jennifer Eagan\u003c/a>, president of the California Faculty Association, says CSU has been chronically underfunding salaries, and any increase in state funding to the system should go toward instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of tenure-line faculty has decreased by 3 percent, even though the numbers of students have gone up,” Eagan says. “The number of administrators has gone up by 19 percent. So we have fewer faculty and more managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eagan and other labor leaders also cite data that show some public school teachers in certain parts of California are actually making more money than some CSU faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSU administration officials say the 2 percent increase is as much as they can afford, given all the competing interests such as hiring new faculty, technology and facility upgrades, and better student services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chancellor's Office also argues that the additional $97 million was never meant for faculty raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That extra $97 million was designated to improve the number of students that we could accept in our system,” says Laurie Weidner, CSU assistant vice chancellor of public affairs. “We were able to accept 2 percent more students, which is approximately 12,300 more transfer students and more students across the state because of that funding.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calstate.edu/\">California State University\u003c/a> faculty members are gearing up for a strike vote on Monday. Labor leaders say possible job actions would not happen until early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 23-campus system got an additional $97 million in state funding for 2015-2016, thanks in part to intense lobbying efforts by students and faculty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The additional funding, however, has resulted in a major labor dispute between the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/\">California Faculty Association\u003c/a> and CSU management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty members are demanding a 5 percent salary increase with an additional 2.65 percent for faculty at the lowest end of the pay scale. CSU officials are refusing to provide those increases, and instead are offering a 2 percent across-the-board pay hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides have deadlocked on the issue despite mediation last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228366318&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/228366318'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next phase of negotiation is a fact-finding mission in an attempt to strike a financial compromise, a phase expected to take a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faculty union leaders say any kind of job action -- either one-day strikes or rolling strikes across all campuses -- will not likely happen until early 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calfac.org/person/jennifer-eagan\">Jennifer Eagan\u003c/a>, president of the California Faculty Association, says CSU has been chronically underfunding salaries, and any increase in state funding to the system should go toward instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of tenure-line faculty has decreased by 3 percent, even though the numbers of students have gone up,” Eagan says. “The number of administrators has gone up by 19 percent. So we have fewer faculty and more managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eagan and other labor leaders also cite data that show some public school teachers in certain parts of California are actually making more money than some CSU faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSU administration officials say the 2 percent increase is as much as they can afford, given all the competing interests such as hiring new faculty, technology and facility upgrades, and better student services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chancellor's Office also argues that the additional $97 million was never meant for faculty raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That extra $97 million was designated to improve the number of students that we could accept in our system,” says Laurie Weidner, CSU assistant vice chancellor of public affairs. “We were able to accept 2 percent more students, which is approximately 12,300 more transfer students and more students across the state because of that funding.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Forgotten Filipino-Americans Who Led the ’65 Delano Grape Strike",
"title": "The Forgotten Filipino-Americans Who Led the ’65 Delano Grape Strike",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Today, grapes in the grocery store don’t seem that controversial. But 50 years ago, a historic strike in California’s Central Valley vineyards set in motion the most significant campaign in modern labor history: the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> and Cesar Chavez are widely known for running the Delano Grape Strike and prompting an international boycott of table grapes, the origins of that movement are rarely discussed. Some people in the town of Delano and across the state are determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be easy to drive through Delano and have no idea that history was made here. It’s a dry, hot Central Valley town, and places of historical importance -- such as a retirement home, a church, and acres and acres of farmland -- look ordinary on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667541\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1440x958.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many people, though, these places are sacred ground: the vineyards, picketed for years by farmworkers and their supporters; the high school auditorium where Sen. Bobby Kennedy spoke; a white stucco building on the edge of town where Cesar Chavez carried out a hunger strike and became a national symbol of farmworker rights; and a utilitarian community center known as Filipino Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To resident Roger Gadiano, Filipino Hall is a shrine. “This is our Mecca,” he says. “I guess it’s our Selma. This is it!” Because in this building, on the night of Sept. 7, 1965, farmworkers voted to go on strike the next day. They were almost all Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t know who in the heck walked in here … but I do.” Gadiano says. “It tickles me. We’re a part of a big history. We took a step that was bold and that no one else would take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those voting -- and striking -- were elders called Manongs, the mostly migrant, bachelor Filipino farmworkers whose names and stories few people know, even in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667678\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg\" alt=\"Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-400x271.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1440x975.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1180x799.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-960x650.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Philippine Weekend, a cultural celebration and kind of family reunion, a group of young women say they never learned about the farmworker movement in school. Anhelica Perez says her Latina grandmother and other relatives actually participated in the strike and ensuing boycott, “So it was active family history, but it was not taught -- or talked about -- at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she’s in her late 20s, Melanie Retuda says she learned about the Filipino origins of the strike only last year. “I’d known of Cesar Chavez and Hispanics being involved,” she says. “Being Filipino, it’s like, ‘Wow.’ Filipinos actually made an impact in the process. It makes me proud that they were involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is outraged that this history is not known because the actions those Filipinos took improved her family’s lives. “I mean, I’m extremely proud that Cesar Chavez was the right face at the right time, but a lot of the dirty work was already done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667728\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-800x1010.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1010\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-400x505.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In many ways, Filipino farmworkers and labor organizers had prepared for the Delano Grape Strike for decades. Dawn Mabalon, professor of history at San Francisco State University, says they’d been fighting for better working conditions since the 1920s, and had a key win in 1939 in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five to seven thousand Filipinos in asparagus fields all walk out at the height of the season, on Good Friday,” threatening the availability of asparagus on Easter dinner tables, Mabalon says. “Growers capitulated in a day. So Filipinos know that if they all walk out, in absolute unity, with absolute militancy, they’re probably going to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the ’60s, though, conditions for farmworkers across the state were still dismal. Mabalon describes conducting oral histories in which she heard stories of field crews sharing just one tin cup of water. “You still had no bathrooms in the fields, poor wages, no workers' comp, no unemployment, no Social Security,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the summer of 1965, when growers cut the pay of Filipinos picking grapes in the Coachella Valley, they were prepared to act. These workers, members of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, were “led by this really charismatic, seasoned, militant labor leader, Larry Itliong,” Mabalon says, “and they make a stand against the farmers in Coachella and they win: $1.40 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Xotg4AWAehe1ZfO0noGLK1OdPcrHAvPQ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they migrated north to Delano, organizers like Itliong, Philip Vera Cruz and Pete Velasco urged local families to join them in asking for improved conditions (the same raise to $1.40 an hour). Growers balked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired journalist Alex Edillor was only 11 years old, but he remembers his farmworker parents coming back from heated meetings, and talking about a potential strike over the kitchen table. “There were people with mortgages, with families to feed, considering a strike action,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667730\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667730\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-400x290.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-960x697.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the evening of Sept. 7, workers gathered at Filipino Hall and voted to strike. The next morning they went out to the vineyards, as they always did, but made a dramatic stand. Edillor remembers: \u003ci>“\u003c/i>It was the first day of school, I was all prepared to come home, watch a little TV,” but when he came home, his parents were there. Like the Manongs, and other locals, they’d worked a full day, then left the harvested crop on the ground and walked off the vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano, who had family members join the strike, adds, “Just imagine over 1,500 old Filipino men at different labor camps, different vineyards, all walking out at same time. How awesome is that!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Gadiano’s first day of his senior year of high school. He remembers walking into his Spanish II class, and being approached by a grower’s son. “‘Hey Rog, your Uncle Max just went on strike.’ I went, ‘He did? They just want a raise.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers got kicked out of labor camps. Gadiano says, “The farmers were going to use the Mexicans to break the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Chavez and others, like Dolores Huerta and Gil Padilla, had been organizing Mexican workers around Delano for a few years through the National Farm Workers Association, but a strike wasn’t in their immediate plans. So Larry Itliong appealed to Chavez, and two weeks later, the much more sizable group of Mexican workers joined the strike. Soon, the two unions came together to form what would become United Farm Workers, with Larry Itliong assistant director under Chavez. It was a historic interracial union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667734\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-400x261.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These two groups that had been kept apart for so long, coming together, that is the power in the Delano Grape Strike,” says historian Mabalon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexicans and Filipinos gathered at Filipino Hall, eating fishhead soup and preparing strikers’ meals, organizing, even sleeping there. Gadiano passed by every day on his way to high school and saw the steps filled with picket signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d eat breakfast and pick up their signs and go to a field location and picket,” he remembers. It took five years of striking, plus an international boycott of table grapes, before growers signed contracts with the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those years weren’t easy on strikers, families or Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano shows me around the grocery store his dad once owned. As the only supplier of Filipino goods in the region, it was popular with townspeople and labor camps, where the family delivered fish, meat and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A common order was a 100-pound sack of Calrose rice, sticky rice,” Gadiano remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667737\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667737\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg\" alt=\"Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-400x338.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1440x1216.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1180x996.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-960x811.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His dad also helped out families of striking workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were giving them credit to pay us back when work started. We carried hundreds of families. We were stuck in the middle because we had the store.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families were like Alex Edillor’s: his parents walked off the fields initially, but after a few weeks they felt they had to return to work. He remembers the tension, even in places like church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of split down the middle of the church: This is where the strikers went, this is where the people who went back to work went,” he says. “There was a strange division among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, though, people who sat on either side of the aisle join in wanting to share this history. “We came back together because, looking back on it, we were very proud of that moment,\" Edillor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mabalon says, growing up not knowing this history, she and her peers feel the hurt of a generation. “It’s our story, and it demands our love and attention and respect, and we need to tell this story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667732\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Angelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently-completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-400x292.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1440x1052.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1180x862.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-960x702.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anhelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s happening more and more. Mabalon is writing a biography of Larry Itliong; Edillor and Gadiano have organized a \u003ca href=\"https://roundtown.com/event/10151147/Bold-Step-Celebration-the-50th-Anniversary-the-Delano-Grape-Strike-Delano-CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">celebration\u003c/a> in Delano over Labor Day weekend; and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanomanongs.com/\">documentary\u003c/a> on the Manongs came out last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Gov. Jerry Brown signed two pieces of legislation, one recognizing \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2015/07/06/california-to-recognize-filipino-american-larry-itliong-on-oct-25\">Larry Itliong Day\u003c/a>, the other \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB123\">requiring public schools\u003c/a> to teach this history. Rob Bonta, the state’s only Filipino-American Assembly member, introduced those bills. Although his parents were farm labor organizers and he grew up in UFW headquarters, he says, “When I cracked the history books in high school and college, I didn’t see those stories being told.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, Gadiano ends a tour of the town at one last, ordinary place: Larry Itliong’s simple gravesite. The headstone says only, “Beloved husband and father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He gave our people some dignity,\" Gadiano says. \"He gave his guts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This piece was reported for \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways,\u003c/a> in collaboration with the\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music by Susie Ibarra and Los Lobos.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Today, grapes in the grocery store don’t seem that controversial. But 50 years ago, a historic strike in California’s Central Valley vineyards set in motion the most significant campaign in modern labor history: the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> and Cesar Chavez are widely known for running the Delano Grape Strike and prompting an international boycott of table grapes, the origins of that movement are rarely discussed. Some people in the town of Delano and across the state are determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be easy to drive through Delano and have no idea that history was made here. It’s a dry, hot Central Valley town, and places of historical importance -- such as a retirement home, a church, and acres and acres of farmland -- look ordinary on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667541\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1440x958.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many people, though, these places are sacred ground: the vineyards, picketed for years by farmworkers and their supporters; the high school auditorium where Sen. Bobby Kennedy spoke; a white stucco building on the edge of town where Cesar Chavez carried out a hunger strike and became a national symbol of farmworker rights; and a utilitarian community center known as Filipino Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To resident Roger Gadiano, Filipino Hall is a shrine. “This is our Mecca,” he says. “I guess it’s our Selma. This is it!” Because in this building, on the night of Sept. 7, 1965, farmworkers voted to go on strike the next day. They were almost all Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t know who in the heck walked in here … but I do.” Gadiano says. “It tickles me. We’re a part of a big history. We took a step that was bold and that no one else would take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those voting -- and striking -- were elders called Manongs, the mostly migrant, bachelor Filipino farmworkers whose names and stories few people know, even in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667678\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg\" alt=\"Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-400x271.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1440x975.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1180x799.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-960x650.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Philippine Weekend, a cultural celebration and kind of family reunion, a group of young women say they never learned about the farmworker movement in school. Anhelica Perez says her Latina grandmother and other relatives actually participated in the strike and ensuing boycott, “So it was active family history, but it was not taught -- or talked about -- at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she’s in her late 20s, Melanie Retuda says she learned about the Filipino origins of the strike only last year. “I’d known of Cesar Chavez and Hispanics being involved,” she says. “Being Filipino, it’s like, ‘Wow.’ Filipinos actually made an impact in the process. It makes me proud that they were involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is outraged that this history is not known because the actions those Filipinos took improved her family’s lives. “I mean, I’m extremely proud that Cesar Chavez was the right face at the right time, but a lot of the dirty work was already done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667728\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-800x1010.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1010\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-400x505.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In many ways, Filipino farmworkers and labor organizers had prepared for the Delano Grape Strike for decades. Dawn Mabalon, professor of history at San Francisco State University, says they’d been fighting for better working conditions since the 1920s, and had a key win in 1939 in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five to seven thousand Filipinos in asparagus fields all walk out at the height of the season, on Good Friday,” threatening the availability of asparagus on Easter dinner tables, Mabalon says. “Growers capitulated in a day. So Filipinos know that if they all walk out, in absolute unity, with absolute militancy, they’re probably going to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the ’60s, though, conditions for farmworkers across the state were still dismal. Mabalon describes conducting oral histories in which she heard stories of field crews sharing just one tin cup of water. “You still had no bathrooms in the fields, poor wages, no workers' comp, no unemployment, no Social Security,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the summer of 1965, when growers cut the pay of Filipinos picking grapes in the Coachella Valley, they were prepared to act. These workers, members of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, were “led by this really charismatic, seasoned, militant labor leader, Larry Itliong,” Mabalon says, “and they make a stand against the farmers in Coachella and they win: $1.40 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they migrated north to Delano, organizers like Itliong, Philip Vera Cruz and Pete Velasco urged local families to join them in asking for improved conditions (the same raise to $1.40 an hour). Growers balked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired journalist Alex Edillor was only 11 years old, but he remembers his farmworker parents coming back from heated meetings, and talking about a potential strike over the kitchen table. “There were people with mortgages, with families to feed, considering a strike action,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667730\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667730\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-400x290.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-960x697.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the evening of Sept. 7, workers gathered at Filipino Hall and voted to strike. The next morning they went out to the vineyards, as they always did, but made a dramatic stand. Edillor remembers: \u003ci>“\u003c/i>It was the first day of school, I was all prepared to come home, watch a little TV,” but when he came home, his parents were there. Like the Manongs, and other locals, they’d worked a full day, then left the harvested crop on the ground and walked off the vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano, who had family members join the strike, adds, “Just imagine over 1,500 old Filipino men at different labor camps, different vineyards, all walking out at same time. How awesome is that!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Gadiano’s first day of his senior year of high school. He remembers walking into his Spanish II class, and being approached by a grower’s son. “‘Hey Rog, your Uncle Max just went on strike.’ I went, ‘He did? They just want a raise.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers got kicked out of labor camps. Gadiano says, “The farmers were going to use the Mexicans to break the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Chavez and others, like Dolores Huerta and Gil Padilla, had been organizing Mexican workers around Delano for a few years through the National Farm Workers Association, but a strike wasn’t in their immediate plans. So Larry Itliong appealed to Chavez, and two weeks later, the much more sizable group of Mexican workers joined the strike. Soon, the two unions came together to form what would become United Farm Workers, with Larry Itliong assistant director under Chavez. It was a historic interracial union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667734\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-400x261.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These two groups that had been kept apart for so long, coming together, that is the power in the Delano Grape Strike,” says historian Mabalon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexicans and Filipinos gathered at Filipino Hall, eating fishhead soup and preparing strikers’ meals, organizing, even sleeping there. Gadiano passed by every day on his way to high school and saw the steps filled with picket signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d eat breakfast and pick up their signs and go to a field location and picket,” he remembers. It took five years of striking, plus an international boycott of table grapes, before growers signed contracts with the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those years weren’t easy on strikers, families or Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano shows me around the grocery store his dad once owned. As the only supplier of Filipino goods in the region, it was popular with townspeople and labor camps, where the family delivered fish, meat and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A common order was a 100-pound sack of Calrose rice, sticky rice,” Gadiano remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667737\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667737\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg\" alt=\"Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-400x338.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1440x1216.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1180x996.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-960x811.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His dad also helped out families of striking workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were giving them credit to pay us back when work started. We carried hundreds of families. We were stuck in the middle because we had the store.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families were like Alex Edillor’s: his parents walked off the fields initially, but after a few weeks they felt they had to return to work. He remembers the tension, even in places like church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of split down the middle of the church: This is where the strikers went, this is where the people who went back to work went,” he says. “There was a strange division among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, though, people who sat on either side of the aisle join in wanting to share this history. “We came back together because, looking back on it, we were very proud of that moment,\" Edillor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mabalon says, growing up not knowing this history, she and her peers feel the hurt of a generation. “It’s our story, and it demands our love and attention and respect, and we need to tell this story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667732\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Angelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently-completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-400x292.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1440x1052.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1180x862.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-960x702.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anhelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s happening more and more. Mabalon is writing a biography of Larry Itliong; Edillor and Gadiano have organized a \u003ca href=\"https://roundtown.com/event/10151147/Bold-Step-Celebration-the-50th-Anniversary-the-Delano-Grape-Strike-Delano-CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">celebration\u003c/a> in Delano over Labor Day weekend; and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanomanongs.com/\">documentary\u003c/a> on the Manongs came out last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Gov. Jerry Brown signed two pieces of legislation, one recognizing \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2015/07/06/california-to-recognize-filipino-american-larry-itliong-on-oct-25\">Larry Itliong Day\u003c/a>, the other \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB123\">requiring public schools\u003c/a> to teach this history. Rob Bonta, the state’s only Filipino-American Assembly member, introduced those bills. Although his parents were farm labor organizers and he grew up in UFW headquarters, he says, “When I cracked the history books in high school and college, I didn’t see those stories being told.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, Gadiano ends a tour of the town at one last, ordinary place: Larry Itliong’s simple gravesite. The headstone says only, “Beloved husband and father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He gave our people some dignity,\" Gadiano says. \"He gave his guts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This piece was reported for \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways,\u003c/a> in collaboration with the\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cómo Un Grupo de Preparadores de Dim Sum Ganó $4 Millones por Salarios Atrasados",
"title": "Cómo Un Grupo de Preparadores de Dim Sum Ganó $4 Millones por Salarios Atrasados",
"headTitle": "Immigrant Shift: The Changing California Workforce | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/23/how-a-group-of-dim-sum-makers-won-4-million-in-back-pay\">Leer en Inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El restaurante Yank Sing, en un brillante rascacielos en el centro de San Francisco, con un dramático chorro de agua que va del piso al techo y almidonados manteles blancos, destacaba entre los demás restaurantes chinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ésta es una de las razones por las que este otoño causó consternación entre los comensales y el público el anuncio que los trabajadores por hora de Yank Sing habían sido víctimas por muchos años del robo salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/216015518\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El robo salarial es cuando los empleadores obligan a sus empleados a trabajar sin cobrar o no les pagan las horas extra. Los defensores de trabajadores dicen que el robo de salarios es un problema enorme y que no se reporta con frecuencia. Esto es parte de lo que hizo tan excepcional el caso de Yank Sing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En conjunto, los gerentes y los empleados anunciaron en noviembre que unos 100 [[ó 280 actuales y antiguos? TK]] trabajadores de Yank Sing habían ganado una compensación de $4 millones, la mayor compensación de su clase. Desde la perspectiva de los defensores de trabajadores, el caso terminó bien. Pero llegar a esta solución no fue nada fácil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ZMZLDjMGjL9OSzbM07tcLXOC6t6SEAUP\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detrás del telón, un núcleo fundamental de trabajadores inmigrantes de sueldo reducido y poco inglés, libró una campaña tenaz que duró casi año y medio. Corrían peligro que su activismo llevara a que los despidieran, y de a pocos organizaron a sus colegas, quienes a su vez tenían muchas razones por las que no participar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li Xiu Zhen era una de los líderes de la campaña de trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li es un inmigrante de 61 años, del sur de la China, cuna del dim sum. Sus días laborales los pasa friendo bolitas de ajonjolí, envolviendo los won ton y pelando camarones. Ha estado preparando dim sum en el Yank Sing durante seis años, y gana un poco más que el salario mínimo. Durante la mayor parte de estos años, típicamente trabajaba de 11 a 12 horas al día. Y hasta hace poco, su sueldo indicaba que había trabajado sólo ocho horas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ésta es una de las infracciones laborales que la Comisión Laboral de California encontró en su investigación de Yank Sing. Abogado David Balter explica que la Comisión encontró que los gerentes se quedaban con las propinas y que se estaba obligando a las personas a trabajar horas extra sin cobrar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10612959\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10612959\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingWorker-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Li Xiu Zhen, cocinera de frituras en el Yank Sing, es una de los líderes organizadores de una campaña en defensa de los derechos laborales en el restaurante.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingWorker.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingWorker-400x300.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Li Xiu Zhen, cocinera de frituras en el Yank Sing, es una de los líderes organizadores de una campaña en defensa de los derechos laborales en el restaurante. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Hay que pagar a las personas”, dijo Balter. “Eso es bastante obvio. Hay que pagar a las personas por las horas que trabajan”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de la fuerza laboral comentan que cunde el robo salarial y que ocurre en muchas industrias. Haeyoung Yoon, con el National Employment Law Project, indica que tres de cada cuatro trabajadores de sueldo reducido en los EE.UU. no recibieron el pago correcto para las horas extra en el 2008. Dice que el problema es epidémico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros decimos que es una de las tendencias definitivas del mercado laboral del siglo XXI”, explica Yoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Los defensores dicen que los trabajadores que se encuentran en esta situación con frecuencia se mantienen con la cabeza gacha.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>No todos creen que el robo salarial es un gran problema. Janna Haynes es la vocera de la California Restaurant Association, la cual representa a propietarios de restaurantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No me parece que se dé ampliamente el robo de salarios”, dijo Haynes. “Me parece que hay algunos incidentes aislados. No me gusta. A la California Restaurant Association no le gusta, y no toleramos ese comportamiento de los empleadores”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No obstante, en San Francisco, la mitad de los trabajadores de restaurantes en Chinatown dijo que se le paga menos del salario mínimo en el 2010, según una encuesta realizada por la Chinese Progressive Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores dicen que los trabajadores que se encuentran en esta situación con frecuencia se mantienen con la cabeza gacha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, a Li le preocupaba que le despidieran si se quejaba. Pero sintió la frustración de sus colegas. Ella no habla nada de inglés, pero decidió que era hora de levantar la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En un empleo anterior, Li había ganado salario atrasado del restaurante. Pensó que también se podría lograr en Yank Sing. Sus colegas estaban nerviosos y Li se convirtió en una de los organizadores para darles la confianza necesaria para unirse a la campaña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10612965\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10612965\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingMeat-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Cocineros de preparación trabajan en la cocina del Yank Sing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingMeat.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingMeat-400x300.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cocineros de preparación trabajan en la cocina del Yank Sing. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Después del trabajo, íbamos a sus casas, para hablar abiertamente, cara a cara”, cuenta Li. “A veces nos quedábamos hasta las 11 o la medianoche”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iban generando impulso con las reuniones de noche.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y, notablemente, la gerencia de Yank Sing estaba dispuesta a escuchar cuando se presentaron los trabajadores con su queja. El restaurante es un negocio familiar cuyos propietarios son Henry y Judy Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo creo que a nuestros propietarios les chocó sinceramente cuando supieron y fueron concientes de lo que ocurría”, dijo el director de operaciones del restaurante, Jonathan Glick. Glick se unió al equipo gerencial una vez que los propietarios aprendieron del problema. Explica que los propietarios han reemplazado a tres cuartas partes del equipo gerencial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Después de una serie de negociaciones durante año y medio, los Chan concordaron en pagar cuatro años de sueldo atrasado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores ahora tienen refrigerios rutinarios, y utilizan hojas para llevar la cuenta de las horas que trabajan. Y tienen seguro médico, todo pagado. Li dice que ahora sí puede salir del trabajo con tiempo para disfrutar de cosas sencillas, como hacer la compra para cocinar la comida de la tarde para su familia. Dice que la diferencia es tremenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Claro que las cosas están mucho más relajadas, mucho más alegres, ahora”, comentó Li.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoon, del National Employment Law Project, dice que la victoria en el restaurante Yank Sing es parte de un movimiento que ha estado creciendo a nivel nacional durante los últimos dos años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores de la comida al paso, de comercios minoristas, de restaurantes, trabajadores domésticos se están presentando para exigir mejor salario, mejores condiciones laborales”, explica Yoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10612968\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10612968\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/Protest-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Trabajadores y defensores laborales marchan por salarios más altos y mejores condiciones laborales en la estación de BART de la 16 con Mission, el 21 de enero del 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/Protest.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/Protest-400x300.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores y defensores laborales marchan por salarios más altos y mejores condiciones laborales en la estación de BART de la 16 con Mission, el 21 de enero del 2015. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shaw San Liu trabaja en la Chinese Progressive Association, con sede en San Francisco. Durante la campaña, su organización y la Asian Law Caucus ayudaron a los trabajadores de Yank Sing con explicarles sus derechos, con organizarse como grupo y para presentar sus peticiones a la gerencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu dice que le da orgullo ver los beneficios que han ganado estos trabajadores inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todas estas cosas, casi no se oyen, casi no ocurren en esta industria”, dice Liu. “Nos parece que hemos sentado un precedente para otros restaurantes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora Li, la que prepara el dim sum, espera que Yank Sing se convierta en ejemplo para otros que quieran emprender la batalla contra el robo de salarios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que todos organicen a más personas, que estén mejor informados para poder recibir el pago que nosotros recibimos y tener mejores vidas”, comenta Li.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella dice que la campaña la transformó. Ella aprendió que podía sentarse en la mesa de negociaciones con los gerentes, cuando antes le daba nervios sólo hablar con ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y se mantiene activa abogando por los derechos de los trabajadores, con ayudar a organizar a trabajadores en otros restaurantes para que levanten la voz contra el abuso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California tiene la séptima economía más grande del mundo, y a lo largo de la historia del estado, los inmigrantes han contribuido mucho al desarrollo de esta prosperidad. Hoy, una de cada tres personas trabajadoras en California es inmigrante – proporción que ha crecido en las últimas décadas. Nuestro estado está conformado por estos trabajadores y emprendedores – 6 millones de personas que han encontrado empleo en el Estado Dorado. En nuestra serie “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Transformación migrante,\u003c/a>” KQED y The California Report exploran el impacto que surten los inmigrantes, los retos que enfrentan y las políticas que les afectan.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Trabajadores inmigrantes en un restaurante chino en San Francisco denunciaron a su empleador por robo salarial.",
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"title": "Cómo Un Grupo de Preparadores de Dim Sum Ganó $4 Millones por Salarios Atrasados | KQED",
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"headline": "Cómo Un Grupo de Preparadores de Dim Sum Ganó $4 Millones por Salarios Atrasados",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/23/how-a-group-of-dim-sum-makers-won-4-million-in-back-pay\">Leer en Inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El restaurante Yank Sing, en un brillante rascacielos en el centro de San Francisco, con un dramático chorro de agua que va del piso al techo y almidonados manteles blancos, destacaba entre los demás restaurantes chinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ésta es una de las razones por las que este otoño causó consternación entre los comensales y el público el anuncio que los trabajadores por hora de Yank Sing habían sido víctimas por muchos años del robo salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/216015518&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/216015518'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El robo salarial es cuando los empleadores obligan a sus empleados a trabajar sin cobrar o no les pagan las horas extra. Los defensores de trabajadores dicen que el robo de salarios es un problema enorme y que no se reporta con frecuencia. Esto es parte de lo que hizo tan excepcional el caso de Yank Sing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En conjunto, los gerentes y los empleados anunciaron en noviembre que unos 100 [[ó 280 actuales y antiguos? TK]] trabajadores de Yank Sing habían ganado una compensación de $4 millones, la mayor compensación de su clase. Desde la perspectiva de los defensores de trabajadores, el caso terminó bien. Pero llegar a esta solución no fue nada fácil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detrás del telón, un núcleo fundamental de trabajadores inmigrantes de sueldo reducido y poco inglés, libró una campaña tenaz que duró casi año y medio. Corrían peligro que su activismo llevara a que los despidieran, y de a pocos organizaron a sus colegas, quienes a su vez tenían muchas razones por las que no participar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li Xiu Zhen era una de los líderes de la campaña de trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li es un inmigrante de 61 años, del sur de la China, cuna del dim sum. Sus días laborales los pasa friendo bolitas de ajonjolí, envolviendo los won ton y pelando camarones. Ha estado preparando dim sum en el Yank Sing durante seis años, y gana un poco más que el salario mínimo. Durante la mayor parte de estos años, típicamente trabajaba de 11 a 12 horas al día. Y hasta hace poco, su sueldo indicaba que había trabajado sólo ocho horas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ésta es una de las infracciones laborales que la Comisión Laboral de California encontró en su investigación de Yank Sing. Abogado David Balter explica que la Comisión encontró que los gerentes se quedaban con las propinas y que se estaba obligando a las personas a trabajar horas extra sin cobrar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10612959\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10612959\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingWorker-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Li Xiu Zhen, cocinera de frituras en el Yank Sing, es una de los líderes organizadores de una campaña en defensa de los derechos laborales en el restaurante.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingWorker.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingWorker-400x300.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Li Xiu Zhen, cocinera de frituras en el Yank Sing, es una de los líderes organizadores de una campaña en defensa de los derechos laborales en el restaurante. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Hay que pagar a las personas”, dijo Balter. “Eso es bastante obvio. Hay que pagar a las personas por las horas que trabajan”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de la fuerza laboral comentan que cunde el robo salarial y que ocurre en muchas industrias. Haeyoung Yoon, con el National Employment Law Project, indica que tres de cada cuatro trabajadores de sueldo reducido en los EE.UU. no recibieron el pago correcto para las horas extra en el 2008. Dice que el problema es epidémico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros decimos que es una de las tendencias definitivas del mercado laboral del siglo XXI”, explica Yoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Los defensores dicen que los trabajadores que se encuentran en esta situación con frecuencia se mantienen con la cabeza gacha.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>No todos creen que el robo salarial es un gran problema. Janna Haynes es la vocera de la California Restaurant Association, la cual representa a propietarios de restaurantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No me parece que se dé ampliamente el robo de salarios”, dijo Haynes. “Me parece que hay algunos incidentes aislados. No me gusta. A la California Restaurant Association no le gusta, y no toleramos ese comportamiento de los empleadores”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No obstante, en San Francisco, la mitad de los trabajadores de restaurantes en Chinatown dijo que se le paga menos del salario mínimo en el 2010, según una encuesta realizada por la Chinese Progressive Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores dicen que los trabajadores que se encuentran en esta situación con frecuencia se mantienen con la cabeza gacha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, a Li le preocupaba que le despidieran si se quejaba. Pero sintió la frustración de sus colegas. Ella no habla nada de inglés, pero decidió que era hora de levantar la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En un empleo anterior, Li había ganado salario atrasado del restaurante. Pensó que también se podría lograr en Yank Sing. Sus colegas estaban nerviosos y Li se convirtió en una de los organizadores para darles la confianza necesaria para unirse a la campaña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10612965\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10612965\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingMeat-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Cocineros de preparación trabajan en la cocina del Yank Sing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingMeat.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/YankSingMeat-400x300.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cocineros de preparación trabajan en la cocina del Yank Sing. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Después del trabajo, íbamos a sus casas, para hablar abiertamente, cara a cara”, cuenta Li. “A veces nos quedábamos hasta las 11 o la medianoche”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iban generando impulso con las reuniones de noche.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y, notablemente, la gerencia de Yank Sing estaba dispuesta a escuchar cuando se presentaron los trabajadores con su queja. El restaurante es un negocio familiar cuyos propietarios son Henry y Judy Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo creo que a nuestros propietarios les chocó sinceramente cuando supieron y fueron concientes de lo que ocurría”, dijo el director de operaciones del restaurante, Jonathan Glick. Glick se unió al equipo gerencial una vez que los propietarios aprendieron del problema. Explica que los propietarios han reemplazado a tres cuartas partes del equipo gerencial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Después de una serie de negociaciones durante año y medio, los Chan concordaron en pagar cuatro años de sueldo atrasado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores ahora tienen refrigerios rutinarios, y utilizan hojas para llevar la cuenta de las horas que trabajan. Y tienen seguro médico, todo pagado. Li dice que ahora sí puede salir del trabajo con tiempo para disfrutar de cosas sencillas, como hacer la compra para cocinar la comida de la tarde para su familia. Dice que la diferencia es tremenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Claro que las cosas están mucho más relajadas, mucho más alegres, ahora”, comentó Li.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoon, del National Employment Law Project, dice que la victoria en el restaurante Yank Sing es parte de un movimiento que ha estado creciendo a nivel nacional durante los últimos dos años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores de la comida al paso, de comercios minoristas, de restaurantes, trabajadores domésticos se están presentando para exigir mejor salario, mejores condiciones laborales”, explica Yoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10612968\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10612968\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/Protest-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Trabajadores y defensores laborales marchan por salarios más altos y mejores condiciones laborales en la estación de BART de la 16 con Mission, el 21 de enero del 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/Protest.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/Protest-400x300.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores y defensores laborales marchan por salarios más altos y mejores condiciones laborales en la estación de BART de la 16 con Mission, el 21 de enero del 2015. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shaw San Liu trabaja en la Chinese Progressive Association, con sede en San Francisco. Durante la campaña, su organización y la Asian Law Caucus ayudaron a los trabajadores de Yank Sing con explicarles sus derechos, con organizarse como grupo y para presentar sus peticiones a la gerencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu dice que le da orgullo ver los beneficios que han ganado estos trabajadores inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todas estas cosas, casi no se oyen, casi no ocurren en esta industria”, dice Liu. “Nos parece que hemos sentado un precedente para otros restaurantes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora Li, la que prepara el dim sum, espera que Yank Sing se convierta en ejemplo para otros que quieran emprender la batalla contra el robo de salarios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que todos organicen a más personas, que estén mejor informados para poder recibir el pago que nosotros recibimos y tener mejores vidas”, comenta Li.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella dice que la campaña la transformó. Ella aprendió que podía sentarse en la mesa de negociaciones con los gerentes, cuando antes le daba nervios sólo hablar con ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y se mantiene activa abogando por los derechos de los trabajadores, con ayudar a organizar a trabajadores en otros restaurantes para que levanten la voz contra el abuso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California tiene la séptima economía más grande del mundo, y a lo largo de la historia del estado, los inmigrantes han contribuido mucho al desarrollo de esta prosperidad. Hoy, una de cada tres personas trabajadoras en California es inmigrante – proporción que ha crecido en las últimas décadas. Nuestro estado está conformado por estos trabajadores y emprendedores – 6 millones de personas que han encontrado empleo en el Estado Dorado. En nuestra serie “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Transformación migrante,\u003c/a>” KQED y The California Report exploran el impacto que surten los inmigrantes, los retos que enfrentan y las políticas que les afectan.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "How a Group of Dim Sum Makers Won $4 Million in Back Pay",
"title": "How a Group of Dim Sum Makers Won $4 Million in Back Pay",
"headTitle": "Immigrant Shift: The Changing California Workforce | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/23/como-un-grupo-de-preparadores-de-dim-sum-gano-4-millones-por-salarios-atrasados\">Read this piece in Spanish\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yank Sing’s location in a shiny downtown San Francisco high-rise, its dramatic ceiling-to-floor water fountain and its crisp white tablecloths set it apart from other Chinese restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one reason the announcement last fall seemed so jarring to patrons and the public: hourly workers at \u003ca href=\"http://www.yanksing.com/home.php\" target=\"_blank\">Yank Sing\u003c/a> were longtime victims of wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/216015518\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft occurs when employers force employees to work off the clock or don’t pay them for overtime. Labor advocates say wage theft is a huge problem and it goes underreported. That’s part of what made the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-restaurant-wage-theft-20141119-story.html#page=1\" target=\"_blank\">Yank Sing case\u003c/a> so exceptional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Managers and employees announced together in November that roughly 280 current and former Yank Sing workers had won a $4 million settlement. It was one of the biggest of its kind. The way labor advocates see it, the case ended well. But it wasn’t easy to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ezEIVfpakEUm0GPwb8fjg2blXqXm3SiG\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, a core group of low-wage immigrant workers who speak little English waged a dogged campaign for almost a year and a half. They feared that their activism might get them fired, but gradually they organized fellow workers who had plenty of reasons to back down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li Xiu Zhen was one of the leaders of the worker campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li is a 61-year-old immigrant from southern China, the birthplace of dim sum. Her workdays are spent frying sesame balls, wrapping wontons and peeling shrimp. She’s been making dim sum at Yank Sing for six years, and she earns a little more than minimum wage. For most of those years, she typically put in 11- or 12-hour days. But until recently, her paycheck would show that she’d worked only eight hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is one of the labor violations that the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner's office\u003c/a> found in its investigation of Yank Sing. Attorney David Balter said the agency found that tips were being taken by managers and people were being forced to work off the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10608902\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10608902 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yank Sing fry cook Li Xiu Zhen is one of the lead organizers of a workers rights campaign at the restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-1400x1050.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yank Sing fry cook Li Xiu Zhen was one of the lead organizers of a workers rights campaign at the restaurant. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People need to be paid,” Balter said. “That’s pretty obvious. People need to be paid for hours they’re working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor advocates say wage theft is rampant and cuts across many industries. Haeyoung Yoon, with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nelp.org/\" target=\"_blank\">National Employment Law Project\u003c/a>, said three out of four low-wage workers in the U.S. weren’t properly paid for overtime in 2008. She called the problem epidemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We say this is one of the defining trends of the 21st century labor market,” Yoon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone agrees that wage theft is a huge problem. Janna Haynes is a spokeswoman for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calrest.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Restaurant Association\u003c/a>, which represents restaurant owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Advocates say workers in this situation often just keep their heads down.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I do not think that wage theft is widespread,” Haynes said. “I think there are some isolated incidents of it. I don’t like it. The California Restaurant Association doesn’t like it, and we don’t have any tolerance for that behavior from employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet in San Francisco, half of restaurant workers in Chinatown said they were being paid less than the minimum wage in 2010, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpasf.org/content/check-please-1-out-2-workers-making-below-minimum-wage\" target=\"_blank\">survey by the Chinese Progressive Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say workers in this situation often just keep their heads down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Li had worried she might be fired if she complained. But she knew her co-workers were increasingly frustrated over how they were treated at Yank Sing. She doesn’t speak any English, but she decided it was time to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an earlier restaurant job, she had won back pay. She thought it could also be done at Yank Sing. Her co-workers were nervous. So Li became one of the organizers who gave them the confidence to join the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10608900\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10608900 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Prep chefs work in the kitchen at Yank Sing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-1400x1050.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prep chefs work in the kitchen at Yank Sing. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After work, we would go to their homes, and talk openly one on one,” Li said. “Sometimes we’d be there until 11 or 12 at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those late-night meetings built momentum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remarkably, Yank Sing’s management was willing to listen when the workers came forward with their complaint. The restaurant is a family business owned by Henry and Judy Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think our ownership was genuinely shocked when they found out and were made aware of these issues,” said the restaurant’s director of operations, Jonathan Glick. He joined the management team after the owners learned of the problem. He said the Chans have replaced three-fourths of the old management team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After negotiations over a year and a half, the Chans \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpasf.org/press/settlement-yanksing\" target=\"_blank\">agreed to pay four years worth of back wages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers now get proper breaks, and use timesheets to track their hours. And they have fully paid health insurance. Li says she can now leave work in time to enjoy simple things, like buying groceries to cook her family’s evening meal. She says it’s made a huge difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, things are much more relaxed, much happier now,” said Li.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoon at the National Employment Law Project says the Yank Sing victory is part of a movement that’s been growing nationally over the past couple of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fast-food workers, retail workers, restaurant workers, domestic workers (are) really coming forward to demand better wages, better working conditions,” Yoon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10559244\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10559244 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Workers and labor advocates rally for higher pay and better working conditions at the 16th and Mission BART station, Jan. 21, 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers and labor advocates rally for higher pay and better working conditions at the 16th and Mission BART Station on Jan. 21, 2015. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shaw San Liu is with the San Francisco-based \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpasf.org/about\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Progressive Association\u003c/a>. Throughout the campaign, her organization and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> helped the Yank Sing workers understand their rights, organize as a group and take their requests to management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu said she’s proud to see what benefits these immigrant workers have won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these things, they’re pretty unheard of, to happen in this industry,\" Liu said. \"We think it sets a precedent for other restaurants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Li, the dim sum cook, hopes Yank Sing will be an example to others to take up the fight against wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully everyone will organize more people, and be better informed so they can get our kind of pay and have better lives,” Li said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the campaign changed her. She learned she could sit at a negotiating table with managers who she was once nervous just to talk to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she’s keeping up her fight for workers rights, by helping organize workers at other restaurants to speak up against abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cem>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Note: This article has been changed to reflect the fact that the state agency that enforces labor laws is the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement, which is part of the Department of Industrial Relations. We regret the error.\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/23/como-un-grupo-de-preparadores-de-dim-sum-gano-4-millones-por-salarios-atrasados\">Read this piece in Spanish\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yank Sing’s location in a shiny downtown San Francisco high-rise, its dramatic ceiling-to-floor water fountain and its crisp white tablecloths set it apart from other Chinese restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s one reason the announcement last fall seemed so jarring to patrons and the public: hourly workers at \u003ca href=\"http://www.yanksing.com/home.php\" target=\"_blank\">Yank Sing\u003c/a> were longtime victims of wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/216015518&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/216015518'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft occurs when employers force employees to work off the clock or don’t pay them for overtime. Labor advocates say wage theft is a huge problem and it goes underreported. That’s part of what made the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-restaurant-wage-theft-20141119-story.html#page=1\" target=\"_blank\">Yank Sing case\u003c/a> so exceptional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Managers and employees announced together in November that roughly 280 current and former Yank Sing workers had won a $4 million settlement. It was one of the biggest of its kind. The way labor advocates see it, the case ended well. But it wasn’t easy to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, a core group of low-wage immigrant workers who speak little English waged a dogged campaign for almost a year and a half. They feared that their activism might get them fired, but gradually they organized fellow workers who had plenty of reasons to back down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li Xiu Zhen was one of the leaders of the worker campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Li is a 61-year-old immigrant from southern China, the birthplace of dim sum. Her workdays are spent frying sesame balls, wrapping wontons and peeling shrimp. She’s been making dim sum at Yank Sing for six years, and she earns a little more than minimum wage. For most of those years, she typically put in 11- or 12-hour days. But until recently, her paycheck would show that she’d worked only eight hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is one of the labor violations that the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner's office\u003c/a> found in its investigation of Yank Sing. Attorney David Balter said the agency found that tips were being taken by managers and people were being forced to work off the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10608902\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10608902 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yank Sing fry cook Li Xiu Zhen is one of the lead organizers of a workers rights campaign at the restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-1400x1050.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14860_IMG_0348.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yank Sing fry cook Li Xiu Zhen was one of the lead organizers of a workers rights campaign at the restaurant. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People need to be paid,” Balter said. “That’s pretty obvious. People need to be paid for hours they’re working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor advocates say wage theft is rampant and cuts across many industries. Haeyoung Yoon, with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nelp.org/\" target=\"_blank\">National Employment Law Project\u003c/a>, said three out of four low-wage workers in the U.S. weren’t properly paid for overtime in 2008. She called the problem epidemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We say this is one of the defining trends of the 21st century labor market,” Yoon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone agrees that wage theft is a huge problem. Janna Haynes is a spokeswoman for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calrest.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Restaurant Association\u003c/a>, which represents restaurant owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Advocates say workers in this situation often just keep their heads down.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I do not think that wage theft is widespread,” Haynes said. “I think there are some isolated incidents of it. I don’t like it. The California Restaurant Association doesn’t like it, and we don’t have any tolerance for that behavior from employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet in San Francisco, half of restaurant workers in Chinatown said they were being paid less than the minimum wage in 2010, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpasf.org/content/check-please-1-out-2-workers-making-below-minimum-wage\" target=\"_blank\">survey by the Chinese Progressive Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say workers in this situation often just keep their heads down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Li had worried she might be fired if she complained. But she knew her co-workers were increasingly frustrated over how they were treated at Yank Sing. She doesn’t speak any English, but she decided it was time to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an earlier restaurant job, she had won back pay. She thought it could also be done at Yank Sing. Her co-workers were nervous. So Li became one of the organizers who gave them the confidence to join the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10608900\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10608900 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Prep chefs work in the kitchen at Yank Sing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-1400x1050.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RS14857_IMG_0439.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prep chefs work in the kitchen at Yank Sing. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After work, we would go to their homes, and talk openly one on one,” Li said. “Sometimes we’d be there until 11 or 12 at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those late-night meetings built momentum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remarkably, Yank Sing’s management was willing to listen when the workers came forward with their complaint. The restaurant is a family business owned by Henry and Judy Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think our ownership was genuinely shocked when they found out and were made aware of these issues,” said the restaurant’s director of operations, Jonathan Glick. He joined the management team after the owners learned of the problem. He said the Chans have replaced three-fourths of the old management team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After negotiations over a year and a half, the Chans \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpasf.org/press/settlement-yanksing\" target=\"_blank\">agreed to pay four years worth of back wages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers now get proper breaks, and use timesheets to track their hours. And they have fully paid health insurance. Li says she can now leave work in time to enjoy simple things, like buying groceries to cook her family’s evening meal. She says it’s made a huge difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, things are much more relaxed, much happier now,” said Li.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoon at the National Employment Law Project says the Yank Sing victory is part of a movement that’s been growing nationally over the past couple of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fast-food workers, retail workers, restaurant workers, domestic workers (are) really coming forward to demand better wages, better working conditions,” Yoon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10559244\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10559244 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Workers and labor advocates rally for higher pay and better working conditions at the 16th and Mission BART station, Jan. 21, 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/06/RS14863_IMG_0143.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers and labor advocates rally for higher pay and better working conditions at the 16th and Mission BART Station on Jan. 21, 2015. \u003ccite>(Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shaw San Liu is with the San Francisco-based \u003ca href=\"http://www.cpasf.org/about\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Progressive Association\u003c/a>. Throughout the campaign, her organization and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> helped the Yank Sing workers understand their rights, organize as a group and take their requests to management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu said she’s proud to see what benefits these immigrant workers have won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these things, they’re pretty unheard of, to happen in this industry,\" Liu said. \"We think it sets a precedent for other restaurants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Li, the dim sum cook, hopes Yank Sing will be an example to others to take up the fight against wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully everyone will organize more people, and be better informed so they can get our kind of pay and have better lives,” Li said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the campaign changed her. She learned she could sit at a negotiating table with managers who she was once nervous just to talk to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she’s keeping up her fight for workers rights, by helping organize workers at other restaurants to speak up against abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cem>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Note: This article has been changed to reflect the fact that the state agency that enforces labor laws is the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement, which is part of the Department of Industrial Relations. We regret the error.\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "La Implementación de la Nueva Ley del Salario Mínimo en Los Ángeles Será un Reto",
"title": "La Implementación de la Nueva Ley del Salario Mínimo en Los Ángeles Será un Reto",
"headTitle": "Immigrant Shift: The Changing California Workforce | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/22/enforcement-of-new-l-a-minimum-wage-law-will-be-challenging\">Leer en Inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cundían los vítores el mes pasado cuando las autoridades de la ciudad de Los Ángeles aprobaron una ordenanza que impelerá el salario mínimo en la ciudad a los $15 la hora para el año 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el entusiasmo también llega la preocupación – en particular entre los inmigrantes, quienes comprenden la mayoría de los trabajadores de bajos ingresos – referente a precisamente cómo intenta la ciudad hacer cumplir el aumento de sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215847318\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante los meses de audiencias públicas que llevaron a la aprobación final del aumento de sueldo, abundaron las historias de presunto robo salarial. Muchas historias partieron de los inmigrantes, quienes describían a dueños de restaurantes que se quedaban con sus propinas, instalaciones de lavado de autos que pagaban menos de lo acordado y represalias contra los que levantaban la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nadie quiere un aumento en el costo de la mano de obra salvo que alguien les ponga mano al fuego y se lo obliguen”, dice Tia Koonse, del UCLA Labor Center, co-autora del informe sobre el impacto que surte el robo de salarios en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"8dPpR296TLreRoLLNJ196tyYbkRzATj9\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De los aproximadamente 700 mil trabajadores que bajo la nueva ordenanza del salario mínimo podrían ver un aumento en su paga, unos 6 de cada 10 no nacieron en los Estados Unidos, según Daniel Fleming, director de la Economic Roundtable, un grupo de investigación de políticas gubernamentales en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores inmigrantes con manejo limitado del inglés o que no conocen las leyes laborales pueden estar en peligro de ser explotados, dicen los defensores, pero los más vulnerables suelen ser los indocumentados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es en realidad ilegal pagar menos del salario mínimo”, dice Koonse. “Y hay que pagar a los trabajadores indocumentados, quienes califican para recibir todos y cada uno de los derechos al salario y el horario de los que gozan sus contrapartes documentados”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Fiscal de la Ciudad de Los Ángeles lleva algunos de los temas de quejas salariales y laborales, pero sólo una fracción de ellas. La mayor parte – más del 80 por ciento – los lleva un pequeño equipo de investigadores y abogados de la Division of Labor Standards Enforcement (DLSE por sus siglas en inglés: División de Implementación de Normas Laborales) del Comisionado Laboral de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10611475\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10611475\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x5071-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"Defensores – en su mayoría – de una propuesta por aumentar el salario mínimo en Los Ángeles a $15 la hora para el 2020 de manera rutinaria atiborran la cámara del Consejo de la Ciudad para presenciar un voto importante.\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x5071.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x5071-400x254.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Defensores – en su mayoría – de una propuesta por aumentar el salario mínimo en Los Ángeles a $15 la hora para el 2020 de manera rutinaria atiborran la cámara del Consejo de la Ciudad para presenciar un voto importante. \u003ccite>(Brian Watt/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Los Ángeles es la capital de robo salarial del país”, dice abogada de DLSE, Julia Figueira-McDonough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La oficina de Figueira-McDonough atiende unas 5.000 quejas por robo salarial al año, en particular derivadas de las industrias que emplean altos números de trabajadores inmigrantes, pero que con frecuencia les pagan menos del salario mínimo actual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sencillamente, Los Ángeles es una ciudad mucho más grande con una mayor variedad de industrias de poca remuneración: la confección, la conserjería, la construcción”, explica Figueira-McDonough. “Muchas industrias que dependen de lo que tendría que ser mano de obra pagada al salario mínimo, pero no pagan ni el mínimo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando entra en vigor el aumento salarial en Los Ángeles en junio, también se abrirá una nueva División de Implementación de Salarios de la ciudad. Seguirá el modelo de la división de implementación de salarios de San Francisco, donde trabajan unos seis investigadores de robo salarial a tiempo completo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Ángeles comenzará con cinco investigadores. Koonse replica que esto no es suficiente. Pero que no es un mal comienzo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros tenemos como nueve veces el número de trabajadores de bajos ingresos que San Francisco, entonces claramente, con contratar a cinco investigadores no se va a lograr el nivel de implementación al que llega San Francisco”, explica Koonse. “No obstante, es mejor que lo que ocurre a nivel estatal”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El objetivo de Los Ángeles es de ampliar el personal de la oficina de implementación de las leyes salariales y laborales a unos 40 empleados para el año 2020, cuando entra en vigor el salario de $15 la hora. Los negocios que no cumplen con la ley podrán verse con multas de miles de dólares y perder sus licencias de operación.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'L.A. es la capital de robo salarial del país'\u003ccite>Julia Figueira-McDonough\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Pero son muchos los empleadores que temen que estas reglas estrictas podrían ser explotados por las personas que presentan reclamos falsos de robo de salarios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se van a ver abogados y defensores que utilizarán esta estructura de implementación que en este momento se ve muy apto para el abuso”, dice Rubén González, de la Cámara de Comercio de Los Ángeles Metropolitana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Le garantizo que en aquellas empresas donde quieren entrar los sindicatos, van a surgir de repente numerosas quejas salariales que podrán ser reclamos falsos”, asevera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Vallecillo dice que sus reclamos son de verdad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallecillo se encuentra entre un grupo de trabajadores en una empresa de almacenamiento cerca de los puertos de Los Ángeles que le han entablado juicio contra su empleador por presunto robo de salarios. Explica Vallecillo que varios de los trabajadores inmigrantes del grupo no tienen documentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Algunos de nuestros trabajadores indocumentados han estado trabajando allí 10, 15 años, y tenían miedo de unirse al grupo por la represalia de ser despedidos”, dice Vallecillo. “Además, siguen con miedo hasta el día de hoy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10611470\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Activistas laborales celebran el 13 de junio del 2015 en lo que el alcalde de Los Ángeles, Eric Garcetti, firma legislación a partir de una ordenanza que eleva el salario mínimo a $15 para el 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10611470\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-960x540.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activistas laborales celebran el 13 de junio del 2015 en lo que el alcalde de Los Ángeles, Eric Garcetti, firma legislación a partir de una ordenanza que eleva el salario mínimo a $15 para el 2020. \u003ccite>(MARK RALSTON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Si la ciudad ya contara con una oficina de implementación de la ley salarial operante, explica, tal vez él y sus colegas no tendrían que haber entablado juicio contra su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con todo, el ganar un juicio contra un empleador que no paga el salario legal no es garantía que los trabajadores reciban el dinero que se les debe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según un informe del comisionado estatal de trabajo, sólo un 15 por ciento de las víctimas del robo de salarios que ganan sus casos reciben recompensa. Los juicios pueden demorarse por la presentación de apelaciones. Un negocio podría cerrarse y volver a abrir con otro nombre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hoy podría llamarse Magic Carwash y mañana llamarse Magic Carwash Inc.,” explica Flor Rodríguez de la organización sin fines de lucro, Clean Carwash Campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodríguez cuenta que esto es lo que le ocurrió hace unos años a un grupo de trabajadores de lavado de autos en Los Ángeles. La organización ayudó a estos trabajadores, todos inmigrantes, y con el tiempo llegaron a ganar un juicio de varios miles de dólares por pérdida salarial contra su antiguo empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Elaboramos un caso ante el departamento de trabajo, pero no hemos recibido dinero del caso”, comenta Rodríguez. “A los trabajadores que participaron en el caso, el dueño comenzó a darles cada vez menos horas de trabajo. Entonces, la represalia se dio rápidamente”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislación propuesta por el Presidente pro Tem del Senado Estatal, Kevin de León (demócrata por Los Ángeles), podría invertir esta tendencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si la legislación se aprueba, los empleadores renegados tendrían que pagar un bono para garantizar el pago de salarios robados o arriesgar que se les imponga embargos a las propiedades y otras sanciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California tiene la séptima economía más grande del mundo, y a lo largo de la historia del estado, los inmigrantes han contribuido mucho al desarrollo de esta prosperidad. Hoy, una de cada tres personas trabajadoras en California es inmigrante – proporción que ha crecido en las últimas décadas. Nuestro estado está conformado por estos trabajadores y emprendedores – 6 millones de personas que han encontrado empleo en el Estado Dorado. En nuestra serie “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Transformación migrante,\u003c/a>” KQED y The California Report exploran el impacto que surten los inmigrantes, los retos que enfrentan y las políticas que les afectan.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/22/enforcement-of-new-l-a-minimum-wage-law-will-be-challenging\">Leer en Inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cundían los vítores el mes pasado cuando las autoridades de la ciudad de Los Ángeles aprobaron una ordenanza que impelerá el salario mínimo en la ciudad a los $15 la hora para el año 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el entusiasmo también llega la preocupación – en particular entre los inmigrantes, quienes comprenden la mayoría de los trabajadores de bajos ingresos – referente a precisamente cómo intenta la ciudad hacer cumplir el aumento de sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215847318&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215847318'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante los meses de audiencias públicas que llevaron a la aprobación final del aumento de sueldo, abundaron las historias de presunto robo salarial. Muchas historias partieron de los inmigrantes, quienes describían a dueños de restaurantes que se quedaban con sus propinas, instalaciones de lavado de autos que pagaban menos de lo acordado y represalias contra los que levantaban la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nadie quiere un aumento en el costo de la mano de obra salvo que alguien les ponga mano al fuego y se lo obliguen”, dice Tia Koonse, del UCLA Labor Center, co-autora del informe sobre el impacto que surte el robo de salarios en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De los aproximadamente 700 mil trabajadores que bajo la nueva ordenanza del salario mínimo podrían ver un aumento en su paga, unos 6 de cada 10 no nacieron en los Estados Unidos, según Daniel Fleming, director de la Economic Roundtable, un grupo de investigación de políticas gubernamentales en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores inmigrantes con manejo limitado del inglés o que no conocen las leyes laborales pueden estar en peligro de ser explotados, dicen los defensores, pero los más vulnerables suelen ser los indocumentados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es en realidad ilegal pagar menos del salario mínimo”, dice Koonse. “Y hay que pagar a los trabajadores indocumentados, quienes califican para recibir todos y cada uno de los derechos al salario y el horario de los que gozan sus contrapartes documentados”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Fiscal de la Ciudad de Los Ángeles lleva algunos de los temas de quejas salariales y laborales, pero sólo una fracción de ellas. La mayor parte – más del 80 por ciento – los lleva un pequeño equipo de investigadores y abogados de la Division of Labor Standards Enforcement (DLSE por sus siglas en inglés: División de Implementación de Normas Laborales) del Comisionado Laboral de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10611475\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10611475\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x5071-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"Defensores – en su mayoría – de una propuesta por aumentar el salario mínimo en Los Ángeles a $15 la hora para el 2020 de manera rutinaria atiborran la cámara del Consejo de la Ciudad para presenciar un voto importante.\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x5071.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x5071-400x254.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Defensores – en su mayoría – de una propuesta por aumentar el salario mínimo en Los Ángeles a $15 la hora para el 2020 de manera rutinaria atiborran la cámara del Consejo de la Ciudad para presenciar un voto importante. \u003ccite>(Brian Watt/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Los Ángeles es la capital de robo salarial del país”, dice abogada de DLSE, Julia Figueira-McDonough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La oficina de Figueira-McDonough atiende unas 5.000 quejas por robo salarial al año, en particular derivadas de las industrias que emplean altos números de trabajadores inmigrantes, pero que con frecuencia les pagan menos del salario mínimo actual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sencillamente, Los Ángeles es una ciudad mucho más grande con una mayor variedad de industrias de poca remuneración: la confección, la conserjería, la construcción”, explica Figueira-McDonough. “Muchas industrias que dependen de lo que tendría que ser mano de obra pagada al salario mínimo, pero no pagan ni el mínimo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando entra en vigor el aumento salarial en Los Ángeles en junio, también se abrirá una nueva División de Implementación de Salarios de la ciudad. Seguirá el modelo de la división de implementación de salarios de San Francisco, donde trabajan unos seis investigadores de robo salarial a tiempo completo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Ángeles comenzará con cinco investigadores. Koonse replica que esto no es suficiente. Pero que no es un mal comienzo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros tenemos como nueve veces el número de trabajadores de bajos ingresos que San Francisco, entonces claramente, con contratar a cinco investigadores no se va a lograr el nivel de implementación al que llega San Francisco”, explica Koonse. “No obstante, es mejor que lo que ocurre a nivel estatal”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El objetivo de Los Ángeles es de ampliar el personal de la oficina de implementación de las leyes salariales y laborales a unos 40 empleados para el año 2020, cuando entra en vigor el salario de $15 la hora. Los negocios que no cumplen con la ley podrán verse con multas de miles de dólares y perder sus licencias de operación.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'L.A. es la capital de robo salarial del país'\u003ccite>Julia Figueira-McDonough\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Pero son muchos los empleadores que temen que estas reglas estrictas podrían ser explotados por las personas que presentan reclamos falsos de robo de salarios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se van a ver abogados y defensores que utilizarán esta estructura de implementación que en este momento se ve muy apto para el abuso”, dice Rubén González, de la Cámara de Comercio de Los Ángeles Metropolitana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Le garantizo que en aquellas empresas donde quieren entrar los sindicatos, van a surgir de repente numerosas quejas salariales que podrán ser reclamos falsos”, asevera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Vallecillo dice que sus reclamos son de verdad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallecillo se encuentra entre un grupo de trabajadores en una empresa de almacenamiento cerca de los puertos de Los Ángeles que le han entablado juicio contra su empleador por presunto robo de salarios. Explica Vallecillo que varios de los trabajadores inmigrantes del grupo no tienen documentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Algunos de nuestros trabajadores indocumentados han estado trabajando allí 10, 15 años, y tenían miedo de unirse al grupo por la represalia de ser despedidos”, dice Vallecillo. “Además, siguen con miedo hasta el día de hoy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10611470\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Activistas laborales celebran el 13 de junio del 2015 en lo que el alcalde de Los Ángeles, Eric Garcetti, firma legislación a partir de una ordenanza que eleva el salario mínimo a $15 para el 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10611470\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x7881-960x540.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activistas laborales celebran el 13 de junio del 2015 en lo que el alcalde de Los Ángeles, Eric Garcetti, firma legislación a partir de una ordenanza que eleva el salario mínimo a $15 para el 2020. \u003ccite>(MARK RALSTON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Si la ciudad ya contara con una oficina de implementación de la ley salarial operante, explica, tal vez él y sus colegas no tendrían que haber entablado juicio contra su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con todo, el ganar un juicio contra un empleador que no paga el salario legal no es garantía que los trabajadores reciban el dinero que se les debe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según un informe del comisionado estatal de trabajo, sólo un 15 por ciento de las víctimas del robo de salarios que ganan sus casos reciben recompensa. Los juicios pueden demorarse por la presentación de apelaciones. Un negocio podría cerrarse y volver a abrir con otro nombre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hoy podría llamarse Magic Carwash y mañana llamarse Magic Carwash Inc.,” explica Flor Rodríguez de la organización sin fines de lucro, Clean Carwash Campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodríguez cuenta que esto es lo que le ocurrió hace unos años a un grupo de trabajadores de lavado de autos en Los Ángeles. La organización ayudó a estos trabajadores, todos inmigrantes, y con el tiempo llegaron a ganar un juicio de varios miles de dólares por pérdida salarial contra su antiguo empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Elaboramos un caso ante el departamento de trabajo, pero no hemos recibido dinero del caso”, comenta Rodríguez. “A los trabajadores que participaron en el caso, el dueño comenzó a darles cada vez menos horas de trabajo. Entonces, la represalia se dio rápidamente”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislación propuesta por el Presidente pro Tem del Senado Estatal, Kevin de León (demócrata por Los Ángeles), podría invertir esta tendencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si la legislación se aprueba, los empleadores renegados tendrían que pagar un bono para garantizar el pago de salarios robados o arriesgar que se les imponga embargos a las propiedades y otras sanciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California tiene la séptima economía más grande del mundo, y a lo largo de la historia del estado, los inmigrantes han contribuido mucho al desarrollo de esta prosperidad. Hoy, una de cada tres personas trabajadoras en California es inmigrante – proporción que ha crecido en las últimas décadas. Nuestro estado está conformado por estos trabajadores y emprendedores – 6 millones de personas que han encontrado empleo en el Estado Dorado. En nuestra serie “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Transformación migrante,\u003c/a>” KQED y The California Report exploran el impacto que surten los inmigrantes, los retos que enfrentan y las políticas que les afectan.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Enforcement of New L.A. Minimum Wage Law Will Be Challenging",
"title": "Enforcement of New L.A. Minimum Wage Law Will Be Challenging",
"headTitle": "Immigrant Shift: The Changing California Workforce | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/22/la-implementacion-de-la-nueva-ley-del-salario-minimo-en-los-angeles-sera-un-reto\">Read this piece in Spanish\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was plenty of cheering last month when Los Angeles leaders signed off on an ordinance that will kick the city’s minimum wage to $15 an hour by the year 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the enthusiasm also comes concern -- especially among immigrants, who are the majority of low-wage workers -- over just how the city aims to enforce the pay hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215847318\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The months of public hearings that led to the final passage of the pay increase were rife with stories of alleged wage theft. A lot of them came from immigrants who described restaurateurs pocketing their tips, carwashes that routinely shorted their paychecks and retaliation against those who spoke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>Nobody wants to increase their labor costs unless someone actually holds them to account for that,” says Tia Koonse of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/\">UCLA Labor Center\u003c/a>, who co-authored a report on the impact of wage theft in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"rvwoe2LcMGQgou0jdZsDa0UFMnWvxN8k\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the estimated 700,000 workers who could eventually see their pay increase under the new minimum wage, about six in 10 are foreign born, according to Daniel Flaming, director of the Economic Roundtable, an L.A. policy research group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant workers with limited English or unfamiliar with labor laws can be at risk for exploitation, advocates say, but the undocumented tend to be the most vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually unlawful to pay anybody less than minimum wage,” says Koonse. “And undocumented workers must be paid, and are eligible for every single wage-and-hour right that their documented counterparts are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koonse says the current system of wage enforcement, which relies primarily on state oversight, is broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles City Attorney’s Office handles some wage and labor complaints, but just a fraction of them. Most -- more than 80 percent -- are fielded by a small team of investigators and attorneys with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Division of Labor Standards Enforcement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610405\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610405\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"Supporters — mostly — of a proposal to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles to $15 an hour by 2020 regularly packed City Council chambers for a big vote.\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-400x253.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-1440x912.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-1400x887.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-1180x747.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-960x608.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters — mostly — of a proposal to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles to $15 an hour by 2020 regularly packed City Council chambers for a big vote. \u003ccite>(Brian Watt/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“L.A. is the wage-theft capital of the country,” says DLSE attorney Julia Figueira-McDonough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office handles about 5,000 L.A. wage-theft complaints a year, especially in industries that employ high rates of immigrant workers, but often pay those workers below the current minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los Angeles is just a much bigger city with a greater variety of low-wage industries: garment, janitorial, construction,” says Figueira-McDonough. “A lot of industries that rely on what should be minimum-wage labor but aren’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When L.A.’s wage hike goes into effect next June, so, too, will a newly created city Division of Wage Enforcement. It will be modeled after San Francisco’s wage enforcement division, where there are a half-dozen full-time wage-theft investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles will start with five. Koonse says that’s not enough. But it’s not a bad start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have like nine times more low-wage workers than San Francisco does, so clearly hiring five investigators is not going to achieve the scale that San Francisco is able to achieve,” says Koonse. “But it’s still better than what’s going on at the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. aims to build out its wage and labor enforcement staff to nearly 40 employees by the year 2020, when the city’s minimum wage reaches $15 an hour. Businesses that fail to comply could face thousands of dollars in fines and lose their operating permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'L.A. is the wage-theft capital of the country.'\u003ccite>Julia Figueira-McDonough\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But many employers worry the tough rules could be exploited by people filing frivolous wage-theft claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to see attorneys and advocates who are going to use this enforcement structure that right now looks very ripe for abuse,” says Ruben Gonzalez of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lachamber.com/\">Greater Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee you that businesses which labor wants to organize are all of a sudden going to have a whole slew of wage complaints that may be specious claims,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Vallecillo says his claims are the real deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s among a group of workers at a big warehousing firm near the Port of Los Angeles suing their employer over alleged wage theft. Vallecillo says several workers in the complaint are undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of our undocumented workers, they’ve been working there for 10, 15 years, and they were afraid to become part of the group because of retaliation of them firing them,” says Vallecillo. “And they’re still scared to this day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610274\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610274\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Labor activists celebrate as Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti signs into law an ordinance raising the minimum wage to $15 by 2020 on June 13, 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1440x810.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x788.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-960x540.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Labor activists celebrate as Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti signs into law an ordinance raising the minimum wage to $15 by 2020 on June 13, 2015. \u003ccite>(MARK RALSTON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the city already had a wage enforcement office up and running, he says, maybe he and his co-workers wouldn't have had to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But winning a judgment against an employer who fails to pay the legal wage doesn’t guarantee workers will get the money they are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a report from the state labor commissioner, only about 15 percent of wage-theft victims who win their cases actually collect. Judgments can get tied up with appeals. A business could shut down and reopen under a different name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today it could be Magic Carwash, but tomorrow it could be Magic Carwash Inc.,” says Flor Rodriguez from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://www.cleancarwashcampaign.org/\">Clean Carwash Campaign\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez says that is what happened to a group of Los Angeles carwash workers a few years ago. The campaign helped those workers, all of them immigrants, eventually win a judgment for several thousand dollars in lost wages from their former employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did build up a case with the Labor Department, but we have not received money from that,” says Rodriguez. “The workers that did this, the owner started giving them less hours and less hours. So the retaliation started happening really fast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sd24.senate.ca.gov/sites/sd24.senate.ca.gov/files/SB%20588%20Wage%20Theft%20Prevention%20Background%20Sheet_0.pdf\">Proposed legislation\u003c/a> from state Senate President pro Tem Kevin de León (D-Los Angeles) could reverse that trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If signed into law, renegade employers would have to pay a bond to ensure payment of stolen wages or risk property liens and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "Enforcement of New L.A. Minimum Wage Law Will Be Challenging",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/22/la-implementacion-de-la-nueva-ley-del-salario-minimo-en-los-angeles-sera-un-reto\">Read this piece in Spanish\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was plenty of cheering last month when Los Angeles leaders signed off on an ordinance that will kick the city’s minimum wage to $15 an hour by the year 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the enthusiasm also comes concern -- especially among immigrants, who are the majority of low-wage workers -- over just how the city aims to enforce the pay hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215847318&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215847318'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The months of public hearings that led to the final passage of the pay increase were rife with stories of alleged wage theft. A lot of them came from immigrants who described restaurateurs pocketing their tips, carwashes that routinely shorted their paychecks and retaliation against those who spoke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>Nobody wants to increase their labor costs unless someone actually holds them to account for that,” says Tia Koonse of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/\">UCLA Labor Center\u003c/a>, who co-authored a report on the impact of wage theft in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the estimated 700,000 workers who could eventually see their pay increase under the new minimum wage, about six in 10 are foreign born, according to Daniel Flaming, director of the Economic Roundtable, an L.A. policy research group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant workers with limited English or unfamiliar with labor laws can be at risk for exploitation, advocates say, but the undocumented tend to be the most vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually unlawful to pay anybody less than minimum wage,” says Koonse. “And undocumented workers must be paid, and are eligible for every single wage-and-hour right that their documented counterparts are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koonse says the current system of wage enforcement, which relies primarily on state oversight, is broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles City Attorney’s Office handles some wage and labor complaints, but just a fraction of them. Most -- more than 80 percent -- are fielded by a small team of investigators and attorneys with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Division of Labor Standards Enforcement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610405\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610405\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"Supporters — mostly — of a proposal to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles to $15 an hour by 2020 regularly packed City Council chambers for a big vote.\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-400x253.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-1440x912.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-1400x887.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-1180x747.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil-960x608.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/CityCouncil.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters — mostly — of a proposal to raise the minimum wage in Los Angeles to $15 an hour by 2020 regularly packed City Council chambers for a big vote. \u003ccite>(Brian Watt/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“L.A. is the wage-theft capital of the country,” says DLSE attorney Julia Figueira-McDonough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office handles about 5,000 L.A. wage-theft complaints a year, especially in industries that employ high rates of immigrant workers, but often pay those workers below the current minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los Angeles is just a much bigger city with a greater variety of low-wage industries: garment, janitorial, construction,” says Figueira-McDonough. “A lot of industries that rely on what should be minimum-wage labor but aren’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When L.A.’s wage hike goes into effect next June, so, too, will a newly created city Division of Wage Enforcement. It will be modeled after San Francisco’s wage enforcement division, where there are a half-dozen full-time wage-theft investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles will start with five. Koonse says that’s not enough. But it’s not a bad start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have like nine times more low-wage workers than San Francisco does, so clearly hiring five investigators is not going to achieve the scale that San Francisco is able to achieve,” says Koonse. “But it’s still better than what’s going on at the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. aims to build out its wage and labor enforcement staff to nearly 40 employees by the year 2020, when the city’s minimum wage reaches $15 an hour. Businesses that fail to comply could face thousands of dollars in fines and lose their operating permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'L.A. is the wage-theft capital of the country.'\u003ccite>Julia Figueira-McDonough\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But many employers worry the tough rules could be exploited by people filing frivolous wage-theft claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to see attorneys and advocates who are going to use this enforcement structure that right now looks very ripe for abuse,” says Ruben Gonzalez of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lachamber.com/\">Greater Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee you that businesses which labor wants to organize are all of a sudden going to have a whole slew of wage complaints that may be specious claims,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Vallecillo says his claims are the real deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s among a group of workers at a big warehousing firm near the Port of Los Angeles suing their employer over alleged wage theft. Vallecillo says several workers in the complaint are undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of our undocumented workers, they’ve been working there for 10, 15 years, and they were afraid to become part of the group because of retaliation of them firing them,” says Vallecillo. “And they’re still scared to this day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610274\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610274\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Labor activists celebrate as Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti signs into law an ordinance raising the minimum wage to $15 by 2020 on June 13, 2015.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1440x810.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1400x788.jpg 1400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA-960x540.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/RaiseWageLA.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Labor activists celebrate as Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti signs into law an ordinance raising the minimum wage to $15 by 2020 on June 13, 2015. \u003ccite>(MARK RALSTON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the city already had a wage enforcement office up and running, he says, maybe he and his co-workers wouldn't have had to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But winning a judgment against an employer who fails to pay the legal wage doesn’t guarantee workers will get the money they are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a report from the state labor commissioner, only about 15 percent of wage-theft victims who win their cases actually collect. Judgments can get tied up with appeals. A business could shut down and reopen under a different name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today it could be Magic Carwash, but tomorrow it could be Magic Carwash Inc.,” says Flor Rodriguez from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://www.cleancarwashcampaign.org/\">Clean Carwash Campaign\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez says that is what happened to a group of Los Angeles carwash workers a few years ago. The campaign helped those workers, all of them immigrants, eventually win a judgment for several thousand dollars in lost wages from their former employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did build up a case with the Labor Department, but we have not received money from that,” says Rodriguez. “The workers that did this, the owner started giving them less hours and less hours. So the retaliation started happening really fast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sd24.senate.ca.gov/sites/sd24.senate.ca.gov/files/SB%20588%20Wage%20Theft%20Prevention%20Background%20Sheet_0.pdf\">Proposed legislation\u003c/a> from state Senate President pro Tem Kevin de León (D-Los Angeles) could reverse that trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If signed into law, renegade employers would have to pay a bond to ensure payment of stolen wages or risk property liens and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "contribucion-inmigrante-al-movimiento-laboral-en-silicon-valley",
"title": "Contribución Inmigrante al Movimiento Laboral en Silicon Valley",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/21/immigrants-help-lead-a-new-silicon-valley-labor-movement\">Leer en Inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesús Solorio es obstinado, y esta característica le sirve muy bien. En vez de sentirse víctima de la \u003ca href=\"http://siliconvalleyindicators.org/special-reports/\">creciente desigualdad de ingresos\u003c/a> en el Silicon Valley – se ha convertido en un activista laboral incansable, negándose a abandonar el Sueño Americano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me gusta ser campeón a favor del aumento del salario mínimo”, dijo Solorio. “Me gusta estar con otras personas, ayudándolas para que tengan mejores salarios y una mejor vida.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215705645″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio, de 30 años, era empleado de limpieza en la empresa eBay Technology, con sede en San José. Salió de México de adolescente, y ahora es padre soltero, criando a su hija, de 7 años, en un barrio aguerrido a 13 millas del brillante recinto de eBay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En febrero, Solorio entró alma y cuerpo al nuevo movimiento laboral, llamado en inglés, Silicon Valley Rising, uniéndose a cientos de otros empleados de limpieza, de cocina, de mantenimiento, recepcionistas y guardias de seguridad. Estos empleados de servicios se están enfrentando con las empresas de alta tecnología por las que trabajan, exigiendo que paguen un salario digno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”M0R4P25njzBVRk9Havju55461jUUG4ij”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Están poniendo de manifiesto la desigualdad de ingresos. En la región conocida como Bay Area, la brecha entre el 20 por ciento de hogares de mayores ingresos y el 20 por ciento de menores ingresos, ha alcanzado los $263.000 – un nuevo récord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La nueva campaña la impulsa en su mayoría personas inmigrantes, quienes comprenden el 46 por ciento de la fuerza laboral de Silicon Valley y un número importante – incluyendo a Solorio – está entre los que menos ingresos perciben.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un alto porcentaje de los trabajadores de bajos ingresos del sector de servicios – en particular en la industria de la tecnología – es inmigrante”, dijo Ben Field, ejecutivo del South Bay Labor Council. “Por esta razón, representan un componente muy importante del movimiento Silicon Valley Rising”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una mañana reciente, Solorio lleva a pie a su hija Evelyn a la cercana escuela primaria de San José – donde tiene derecho a recibir refrigerios a precio reducido. Por el camino, habló de lo difícil que le resulta llegar al mes con su modesta paga mensual. Solorio siente que tiene suerte por ser miembro de un sindicato, SEIU USWW. Bajo los términos de su contrato, él gana $15.50 la hora, más beneficios. Esta paga es mejor que la de muchos empleados de servicios en el Silicon Valley que no pertenecen a ningún sindicato y que ganan $12 la hora, como promedio. Pero aún así, el dinero no alcanza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Con una persona sola, no está tan mal, pero cuando tienes familia y otras personas por quienes velar, se vuelve muy difícil”, dijo Solorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610039\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10610039 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-800x512.jpg\" alt=\"Conserje para la empresa eBay, Jesús Solorio, es una presencia constante en las manifestaciones y marchas. \" width=\"800\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-800x512.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-400x256.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-1440x922.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-1400x896.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-1180x755.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-960x615.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conserje para la empresa eBay, Jesús Solorio, es una presencia constante en las manifestaciones y marchas. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/sites/default/files/publications/2014-silicon-valley-index.pdf\">Los costos de la vivienda en el Silicon Valley\u003c/a> están entre los más altos en el país, lo cual agudiza aún más la brecha entre los ingresos. Solorio y su hija comparten un apartamento de dos recámaras muy pequeño con su hermano y su familia de cuatro. Es \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/breaking-news/ci_28437124/silicon-valley-housing-high-powered-new-advocacy-group\">la única manera que pueden pagar el alquiler mensual de mil quinientos dólares\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mañanas son un reto para Solorio después de trabajar el turno de noche, pero se sacude el sueño cada día para llevar a Evelyn, de pie o en auto, a su escuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es claro que éste es su momento para conversar a solas. De la mano de su papá durante el trecho de 20 minutos, Evelyn trota en sus zapatillas de luces parpadeantes estilo Princesa Anna de la película “Frozen”. Hoy le cuenta a su papá lo que ella quiere de regalo por su cumpleaños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vamos a hacer un paseo a Chucky Cheese”, dice Evelyn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Papá e hija se detienen en una tienda de donuts por el camino para darse el gusto de un desayuno a un dólar. Solorio dice que es su hija la que le da ánimos, que por darle una vida mejor, él hará cualquier cosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que Solorio, aproximadamente la mitad de la fuerza laboral de Silicon Valley proviene de otro país – el 46 por ciento, según el consorcio Joint Venture Silicon Valley, compuesto de dirigentes empresariales y cívicos. Algunos inmigrantes han establecido exitosas empresas de tecnología y se encuentran entre los que más ingresos perciben. Pero un gran porcentaje está del lado opuesto de esa escala salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_F5X64bXde0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son el motor de esta economía pero se han estancado sus ingresos”, dijo Russell Hancock, presidente de Joint Venture Silicon Valley. “No ha habido crecimiento en sus salarios durante décadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo es que siguen estancados sus ingresos, con lo próspera que es la economía de Silicon Valley? Solorio – como muchos empleados del sector servicio en las empresas de tecnología – en realidad es empleado de una de las compañías contratadas por las grandes empresas tecnológicas. Estas compañías contratistas compiten entre sí. Field, el que dirige el South Bay Labor Council, indica que es una receta apta para la explotación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las empresas de alta tecnología están utilizado a contratistas quienes con frecuencia son operadores de pocos escrúpulos”, dijo Field. “No pagan bien a sus empleados y no les ofrecen beneficios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610044\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-10610044\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-800x745.jpg\" alt=\"Conserje Jesús Solorio dice que hará cualquier cosa por darle una mejor vida a su hija.\" width=\"440\" height=\"409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-800x745.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-400x372.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-1440x1340.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-1400x1303.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-1180x1098.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-960x894.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 440px) 100vw, 440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conserje Jesús Solorio dice que hará cualquier cosa por darle una mejor vida a su hija. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>El empleador de Solorio, contratista de servicios de limpieza GCA Services Group, no devolvió llamadas hechas a sus oficinas en Ohio y en Alviso. Un vocero de eBay dijo que su empresa no quiere comentar sobre las crecientes disparidades en los ingresos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activistas del movimiento Silicon Valley Rising han estado manifestándose frente a las oficinas de los contratistas así como de las grandes empresas tecnológicas. Están obrando por lograr que se únan los empleados del sector de servicios a los sindicatos. Y el movimiento – una coalición de sindicatos laborales, grupos de fe religiosa, defensores de inmigrantes y organizaciones de base – también aboga por viviendas más económicas en la región.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se lanzó el movimiento de Silicon Valley Rising en la Iglesia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe en el vecindario de Mayfair, al este de la ciudad de San José. En los años 50, gran parte de la zona se conocía como Sal Si Puedes. Es la misma iglesia en la que César Chávez lanzó su movimiento como activista y dirigente laboral agrícola, inspirado y animado por el párroco. Hoy la iglesia sirve a una comunidad predominantemente latina, con la misa y servicios comunitarios en español.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Bustamante, otrora trabajador agrícola también, es director ejecutivo de Latinos Unidos por una Nueva América y uno de los dirigentes del movimiento laboral. El cree que el grupo Silicon Valley Rising debe ir más allá de la antigua manera de organizar a trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La gente necesita avanzar otro nivel más”, dijo Bustamante. “No es suficiente ser miembro de un sindicato. También hay que participar en el proceso político”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio se ha tomado a pecho esta sugerencia. Intenta ayudar a otros trabajadores del sector de servicios con unirse a un sindicato. También hace acto de presencia en casi toda manifestación. Ha viajado varias veces a Sacramento para protestar frente al Capitolio a favor de un proyecto de ley que haría responsables a las empresas que no compensan a los trabajadores por ingresos atrasados. Quiere mejorar su propia situación y se siente obligado a hablar por otros trabajadores del sector de servicios quienes no tienen la protección de un sindicato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay muchas personas con miedo a participar porque siempre ocurre donde les dan de alta”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio indica que la única manera que los trabajadores inmigrantes van a ganar esta batalla por salarios más altos y mejores beneficios es con arriesgarse. En este momento, dijo, no hay donde ir sino arriba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California tiene la séptima economía más grande del mundo, y a lo largo de la historia del estado, los inmigrantes han contribuido mucho al desarrollo de esta prosperidad. Hoy, una de cada tres personas trabajadoras en California es inmigrante – proporción que ha crecido en las últimas décadas. Nuestro estado está conformado por estos trabajadores y emprendedores – 6 millones de personas que han encontrado empleo en el Estado Dorado. En nuestra serie “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Transformación migrante\u003c/a>”, KQED y The California Report exploran el impacto que surten los inmigrantes, los retos que enfrentan y las políticas que les afectan.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "En busca de una mejor vida, los trabajadores del sector de servicios se enfrentan con las empresas de alta tecnología por las trabajan.",
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"title": "Contribución Inmigrante al Movimiento Laboral en Silicon Valley | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/21/immigrants-help-lead-a-new-silicon-valley-labor-movement\">Leer en Inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesús Solorio es obstinado, y esta característica le sirve muy bien. En vez de sentirse víctima de la \u003ca href=\"http://siliconvalleyindicators.org/special-reports/\">creciente desigualdad de ingresos\u003c/a> en el Silicon Valley – se ha convertido en un activista laboral incansable, negándose a abandonar el Sueño Americano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me gusta ser campeón a favor del aumento del salario mínimo”, dijo Solorio. “Me gusta estar con otras personas, ayudándolas para que tengan mejores salarios y una mejor vida.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215705645″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215705645″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio, de 30 años, era empleado de limpieza en la empresa eBay Technology, con sede en San José. Salió de México de adolescente, y ahora es padre soltero, criando a su hija, de 7 años, en un barrio aguerrido a 13 millas del brillante recinto de eBay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En febrero, Solorio entró alma y cuerpo al nuevo movimiento laboral, llamado en inglés, Silicon Valley Rising, uniéndose a cientos de otros empleados de limpieza, de cocina, de mantenimiento, recepcionistas y guardias de seguridad. Estos empleados de servicios se están enfrentando con las empresas de alta tecnología por las que trabajan, exigiendo que paguen un salario digno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Están poniendo de manifiesto la desigualdad de ingresos. En la región conocida como Bay Area, la brecha entre el 20 por ciento de hogares de mayores ingresos y el 20 por ciento de menores ingresos, ha alcanzado los $263.000 – un nuevo récord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La nueva campaña la impulsa en su mayoría personas inmigrantes, quienes comprenden el 46 por ciento de la fuerza laboral de Silicon Valley y un número importante – incluyendo a Solorio – está entre los que menos ingresos perciben.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un alto porcentaje de los trabajadores de bajos ingresos del sector de servicios – en particular en la industria de la tecnología – es inmigrante”, dijo Ben Field, ejecutivo del South Bay Labor Council. “Por esta razón, representan un componente muy importante del movimiento Silicon Valley Rising”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una mañana reciente, Solorio lleva a pie a su hija Evelyn a la cercana escuela primaria de San José – donde tiene derecho a recibir refrigerios a precio reducido. Por el camino, habló de lo difícil que le resulta llegar al mes con su modesta paga mensual. Solorio siente que tiene suerte por ser miembro de un sindicato, SEIU USWW. Bajo los términos de su contrato, él gana $15.50 la hora, más beneficios. Esta paga es mejor que la de muchos empleados de servicios en el Silicon Valley que no pertenecen a ningún sindicato y que ganan $12 la hora, como promedio. Pero aún así, el dinero no alcanza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Con una persona sola, no está tan mal, pero cuando tienes familia y otras personas por quienes velar, se vuelve muy difícil”, dijo Solorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610039\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10610039 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-800x512.jpg\" alt=\"Conserje para la empresa eBay, Jesús Solorio, es una presencia constante en las manifestaciones y marchas. \" width=\"800\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-800x512.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-400x256.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-1440x922.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-1400x896.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-1180x755.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch-960x615.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conserje para la empresa eBay, Jesús Solorio, es una presencia constante en las manifestaciones y marchas. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/sites/default/files/publications/2014-silicon-valley-index.pdf\">Los costos de la vivienda en el Silicon Valley\u003c/a> están entre los más altos en el país, lo cual agudiza aún más la brecha entre los ingresos. Solorio y su hija comparten un apartamento de dos recámaras muy pequeño con su hermano y su familia de cuatro. Es \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/breaking-news/ci_28437124/silicon-valley-housing-high-powered-new-advocacy-group\">la única manera que pueden pagar el alquiler mensual de mil quinientos dólares\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mañanas son un reto para Solorio después de trabajar el turno de noche, pero se sacude el sueño cada día para llevar a Evelyn, de pie o en auto, a su escuela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es claro que éste es su momento para conversar a solas. De la mano de su papá durante el trecho de 20 minutos, Evelyn trota en sus zapatillas de luces parpadeantes estilo Princesa Anna de la película “Frozen”. Hoy le cuenta a su papá lo que ella quiere de regalo por su cumpleaños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vamos a hacer un paseo a Chucky Cheese”, dice Evelyn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Papá e hija se detienen en una tienda de donuts por el camino para darse el gusto de un desayuno a un dólar. Solorio dice que es su hija la que le da ánimos, que por darle una vida mejor, él hará cualquier cosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que Solorio, aproximadamente la mitad de la fuerza laboral de Silicon Valley proviene de otro país – el 46 por ciento, según el consorcio Joint Venture Silicon Valley, compuesto de dirigentes empresariales y cívicos. Algunos inmigrantes han establecido exitosas empresas de tecnología y se encuentran entre los que más ingresos perciben. Pero un gran porcentaje está del lado opuesto de esa escala salarial.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/_F5X64bXde0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/_F5X64bXde0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“Son el motor de esta economía pero se han estancado sus ingresos”, dijo Russell Hancock, presidente de Joint Venture Silicon Valley. “No ha habido crecimiento en sus salarios durante décadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo es que siguen estancados sus ingresos, con lo próspera que es la economía de Silicon Valley? Solorio – como muchos empleados del sector servicio en las empresas de tecnología – en realidad es empleado de una de las compañías contratadas por las grandes empresas tecnológicas. Estas compañías contratistas compiten entre sí. Field, el que dirige el South Bay Labor Council, indica que es una receta apta para la explotación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las empresas de alta tecnología están utilizado a contratistas quienes con frecuencia son operadores de pocos escrúpulos”, dijo Field. “No pagan bien a sus empleados y no les ofrecen beneficios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610044\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-10610044\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-800x745.jpg\" alt=\"Conserje Jesús Solorio dice que hará cualquier cosa por darle una mejor vida a su hija.\" width=\"440\" height=\"409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-800x745.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-400x372.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-1440x1340.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-1400x1303.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-1180x1098.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher-960x894.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 440px) 100vw, 440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conserje Jesús Solorio dice que hará cualquier cosa por darle una mejor vida a su hija. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>El empleador de Solorio, contratista de servicios de limpieza GCA Services Group, no devolvió llamadas hechas a sus oficinas en Ohio y en Alviso. Un vocero de eBay dijo que su empresa no quiere comentar sobre las crecientes disparidades en los ingresos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activistas del movimiento Silicon Valley Rising han estado manifestándose frente a las oficinas de los contratistas así como de las grandes empresas tecnológicas. Están obrando por lograr que se únan los empleados del sector de servicios a los sindicatos. Y el movimiento – una coalición de sindicatos laborales, grupos de fe religiosa, defensores de inmigrantes y organizaciones de base – también aboga por viviendas más económicas en la región.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se lanzó el movimiento de Silicon Valley Rising en la Iglesia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe en el vecindario de Mayfair, al este de la ciudad de San José. En los años 50, gran parte de la zona se conocía como Sal Si Puedes. Es la misma iglesia en la que César Chávez lanzó su movimiento como activista y dirigente laboral agrícola, inspirado y animado por el párroco. Hoy la iglesia sirve a una comunidad predominantemente latina, con la misa y servicios comunitarios en español.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Bustamante, otrora trabajador agrícola también, es director ejecutivo de Latinos Unidos por una Nueva América y uno de los dirigentes del movimiento laboral. El cree que el grupo Silicon Valley Rising debe ir más allá de la antigua manera de organizar a trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La gente necesita avanzar otro nivel más”, dijo Bustamante. “No es suficiente ser miembro de un sindicato. También hay que participar en el proceso político”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio se ha tomado a pecho esta sugerencia. Intenta ayudar a otros trabajadores del sector de servicios con unirse a un sindicato. También hace acto de presencia en casi toda manifestación. Ha viajado varias veces a Sacramento para protestar frente al Capitolio a favor de un proyecto de ley que haría responsables a las empresas que no compensan a los trabajadores por ingresos atrasados. Quiere mejorar su propia situación y se siente obligado a hablar por otros trabajadores del sector de servicios quienes no tienen la protección de un sindicato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay muchas personas con miedo a participar porque siempre ocurre donde les dan de alta”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio indica que la única manera que los trabajadores inmigrantes van a ganar esta batalla por salarios más altos y mejores beneficios es con arriesgarse. En este momento, dijo, no hay donde ir sino arriba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California tiene la séptima economía más grande del mundo, y a lo largo de la historia del estado, los inmigrantes han contribuido mucho al desarrollo de esta prosperidad. Hoy, una de cada tres personas trabajadoras en California es inmigrante – proporción que ha crecido en las últimas décadas. Nuestro estado está conformado por estos trabajadores y emprendedores – 6 millones de personas que han encontrado empleo en el Estado Dorado. En nuestra serie “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Transformación migrante\u003c/a>”, KQED y The California Report exploran el impacto que surten los inmigrantes, los retos que enfrentan y las políticas que les afectan.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Immigrants Help Lead a New Silicon Valley Labor Movement",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/21/contribucion-inmigrante-al-movimiento-laboral-en-silicon-valley\">Read this piece in Spanish\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesus Solorio’s stubbornness serves him well. Instead of winding up a victim of the \u003ca href=\"http://siliconvalleyindicators.org/special-reports/\">surging income \u003c/a>inequality in Silicon Valley, he has become a tireless labor activist, refusing to let go of the American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like being a champion of raising the minimum wage,” said Solorio in Spanish. “I like being around other people, helping them so they can have better salaries and live a better life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215705645″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio, 30, is a janitor at San Jose-based eBay. He left Mexico when he was a teenager and he’s now a single father, raising his 7-year-old daughter in a hard-scrabble neighborhood 13 miles from the sparkling eBay campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Solorio threw himself into a new labor movement called Silicon Valley Rising, joining hundreds of other janitors, cooks, maintenance workers, receptionists and security guards. These service workers are taking on the high-tech companies they work for, challenging them to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”D8f7nm6X5oSSPg0YgkFPiTHvfRFz3Ir8″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The income gap between the highest-earning 20 percent of households in the Bay Area and the lowest-paid 20 percent has reached $263,000 — a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new labor campaign is largely powered by immigrants, and a substantial number of those, including Solorio, are at the bottom of the wage scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A large percentage of the low-wage service sector workers — particularly in tech — are immigrants,” said Ben Field, executive officer of the South Bay Labor Council. “So they are a very important component of Silicon Valley Rising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, Solorio walked his daughter, Evelyn, to her San Jose elementary school, where she qualifies for reduced priced lunches. Along the way, he talked about how difficult it is to make ends meet on his modest paycheck. Solorio feels lucky to belong to a union, SEIU USWW. Under the terms of his contract, he makes $15.50 an hour plus benefits. That’s better than most Silicon Valley service workers who are not unionized and make $12 an hour, on average. But money is still terribly tight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610111\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-800x512.jpg\" alt=\"eBay janitor Jesus Solorio is a constant presence at demonstrations and rallies.\" width=\"800\" height=\"512\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610111\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-800x512.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-400x256.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-1440x922.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-1400x896.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-1180x755.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-960x615.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">eBay janitor Jesus Solorio is a constant presence at demonstrations and rallies. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If it’s just one person, it isn’t so bad,” Solorio said. “But when you have family and other people to care for, it becomes really difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/sites/default/files/publications/2014-silicon-valley-index.pdf\">The cost of housing in Silicon Valley\u003c/a> is among the highest in the country, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. The 2015 Silicon Valley Index shows rental rates rose 11 percent (to $2,333 per month). The median home price is $360,000 higher than the rest of the state. And that makes \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/interactive/2015/03/opinion/ctl-child-poverty/#0\">the wage gap even tougher\u003c/a>. Solorio and his daughter share a tiny two-bedroom apartment with his brother’s family of four. It’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/breaking-news/ci_28437124/silicon-valley-housing-high-powered-new-advocacy-group\">the only way they can afford the $1,500-a-month rent.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early mornings are tough after working the swing shift, but Solorio shakes off sleep each day to walk or drive Evelyn to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly their time to connect. Holding her dad’s hand on the 20-minute trek, Evelyn trots along in her blinking sneakers depicting Princess Ana from the movie “Frozen.” This day she tells her dad what she wants for her seventh birthday party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a trip to Chuck E. Cheese,” said Evelyn in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair stops at a doughnut shop along the way for a $1 breakfast treat. Solorio says his daughter keeps him going. He will do anything to make her life better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_F5X64bXde0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Solorio, almost half of Silicon Valley’s workforce comes from another country – 46 percent, according to Joint Venture Silicon Valley, a consortium of business and civic leaders. Some immigrants have started successful tech companies and are in the highest income bracket. But a large percentage is at the bottom of the wage scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They make this economy hum and their wages have been stagnant,” said Russell Hancock, president of Joint Venture Silicon Valley. “There’s been no growth in their wages over a period of decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why are their wages stuck, given Silicon Valley’s prosperous economy? Solorio — like many service workers at tech campuses — is actually employed by companies contracted by the big-name tech firms. Those contractors are competing with each other. Field, the head of the South Bay Labor Council, said that’s a recipe for exploitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High-tech companies are using contractors who are often low-road operators,” said Field. “They don’t pay their employees well and they don’t provide benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610108\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-800x745.jpg\" alt=\"Janitor Jesus Solorio says he will do anything to make a better life for his daughter.\" width=\"800\" height=\"745\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610108\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-800x745.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-400x372.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-1440x1340.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-1400x1303.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-1180x1098.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-960x894.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janitor Jesus Solorio says he will do anything to make a better life for his daughter. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Solorio’s employer, the janitorial contractor GCA Services Group, did not return phone calls to its offices in Ohio and Alviso. A spokesman for eBay said his company did not want to comment on the growing wage disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists with Silicon Valley Rising have been demonstrating outside the offices of contractors as well as at the big tech companies. They are working to unionize service workers. And the movement — a coalition of labor unions, faith groups, immigrant advocates and community-based organizations — is also pushing for more affordable housing in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley Rising was launched at Our Lady of Guadalupe Church in East San Jose’s Mayfair neighborhood. Back in the 1950s, much of the area was known as Sal Si Puedes, or “Get out if you can.” It’s the same church where Cesar Chavez began his crusade as an activist and farm labor organizer, inspired and encouraged by the parish priest. Today the church still serves a primarily Latino immigrant community, with Mass and community services in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Bustamante — once a farmworker himself — is executive director of Latinos United for a New America and one of the leaders of the new labor movement. He believes Silicon Valley Rising must go beyond old-fashioned labor organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need to go to the next level,” said Bustamante. “Being a union member is not enough. We also need to participate in the political process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio has taken that on. He is trying to help other service workers unionize. But he is also a stalwart presence at nearly every rally. He has made several trips to Sacramento to protest outside the Capitol for a bill to hold companies accountable if they don’t pay back wages. He wants to improve his own situation and he’s compelled to speak up for other service workers not protected by unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of people who are scared to get involved because it always happens where they are let go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio says the only way for immigrant workers to win this fight for higher wages and better benefits is to take chances. Right now, he said, there is nowhere to go but up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/21/contribucion-inmigrante-al-movimiento-laboral-en-silicon-valley\">Read this piece in Spanish\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesus Solorio’s stubbornness serves him well. Instead of winding up a victim of the \u003ca href=\"http://siliconvalleyindicators.org/special-reports/\">surging income \u003c/a>inequality in Silicon Valley, he has become a tireless labor activist, refusing to let go of the American Dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like being a champion of raising the minimum wage,” said Solorio in Spanish. “I like being around other people, helping them so they can have better salaries and live a better life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215705645″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215705645″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio, 30, is a janitor at San Jose-based eBay. He left Mexico when he was a teenager and he’s now a single father, raising his 7-year-old daughter in a hard-scrabble neighborhood 13 miles from the sparkling eBay campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Solorio threw himself into a new labor movement called Silicon Valley Rising, joining hundreds of other janitors, cooks, maintenance workers, receptionists and security guards. These service workers are taking on the high-tech companies they work for, challenging them to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The income gap between the highest-earning 20 percent of households in the Bay Area and the lowest-paid 20 percent has reached $263,000 — a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new labor campaign is largely powered by immigrants, and a substantial number of those, including Solorio, are at the bottom of the wage scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A large percentage of the low-wage service sector workers — particularly in tech — are immigrants,” said Ben Field, executive officer of the South Bay Labor Council. “So they are a very important component of Silicon Valley Rising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, Solorio walked his daughter, Evelyn, to her San Jose elementary school, where she qualifies for reduced priced lunches. Along the way, he talked about how difficult it is to make ends meet on his modest paycheck. Solorio feels lucky to belong to a union, SEIU USWW. Under the terms of his contract, he makes $15.50 an hour plus benefits. That’s better than most Silicon Valley service workers who are not unionized and make $12 an hour, on average. But money is still terribly tight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610111\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-800x512.jpg\" alt=\"eBay janitor Jesus Solorio is a constant presence at demonstrations and rallies.\" width=\"800\" height=\"512\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610111\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-800x512.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-400x256.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-1440x922.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-1400x896.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-1180x755.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1-960x615.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/SolorioMarch1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">eBay janitor Jesus Solorio is a constant presence at demonstrations and rallies. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If it’s just one person, it isn’t so bad,” Solorio said. “But when you have family and other people to care for, it becomes really difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/sites/default/files/publications/2014-silicon-valley-index.pdf\">The cost of housing in Silicon Valley\u003c/a> is among the highest in the country, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. The 2015 Silicon Valley Index shows rental rates rose 11 percent (to $2,333 per month). The median home price is $360,000 higher than the rest of the state. And that makes \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/interactive/2015/03/opinion/ctl-child-poverty/#0\">the wage gap even tougher\u003c/a>. Solorio and his daughter share a tiny two-bedroom apartment with his brother’s family of four. It’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/breaking-news/ci_28437124/silicon-valley-housing-high-powered-new-advocacy-group\">the only way they can afford the $1,500-a-month rent.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early mornings are tough after working the swing shift, but Solorio shakes off sleep each day to walk or drive Evelyn to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly their time to connect. Holding her dad’s hand on the 20-minute trek, Evelyn trots along in her blinking sneakers depicting Princess Ana from the movie “Frozen.” This day she tells her dad what she wants for her seventh birthday party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a trip to Chuck E. Cheese,” said Evelyn in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair stops at a doughnut shop along the way for a $1 breakfast treat. Solorio says his daughter keeps him going. He will do anything to make her life better.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/_F5X64bXde0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/_F5X64bXde0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Like Solorio, almost half of Silicon Valley’s workforce comes from another country – 46 percent, according to Joint Venture Silicon Valley, a consortium of business and civic leaders. Some immigrants have started successful tech companies and are in the highest income bracket. But a large percentage is at the bottom of the wage scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They make this economy hum and their wages have been stagnant,” said Russell Hancock, president of Joint Venture Silicon Valley. “There’s been no growth in their wages over a period of decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why are their wages stuck, given Silicon Valley’s prosperous economy? Solorio — like many service workers at tech campuses — is actually employed by companies contracted by the big-name tech firms. Those contractors are competing with each other. Field, the head of the South Bay Labor Council, said that’s a recipe for exploitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“High-tech companies are using contractors who are often low-road operators,” said Field. “They don’t pay their employees well and they don’t provide benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10610108\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-800x745.jpg\" alt=\"Janitor Jesus Solorio says he will do anything to make a better life for his daughter.\" width=\"800\" height=\"745\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10610108\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-800x745.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-400x372.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-1440x1340.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-1400x1303.jpg 1400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-1180x1098.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1-960x894.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/07/JesusAndDaugher1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janitor Jesus Solorio says he will do anything to make a better life for his daughter. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Solorio’s employer, the janitorial contractor GCA Services Group, did not return phone calls to its offices in Ohio and Alviso. A spokesman for eBay said his company did not want to comment on the growing wage disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists with Silicon Valley Rising have been demonstrating outside the offices of contractors as well as at the big tech companies. They are working to unionize service workers. And the movement — a coalition of labor unions, faith groups, immigrant advocates and community-based organizations — is also pushing for more affordable housing in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley Rising was launched at Our Lady of Guadalupe Church in East San Jose’s Mayfair neighborhood. Back in the 1950s, much of the area was known as Sal Si Puedes, or “Get out if you can.” It’s the same church where Cesar Chavez began his crusade as an activist and farm labor organizer, inspired and encouraged by the parish priest. Today the church still serves a primarily Latino immigrant community, with Mass and community services in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Bustamante — once a farmworker himself — is executive director of Latinos United for a New America and one of the leaders of the new labor movement. He believes Silicon Valley Rising must go beyond old-fashioned labor organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need to go to the next level,” said Bustamante. “Being a union member is not enough. We also need to participate in the political process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio has taken that on. He is trying to help other service workers unionize. But he is also a stalwart presence at nearly every rally. He has made several trips to Sacramento to protest outside the Capitol for a bill to hold companies accountable if they don’t pay back wages. He wants to improve his own situation and he’s compelled to speak up for other service workers not protected by unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of people who are scared to get involved because it always happens where they are let go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solorio says the only way for immigrant workers to win this fight for higher wages and better benefits is to take chances. Right now, he said, there is nowhere to go but up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>“Yeah, the numbers are bad,” said Laszlo Bock. “The company is roughly 2 percent African-American, and that’s way lower than you see both in the labor force we draw from and the population generally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was how a key Google executive began his response to a question about whether the company recruits at historically black colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock is head of what’s called “people operations” at Google, or what the rest of us refer to as human resources. He appeared on \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201507171000\">KQED’s \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a> to discuss his book, “Work Rules! Insights from Inside Google That Will Transform How You Live and Lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Google is known for its employee perks and Bock’s book contains a lot about what the company has learned about retaining and managing employees, \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> listeners wanted to talk about something else that Silicon Valley is known for: a lack of diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google made \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/google-discloses-workforce-diversity-data-good/\" target=\"_blank\">headlines\u003c/a> in May 2014 when it published its \u003ca href=\"http://www.google.com/diversity/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">demographic information\u003c/a>. In short, the company is 70 percent male and 60 percent white, \u003ca href=\"http://www.google.com/diversity/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">according to the company’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock said part of the reason that Google decided to release the information was “to put pressure on ourselves. Now we are publicly accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew our African-American and Hispanic populations by about 40 percent. But the base we’re growing from is so much smaller, that’s just not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the things that Google is doing to address its low number of African-Americans is not merely recruit at historically black colleges, Bock said, but also to have employees work with computer science departments at the schools \u003ca href=\"http://bigstory.ap.org/article/4312d33e1cb8454a9885f230d35f0eb1/google-embeds-engineers-professors\" target=\"_blank\">to refine the curriculum, teach courses and mentor students\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went from zero interns ever hired from Howard [University] for computer science to 11 the next year,” said Bock. “We’ve since expanded to five other schools … and hired over 30 people from those colleges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Benefits for Contract Workers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech companies have also been \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/14/growing-labor-movement-shakes-up-silicon-valley\">criticized\u003c/a> for what many say is a chasm between how the companies’ actual employees are treated — high salaries, catered lunches and private shuttles — and how the workers who provide services to those employees are treated. They’re the people who cook those lunches and drive those shuttles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock said that Google requires its vendors on Bay Area campuses to pay $15 an hour and has asked them to “provide benefits similar to what we’re doing on the Google side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Google asked that health insurance shouldn’t require a waiting period of a year, that employees not pay more than 20 percent of the cost, and that family members and dependents receive benefit coverage right away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will kick in with the open enrollment that starts in the fall,” said Bock. “It’s going to be active starting next year, but we agreed on this a long time ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Unions at Google?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, shuttle drivers for Yahoo, Apple, Genentech, eBay and Zynga voted to join the Teamsters union. The drivers at Google did not and received a pay raise the next month. Some have interpreted this as incentive for the drivers not to unionize. \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201507171000\" target=\"_blank\">During the \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> show\u003c/a>, a caller named Doug, who identified himself as being with the Teamsters union, asked:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now we have some shuttle bus drivers who drive for Google who want to organize with our union and are afraid of retaliation. So what is your position on these employees organizing unions without, you know, interference from their employers who do business with you?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock’s response:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, what I’ll say is that you know we have folks who are unionized, we have folks who are non-union, across the company. Folks have a legal right to organize without fear of retaliation. And that’s a critical and important thing and we respect that. I mean, there would not and will not be retaliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hour, Bock also spoke about Google’s efforts to hire more veterans and to include more colleges, including community colleges, in its hiring efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can listen to the complete interview here:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215177159″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /].\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“Yeah, the numbers are bad,” said Laszlo Bock. “The company is roughly 2 percent African-American, and that’s way lower than you see both in the labor force we draw from and the population generally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was how a key Google executive began his response to a question about whether the company recruits at historically black colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock is head of what’s called “people operations” at Google, or what the rest of us refer to as human resources. He appeared on \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201507171000\">KQED’s \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a> to discuss his book, “Work Rules! Insights from Inside Google That Will Transform How You Live and Lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Google is known for its employee perks and Bock’s book contains a lot about what the company has learned about retaining and managing employees, \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> listeners wanted to talk about something else that Silicon Valley is known for: a lack of diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google made \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/google-discloses-workforce-diversity-data-good/\" target=\"_blank\">headlines\u003c/a> in May 2014 when it published its \u003ca href=\"http://www.google.com/diversity/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">demographic information\u003c/a>. In short, the company is 70 percent male and 60 percent white, \u003ca href=\"http://www.google.com/diversity/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">according to the company’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock said part of the reason that Google decided to release the information was “to put pressure on ourselves. Now we are publicly accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew our African-American and Hispanic populations by about 40 percent. But the base we’re growing from is so much smaller, that’s just not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the things that Google is doing to address its low number of African-Americans is not merely recruit at historically black colleges, Bock said, but also to have employees work with computer science departments at the schools \u003ca href=\"http://bigstory.ap.org/article/4312d33e1cb8454a9885f230d35f0eb1/google-embeds-engineers-professors\" target=\"_blank\">to refine the curriculum, teach courses and mentor students\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went from zero interns ever hired from Howard [University] for computer science to 11 the next year,” said Bock. “We’ve since expanded to five other schools … and hired over 30 people from those colleges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Benefits for Contract Workers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech companies have also been \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/14/growing-labor-movement-shakes-up-silicon-valley\">criticized\u003c/a> for what many say is a chasm between how the companies’ actual employees are treated — high salaries, catered lunches and private shuttles — and how the workers who provide services to those employees are treated. They’re the people who cook those lunches and drive those shuttles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock said that Google requires its vendors on Bay Area campuses to pay $15 an hour and has asked them to “provide benefits similar to what we’re doing on the Google side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Google asked that health insurance shouldn’t require a waiting period of a year, that employees not pay more than 20 percent of the cost, and that family members and dependents receive benefit coverage right away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will kick in with the open enrollment that starts in the fall,” said Bock. “It’s going to be active starting next year, but we agreed on this a long time ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Unions at Google?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, shuttle drivers for Yahoo, Apple, Genentech, eBay and Zynga voted to join the Teamsters union. The drivers at Google did not and received a pay raise the next month. Some have interpreted this as incentive for the drivers not to unionize. \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201507171000\" target=\"_blank\">During the \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> show\u003c/a>, a caller named Doug, who identified himself as being with the Teamsters union, asked:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now we have some shuttle bus drivers who drive for Google who want to organize with our union and are afraid of retaliation. So what is your position on these employees organizing unions without, you know, interference from their employers who do business with you?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bock’s response:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, what I’ll say is that you know we have folks who are unionized, we have folks who are non-union, across the company. Folks have a legal right to organize without fear of retaliation. And that’s a critical and important thing and we respect that. I mean, there would not and will not be retaliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hour, Bock also spoke about Google’s efforts to hire more veterans and to include more colleges, including community colleges, in its hiring efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can listen to the complete interview here:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215177159″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/215177159″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Labor Ruling: Uber Driver Was an Employee, Not a Contractor",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Note: \u003c/strong>This post has been updated to clarify that a state agency's ruling applies immediately to just one Uber driver and to include a statement from the ride-service company. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commission has issued a ruling (\u003ca href=\"#ubervberwick\">embedded below\u003c/a>) declaring that a San Francisco woman who drove for Uber should be classified as an employee, not an independent contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber is appealing the ruling, which, if extended to other drivers, could undercut its potential profits as it continues to expand worldwide. The ride-hailing service now operates in hundreds of cities in the United States and 56 other countries. Its rapid growth has won the company more than $1 billion investment and a valuation reported at $40 billion to $50 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/210830052\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commission issued its decision earlier this month in the case of a San Francisco woman, Barbara Ann Berwick, who sued the company for back wages after driving for the service for about two months in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In awarding Berwick $4,000 in back wages and interest, a commission hearing officer essentially dismissed Uber's argument that it's merely a platform that allows passengers to connect with drivers -- a private transaction, the company says -- and that it exerts no control over drivers' hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing officer Stephanie Barrett wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Defendants hold themselves out as nothing more than a neutral technological platform, designed simply to engage drivers and passengers to transact the business of transportation. The reality, however, is that defendants are involved in every aspect of the operation. Defendants vet prospective drivers, who must provide to defendants their personal banking and residence information, as well as their Social Security Number. Drivers cannot use defendants' application unless they pass defendants' background and DMV checks.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The ruling goes on to note that Uber:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Controls the tools its drivers use.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sets prices and cancellation fees for passengers and payments to drivers.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Provides the smartphone app that makes the ride-service work possible.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling also contains a somewhat ironic note. It cites a California Court of Appeal ruling in comparing Uber, which has railed against the evils of the taxicab industry that it is replacing, to -- yes, traditional cab companies. The cited passage, from Yellow Cab Cooperative v. Workers Compensation Appeals Board, a 1991 case:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Although some of the factors in this case can be indicative of the workers being independent contractors, the overriding factor is that the persons performing the work are not engaged in occupations or businesses distinct from that of the [defendants]. Rather, their work is the basis for [defendants'] business. [Defendants] obtain the clients who are in need of delivery services and provides the workers who conduct the service on behalf of [defendants]. In addition, even though there is an absence of control over the details, an employee-employer relationship will be found if the [defendants] retain pervasive control over the operation as a whole, the worker's duties are an integral part of the operation, and the nature of the work makes detailed control unnecessary.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Reuters first reported the Labor Commission ruling and implied that it applied to all Uber drivers (for the record, so did our original post). That prompted the following statement from an Uber spokesperson:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reuters’ original headline was not accurate. The California Labor Commission’s ruling is non-binding and applies to a single driver. Indeed it is contrary to a previous ruling by the same commission, which concluded in 2012 that the driver ‘performed services as an independent contractor, and not as a bona fide employee.’ Five other states have also come to the same conclusion. It’s important to remember that the number one reason drivers choose to use Uber is because they have complete flexibility and control. The majority of them can and do choose to earn their living from multiple sources, including other ride sharing companies.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Berwick case is just one of \u003ca href=\"http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-01-30/uber-drivers-may-have-employee-status-judge-says\" target=\"_blank\">a number of legal actions\u003c/a> launched against Uber and competitor Lyft (and \u003ca href=\"http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2015/03/13/no-driver-lawsuits-wont-destroy-the-uber-for-x-business-model/\" target=\"_blank\">other \"on-demand economy\" startups\u003c/a>) over whether workers should be classified as independent contractor or employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"ubervberwick\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/268947090/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_46266\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Note: \u003c/strong>This post has been updated to clarify that a state agency's ruling applies immediately to just one Uber driver and to include a statement from the ride-service company. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commission has issued a ruling (\u003ca href=\"#ubervberwick\">embedded below\u003c/a>) declaring that a San Francisco woman who drove for Uber should be classified as an employee, not an independent contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber is appealing the ruling, which, if extended to other drivers, could undercut its potential profits as it continues to expand worldwide. The ride-hailing service now operates in hundreds of cities in the United States and 56 other countries. Its rapid growth has won the company more than $1 billion investment and a valuation reported at $40 billion to $50 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/210830052&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/210830052'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commission issued its decision earlier this month in the case of a San Francisco woman, Barbara Ann Berwick, who sued the company for back wages after driving for the service for about two months in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In awarding Berwick $4,000 in back wages and interest, a commission hearing officer essentially dismissed Uber's argument that it's merely a platform that allows passengers to connect with drivers -- a private transaction, the company says -- and that it exerts no control over drivers' hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing officer Stephanie Barrett wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Defendants hold themselves out as nothing more than a neutral technological platform, designed simply to engage drivers and passengers to transact the business of transportation. The reality, however, is that defendants are involved in every aspect of the operation. Defendants vet prospective drivers, who must provide to defendants their personal banking and residence information, as well as their Social Security Number. Drivers cannot use defendants' application unless they pass defendants' background and DMV checks.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The ruling goes on to note that Uber:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Controls the tools its drivers use.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sets prices and cancellation fees for passengers and payments to drivers.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Provides the smartphone app that makes the ride-service work possible.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling also contains a somewhat ironic note. It cites a California Court of Appeal ruling in comparing Uber, which has railed against the evils of the taxicab industry that it is replacing, to -- yes, traditional cab companies. The cited passage, from Yellow Cab Cooperative v. Workers Compensation Appeals Board, a 1991 case:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Although some of the factors in this case can be indicative of the workers being independent contractors, the overriding factor is that the persons performing the work are not engaged in occupations or businesses distinct from that of the [defendants]. Rather, their work is the basis for [defendants'] business. [Defendants] obtain the clients who are in need of delivery services and provides the workers who conduct the service on behalf of [defendants]. In addition, even though there is an absence of control over the details, an employee-employer relationship will be found if the [defendants] retain pervasive control over the operation as a whole, the worker's duties are an integral part of the operation, and the nature of the work makes detailed control unnecessary.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Reuters first reported the Labor Commission ruling and implied that it applied to all Uber drivers (for the record, so did our original post). That prompted the following statement from an Uber spokesperson:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reuters’ original headline was not accurate. The California Labor Commission’s ruling is non-binding and applies to a single driver. Indeed it is contrary to a previous ruling by the same commission, which concluded in 2012 that the driver ‘performed services as an independent contractor, and not as a bona fide employee.’ Five other states have also come to the same conclusion. It’s important to remember that the number one reason drivers choose to use Uber is because they have complete flexibility and control. The majority of them can and do choose to earn their living from multiple sources, including other ride sharing companies.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Berwick case is just one of \u003ca href=\"http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-01-30/uber-drivers-may-have-employee-status-judge-says\" target=\"_blank\">a number of legal actions\u003c/a> launched against Uber and competitor Lyft (and \u003ca href=\"http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2015/03/13/no-driver-lawsuits-wont-destroy-the-uber-for-x-business-model/\" target=\"_blank\">other \"on-demand economy\" startups\u003c/a>) over whether workers should be classified as independent contractor or employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"ubervberwick\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/268947090/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_46266\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Erin McElroy runs the \u003ca href=\"http://www.antievictionmappingproject.net/\">anti-eviction mapping project\u003c/a> in San Francisco, and she has a problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElroy would like to collaborate more with tech employees on issues like evictions, income inequality and the industry’s lack of diversity. But she says tech workers are disconnected and hard to reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s really hard to disaggregate and even understand who works in tech when we can’t hear from them.’ \u003ccite>Erin McElroy, Anti-eviction Mapping Project\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That’s not so much because of the workers, she says, but their companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElroy says tech firms have erected walls around their employees, both physically, with private shuttles and remote campuses, and logistically, with corporate policies that discourage communication with the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation reinforces the image of tech employees as disconnected and homogeneous, McElroy says. “It’s really hard to disaggregate and even understand who works in tech when we can’t hear from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, who are tech workers, and are their companies really that reluctant to let them talk?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I spoke with some software engineers, and they said any interviews had to go through their company’s press office. This is pretty standard corporate policy. So, I started contacting big and well-known firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked to interview employees, particularly programmers. I said I wanted to hear their individual stories — where they come from and why they got into tech. I also wanted to talk about issues like gentrification, the shuttle buses and the label of “tech worker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I reached out to 12 companies: Google, Facebook, Twitter, Apple, Dropbox, Uber, eBay, Square, Yahoo, Oracle, Cisco and Adobe. All but one declined or did not respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One company pressured an employee to recant an interview we had already done. The PR team told me that story could be “weaponized” against the company, which was “under a microscope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10476875\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10476875 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Anti-gentrification signs in the city target tech workers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-gentrification signs in the city target tech workers. \u003ccite>(Sam Harnett/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There has been a well-covered backlash against tech, particularly in regard to gentrification and the growing class divide. Tech workers are getting blamed as tensions intensify. Thus, software engineer Luca Pellicoro says, the mentality at large tech companies is to keep a tight lid on employees when it comes to the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellicoro worked at several big firms before switching to a small startup. Part of the reason was he wanted more freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech workers do not live their lives as free and clear as one might assume, Pellicoro says. At larger companies, high wages and perks abound, but you also have long commutes, long hours and have to watch what you say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellicoro says, “If you are younger and just starting out, you don’t see those restrictions. Maybe you are more excited about the free food and the pingpong table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellicoro is originally from France and just became a U.S. citizen. Now he considers San Francisco his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programming is his passion, but he doesn’t like to be called a tech worker. He says it feels derogatory, like an accusation. In San Francisco’s Mission neighborhood, where he lives, there are signs and graffiti targeting tech workers. So even though his company does not prevent him, he does not always volunteer his occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10476881\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10476881 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-800x557.jpg\" alt=\"Graffiti in The Mission District targeting tech workers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"557\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-800x557.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-400x279.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-1440x1003.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-1180x822.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-768x535.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-320x223.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graffiti in the Mission District targeting tech workers. \u003ccite>(Sam Harnett/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Depending on what social circle I am in, I will almost hide it and not be proud of it. I will just under my breath say what I do and feel ashamed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We do have statistics that paint a general picture of tech workers. In San Francisco, they \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/05/28/the-good-news-about-working-in-the-bay-area-for-some-wages-are-very-high\">earn on average\u003c/a> a little over a hundred grand a year—which, by the way, is not considered \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/09/you-need-to-earn-142000-dollars-to-buy-a-home-in-san-francisco\">enough to buy a median-priced\u003c/a> house in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2014/06/27/tech_diversity_data_facebook_follows_google_yahoo_in_releasing_the_stats.html\">Demographics released by companies\u003c/a> show that programmers are mostly white males. But in terms of age, San Francisco Business Times found \u003ca href=\"http://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/blog/techflash/2015/03/largest-sf-tech-employers-jobs-salesforce-twitter.html\">the average worker\u003c/a> at the city’s biggest tech companies is about 31, not 20-something, as the stereotype might suggest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with all these stats, you could miss a tech worker right in front of you, like programmer Dave Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not tattooed on my forehead or in any of my clothing that I am a techie or a programmer,” Brown says, “so it doesn’t really come up in my daily interactions with the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown works at Cisco. It’s the only one of the 12 companies I contacted that allowed interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we start talking, he forewarns me that his story is not that sensational. “I consider myself ordinary,” he says, “I might stop just short of boring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I consider myself ordinary. I might stop just short of boring.’ \u003ccite>Dave Brown, Software Engineer\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown says he is not one of the young startup entrepreneurs trying to make millions with the next big app. He consider himself a worker, albeit a relatively highly paid one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is 43 and came to San Francisco almost 20 years ago. He and his wife have two kids and plan to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is my home,” Brown says, “I intend to die here many decades from now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is not ashamed of his career, even if it means being called a “tech worker.” He is happy to tell his story and give his opinions, as long as the bosses say it’s OK.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Erin McElroy runs the \u003ca href=\"http://www.antievictionmappingproject.net/\">anti-eviction mapping project\u003c/a> in San Francisco, and she has a problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElroy would like to collaborate more with tech employees on issues like evictions, income inequality and the industry’s lack of diversity. But she says tech workers are disconnected and hard to reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s really hard to disaggregate and even understand who works in tech when we can’t hear from them.’ \u003ccite>Erin McElroy, Anti-eviction Mapping Project\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That’s not so much because of the workers, she says, but their companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElroy says tech firms have erected walls around their employees, both physically, with private shuttles and remote campuses, and logistically, with corporate policies that discourage communication with the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation reinforces the image of tech employees as disconnected and homogeneous, McElroy says. “It’s really hard to disaggregate and even understand who works in tech when we can’t hear from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, who are tech workers, and are their companies really that reluctant to let them talk?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I spoke with some software engineers, and they said any interviews had to go through their company’s press office. This is pretty standard corporate policy. So, I started contacting big and well-known firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked to interview employees, particularly programmers. I said I wanted to hear their individual stories — where they come from and why they got into tech. I also wanted to talk about issues like gentrification, the shuttle buses and the label of “tech worker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I reached out to 12 companies: Google, Facebook, Twitter, Apple, Dropbox, Uber, eBay, Square, Yahoo, Oracle, Cisco and Adobe. All but one declined or did not respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One company pressured an employee to recant an interview we had already done. The PR team told me that story could be “weaponized” against the company, which was “under a microscope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10476875\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10476875 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Anti-gentrification signs in the city target tech workers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14737_IMG_2504.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-gentrification signs in the city target tech workers. \u003ccite>(Sam Harnett/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There has been a well-covered backlash against tech, particularly in regard to gentrification and the growing class divide. Tech workers are getting blamed as tensions intensify. Thus, software engineer Luca Pellicoro says, the mentality at large tech companies is to keep a tight lid on employees when it comes to the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellicoro worked at several big firms before switching to a small startup. Part of the reason was he wanted more freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech workers do not live their lives as free and clear as one might assume, Pellicoro says. At larger companies, high wages and perks abound, but you also have long commutes, long hours and have to watch what you say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellicoro says, “If you are younger and just starting out, you don’t see those restrictions. Maybe you are more excited about the free food and the pingpong table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pellicoro is originally from France and just became a U.S. citizen. Now he considers San Francisco his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programming is his passion, but he doesn’t like to be called a tech worker. He says it feels derogatory, like an accusation. In San Francisco’s Mission neighborhood, where he lives, there are signs and graffiti targeting tech workers. So even though his company does not prevent him, he does not always volunteer his occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10476881\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10476881 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-800x557.jpg\" alt=\"Graffiti in The Mission District targeting tech workers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"557\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-800x557.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-400x279.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-1440x1003.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-1180x822.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-768x535.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457-320x223.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS14738_22614-001.JPG-qut-e1428108100457.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graffiti in the Mission District targeting tech workers. \u003ccite>(Sam Harnett/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Depending on what social circle I am in, I will almost hide it and not be proud of it. I will just under my breath say what I do and feel ashamed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We do have statistics that paint a general picture of tech workers. In San Francisco, they \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/05/28/the-good-news-about-working-in-the-bay-area-for-some-wages-are-very-high\">earn on average\u003c/a> a little over a hundred grand a year—which, by the way, is not considered \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/09/you-need-to-earn-142000-dollars-to-buy-a-home-in-san-francisco\">enough to buy a median-priced\u003c/a> house in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2014/06/27/tech_diversity_data_facebook_follows_google_yahoo_in_releasing_the_stats.html\">Demographics released by companies\u003c/a> show that programmers are mostly white males. But in terms of age, San Francisco Business Times found \u003ca href=\"http://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/blog/techflash/2015/03/largest-sf-tech-employers-jobs-salesforce-twitter.html\">the average worker\u003c/a> at the city’s biggest tech companies is about 31, not 20-something, as the stereotype might suggest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with all these stats, you could miss a tech worker right in front of you, like programmer Dave Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not tattooed on my forehead or in any of my clothing that I am a techie or a programmer,” Brown says, “so it doesn’t really come up in my daily interactions with the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown works at Cisco. It’s the only one of the 12 companies I contacted that allowed interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we start talking, he forewarns me that his story is not that sensational. “I consider myself ordinary,” he says, “I might stop just short of boring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I consider myself ordinary. I might stop just short of boring.’ \u003ccite>Dave Brown, Software Engineer\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown says he is not one of the young startup entrepreneurs trying to make millions with the next big app. He consider himself a worker, albeit a relatively highly paid one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is 43 and came to San Francisco almost 20 years ago. He and his wife have two kids and plan to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is my home,” Brown says, “I intend to die here many decades from now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is not ashamed of his career, even if it means being called a “tech worker.” He is happy to tell his story and give his opinions, as long as the bosses say it’s OK.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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