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"content": "\u003cp>Sacramento’s top prosecutor is suing the city’s leaders over failure to clean up homeless encampments, escalating a monthslong dispute with leaders in the state capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County District Attorney Thien Ho announced the lawsuit Tuesday during a news conference in Sacramento, noting the homeless population in the city has jumped 250% in the last seven years. A group of residents and business owners also filed a companion lawsuit against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho said his office had asked the city to enforce local laws around sidewalk obstruction and to create additional professionally operated camping sites, but that the city did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho said the city is seeing a “collapse into chaos” and an “erosion of everyday life.” Courthouse workers have been harassed and assaulted downtown, and residents and businesses have to deal with drug users and property break-ins, while calls for help to city officials went unanswered, the lawsuit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not compassionate to allow unsafe conditions to fester so badly that a 14-year-old boy cannot ride his bike to school or a group of little girls can’t play soccer on a field littered with needles,” the lawsuit said. “It’s not compassionate when someone in a wheelchair cannot use a sidewalk blocked by tents or a small business is forced to close forever due to repeated broken windows and vandalism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County had nearly 9,300 homeless people in 2022, based on data from the annual Point-in-Time count. That was up 67% from 2019. Roughly three-quarters of the county’s homeless population is unsheltered, and the majority of that group is living on Sacramento streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless tent encampments have grown visibly in cities across the U.S. but especially in California, which is home to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homeless-california-study-poverty-high-rent-a2a4bfc9b386cb70fdd14d593f31b68c\">nearly one-third of unhoused people\u003c/a> in the country. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\"]‘The city needs real partnership from the region’s leaders, not politics and lawsuits.’[/pullquote] Ho \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-sacramento-district-attorney-mayor-lawsuit-b01d68283afea8a3010fc959180a5a5f\">had threatened in August\u003c/a> to file charges against city officials if they didn’t implement changes within 30 days. In a letter to the city, Ho demanded that Sacramento implement a daytime camping ban where homeless people have to put their belongings in storage between 6 a.m. and 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg said Ho was politicizing the issue. The city has added 1,200 emergency shelter beds, passed ordinances to protect sidewalks and schools and has created more affordable housing, Steinberg said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is trying to avoid “the futile trap of just moving people endlessly from one block to the next,” Steinberg said. People’s frustrations are “absolutely justified” but Ho’s actions are a “performative distraction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city needs real partnership from the region’s leaders, not politics and lawsuits,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Susana Alcala Wood’s office has also repeatedly urged Ho to work with the city to address the issue, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sadly appears the DA would rather point fingers and cast blame than partner to achieve meaningful solutions for our community,” Alcala Wood said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho, elected in 2022 after vowing on the campaign trail to address the city’s homelessness crisis, said he’s asked the city to share real-time data about available shelter beds with law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a rare opportunity — a rare opportunity — for us to effectuate meaningful, efficient means of getting the critically, chronically unhoused off the streets,” Ho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho said he supports a variety of solutions including enforcing laws and establishing new programs to provide services to people facing addiction or mental health issues. He said he supports a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mental-health-reform-investment-ballot-measure-eaed6702d5dd8e9a7d611029fdb0667c\">statewide bond measure\u003c/a> that would go toward building more treatment facilities. Voters will weigh in on that measure next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute between the district attorney and the city was further complicated by a lawsuit filed by a homeless advocacy group earlier this year that resulted in an order from a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/heat-wave-homeless-sweeps-judge-order-58173a538f07b113557bf89ed8017309\">temporarily banning the city from clearing homeless encampments\u003c/a> during extreme heat. That order is now lifted but the group wants to see it extended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for the homeless coalition also filed a complaint with the state bar this month, saying Ho abused his power by pushing the city to clear encampments when the order was in place. [aside label='More Stories on California’s Unhoused Community' tag='homelessness'] Ho’s news conference included testimony from residents who say the city is not providing resources to deal with homelessness. Emily Webb said people living in an encampment near her home have trespassed on her property, blocked her driveway and threatened her family, but city officials have done little to clear the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re losing sleep and exhausted from this stress,” she said Tuesday. “We are beyond frustrated and no longer feel comfortable or safe in our home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics have said encampments are unsanitary and lawless, and block children, older residents and disabled people from using public space such as sidewalks. They say allowing people to deteriorate outdoors is neither humane nor compassionate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates for homeless people say they can’t alleviate the crisis without more investment in affordable housing and services, and that camping bans and encampment sweeps unnecessarily traumatize homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Ho \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-sacramento-district-attorney-mayor-lawsuit-b01d68283afea8a3010fc959180a5a5f\">had threatened in August\u003c/a> to file charges against city officials if they didn’t implement changes within 30 days. In a letter to the city, Ho demanded that Sacramento implement a daytime camping ban where homeless people have to put their belongings in storage between 6 a.m. and 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg said Ho was politicizing the issue. The city has added 1,200 emergency shelter beds, passed ordinances to protect sidewalks and schools and has created more affordable housing, Steinberg said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is trying to avoid “the futile trap of just moving people endlessly from one block to the next,” Steinberg said. People’s frustrations are “absolutely justified” but Ho’s actions are a “performative distraction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city needs real partnership from the region’s leaders, not politics and lawsuits,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Susana Alcala Wood’s office has also repeatedly urged Ho to work with the city to address the issue, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sadly appears the DA would rather point fingers and cast blame than partner to achieve meaningful solutions for our community,” Alcala Wood said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho, elected in 2022 after vowing on the campaign trail to address the city’s homelessness crisis, said he’s asked the city to share real-time data about available shelter beds with law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a rare opportunity — a rare opportunity — for us to effectuate meaningful, efficient means of getting the critically, chronically unhoused off the streets,” Ho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho said he supports a variety of solutions including enforcing laws and establishing new programs to provide services to people facing addiction or mental health issues. He said he supports a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mental-health-reform-investment-ballot-measure-eaed6702d5dd8e9a7d611029fdb0667c\">statewide bond measure\u003c/a> that would go toward building more treatment facilities. Voters will weigh in on that measure next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute between the district attorney and the city was further complicated by a lawsuit filed by a homeless advocacy group earlier this year that resulted in an order from a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/heat-wave-homeless-sweeps-judge-order-58173a538f07b113557bf89ed8017309\">temporarily banning the city from clearing homeless encampments\u003c/a> during extreme heat. That order is now lifted but the group wants to see it extended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for the homeless coalition also filed a complaint with the state bar this month, saying Ho abused his power by pushing the city to clear encampments when the order was in place. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Ho’s news conference included testimony from residents who say the city is not providing resources to deal with homelessness. Emily Webb said people living in an encampment near her home have trespassed on her property, blocked her driveway and threatened her family, but city officials have done little to clear the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re losing sleep and exhausted from this stress,” she said Tuesday. “We are beyond frustrated and no longer feel comfortable or safe in our home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics have said encampments are unsanitary and lawless, and block children, older residents and disabled people from using public space such as sidewalks. They say allowing people to deteriorate outdoors is neither humane nor compassionate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates for homeless people say they can’t alleviate the crisis without more investment in affordable housing and services, and that camping bans and encampment sweeps unnecessarily traumatize homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters next spring will get to decide on a ballot measure to create housing and treatment options for unhoused individuals with serious mental illness. If it passes, the measure championed by Gov. Gavin Newsom would mark the first major overhaul of the state’s community mental health system in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two-pronged proposition on the March primary election ballot includes a nearly $6.4 billion bond to build 10,000 psychiatric treatment units. It also asks voters to redefine how counties spend money collected from a special “millionaire’s tax” to allocate a share of it for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and supporters have promoted Proposition 1 as a way to help address the state’s deteriorating homelessness and addiction crises. They contend that increased investment and an update to the state’s Mental Health Services Act are “long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature on Thursday overwhelmingly backed his proposal, with lopsided votes to place it on the 2024 ballot. Newsom still must sign the bills, and he said he would in a written statement after a late-night vote in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These measures represent a key part of the solution to our homelessness crisis, and improving mental health for kids and families,” Newsom said. “Now, it will be up to voters to ratify the most significant changes to California’s mental health system in more than 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the ballot measure say diverting money in the Mental Health Services Act for housing will result in up to $1 billion in cuts to\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\"> current mental health programs\u003c/a> like outpatient care and crisis response. Other advocates criticize the governor for making last-minute changes to the bond, allowing the money to be spent on involuntary treatment institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what exactly are voters being asked to consider? Here’s how the proposal breaks down.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the Mental Health Services Act?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Mental Health Services Act, which voters passed as a ballot measure in 2004, levies a 1% tax on personal income over $1 million. It passed at a time when the state’s mental health system was severely underfunded. Since then, the tax has generated an estimated $26 billion for county mental health programs. Last year the tax garnered more than $3 billion. It supports roughly one-third of the state’s mental health system. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘These measures represent a key part of the solution to our homelessness crisis, and improving mental health for kids and families.’[/pullquote] The tax is not California’s only source of revenue for mental health programs. The state also receives money from Medi-Cal, and it spends a portion of its general fund on those services. Those sources come with strict spending limitations. For example, Medi-Cal primarily pays for treatment of mental health disorders but will not cover prevention programs. It also will not pay for inpatient treatment at a facility with more than 16 beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties have come to rely on the relative flexibility of Mental Health Services Act dollars to pay for core services like outpatient care, outreach and engagement, school-based counseling, youth wellness programs, family resource centers, and crisis response teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does Newsom want to do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most significant change put forth by the governor is a requirement that counties invest 30% of their Mental Health Services Act tax dollars — roughly $1 billion based on last year’s revenue — in housing programs, including rental subsidies and navigation services. Counties would have to spend half this money on people who are chronically homeless or living in encampments. They could also use up to one-quarter of the money to build or purchase housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg has been a staunch supporter of Newsom’s proposal. Steinberg was one of the co-authors of the Mental Health Services Act when he was an Assembly member in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To put it plainly, not enough of the Mental Health Services Act dollars are getting out to the people with the most persistent mental illnesses, specifically people who are chronically homeless and living with those underlying conditions,” Steinberg said during a press call in August. “So that’s where you start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure puts counties on the hook for paying for substance use disorder treatment with Mental Health Services Act money. Counties have historically paid for addiction treatment with other funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, it\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>renames the program as the Behavioral Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11961360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11961360\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02.jpeg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom is pictured with his hands out as he speak to many folks in a warehouse in front of a microphone.\" width=\"2400\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02.jpeg 2400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-2048x1365.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-1920x1280.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2400px) 100vw, 2400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flanked by state and local politicians, Newsom announced the state’s plan to address homelessness across the state at Cal Expo in Sacramento, on March 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What will the bond measure do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second half of Newsom’s proposal places a $6.4 billion general obligation bond before voters to dramatically expand the state’s psychiatric and addiction treatment infrastructure. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\"]‘To put it plainly, not enough of the Mental Health Services Act dollars are getting out to the people with the most persistent mental illnesses, specifically people who are chronically homeless and living with those underlying conditions.’[/pullquote] Nearly $4.4 billion would go toward building inpatient and residential treatment beds and could serve 100,000 people annually, officials said. California faces a shortage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/testimonies/CTA2700/CTA2742-1/RAND_CTA2742-1.pdf\">nearly 8,000 adult psychiatric beds (PDF)\u003c/a>, said Nicole Eberhart, senior behavioral health scientist for the RAND Corporation, during testimony to an Assembly budget subcommittee in May. Long waitlists plague the state’s inpatient mental health system, and doctors say there’s nowhere to send stable patients who need long-term treatment focused on recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another $2 billion will go toward building permanent supportive housing, with half set aside for veterans with mental health diagnoses or addiction disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How many people are unhoused in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More than 170,000 Californians are unhoused, the vast majority of whom live in street encampments. California has the highest homeless rate per 10,000 people, second only to the District of Columbia, and the highest proportion of unsheltered homeless individuals in the country, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">landmark study by the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\u003c/a> found about two-thirds of unhoused Californians surveyed suffered from a mental health disorder but only 19% had received recent treatment. The driving force behind homelessness, however, was most often income loss, not mental illness or addiction, \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/our-studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">according to the study\u003c/a>. [aside label='More Around California' tag='california-law']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who are the supporters?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sen. Susan Talamantes-Eggman, a Democrat from Stockton, carried the proposed reform of the Mental Health Services Act in the Legislature. During Thursday’s Senate concurrence vote, Talamantes-Eggman said the way counties spend state mental health funding needs to address changes that have happened in the two decades since the act was first designed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Jacqui Irwin, a Democrat from Thousand Oaks, carried the bond proposal in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayors and county supervisors from eight major regions, including San Francisco and Los Angeles, successfully lobbied to increase funding for the bond measure by $1.5 billion. City leaders were early supporters of the measure with more than two dozen submitting letters of support along with housing and homeless advocates and the National Alliance on Mental Illness California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who are the opponents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peer-run and disability organizations have been the staunchest opponents of the changes proposed in the ballot measure. They argue current clients will lose treatment options and accuse Newsom’s administration of using the proposal to fund his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/care-court-california-start/\">CARE Court initiative\u003c/a> that passed last year. That law allows a court to place someone with a serious mental illness into an involuntary treatment program. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Paul Simmons, executive director, Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance\"]‘This is a really tough time for our communities. Our concern with [the proposition] is massive increases in involuntary and forced treatment.’[/pullquote] Groups representing people of color and LGBTQ+ communities also oppose the measure. They say it will eliminate prevention resources and worsen already stark disparities in access to treatment. Resource centers that target these populations are among the services most likely to get cut, county behavioral health leaders have said in public hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bond measure, which previously faced no opposition, drew fierce criticism from peer and disability advocates after last-minute amendments \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/09/mental-health-bond-gavin-newsom-amendments/\">allowed the money to be used on involuntary treatment facilities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a really tough time for our communities,” said Paul Simmons, executive director of the Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance. “Our concern with [the proposition] is massive increases in involuntary and forced treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children and family advocates withdrew previous opposition after securing significant concessions from the governor requiring 51% of spending on early intervention be targeted toward children and youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters next spring will get to decide on a ballot measure to create housing and treatment options for unhoused individuals with serious mental illness. If it passes, the measure championed by Gov. Gavin Newsom would mark the first major overhaul of the state’s community mental health system in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two-pronged proposition on the March primary election ballot includes a nearly $6.4 billion bond to build 10,000 psychiatric treatment units. It also asks voters to redefine how counties spend money collected from a special “millionaire’s tax” to allocate a share of it for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and supporters have promoted Proposition 1 as a way to help address the state’s deteriorating homelessness and addiction crises. They contend that increased investment and an update to the state’s Mental Health Services Act are “long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature on Thursday overwhelmingly backed his proposal, with lopsided votes to place it on the 2024 ballot. Newsom still must sign the bills, and he said he would in a written statement after a late-night vote in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These measures represent a key part of the solution to our homelessness crisis, and improving mental health for kids and families,” Newsom said. “Now, it will be up to voters to ratify the most significant changes to California’s mental health system in more than 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the ballot measure say diverting money in the Mental Health Services Act for housing will result in up to $1 billion in cuts to\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\"> current mental health programs\u003c/a> like outpatient care and crisis response. Other advocates criticize the governor for making last-minute changes to the bond, allowing the money to be spent on involuntary treatment institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what exactly are voters being asked to consider? Here’s how the proposal breaks down.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the Mental Health Services Act?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Mental Health Services Act, which voters passed as a ballot measure in 2004, levies a 1% tax on personal income over $1 million. It passed at a time when the state’s mental health system was severely underfunded. Since then, the tax has generated an estimated $26 billion for county mental health programs. Last year the tax garnered more than $3 billion. It supports roughly one-third of the state’s mental health system. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The tax is not California’s only source of revenue for mental health programs. The state also receives money from Medi-Cal, and it spends a portion of its general fund on those services. Those sources come with strict spending limitations. For example, Medi-Cal primarily pays for treatment of mental health disorders but will not cover prevention programs. It also will not pay for inpatient treatment at a facility with more than 16 beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties have come to rely on the relative flexibility of Mental Health Services Act dollars to pay for core services like outpatient care, outreach and engagement, school-based counseling, youth wellness programs, family resource centers, and crisis response teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does Newsom want to do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most significant change put forth by the governor is a requirement that counties invest 30% of their Mental Health Services Act tax dollars — roughly $1 billion based on last year’s revenue — in housing programs, including rental subsidies and navigation services. Counties would have to spend half this money on people who are chronically homeless or living in encampments. They could also use up to one-quarter of the money to build or purchase housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg has been a staunch supporter of Newsom’s proposal. Steinberg was one of the co-authors of the Mental Health Services Act when he was an Assembly member in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To put it plainly, not enough of the Mental Health Services Act dollars are getting out to the people with the most persistent mental illnesses, specifically people who are chronically homeless and living with those underlying conditions,” Steinberg said during a press call in August. “So that’s where you start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure puts counties on the hook for paying for substance use disorder treatment with Mental Health Services Act money. Counties have historically paid for addiction treatment with other funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, it\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>renames the program as the Behavioral Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11961360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11961360\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02.jpeg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom is pictured with his hands out as he speak to many folks in a warehouse in front of a microphone.\" width=\"2400\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02.jpeg 2400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-2048x1365.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/CMNewsom02-1920x1280.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2400px) 100vw, 2400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flanked by state and local politicians, Newsom announced the state’s plan to address homelessness across the state at Cal Expo in Sacramento, on March 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What will the bond measure do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second half of Newsom’s proposal places a $6.4 billion general obligation bond before voters to dramatically expand the state’s psychiatric and addiction treatment infrastructure. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Nearly $4.4 billion would go toward building inpatient and residential treatment beds and could serve 100,000 people annually, officials said. California faces a shortage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/testimonies/CTA2700/CTA2742-1/RAND_CTA2742-1.pdf\">nearly 8,000 adult psychiatric beds (PDF)\u003c/a>, said Nicole Eberhart, senior behavioral health scientist for the RAND Corporation, during testimony to an Assembly budget subcommittee in May. Long waitlists plague the state’s inpatient mental health system, and doctors say there’s nowhere to send stable patients who need long-term treatment focused on recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another $2 billion will go toward building permanent supportive housing, with half set aside for veterans with mental health diagnoses or addiction disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How many people are unhoused in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More than 170,000 Californians are unhoused, the vast majority of whom live in street encampments. California has the highest homeless rate per 10,000 people, second only to the District of Columbia, and the highest proportion of unsheltered homeless individuals in the country, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">landmark study by the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\u003c/a> found about two-thirds of unhoused Californians surveyed suffered from a mental health disorder but only 19% had received recent treatment. The driving force behind homelessness, however, was most often income loss, not mental illness or addiction, \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/our-studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">according to the study\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who are the supporters?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sen. Susan Talamantes-Eggman, a Democrat from Stockton, carried the proposed reform of the Mental Health Services Act in the Legislature. During Thursday’s Senate concurrence vote, Talamantes-Eggman said the way counties spend state mental health funding needs to address changes that have happened in the two decades since the act was first designed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Jacqui Irwin, a Democrat from Thousand Oaks, carried the bond proposal in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayors and county supervisors from eight major regions, including San Francisco and Los Angeles, successfully lobbied to increase funding for the bond measure by $1.5 billion. City leaders were early supporters of the measure with more than two dozen submitting letters of support along with housing and homeless advocates and the National Alliance on Mental Illness California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who are the opponents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peer-run and disability organizations have been the staunchest opponents of the changes proposed in the ballot measure. They argue current clients will lose treatment options and accuse Newsom’s administration of using the proposal to fund his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/care-court-california-start/\">CARE Court initiative\u003c/a> that passed last year. That law allows a court to place someone with a serious mental illness into an involuntary treatment program. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Groups representing people of color and LGBTQ+ communities also oppose the measure. They say it will eliminate prevention resources and worsen already stark disparities in access to treatment. Resource centers that target these populations are among the services most likely to get cut, county behavioral health leaders have said in public hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bond measure, which previously faced no opposition, drew fierce criticism from peer and disability advocates after last-minute amendments \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/09/mental-health-bond-gavin-newsom-amendments/\">allowed the money to be used on involuntary treatment facilities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a really tough time for our communities,” said Paul Simmons, executive director of the Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance. “Our concern with [the proposition] is massive increases in involuntary and forced treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children and family advocates withdrew previous opposition after securing significant concessions from the governor requiring 51% of spending on early intervention be targeted toward children and youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Thousands of SF Homes Destroyed Decades Ago During 'Redevelopment' Could Be Rebuilt for Lower-Income Residents",
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"headTitle": "Thousands of SF Homes Destroyed Decades Ago During ‘Redevelopment’ Could Be Rebuilt for Lower-Income Residents | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Decades after San Francisco bulldozed thousands of homes in the name of redevelopment, a state bill could boost efforts to repair that damage and make it easier for displaced families to regain a foothold in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push comes as San Francisco faces a state-mandated obligation to produce nearly 46,000 units for very low, low and moderate-income households in the next eight years. Supporters of the bill say it could make a dent in an area that many Bay Area housing and racial justice advocates assert is long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But success isn’t guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some West Coast cities have seen mixed results from their efforts to remedy similar urban infrastructure projects during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco went through a very ugly period where in the name of ‘urban renewal,’ the city bulldozed and destroyed thousands and thousands of homes, primarily in Black, Japanese and Filipino neighborhoods,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), who authored \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB593\">Senate Bill 593\u003c/a>. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"State Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco)\"]‘San Francisco went through a very ugly period where in the name of ‘urban renewal,’ the city bulldozed and destroyed thousands and thousands of homes, primarily in Black, Japanese and Filipino neighborhoods.’[/pullquote] The bill aims to fund the production of nearly 6,000 affordable housing units that were destroyed during the mid-century redevelopment era in San Francisco’s Western Addition, Fillmore, Japantown and SoMa neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a horrific situation and San Francisco has a legal responsibility to replace the homes that were destroyed when redevelopment ended a decade ago,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 593 cleared the California Legislature on Wednesday and is now awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature. The bill would allow residual property tax dollars to remain in the city’s Redevelopment Property Tax Trust Fund, rather than be redistributed to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Community Investment and Infrastructure could then issue bonds to construct or add 5,800 units of replacement housing that were never rebuilt after redevelopment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, there are between 500–900 units in the city’s own pipeline for affordable housing construction that could benefit from the new financing structure. The city will also solicit projects and developers that could maximize the number of new affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11960806 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Homes at Freedom West, a housing cooperative, seen from the interior courtyard in the Fillmore District on Sept. 11, 2023. The property will be redeveloped in what is referred to as ‘Freedom West 2.0,’ with new buildings for current residents and community facilities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are a number of housing projects in the works that could seek funding if they are approved. Among them is Freedom West cooperative in the Western Addition, which is currently working on a renovation and expansion project with the developer MacFarlane Partners to replace 382 co-op units and add 133 affordable homes to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mattie Scott is a longtime resident of the Western Addition and president of the Freedom West Housing Cooperative in San Francisco, which supports Wiener’s bill. She remembers growing up in the neighborhood before redevelopment cleared it out to make way for new expressways and shopping centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just wonderful being a teenager to have that experience with so much diversity,” Scott told KQED of the variety of businesses and restaurants near the Western Addition in the early 1960s. “Fillmore was the Harlem of the West at that time. You couldn’t wait to get to Fillmore Street with your families on any given day. There were Italian meat markets, Jewish delis and Japanese restaurants.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mattie Scott, president, Freedom West Housing Cooperative\"]‘Fillmore was the Harlem of the West at that time. You couldn’t wait to get to Fillmore Street with your families on any given day. There were Italian meat markets, Jewish delis and Japanese restaurants.’[/pullquote] When the U.S. federal government began implementing the National Housing Act of 1949, San Francisco’s Western Addition and Japantown were among the first areas selected for redevelopment in the name of addressing so-called “urban blight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make way for a widened Geary Boulevard, the government bulldozed thousands of homes in the area that were predominantly owned and lived in by Black, Filipino, Japanese and some Jewish residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, San Franciscans like Scott who remember the vibrant neighborhoods that were destroyed say the urgency to rebuild the lost homes is long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They called it urban renewal, but I call it urban removal,” Scott said. “All of a sudden, you just see your neighborhood just demolished, you know, homes demolished, Victorian houses demolished, whole communities. Grocery stores down the block where you go to eat with your family were no longer there. To me, as a young person, it was very devastating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families in nearby Japantown have passed on similar stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The community had just returned from concentration camps during World War II, and a lot of businesses and homes had already been lost. Then redevelopment happened, so it was this one-two punch that really devastated Japantown,” said Jeremy Chan, a board member with the Japantown Task Force. “The creation of the Geary Expressway created this physical barrier that divided Japantown from our African American neighbors in the Fillmore, and we’re still struggling to repair and rebuild those connections to this day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11960803 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeremy Chan (left) and Glynis Nakahara stand in a residential area of Japantown in San Francisco on Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back then, the city promised to rebuild homes and give preference to families who had to flee. But it’s largely failed to follow through with promises to rebuild those homes, and only a small fraction of people have used their opportunity to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were forced to leave Japantown and then they were later unable to return either because they were priced out or because they ended up being disqualified for the certificates of preference they received,” Chan explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Redressing redevelopment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To address the displacement redevelopment caused, San Francisco and other cities have given preference for affordable housing to people who lost their homes and to their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 1960s, San Francisco has distributed 6,957 “\u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/dashboard-certificate-preference-eligible-waitlist-opportunities#how-to-use-the-dashboard\">certificates of preference\u003c/a>” to residents and descendants of residents who lost homes due to redevelopment, according to the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development. The certificates provide \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/dashboard-certificate-preference-eligible-waitlist-opportunities#how-to-use-the-dashboard\">priority for certain housing units\u003c/a> in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But out of the nearly 7,000 certificates of preference issued by the city, less than 1,500 of those have been utilized as of Aug. 18, city data shows. [aside postID=news_11957757 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/GettyImages-1408881472-for-wp-1020x760.jpg'] Those who do want to use their certificate often face long wait lists. There are approximately 115,000 applicants wait-listed for the 28,500 public housing units eligible for the certificates, according to the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to those 28,500 units, the city is also listing 1,274 home-ownership and rental units that certificate holders can apply for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Sept. 7, there were nine below-market-rate homeownership units available for certificate holders, and one rental unit available, according to data from the Office of Community Investment and Infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 593 would increase the production of units that are eligible for the certificates and aims to prevent further displacement for families who are currently in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has actually, for a while, had this commitment to restore the units that were demolished during urban renewal, and this bill would provide some of the funding that’s required to help restore that,” said Sujata Srivastava, housing and planning director at the local public policy nonprofit, SPUR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Japantown Peace Plaza in San Francisco on Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But many families who were displaced during that era have left, establishing lives, businesses and communities elsewhere, as affordable housing in San Francisco has lagged to meet a growing demand. When homes and businesses were destroyed, trust also eroded between the city and the communities it forced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an argument for thinking more expansively about what it might look like if you were really trying to help, especially Black and African American households that were displaced from redevelopment,” Srivastava said. “How do you actually think about correcting those harms?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of SB 593 don’t expect the bill to lead to a wave of migration back to San Francisco by families who were displaced decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is a hope that it can mitigate the housing crisis and acknowledge the ways that crisis falls disproportionately on communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rethinking Reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s Reparations Task Force \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ch22-ca-reparations.pdf\">recommends giving preference to affordable housing, also known as “right to return” policies, for displaced African Americans (PDF)\u003c/a> as one of several ways to address lingering effects of racism and slavery on African Americans and broader society today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Predominantly white neighborhoods are that way for a clear reason: the history of racist housing policies,” said Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of the Geography Department at UC Berkeley and a member of California’s Reparations Task Force. “The only antidote to that is to create a justice-oriented housing policy. The first step is to give community members who were dispossessed a right to return.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín\"]‘We must face and rectify the wrongs of our City’s past and do right by those who were displaced. This policy will prioritize housing for those who have faced injustices, and restore the diversity of our community.’[/pullquote] Lewis pointed to places like Evanston, Illinois, which in 2021 became the first U.S. city to issue reparations for slavery through housing grants to Black residents. He said the effort was well-intended, but more limited in scale and scope than what he and other racial justice advocates want to see in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, other cities are putting forward policies that tie reparations to housing, but with different mechanisms for getting there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the city of Berkeley adopted a \u003ca href=\"https://records.cityofberkeley.info/PublicAccess/api/Document/AR5OmrYC8r7A%C3%89N2HFiUv4RJEsSIWGVj4VrP3fd706J0hSXkyL2DAt1mrdqsXUoz6OGtf13qdxu%C3%89asqGqDxGiyGc%3D/\">housing preference policy (PDF)\u003c/a> that prioritizes affordable housing for current and former Berkeley residents, along with their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley’s plan would prioritize people who were displaced because of BART construction, foreclosure anytime after 2005, or no-fault evictions and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must face and rectify the wrongs of our City’s past and do right by those who were displaced,” Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said in a press release after the policy was announced. “This policy will prioritize housing for those who have faced injustices, and restore the diversity of our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some are skeptical of the idea. [aside label='More Stories on Bay Area Housing' tag='housing'] Historian Darrell Millner saw how his city of Portland, Oregon, sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.wweek.com/news/2022/05/25/the-city-of-portland-tried-to-undo-gentrification-black-portlanders-are-conflicted-about-the-results/\">slow gentrification and address redevelopment harms\u003c/a> by building new affordable housing to keep families in place and provide preference for housing to those who were displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program helped hundreds of lower-income residents lease subsidized apartments and at least 110 families buy homes, 94 of which were Black Portlanders, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.portland.gov/phb/nne-oversight/documents/n-ne-annual-report-2022/download\">city report (PDF)\u003c/a>. But some criticized the effort for having a relatively small impact compared to the damage that was done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad for the people who could find some decent housing in a decent part of town. But you haven’t replaced what was destroyed,” said Darrell Millner, professor emeritus of Black Studies at Portland State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This happened to so many communities and in so many areas here in the Bay Area. We are now shining a light of hope that we bring families back,” said Scott of the Freedom West Housing Cooperative. “This bill is going to help us in many ways to address those issues and allow working class families and seniors to be able to afford to stay in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Decades after San Francisco bulldozed thousands of homes in the name of redevelopment, a state bill could boost efforts to repair that damage and make it easier for displaced families to regain a foothold in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push comes as San Francisco faces a state-mandated obligation to produce nearly 46,000 units for very low, low and moderate-income households in the next eight years. Supporters of the bill say it could make a dent in an area that many Bay Area housing and racial justice advocates assert is long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But success isn’t guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some West Coast cities have seen mixed results from their efforts to remedy similar urban infrastructure projects during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The bill aims to fund the production of nearly 6,000 affordable housing units that were destroyed during the mid-century redevelopment era in San Francisco’s Western Addition, Fillmore, Japantown and SoMa neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a horrific situation and San Francisco has a legal responsibility to replace the homes that were destroyed when redevelopment ended a decade ago,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 593 cleared the California Legislature on Wednesday and is now awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature. The bill would allow residual property tax dollars to remain in the city’s Redevelopment Property Tax Trust Fund, rather than be redistributed to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Community Investment and Infrastructure could then issue bonds to construct or add 5,800 units of replacement housing that were never rebuilt after redevelopment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, there are between 500–900 units in the city’s own pipeline for affordable housing construction that could benefit from the new financing structure. The city will also solicit projects and developers that could maximize the number of new affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11960806 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230911-MattieScottFreedomWest-014-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Homes at Freedom West, a housing cooperative, seen from the interior courtyard in the Fillmore District on Sept. 11, 2023. The property will be redeveloped in what is referred to as ‘Freedom West 2.0,’ with new buildings for current residents and community facilities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are a number of housing projects in the works that could seek funding if they are approved. Among them is Freedom West cooperative in the Western Addition, which is currently working on a renovation and expansion project with the developer MacFarlane Partners to replace 382 co-op units and add 133 affordable homes to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mattie Scott is a longtime resident of the Western Addition and president of the Freedom West Housing Cooperative in San Francisco, which supports Wiener’s bill. She remembers growing up in the neighborhood before redevelopment cleared it out to make way for new expressways and shopping centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just wonderful being a teenager to have that experience with so much diversity,” Scott told KQED of the variety of businesses and restaurants near the Western Addition in the early 1960s. “Fillmore was the Harlem of the West at that time. You couldn’t wait to get to Fillmore Street with your families on any given day. There were Italian meat markets, Jewish delis and Japanese restaurants.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Fillmore was the Harlem of the West at that time. You couldn’t wait to get to Fillmore Street with your families on any given day. There were Italian meat markets, Jewish delis and Japanese restaurants.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> When the U.S. federal government began implementing the National Housing Act of 1949, San Francisco’s Western Addition and Japantown were among the first areas selected for redevelopment in the name of addressing so-called “urban blight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make way for a widened Geary Boulevard, the government bulldozed thousands of homes in the area that were predominantly owned and lived in by Black, Filipino, Japanese and some Jewish residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, San Franciscans like Scott who remember the vibrant neighborhoods that were destroyed say the urgency to rebuild the lost homes is long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They called it urban renewal, but I call it urban removal,” Scott said. “All of a sudden, you just see your neighborhood just demolished, you know, homes demolished, Victorian houses demolished, whole communities. Grocery stores down the block where you go to eat with your family were no longer there. To me, as a young person, it was very devastating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families in nearby Japantown have passed on similar stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The community had just returned from concentration camps during World War II, and a lot of businesses and homes had already been lost. Then redevelopment happened, so it was this one-two punch that really devastated Japantown,” said Jeremy Chan, a board member with the Japantown Task Force. “The creation of the Geary Expressway created this physical barrier that divided Japantown from our African American neighbors in the Fillmore, and we’re still struggling to repair and rebuild those connections to this day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11960803 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeremy Chan (left) and Glynis Nakahara stand in a residential area of Japantown in San Francisco on Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back then, the city promised to rebuild homes and give preference to families who had to flee. But it’s largely failed to follow through with promises to rebuild those homes, and only a small fraction of people have used their opportunity to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were forced to leave Japantown and then they were later unable to return either because they were priced out or because they ended up being disqualified for the certificates of preference they received,” Chan explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Redressing redevelopment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To address the displacement redevelopment caused, San Francisco and other cities have given preference for affordable housing to people who lost their homes and to their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 1960s, San Francisco has distributed 6,957 “\u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/dashboard-certificate-preference-eligible-waitlist-opportunities#how-to-use-the-dashboard\">certificates of preference\u003c/a>” to residents and descendants of residents who lost homes due to redevelopment, according to the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development. The certificates provide \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/dashboard-certificate-preference-eligible-waitlist-opportunities#how-to-use-the-dashboard\">priority for certain housing units\u003c/a> in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But out of the nearly 7,000 certificates of preference issued by the city, less than 1,500 of those have been utilized as of Aug. 18, city data shows. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Those who do want to use their certificate often face long wait lists. There are approximately 115,000 applicants wait-listed for the 28,500 public housing units eligible for the certificates, according to the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to those 28,500 units, the city is also listing 1,274 home-ownership and rental units that certificate holders can apply for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Sept. 7, there were nine below-market-rate homeownership units available for certificate holders, and one rental unit available, according to data from the Office of Community Investment and Infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 593 would increase the production of units that are eligible for the certificates and aims to prevent further displacement for families who are currently in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has actually, for a while, had this commitment to restore the units that were demolished during urban renewal, and this bill would provide some of the funding that’s required to help restore that,” said Sujata Srivastava, housing and planning director at the local public policy nonprofit, SPUR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230907-RightToReturn-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Japantown Peace Plaza in San Francisco on Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But many families who were displaced during that era have left, establishing lives, businesses and communities elsewhere, as affordable housing in San Francisco has lagged to meet a growing demand. When homes and businesses were destroyed, trust also eroded between the city and the communities it forced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an argument for thinking more expansively about what it might look like if you were really trying to help, especially Black and African American households that were displaced from redevelopment,” Srivastava said. “How do you actually think about correcting those harms?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of SB 593 don’t expect the bill to lead to a wave of migration back to San Francisco by families who were displaced decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is a hope that it can mitigate the housing crisis and acknowledge the ways that crisis falls disproportionately on communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rethinking Reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s Reparations Task Force \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ch22-ca-reparations.pdf\">recommends giving preference to affordable housing, also known as “right to return” policies, for displaced African Americans (PDF)\u003c/a> as one of several ways to address lingering effects of racism and slavery on African Americans and broader society today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Predominantly white neighborhoods are that way for a clear reason: the history of racist housing policies,” said Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of the Geography Department at UC Berkeley and a member of California’s Reparations Task Force. “The only antidote to that is to create a justice-oriented housing policy. The first step is to give community members who were dispossessed a right to return.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We must face and rectify the wrongs of our City’s past and do right by those who were displaced. This policy will prioritize housing for those who have faced injustices, and restore the diversity of our community.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Lewis pointed to places like Evanston, Illinois, which in 2021 became the first U.S. city to issue reparations for slavery through housing grants to Black residents. He said the effort was well-intended, but more limited in scale and scope than what he and other racial justice advocates want to see in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, other cities are putting forward policies that tie reparations to housing, but with different mechanisms for getting there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the city of Berkeley adopted a \u003ca href=\"https://records.cityofberkeley.info/PublicAccess/api/Document/AR5OmrYC8r7A%C3%89N2HFiUv4RJEsSIWGVj4VrP3fd706J0hSXkyL2DAt1mrdqsXUoz6OGtf13qdxu%C3%89asqGqDxGiyGc%3D/\">housing preference policy (PDF)\u003c/a> that prioritizes affordable housing for current and former Berkeley residents, along with their descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley’s plan would prioritize people who were displaced because of BART construction, foreclosure anytime after 2005, or no-fault evictions and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must face and rectify the wrongs of our City’s past and do right by those who were displaced,” Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said in a press release after the policy was announced. “This policy will prioritize housing for those who have faced injustices, and restore the diversity of our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some are skeptical of the idea. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Historian Darrell Millner saw how his city of Portland, Oregon, sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.wweek.com/news/2022/05/25/the-city-of-portland-tried-to-undo-gentrification-black-portlanders-are-conflicted-about-the-results/\">slow gentrification and address redevelopment harms\u003c/a> by building new affordable housing to keep families in place and provide preference for housing to those who were displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program helped hundreds of lower-income residents lease subsidized apartments and at least 110 families buy homes, 94 of which were Black Portlanders, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.portland.gov/phb/nne-oversight/documents/n-ne-annual-report-2022/download\">city report (PDF)\u003c/a>. But some criticized the effort for having a relatively small impact compared to the damage that was done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad for the people who could find some decent housing in a decent part of town. But you haven’t replaced what was destroyed,” said Darrell Millner, professor emeritus of Black Studies at Portland State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This happened to so many communities and in so many areas here in the Bay Area. We are now shining a light of hope that we bring families back,” said Scott of the Freedom West Housing Cooperative. “This bill is going to help us in many ways to address those issues and allow working class families and seniors to be able to afford to stay in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Signs Bill Paving Way to Build New Student Housing at People's Park in Berkeley",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Signs Bill Paving Way to Build New Student Housing at People’s Park in Berkeley | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was first published Aug. 30 and updated Friday, Sept. 8 at 3:45 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill this week aimed at clearing the way for construction of a controversial UC Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-berkeley-university-of-c0b263490acde542c3a67a656a56d02e\">student housing project in Berkeley’s historic People’s Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1307\">AB 1307\u003c/a>, which takes effect immediately, amends California’s sweeping Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) by no longer requiring housing developers to first study potential noise levels generated by future tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not allow NIMBYism to take hold, blocking critically needed housing for years and even decades,” Newsom said in a statement about the new law, which both houses of the state Legislature unanimously approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland), whose district includes Berkeley, also eliminates the need for universities to prepare an environmental impact report that considers alternative housing sites for residential or mixed-use housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law makes it clear that “people are not pollution,” Wicks said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/W6X3EI70U5g\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wicks authored the legislation after an appeals court in February blocked the university from breaking ground on the project, ruling that it had failed to study potential noise issues and consider alternative sites. The state Supreme Court in May agreed to hear the case and will make the final ruling on whether the university can resume construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial $312 million project would create sorely needed housing for some 1,100 UC Berkeley students. A separate facility would also house roughly 125 of the unhoused people that currently live on the 2.8-acre site south of campus that is owned by the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom filed an amicus brief in April urging the state Supreme Court to allow UC Berkeley to continue with the housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC Berkeley spokesperson said the university will ask the Supreme Court to consider the new law in its ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The campus will resume construction of the People’s Park project when the lawsuit is resolved and hopes that the new law will substantially hasten the resolution of the lawsuit,” UC spokesperson Dan Mogulof said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín called the passage of the bill a big win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a victory for affordable housing and that means it’s a victory in our ongoing efforts to tackle homelessness,” he said in a press release on Aug. 28. “These laws were designed to protect the environment, but they’re most often used to stop dense, infill projects which add affordable housing while reducing sprawl and pollution. These are the types of projects which, at scale, help fight the housing crisis which has been a leading cause of homelessness.”[aside label=\"more people's park coverage\" tag=\"peoples-park\"]But opponents of the project say the bill effectively rewards UC Berkeley for its failure to comply with longstanding state environmental regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park is a National Register of Historic Places site and deserves individual and special attention, and therefore this should be required in an analysis of alternative sites, which would not in any conceivable way obstruct California’s housing needs — needs that we acknowledge to be real,” leaders of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group and the Make UC A Good Neighbor, the two main opposition groups that have been embroiled in ongoing litigation with the university over the project, wrote in a letter to the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the letter, the two groups argue that the university has identified other locations for student housing that would provide more units than what is currently proposed for the park. They also emphasize that, despite their opposition to the project, they support the development of more housing for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no need for this legislation since there is a path forward for UCB to build the much-needed student and supportive housing on a site other than People’s Park, thus preserving a nationally recognized historical resource and a valuable public open space,” the groups stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university has tried for decades to build housing at the park, but those efforts have been met with fierce resistance from opponents. The latest failed attempt to break ground, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921415/protesters-block-construction-at-berkeleys-peoples-park-after-standoff-with-police\">last August\u003c/a>, spurred major protests, including several violent clashes with law enforcement and the wholesale destruction of major construction equipment that had been brought onto the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While CEQA was a groundbreaking law developed to protect the environment at the time of its passage in 1970, in recent decades the process has been used to block projects for non-environmental reasons,” the city said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from Bay City News, The Associated Press and KQED’s Marnette Federis.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was first published Aug. 30 and updated Friday, Sept. 8 at 3:45 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill this week aimed at clearing the way for construction of a controversial UC Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-berkeley-university-of-c0b263490acde542c3a67a656a56d02e\">student housing project in Berkeley’s historic People’s Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1307\">AB 1307\u003c/a>, which takes effect immediately, amends California’s sweeping Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) by no longer requiring housing developers to first study potential noise levels generated by future tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not allow NIMBYism to take hold, blocking critically needed housing for years and even decades,” Newsom said in a statement about the new law, which both houses of the state Legislature unanimously approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland), whose district includes Berkeley, also eliminates the need for universities to prepare an environmental impact report that considers alternative housing sites for residential or mixed-use housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law makes it clear that “people are not pollution,” Wicks said in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/W6X3EI70U5g'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/W6X3EI70U5g'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wicks authored the legislation after an appeals court in February blocked the university from breaking ground on the project, ruling that it had failed to study potential noise issues and consider alternative sites. The state Supreme Court in May agreed to hear the case and will make the final ruling on whether the university can resume construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial $312 million project would create sorely needed housing for some 1,100 UC Berkeley students. A separate facility would also house roughly 125 of the unhoused people that currently live on the 2.8-acre site south of campus that is owned by the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom filed an amicus brief in April urging the state Supreme Court to allow UC Berkeley to continue with the housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC Berkeley spokesperson said the university will ask the Supreme Court to consider the new law in its ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The campus will resume construction of the People’s Park project when the lawsuit is resolved and hopes that the new law will substantially hasten the resolution of the lawsuit,” UC spokesperson Dan Mogulof said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín called the passage of the bill a big win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a victory for affordable housing and that means it’s a victory in our ongoing efforts to tackle homelessness,” he said in a press release on Aug. 28. “These laws were designed to protect the environment, but they’re most often used to stop dense, infill projects which add affordable housing while reducing sprawl and pollution. These are the types of projects which, at scale, help fight the housing crisis which has been a leading cause of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But opponents of the project say the bill effectively rewards UC Berkeley for its failure to comply with longstanding state environmental regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park is a National Register of Historic Places site and deserves individual and special attention, and therefore this should be required in an analysis of alternative sites, which would not in any conceivable way obstruct California’s housing needs — needs that we acknowledge to be real,” leaders of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group and the Make UC A Good Neighbor, the two main opposition groups that have been embroiled in ongoing litigation with the university over the project, wrote in a letter to the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the letter, the two groups argue that the university has identified other locations for student housing that would provide more units than what is currently proposed for the park. They also emphasize that, despite their opposition to the project, they support the development of more housing for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no need for this legislation since there is a path forward for UCB to build the much-needed student and supportive housing on a site other than People’s Park, thus preserving a nationally recognized historical resource and a valuable public open space,” the groups stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university has tried for decades to build housing at the park, but those efforts have been met with fierce resistance from opponents. The latest failed attempt to break ground, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921415/protesters-block-construction-at-berkeleys-peoples-park-after-standoff-with-police\">last August\u003c/a>, spurred major protests, including several violent clashes with law enforcement and the wholesale destruction of major construction equipment that had been brought onto the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While CEQA was a groundbreaking law developed to protect the environment at the time of its passage in 1970, in recent decades the process has been used to block projects for non-environmental reasons,” the city said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from Bay City News, The Associated Press and KQED’s Marnette Federis.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Yes, a bill meant to help UC Berkeley build dorms for 1,100 students passed the Legislature this week, but the campus said it cannot begin construction until the state’s judicial system gives the green light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature’s goal with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1307\">AB 1307\u003c/a> is to reverse a state court decision that in effect blocked UC Berkeley from building dorms on the grounds of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/05/31/peoples-park-listed-on-national-register-of-historic-places\">storied People’s Park\u003c/a> in Berkeley. A key part of that decision was that human noise caused by housing development is a kind of pollution in California, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/ceqa-noise-pollution/\">a new legal standard\u003c/a> that the bill seeks to refute. But for UC Berkeley, the bill’s impact will take time, as the issue must still play out in courts, even if Gov. Gavin Newsom signs the bill as many expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The (state) Supreme Court still has jurisdiction to resolve our pending appeal of the appellate court ruling, even if the statute is adopted,” wrote Dan Mogulof, a senior spokesperson for UC Berkeley, in an email to CalMatters. “The campus will resume construction of the People’s Park project when the lawsuit is resolved and hopes that the new law will substantially hasten the resolution of the lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland who is the lead author of the bill, echoed that sentiment. “The bill would let the court process run its course, but give (it) direction,” wrote Erin Ivie, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts will make a conclusive ruling on the case is unclear. “It depends on the specific issue before the court and the effect of the legislation,” said Cathal Conneely, a spokesperson for the California Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor will the bill stymie one of the groups suing UC Berkeley. Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, said in an interview they’ll “absolutely” proceed with their legal complaint against the campus. How they’ll respond to the bill is to be determined, he added. “Our legal team has been focused on the Supreme Court case, and so, it’s kind of like for us one step at a time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s project has been stalled since last summer and has incurred higher projected costs of “many millions of dollars,” Mogulof said, though he declined to give a precise figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction costs in the Bay Area and Los Angeles have \u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Resources/Page-Content/Real-Estate-Services-Division-Resources-List-Folder/DGS-California-Construction-Cost-Index-CCCI\">increased by 21% in the past two years\u003c/a>. The project cost was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/UCB-SB169-COBCP.pdf\">$312 million in 2021 (PDF)\u003c/a>, a third of that backed by a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2022/07/student-housing-affordable-dorms/\">state student housing program\u003c/a> to support at least 300 beds for lower-income students who’ll pay cheaper rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How did we get here?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The February appellate court decision overturned a lower court’s ruling that sided with UC Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/02/california-cannabis-emerald-triangle/#wm-story-1\">The appellate court wrote\u003c/a> that the university ran afoul of the California Environmental Quality Act on two fronts: that UC Berkeley needs to study and mitigate the potential “\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/revpub/A165451M.PDF#page=6\">noise impacts from loud student parties (PDF)\u003c/a>” and that UC Berkeley should have considered a different site for its proposed dorms — arguments made by two neighborhood groups that sued UC Berkeley. The University of California appealed and now the case is before the state Supreme Court.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Harvey Smith, president, People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group\"]‘We don’t see students as pollution, but noise can be an issue, and we certainly are not NIMBY neighbors.’[/pullquote]UC Berkeley for years has struggled to build enough housing for its growing student population — a legacy that came to a head last year when a court nearly forced the campus to enroll fewer new students \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/03/uc-enrollment-cap-fix/\">before lawmakers and the governor intervened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA legal scholar Jonathan Zasloff wrote that UC Berkeley lost its February appellate case \u003ca href=\"https://legal-planet.org/2023/02/28/ceqa-and-uc-berkeley-housing-dont-panic/#:~:text=Calm%20down.%20This%20isn%E2%80%99t%20a%20good%20decision%2C%20but%20it%20isn%E2%80%99t%20an%20awful%20one%2C%20either.%20It%20shows%20a%20Court%20trying%20to%20figure%20things%20out%3A%20while%20it%20could%20have%20been%20more%20creative%2C%20and%20the%20statute%20is%20badly%20flawed%2C%20the%20biggest%20problem%20comes%20from%20the%20university%2C%20which%20basically%20didn%E2%80%99t%20do%20its%20homework.\">largely because it “didn’t do its homework.”\u003c/a> The campus itself \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/revpub/A165451M.PDF#page=36\">previously conceded to the court (PDF)\u003c/a> that its students make a lot of noise, yet \u003ca href=\"https://legal-planet.org/2023/02/28/ceqa-and-uc-berkeley-housing-dont-panic/#:~:text=And%20then%20the%20University%20just%20chose%20not%20to%20deal%20with%20it%20in%20the%20EIR.%20That%E2%80%99s%20on%20the%20University%2C%20not%20CEQA.\">didn’t address that point\u003c/a> in its environmental review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith’s group wants UC Berkeley to instead build the dorms one block over, on the site of what they say is a 60-year-old parking structure that needs to be demolished soon anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t see students as pollution, but noise can be an issue, and we certainly are not NIMBY neighbors,” Smith said in an interview. “We want UC to build housing. We want them to do what they neglected to do for nearly a half century. But we see it’s a big problem if you destroy an open space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the February ruling, another state court cited it in a decision that pumped the brakes on a residential development in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/ceqa-noise-pollution/\">reanimating worries that the February decision\u003c/a> will encourage other neighborhood groups to sue developers from creating much-needed housing in California. Environmentalists argue the February decision was the right one, in large part because noise of any kind was always viewed as a potentially significant environmental impact under the state environmental law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers showed no love for that appellate court ruling, never once voting against the bill during any of its hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wicks said in May her proposed law “will reverse the bizarre ‘people is pollution’ decision that was created by the recent appellate court decision (in) the UC Berkeley People’s Park case.” She made the comments during an Assembly hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was introduced in March and along the way had input from the University of California Office of the President, a spokesperson for Wicks wrote in an email. For its part, UC Berkeley “did not ask for or initiate the legislation,” Mogulof wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just before lawmakers sent the bill to Newsom’s desk Monday, Wicks underscored that the proposed law “has been done in response to the court case (at) UC Berkeley; folks are trying to fight student housing there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most bills, if Newsom signs the bill, it will take effect immediately because it secured two-thirds of the votes in both chambers of the Legislature. Bills that pass with less than two-thirds in each chamber take effect at the start of the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a signature from Newsom isn’t enough to give UC Berkeley the green light to start building.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why won’t this law guarantee student housing at UC Berkeley?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In short, the Legislature cannot tell the courts how to handle a case, even with a new law, so a parallel process in the judicial branch of government must proceed.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Asm. Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland)\"]The proposed law ‘will reverse the bizarre ‘people is pollution’ decision that was created by the recent appellate court decision (in) the UC Berkeley People’s Park case.’[/pullquote]What that process looks like, no one can say with certainty. Legal experts CalMatters spoke with said that what’ll likely happen first is that lawyers representing the University of California and UC Berkeley will write a letter or brief to the Supreme Court noting that Wicks’ bill is now law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’ll probably prompt the court to determine whether it should continue reviewing the case or kick it back to the appellate court to redo its ruling given the new law. It’s doubtful that the Supreme Court will want to hear the case because there’ll be no thorny legal issue at hand if Newsom signs Wicks’ bill — assuming the bill fully neutralized what the appellate court ruled in February, said Brandon Stracener, a senior research fellow at the California Constitution Center, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the event the case goes back to the appellate court, then both the UC and the neighborhood groups can file more legal briefs within a 30-day window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the appellate court sees nothing wrong with the new law, it’ll probably de-publish its original ruling so that other courts cannot cite it as precedent, Stracener added.[aside postID=news_119429754,news_11959483]But even if the old ruling is de-published, UC Berkeley still needs to complete required paperwork, though it’ll likely have the legal upper hand if Newsom signs the bill, said Zasloff, who focuses on environmental, housing and land-use issues, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said if he were legal counsel for UC Berkeley, he’d tell administrators that they will probably need to submit an environmental impact report — the same document that the appellate court ruled was in violation of state environmental law. But in this scenario, because Wicks’ bill would be law, UC Berkeley can use the same draft it submitted the first time and “the neighbors won’t be able to sue you over the things that they sued you” for the last time, Zasloff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The draft report would require another round of public comment, which takes at least 30 days, \u003ca href=\"https://www.califaep.org/docs/CEQA_Handbook_2023_final.pdf#page=267\">according to state guidance (PDF)\u003c/a>. After that, the UC regents will probably have to approve the environmental report to make it final, which will allow UC Berkeley to start building the dorms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether neighborhood groups can mount another round of legal maneuvers over the same draft environmental report is unclear, Zasloff said. Regardless, he said they may choose to sue again and basically say, “we’re just going to keep delaying you unless you make a deal with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Yes, a bill meant to help UC Berkeley build dorms for 1,100 students passed the Legislature this week, but the campus said it cannot begin construction until the state’s judicial system gives the green light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature’s goal with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1307\">AB 1307\u003c/a> is to reverse a state court decision that in effect blocked UC Berkeley from building dorms on the grounds of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/05/31/peoples-park-listed-on-national-register-of-historic-places\">storied People’s Park\u003c/a> in Berkeley. A key part of that decision was that human noise caused by housing development is a kind of pollution in California, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/ceqa-noise-pollution/\">a new legal standard\u003c/a> that the bill seeks to refute. But for UC Berkeley, the bill’s impact will take time, as the issue must still play out in courts, even if Gov. Gavin Newsom signs the bill as many expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The (state) Supreme Court still has jurisdiction to resolve our pending appeal of the appellate court ruling, even if the statute is adopted,” wrote Dan Mogulof, a senior spokesperson for UC Berkeley, in an email to CalMatters. “The campus will resume construction of the People’s Park project when the lawsuit is resolved and hopes that the new law will substantially hasten the resolution of the lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland who is the lead author of the bill, echoed that sentiment. “The bill would let the court process run its course, but give (it) direction,” wrote Erin Ivie, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts will make a conclusive ruling on the case is unclear. “It depends on the specific issue before the court and the effect of the legislation,” said Cathal Conneely, a spokesperson for the California Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor will the bill stymie one of the groups suing UC Berkeley. Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, said in an interview they’ll “absolutely” proceed with their legal complaint against the campus. How they’ll respond to the bill is to be determined, he added. “Our legal team has been focused on the Supreme Court case, and so, it’s kind of like for us one step at a time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s project has been stalled since last summer and has incurred higher projected costs of “many millions of dollars,” Mogulof said, though he declined to give a precise figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction costs in the Bay Area and Los Angeles have \u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Resources/Page-Content/Real-Estate-Services-Division-Resources-List-Folder/DGS-California-Construction-Cost-Index-CCCI\">increased by 21% in the past two years\u003c/a>. The project cost was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/UCB-SB169-COBCP.pdf\">$312 million in 2021 (PDF)\u003c/a>, a third of that backed by a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2022/07/student-housing-affordable-dorms/\">state student housing program\u003c/a> to support at least 300 beds for lower-income students who’ll pay cheaper rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How did we get here?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The February appellate court decision overturned a lower court’s ruling that sided with UC Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/02/california-cannabis-emerald-triangle/#wm-story-1\">The appellate court wrote\u003c/a> that the university ran afoul of the California Environmental Quality Act on two fronts: that UC Berkeley needs to study and mitigate the potential “\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/revpub/A165451M.PDF#page=6\">noise impacts from loud student parties (PDF)\u003c/a>” and that UC Berkeley should have considered a different site for its proposed dorms — arguments made by two neighborhood groups that sued UC Berkeley. The University of California appealed and now the case is before the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>UC Berkeley for years has struggled to build enough housing for its growing student population — a legacy that came to a head last year when a court nearly forced the campus to enroll fewer new students \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/03/uc-enrollment-cap-fix/\">before lawmakers and the governor intervened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCLA legal scholar Jonathan Zasloff wrote that UC Berkeley lost its February appellate case \u003ca href=\"https://legal-planet.org/2023/02/28/ceqa-and-uc-berkeley-housing-dont-panic/#:~:text=Calm%20down.%20This%20isn%E2%80%99t%20a%20good%20decision%2C%20but%20it%20isn%E2%80%99t%20an%20awful%20one%2C%20either.%20It%20shows%20a%20Court%20trying%20to%20figure%20things%20out%3A%20while%20it%20could%20have%20been%20more%20creative%2C%20and%20the%20statute%20is%20badly%20flawed%2C%20the%20biggest%20problem%20comes%20from%20the%20university%2C%20which%20basically%20didn%E2%80%99t%20do%20its%20homework.\">largely because it “didn’t do its homework.”\u003c/a> The campus itself \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/revpub/A165451M.PDF#page=36\">previously conceded to the court (PDF)\u003c/a> that its students make a lot of noise, yet \u003ca href=\"https://legal-planet.org/2023/02/28/ceqa-and-uc-berkeley-housing-dont-panic/#:~:text=And%20then%20the%20University%20just%20chose%20not%20to%20deal%20with%20it%20in%20the%20EIR.%20That%E2%80%99s%20on%20the%20University%2C%20not%20CEQA.\">didn’t address that point\u003c/a> in its environmental review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith’s group wants UC Berkeley to instead build the dorms one block over, on the site of what they say is a 60-year-old parking structure that needs to be demolished soon anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t see students as pollution, but noise can be an issue, and we certainly are not NIMBY neighbors,” Smith said in an interview. “We want UC to build housing. We want them to do what they neglected to do for nearly a half century. But we see it’s a big problem if you destroy an open space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the February ruling, another state court cited it in a decision that pumped the brakes on a residential development in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/08/ceqa-noise-pollution/\">reanimating worries that the February decision\u003c/a> will encourage other neighborhood groups to sue developers from creating much-needed housing in California. Environmentalists argue the February decision was the right one, in large part because noise of any kind was always viewed as a potentially significant environmental impact under the state environmental law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers showed no love for that appellate court ruling, never once voting against the bill during any of its hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wicks said in May her proposed law “will reverse the bizarre ‘people is pollution’ decision that was created by the recent appellate court decision (in) the UC Berkeley People’s Park case.” She made the comments during an Assembly hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was introduced in March and along the way had input from the University of California Office of the President, a spokesperson for Wicks wrote in an email. For its part, UC Berkeley “did not ask for or initiate the legislation,” Mogulof wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just before lawmakers sent the bill to Newsom’s desk Monday, Wicks underscored that the proposed law “has been done in response to the court case (at) UC Berkeley; folks are trying to fight student housing there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most bills, if Newsom signs the bill, it will take effect immediately because it secured two-thirds of the votes in both chambers of the Legislature. Bills that pass with less than two-thirds in each chamber take effect at the start of the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a signature from Newsom isn’t enough to give UC Berkeley the green light to start building.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why won’t this law guarantee student housing at UC Berkeley?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In short, the Legislature cannot tell the courts how to handle a case, even with a new law, so a parallel process in the judicial branch of government must proceed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What that process looks like, no one can say with certainty. Legal experts CalMatters spoke with said that what’ll likely happen first is that lawyers representing the University of California and UC Berkeley will write a letter or brief to the Supreme Court noting that Wicks’ bill is now law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’ll probably prompt the court to determine whether it should continue reviewing the case or kick it back to the appellate court to redo its ruling given the new law. It’s doubtful that the Supreme Court will want to hear the case because there’ll be no thorny legal issue at hand if Newsom signs Wicks’ bill — assuming the bill fully neutralized what the appellate court ruled in February, said Brandon Stracener, a senior research fellow at the California Constitution Center, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the event the case goes back to the appellate court, then both the UC and the neighborhood groups can file more legal briefs within a 30-day window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the appellate court sees nothing wrong with the new law, it’ll probably de-publish its original ruling so that other courts cannot cite it as precedent, Stracener added.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But even if the old ruling is de-published, UC Berkeley still needs to complete required paperwork, though it’ll likely have the legal upper hand if Newsom signs the bill, said Zasloff, who focuses on environmental, housing and land-use issues, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said if he were legal counsel for UC Berkeley, he’d tell administrators that they will probably need to submit an environmental impact report — the same document that the appellate court ruled was in violation of state environmental law. But in this scenario, because Wicks’ bill would be law, UC Berkeley can use the same draft it submitted the first time and “the neighbors won’t be able to sue you over the things that they sued you” for the last time, Zasloff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The draft report would require another round of public comment, which takes at least 30 days, \u003ca href=\"https://www.califaep.org/docs/CEQA_Handbook_2023_final.pdf#page=267\">according to state guidance (PDF)\u003c/a>. After that, the UC regents will probably have to approve the environmental report to make it final, which will allow UC Berkeley to start building the dorms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether neighborhood groups can mount another round of legal maneuvers over the same draft environmental report is unclear, Zasloff said. Regardless, he said they may choose to sue again and basically say, “we’re just going to keep delaying you unless you make a deal with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Montana Hooks fondly remembers a childhood filled with open houses on the weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Fremont native wasn’t peering into bedrooms, living rooms and kitchens with her house-hunting family. She often found herself dashing across streets to set up signs to attract prospective buyers for her realtor father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On weekday nights, he taught her to run comps, the process of using home sales data to come up with a house price. Those lessons stayed with Hooks, but she didn’t plan on following in her father’s footsteps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hooks, 34, has spent the last few years immersing herself in real estate after leaving a career in corporate marketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Real estate wasn’t something I thought I would do as an adult,” said Hooks, a realtor with eXp Realty. “I always knew, and looking back to my time with my dad, that real estate is definitely a way to create huge transformative wealth in your family if you stick with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selling homes is about much more than properties changing owners, Hooks said. A home gives buyers stability and the feeling of being rooted in a community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hooks, who is Black, focuses on working with first-time buyers and people of color, mostly Black or Latinx — the type of buyers who struggle the most to purchase homes in the Bay Area.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Montana Hooks, realtor, eXp Realty\"]‘I don’t know if I will ever be able to afford Oakland. It’s like the hairdresser whose hair is always messy or the chef who eats macaroni and cheese at home.’[/pullquote]When she’s not working directly with clients, she writes articles to help buyers understand the home-buying process. A couple of years ago, she launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareablackrealtors.com/\">bayareablackrealtors.com\u003c/a>, a website that matches Black buyers with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, nationwide, just \u003ca href=\"https://datausa.io/profile/soc/real-estate-brokers-sales-agents?ethnicity-gender=genderAllE&races-filter=shareR\">6% of realtors and real estate agents identified as Black while 11% identified as Hispanic.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t even tell you how infrequently I see another Black listing agent,” Hooks said. “And I can’t tell you how many times I’ve been looked at with a side-eye when I show up to sell a home, even in Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “The more people of color that work in real estate on any of these sides of the transactions, the less inequity that buyers of color will feel when they’re going through the buying process or when they’re trying to sell their home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Hooks is dedicated to selling homes to people of color, she has yet to buy one for herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if I will ever be able to afford Oakland,” she said. “It’s like the hairdresser whose hair is always messy or the chef who eats macaroni and cheese at home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeownership is the most common pathway to build wealth in the U.S., but the cost of owning a home is increasingly out of reach for first-time buyers. In August, the average 30-year mortgage rate reached the highest level — 7.23% — in more than two decades, according to mortgage buyer Freddie Mac. High interest rates and low inventory have combined to create a daunting atmosphere for people looking for their starter home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hooks’ experience underscores a paradox many would-be Latinx and Black buyers face: Not coming from generational wealth makes it harder to accumulate wealth. From 2011 to 2021, Black homeownership in the Bay Area ranged between 29% and 33%, according to U.S. Census data. For Latinos, the rate ranged between 35% and 39%. At around 60%, both white and Asian households, have the highest homeownership rates in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Latino and Black households in the Bay Area own homes at lower rates than they do statewide or \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/nearly-every-state-people-color-are-less-likely-own-homes-compared-white-households#:~:text=However%2C%20the%20racial%20homeownership%20gap,points%20lower%20than%20white%20households.\">across the country.\u003c/a> More often than not, clients come to Hooks excited to shop for a house only to find that they don’t qualify for a mortgage, can’t afford the location they want or simply can’t find any houses in their price ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Bay Area Homeownership Rates by Race\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-PGYfC\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/PGYfC/5/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Black and Latinx rates are low, but it’s not because they don’t want to own homes, according to Rebecca Gallardo, a Latina realtor in San José for more than 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, homeownership for Latinos and African Americans creates not just general generational wealth, but also contributes to the socialization of your family and creates sustainability,” said Gallardo, a former board member for the National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, more than half of all households — 54.4% — own homes, but Blacks and Latinos are the only demographic groups that have homeowner rates under 50% at 34.5% and 43.2%, respectively. The trend is related to the unaffordable market, according to Jung Hyun Choi, a senior research associate with the Housing Finance Policy Center at the Urban Institute, a think tank focused on economic and social equity.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rebecca Gallardo, realtor, Intero Real Estate Services\"]‘At the end of the day, homeownership for Latinos and African Americans creates not just general generational wealth, but also contributes to the socialization of your family and creates sustainability.’[/pullquote]“In places like California, where homes are really unaffordable, it is really difficult for those with fewer financial resources to access homeownership,” she said. “Homeownership itself is creating greater wealth disparities and inequalities among those who have been able to access homeownership and those who have not, and that is likely to exacerbate over time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino households also lack know-how about the buying process, according to Maria Michel-Ramirez, a Latina East Bay realtor. And even after educating potential buyers, realtors often contend with another barrier: fear. Michel-Ramirez, who owns a home in Pinole and several investment properties, said she can’t even convince her own mother to give up renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find that a lot of Latinos and African Americans tell me, ‘Well, if I buy a house, I’m responsible for everything. Right now, if my dishwasher breaks, I just call the landlord, or the property manager,’” she said. “They see the negative part of homeownership, not the positive part. They don’t think, like, ‘Oh, if I buy a home, I’m going to build equity. And, I can write off my property taxes and I can write off my insurance.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michel-Ramirez recalls a couple that was paying $3,200 a month in rent. She found them a home to purchase in a better neighborhood for a total monthly payment of $3,400, including the mortgage, taxes and insurance. According to Michel-Ramirez, the couple initially balked at the higher monthly cost of $200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of individuals just don’t have the education that comes with homeownership. They think it’s like a lot of money out and no money in,” she said. “A lot of Latino and African Americans come from parents who don’t own a house and have to be the first ones to make the move and that’s a little scary.”[aside label='More on Affordable Housing' tag='affordable-housing']Many Black and Latinx households just don’t have the income needed to keep up with the Bay Area’s rising home prices. In California, the median income for white households is 45% higher than Latino households and 65% higher than Black households, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michel-Ramirez once represented a family of buyers — two parents, two grown children, a niece and nephew — who combined their incomes to qualify for a mortgage for a house in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the incomes that many individuals have here, they have to come together and do this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of an existing home in the Bay Area is $1.3 million, according to the California Association of Realtors. Gallardo, the San José realtor, said the market doesn’t have inventory, especially at the low end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of inventory, she continued, “doesn’t affect just the first-time homebuyer, the Latino and African American community, but it affects our country as a whole because there’s just not enough inventory and not enough housing stock for every stretch of the imagination — from the homeless to the first-time home buyer to the moderate buyer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Issi Romem, a housing and real estate economist with MetroSight, an economics research company, said people who own homes tend to be more stable and engaged in their communities, but he added that renting is not inherently bad since it gives people more flexibility about where they want to live and for how long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s not OK is when people are forced into renting because they can’t afford to buy a home,” Romem, who also conducts research for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, told KQED. “We want people to have both options. We don’t want their finances or, more correctly, the cost of housing as it relates to their finances, to prevent them from having access to all the good that can come with homeownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boosting the state’s housing inventory, especially at low price points, would make a huge difference. California gives every city housing goals at different levels of affordability, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">but cities rarely meet those goals, especially at the lower end of the market.\u003c/a>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Issi Romem, real estate economist, MetroSight\"]‘The most important fundamental fix is building more housing. … housing of all types, not housing geared at this population or that population. Build enough new housing, and it will keep price growth at bay.’[/pullquote]“The most important fundamental fix is building more housing,” Romem said. “That’s what matters — housing of all types, not housing geared at this population or that population. Build enough new housing, and it will keep price growth at bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hooks, who has deep knowledge and roots in real estate, still faces barriers to home ownership. Her father was a realtor, but her family didn’t own a home when she was growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to six different elementary schools and moved around a lot, so I understand the stability that homeownership can provide, and even tax benefits and just having something there to pass on,” she said. “But for me, it seems very difficult to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Television shows such as \u003cem>Selling Sunset\u003c/em> on Netflix might make it seem like realtors are raking in millions in sales commissions, Hooks said. But as a single woman in her mid-30s, she said she doesn’t have enough income to buy a home on her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I totally understand how difficult it is to scrounge up the funds for the down payment,” she said. “I have a lot of empathy for my buyers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hooks is contemplating buying an investment property — out of state. For now, she prioritizes living in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of living might be a bit more affordable elsewhere, [but] you’re going to be giving up some of that culture that you love or the nightlife or access to great restaurants and great food or proximity to nature,” she said. “So, there’s a lot to think about. And for me, I’m not sure I’m ready to make that trade yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When she’s not working directly with clients, she writes articles to help buyers understand the home-buying process. A couple of years ago, she launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareablackrealtors.com/\">bayareablackrealtors.com\u003c/a>, a website that matches Black buyers with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, nationwide, just \u003ca href=\"https://datausa.io/profile/soc/real-estate-brokers-sales-agents?ethnicity-gender=genderAllE&races-filter=shareR\">6% of realtors and real estate agents identified as Black while 11% identified as Hispanic.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t even tell you how infrequently I see another Black listing agent,” Hooks said. “And I can’t tell you how many times I’ve been looked at with a side-eye when I show up to sell a home, even in Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “The more people of color that work in real estate on any of these sides of the transactions, the less inequity that buyers of color will feel when they’re going through the buying process or when they’re trying to sell their home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Hooks is dedicated to selling homes to people of color, she has yet to buy one for herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if I will ever be able to afford Oakland,” she said. “It’s like the hairdresser whose hair is always messy or the chef who eats macaroni and cheese at home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeownership is the most common pathway to build wealth in the U.S., but the cost of owning a home is increasingly out of reach for first-time buyers. In August, the average 30-year mortgage rate reached the highest level — 7.23% — in more than two decades, according to mortgage buyer Freddie Mac. High interest rates and low inventory have combined to create a daunting atmosphere for people looking for their starter home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hooks’ experience underscores a paradox many would-be Latinx and Black buyers face: Not coming from generational wealth makes it harder to accumulate wealth. From 2011 to 2021, Black homeownership in the Bay Area ranged between 29% and 33%, according to U.S. Census data. For Latinos, the rate ranged between 35% and 39%. At around 60%, both white and Asian households, have the highest homeownership rates in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Latino and Black households in the Bay Area own homes at lower rates than they do statewide or \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/nearly-every-state-people-color-are-less-likely-own-homes-compared-white-households#:~:text=However%2C%20the%20racial%20homeownership%20gap,points%20lower%20than%20white%20households.\">across the country.\u003c/a> More often than not, clients come to Hooks excited to shop for a house only to find that they don’t qualify for a mortgage, can’t afford the location they want or simply can’t find any houses in their price ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Bay Area Homeownership Rates by Race\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-PGYfC\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/PGYfC/5/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Black and Latinx rates are low, but it’s not because they don’t want to own homes, according to Rebecca Gallardo, a Latina realtor in San José for more than 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, homeownership for Latinos and African Americans creates not just general generational wealth, but also contributes to the socialization of your family and creates sustainability,” said Gallardo, a former board member for the National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, more than half of all households — 54.4% — own homes, but Blacks and Latinos are the only demographic groups that have homeowner rates under 50% at 34.5% and 43.2%, respectively. The trend is related to the unaffordable market, according to Jung Hyun Choi, a senior research associate with the Housing Finance Policy Center at the Urban Institute, a think tank focused on economic and social equity.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In places like California, where homes are really unaffordable, it is really difficult for those with fewer financial resources to access homeownership,” she said. “Homeownership itself is creating greater wealth disparities and inequalities among those who have been able to access homeownership and those who have not, and that is likely to exacerbate over time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino households also lack know-how about the buying process, according to Maria Michel-Ramirez, a Latina East Bay realtor. And even after educating potential buyers, realtors often contend with another barrier: fear. Michel-Ramirez, who owns a home in Pinole and several investment properties, said she can’t even convince her own mother to give up renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find that a lot of Latinos and African Americans tell me, ‘Well, if I buy a house, I’m responsible for everything. Right now, if my dishwasher breaks, I just call the landlord, or the property manager,’” she said. “They see the negative part of homeownership, not the positive part. They don’t think, like, ‘Oh, if I buy a home, I’m going to build equity. And, I can write off my property taxes and I can write off my insurance.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michel-Ramirez recalls a couple that was paying $3,200 a month in rent. She found them a home to purchase in a better neighborhood for a total monthly payment of $3,400, including the mortgage, taxes and insurance. According to Michel-Ramirez, the couple initially balked at the higher monthly cost of $200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of individuals just don’t have the education that comes with homeownership. They think it’s like a lot of money out and no money in,” she said. “A lot of Latino and African Americans come from parents who don’t own a house and have to be the first ones to make the move and that’s a little scary.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many Black and Latinx households just don’t have the income needed to keep up with the Bay Area’s rising home prices. In California, the median income for white households is 45% higher than Latino households and 65% higher than Black households, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michel-Ramirez once represented a family of buyers — two parents, two grown children, a niece and nephew — who combined their incomes to qualify for a mortgage for a house in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the incomes that many individuals have here, they have to come together and do this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of an existing home in the Bay Area is $1.3 million, according to the California Association of Realtors. Gallardo, the San José realtor, said the market doesn’t have inventory, especially at the low end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of inventory, she continued, “doesn’t affect just the first-time homebuyer, the Latino and African American community, but it affects our country as a whole because there’s just not enough inventory and not enough housing stock for every stretch of the imagination — from the homeless to the first-time home buyer to the moderate buyer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Issi Romem, a housing and real estate economist with MetroSight, an economics research company, said people who own homes tend to be more stable and engaged in their communities, but he added that renting is not inherently bad since it gives people more flexibility about where they want to live and for how long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s not OK is when people are forced into renting because they can’t afford to buy a home,” Romem, who also conducts research for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, told KQED. “We want people to have both options. We don’t want their finances or, more correctly, the cost of housing as it relates to their finances, to prevent them from having access to all the good that can come with homeownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boosting the state’s housing inventory, especially at low price points, would make a huge difference. California gives every city housing goals at different levels of affordability, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">but cities rarely meet those goals, especially at the lower end of the market.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The most important fundamental fix is building more housing. … housing of all types, not housing geared at this population or that population. Build enough new housing, and it will keep price growth at bay.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The most important fundamental fix is building more housing,” Romem said. “That’s what matters — housing of all types, not housing geared at this population or that population. Build enough new housing, and it will keep price growth at bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hooks, who has deep knowledge and roots in real estate, still faces barriers to home ownership. Her father was a realtor, but her family didn’t own a home when she was growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to six different elementary schools and moved around a lot, so I understand the stability that homeownership can provide, and even tax benefits and just having something there to pass on,” she said. “But for me, it seems very difficult to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Television shows such as \u003cem>Selling Sunset\u003c/em> on Netflix might make it seem like realtors are raking in millions in sales commissions, Hooks said. But as a single woman in her mid-30s, she said she doesn’t have enough income to buy a home on her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I totally understand how difficult it is to scrounge up the funds for the down payment,” she said. “I have a lot of empathy for my buyers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hooks is contemplating buying an investment property — out of state. For now, she prioritizes living in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of living might be a bit more affordable elsewhere, [but] you’re going to be giving up some of that culture that you love or the nightlife or access to great restaurants and great food or proximity to nature,” she said. “So, there’s a lot to think about. And for me, I’m not sure I’m ready to make that trade yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#clarify\">This story contains a clarification and correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Castellon, 44, manages the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/bayfresh_pinateria/\">BayFresh Piñateria\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951100/san-joses-flea-market-la-pulga-has-new-vendor-group-voicing-its-future\">Berryessa Flea Market\u003c/a> with confident ease. She keeps an eye on the people passing by her stand, searching for potential customers while instructing her brother and her kids to keep the stall clean and organized. The brightly colored piñatas and Mexican candy they sell are lined up in cheerful rows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the candy we have, we work with distributors that import from Mexico,” she said. “Then our piñatas — each style you see is a different family that works on the style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family has had a stall at this market since 1974, a little more than a decade after the flea market first opened in 1960 when George Bumb decided to turn an old meat processing plant into a 120-acre outdoor market. It became a hub for thousands of immigrants to start small businesses and build their lives in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the vendors immigrated from Latin America, but there are business people from many other places, too: Vietnam, China, India and Korea, among others. Castellon grew up helping her parents in their stall and recalled how important it was for her to be exposed to many different cultures, languages and religions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the best pieces of all these different cultures [come] together and [clash] together [in the market],” Castellon said. “It’s beautiful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957363\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person wearing earrings in a pink top smiles at the camera in a busy outdoor setting.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maggie Castellon stands in front of her business, the BayFresh Piñateria, at the Berryessa Flea Market in San José on July 29, 2023. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this vibrant place, an intersection of so many people and cultures that now call San José home, could soon cease to exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, BART selected the Berryessa neighborhood as the ideal place for its southernmost stop. As a result, city officials started rezoning the land surrounding the station — including where the market operates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/urban-villages/berryessa-bart\">to make way for thousands of housing units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a little over 20 years later, the Berryessa BART station is open and the 120-acre market site could be a perfect location for transit-friendly housing. City officials say when the development they plan to build is complete, it will include 4,000 houses and apartments, acres of public parks, and could create 22,000 jobs in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José, like many California cities, is facing pressure from the state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">meet housing and climate goals\u003c/a>. For city planners, dense housing developments near regional transit stations appear to be the perfect solution.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maggie Castellon, manager, BayFresh Piñateria\"]‘The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments. Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.’[/pullquote]“From a good development standpoint, [the Berryessa Flea Market] would have to be put into other economic uses,” said San José Councilmember David Cohen. “At that time, the council did not take any action to determine what would happen to the flea market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of planning for their future has infuriated some vendors. The market is their livelihood. Maggie Castellon’s family is lucky; she has a full-time job as a courtroom clerk that anchors them. But, they still depend on proceeds from the stall to cover expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments,” she said. “Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957361\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two large white piñata unicorns in front of a stall full of wares.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wares for sale at the Berryessa Flea Market. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In late 2020, a small group of vendors formed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thebfva.org/\">Berryessa Flea Market Vendors Association\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11878548/san-jose-flea-market-leaders-end-hunger-strike-but-future-of-la-pulga-still-hangs-in-the-balance\">led protests and hunger strikes\u003c/a> to petition the city to include the vendors in conversations about the flea market’s future. This year, the city created an advisory committee tasked with drafting a transition plan for the vendors as the market closes. Maggie is a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their advocacy efforts have made an impact. The city council recently set aside 5 acres in the new development plan for an outdoor market. Cohen and other city officials say they will do everything they can to encourage whoever builds the housing to continue the flea market. But there’s no guarantee the developer will follow the city’s advice. No matter what happens, the market would be significantly smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957367\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Vendors stalls with people walking by are seen in front of a large public transit station.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berryessa Flea Market and BART station. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some vendors, including Castellon, see the 5-acre plan as a paltry commitment. They don’t want to wait for a spot in a market that may not have space for them. Instead, they’re working with the city to find an alternative spot in San José where all the vendors can move together to start a new flea market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re considering the Santa Clara County Fairgrounds, the Reid-Hillview Airport and the Singleton Road disposal site. The city promised to investigate each option, but officials haven’t committed to any particular site yet. Meanwhile, the Berryessa Flea Market’s owners announced in July that they expect to start issuing eviction notices in January 2024. The vendors will then have a year to move out from whenever they receive an eviction notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More on San José' tag='san-jose']Castellon hopes the city will step in and find a solution for the vendors, but is willing to leave the city and start a market elsewhere if she has to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good to have hope, but you also have to have initiative and motivation,” she said. “And that’s what we’re going to do. [We’re] just going to make it happen, whether it’s in San José or in another city, with the goal being for us to stay here. But if we’re not going to be welcomed in San José, then we’ll make it happen elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castellon and the other vendors may get a temporary reprieve. Fears of a recession have developers canceling and stalling housing projects. Subsequently, the owners of the flea market still haven’t found a developer to take on the project, partially because of its size and the current economic climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The environment isn’t ideal now,” Cohen said. “Chances are the market’s going to be open even longer than people thought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"clarify\">\u003c/a>This story has been updated to reflect that flea market vendors can expect to begin receiving eviction notices in January, 2024, and not October, 2023 as the story previously stated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Aug. 13: An earlier version of this story stated Reid Hillview Airport is closed when it is still open for business. This story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#clarify\">This story contains a clarification and correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Castellon, 44, manages the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/bayfresh_pinateria/\">BayFresh Piñateria\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951100/san-joses-flea-market-la-pulga-has-new-vendor-group-voicing-its-future\">Berryessa Flea Market\u003c/a> with confident ease. She keeps an eye on the people passing by her stand, searching for potential customers while instructing her brother and her kids to keep the stall clean and organized. The brightly colored piñatas and Mexican candy they sell are lined up in cheerful rows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the candy we have, we work with distributors that import from Mexico,” she said. “Then our piñatas — each style you see is a different family that works on the style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family has had a stall at this market since 1974, a little more than a decade after the flea market first opened in 1960 when George Bumb decided to turn an old meat processing plant into a 120-acre outdoor market. It became a hub for thousands of immigrants to start small businesses and build their lives in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the vendors immigrated from Latin America, but there are business people from many other places, too: Vietnam, China, India and Korea, among others. Castellon grew up helping her parents in their stall and recalled how important it was for her to be exposed to many different cultures, languages and religions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the best pieces of all these different cultures [come] together and [clash] together [in the market],” Castellon said. “It’s beautiful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957363\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person wearing earrings in a pink top smiles at the camera in a busy outdoor setting.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maggie Castellon stands in front of her business, the BayFresh Piñateria, at the Berryessa Flea Market in San José on July 29, 2023. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this vibrant place, an intersection of so many people and cultures that now call San José home, could soon cease to exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, BART selected the Berryessa neighborhood as the ideal place for its southernmost stop. As a result, city officials started rezoning the land surrounding the station — including where the market operates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/urban-villages/berryessa-bart\">to make way for thousands of housing units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a little over 20 years later, the Berryessa BART station is open and the 120-acre market site could be a perfect location for transit-friendly housing. City officials say when the development they plan to build is complete, it will include 4,000 houses and apartments, acres of public parks, and could create 22,000 jobs in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José, like many California cities, is facing pressure from the state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">meet housing and climate goals\u003c/a>. For city planners, dense housing developments near regional transit stations appear to be the perfect solution.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments. Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“From a good development standpoint, [the Berryessa Flea Market] would have to be put into other economic uses,” said San José Councilmember David Cohen. “At that time, the council did not take any action to determine what would happen to the flea market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of planning for their future has infuriated some vendors. The market is their livelihood. Maggie Castellon’s family is lucky; she has a full-time job as a courtroom clerk that anchors them. But, they still depend on proceeds from the stall to cover expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments,” she said. “Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957361\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two large white piñata unicorns in front of a stall full of wares.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wares for sale at the Berryessa Flea Market. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In late 2020, a small group of vendors formed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thebfva.org/\">Berryessa Flea Market Vendors Association\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11878548/san-jose-flea-market-leaders-end-hunger-strike-but-future-of-la-pulga-still-hangs-in-the-balance\">led protests and hunger strikes\u003c/a> to petition the city to include the vendors in conversations about the flea market’s future. This year, the city created an advisory committee tasked with drafting a transition plan for the vendors as the market closes. Maggie is a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their advocacy efforts have made an impact. The city council recently set aside 5 acres in the new development plan for an outdoor market. Cohen and other city officials say they will do everything they can to encourage whoever builds the housing to continue the flea market. But there’s no guarantee the developer will follow the city’s advice. No matter what happens, the market would be significantly smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957367\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Vendors stalls with people walking by are seen in front of a large public transit station.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berryessa Flea Market and BART station. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some vendors, including Castellon, see the 5-acre plan as a paltry commitment. They don’t want to wait for a spot in a market that may not have space for them. Instead, they’re working with the city to find an alternative spot in San José where all the vendors can move together to start a new flea market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re considering the Santa Clara County Fairgrounds, the Reid-Hillview Airport and the Singleton Road disposal site. The city promised to investigate each option, but officials haven’t committed to any particular site yet. Meanwhile, the Berryessa Flea Market’s owners announced in July that they expect to start issuing eviction notices in January 2024. The vendors will then have a year to move out from whenever they receive an eviction notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Castellon hopes the city will step in and find a solution for the vendors, but is willing to leave the city and start a market elsewhere if she has to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good to have hope, but you also have to have initiative and motivation,” she said. “And that’s what we’re going to do. [We’re] just going to make it happen, whether it’s in San José or in another city, with the goal being for us to stay here. But if we’re not going to be welcomed in San José, then we’ll make it happen elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castellon and the other vendors may get a temporary reprieve. Fears of a recession have developers canceling and stalling housing projects. Subsequently, the owners of the flea market still haven’t found a developer to take on the project, partially because of its size and the current economic climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The environment isn’t ideal now,” Cohen said. “Chances are the market’s going to be open even longer than people thought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"clarify\">\u003c/a>This story has been updated to reflect that flea market vendors can expect to begin receiving eviction notices in January, 2024, and not October, 2023 as the story previously stated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Aug. 13: An earlier version of this story stated Reid Hillview Airport is closed when it is still open for business. This story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-californias-rising-insurance-premiums-threaten-affordable-housing",
"title": "How California’s Rising Insurance Premiums Threaten Affordable Housing",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Sarah Letts went to renew the property insurance for her organization’s 32 apartment buildings last year, she got a sticker shock: a 33% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year? Her carrier, Great American Insurance Group, dropped the policy entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she might have understood if the nonprofit she helms, Hollywood Community Housing Corporation, was based in a forested area, but the affordable housing properties are all on urban infill sites within Los Angeles County and have been upgraded with sprinklers and seismic reinforcements where needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not abutting a fire hazard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with less than a month to go before the current policy runs out, she’s scrambling. “We will get [property insurance] because we’re obligated to get it,” Letts said. “But the frightening part is, how much will we pay?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an “existential” crisis, according to Seana O’Shaughnessy, the president and CEO of Community Housing Improvement Program, which manages nearly 3,000 homes and apartments across seven counties in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state’s volatile insurance market calls into question the state’s ability to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930679/newsom-campaigned-on-building-3-5-million-homes-he-hasnt-gotten-even-close\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s ambitious goal of building 2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So this cannot be overstated, how important figuring out and fixing and stabilizing insurance is for our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment for this story, deferring instead to the California Department of Insurance, which has recently held hearings to address rising premiums, as well as carriers leaving California, an issue that’s impacting all property owners. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Seana O’Shaughnessy, president and CEO, Community Housing Improvement Program\"]‘Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively.’[/pullquote] Affordable housing providers, however, say they are at a particular disadvantage. Unlike for-profit apartment owners, who can raise rents to offset increased costs, the very nature of affordable housing means rents are restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our margins in the affordable housing industry are very thin,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So, that means the nonprofit has to subsidize [increased costs].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups that track the number of carriers and spending on premiums don’t separate affordable housing from other forms of commercial property. That means apartment buildings are lumped into the same category as gas stations and grocery stores. But according to the analytics firm CoreLogic, commercial property insurance premiums increased 45% since 2018, though the increases were not uniform across sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she is girding for a 100% increase in premiums when she eventually does find a carrier, if not a 150% increase. Such an increase would raise the annual cost of insuring her organization’s properties from $500,000 to somewhere between $1 million to $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Community Housing Improvement Program’s 17 apartment buildings, property insurance premiums have more than tripled since 2017, according to the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, nonprofit Burbank Housing’s Director of Asset Management, Julie Heredia, said premiums doubled since 2018 across its portfolio of more than 70 properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Northern California, Ryan LaRue, the executive director of Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation, said property insurance premiums for its portfolio of 33 properties doubled between 2021 and 2022 alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a disaster,” LaRue said. “It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising premiums\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driving the premium increases are inflation, rising interest rates and the ballooning cost of reinsurance, the insurance that carriers get to cover their losses, said Sheri Scott, a principal and consulting actuary at Milliman, an actuarial firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in other states, California doesn’t allow insurance companies to include the cost of reinsurance in determining its fire insurance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A new condo building is seen through the overgrown grasses of the lot across the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laurel at Perennial Park, an affordable apartment complex for seniors, can be seen behind flowers from Journey’s End mobile home park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023, which burned almost entirely during the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an ‘existential’ crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And if insurance companies aren’t able to include that cost of doing business in their insurance rates, that could create an issue where insurance companies don’t feel they’re able to get the appropriate rate for the risk,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Great American Insurance Group, the carrier that declined to continue providing coverage to Hollywood Community Housing Group, did not respond to requests for comment about its decision to discontinue the nonprofit’s policy. In the single-family home market, large carriers, including Allstate, State Farm, Farmers and AIG, cited economic conditions and the increasing frequency and severity of weather events such as floods and wildfires as reasons for declining to sell new policies in the state. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ryan LaRue, executive director, Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation\"]‘It’s a disaster. It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.’[/pullquote] According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, since 1980 there has been an average of 8.1 weather events nationally that amounted to $1 billion or more in damage. Over the past five years, the average was 18. And, as of July 11 this year, 12 events cost $1 billion or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a higher frequency of events and a higher severity of these events when they occur than we ever historically have had,” said Justin Dove, a broker specializing in real estate with Arthur J. Gallagher & Co., a risk management services firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past decade, according to Cal Fire. But, insurance carriers in the state are barred from using catastrophe models to estimate their expected future losses to develop insurance rates. Instead, they must look at the previous 20 years of losses, a practice other states have long abandoned, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other states that use that methodology anymore,” she said. “They have since modernized their procedures in what insurance companies use so that they can use catastrophe models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Insurance Commissioner Tony Cignarale said the Department of Insurance is currently looking at allowing insurers to use catastrophe modeling, as well as to include the cost of reinsurance in setting rates. Allowing the latter change might improve the availability of insurance, but not necessarily affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957164\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty lot with overgrown grasses surrounded by houses.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty plot of land in Coffey Park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023. Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past 10 years, according to Cal Fire. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With reinsurance, it is an additional cost. So, in theory [premiums] would rise,” Cignarale said. “The question is, how much would be allowable to add on to an individual policyholder’s premium? That’s another area that the [insurance] commissioner is looking at to ensure that it’s not excessive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while insurance groups say allowing catastrophe modeling won’t necessarily raise rates — it may lower rates for some property owners — Cignarale said more information is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a deeper dive into these catastrophe models and see, are there good models? Are there bad models? Is there a way to make sure that there’s transparency, so that the public, as well as the insurance commissioner, can see what’s under the hood and make sure that there aren’t any negative algorithms there that may be unfair to policyholders just for the sake of increasing rates and premiums?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no timeline for when the Department of Insurance will finalize or implement any proposed changes, Cignarale said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the department in March announced the FAIR Plan — California’s insurance coverage of last resort. The plan is available to property owners who can’t secure fire insurance, though it doesn’t cover other hazards, such as floods or general liability — and it would raise its coverage cap to $20 million for commercial property owners. The FAIR Plan is expected to begin offering the new coverage by the end of the year. [aside label='More on Affordable Housing' tag='affordable-housing'] In October of 2022, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara began enforcing new regulations requiring insurance carriers to provide discounts to property owners who mitigate their own risk of wildfires. The companies are now in the process of getting those proposed discounts approved by the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s really the goal,” Cignarale said. “If you can reduce the risk, then you can reduce the insurance companies’ need to either restrict writing or increase premiums on consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with all these changes, it isn’t clear whether it would translate into lower premiums for property owners, or if the changing climate and increasing risk from wildfires and other extreme weather will discourage carriers from returning to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, affordable housing providers say they aren’t going out of business — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always figure it out, but I don’t know that we should have to figure it out,” O’Shaughnessy said. “This is something that the state has to help figure out so that we can continue to provide essential housing for folks. We’ll do it as long as we have to, but we do need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California's rising insurance premiums and fleeing carriers are affecting the state’s affordable housing developers and its goal to build 2.5 million homes by 2031.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Sarah Letts went to renew the property insurance for her organization’s 32 apartment buildings last year, she got a sticker shock: a 33% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year? Her carrier, Great American Insurance Group, dropped the policy entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she might have understood if the nonprofit she helms, Hollywood Community Housing Corporation, was based in a forested area, but the affordable housing properties are all on urban infill sites within Los Angeles County and have been upgraded with sprinklers and seismic reinforcements where needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not abutting a fire hazard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with less than a month to go before the current policy runs out, she’s scrambling. “We will get [property insurance] because we’re obligated to get it,” Letts said. “But the frightening part is, how much will we pay?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an “existential” crisis, according to Seana O’Shaughnessy, the president and CEO of Community Housing Improvement Program, which manages nearly 3,000 homes and apartments across seven counties in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state’s volatile insurance market calls into question the state’s ability to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930679/newsom-campaigned-on-building-3-5-million-homes-he-hasnt-gotten-even-close\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s ambitious goal of building 2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So this cannot be overstated, how important figuring out and fixing and stabilizing insurance is for our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment for this story, deferring instead to the California Department of Insurance, which has recently held hearings to address rising premiums, as well as carriers leaving California, an issue that’s impacting all property owners. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Affordable housing providers, however, say they are at a particular disadvantage. Unlike for-profit apartment owners, who can raise rents to offset increased costs, the very nature of affordable housing means rents are restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our margins in the affordable housing industry are very thin,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So, that means the nonprofit has to subsidize [increased costs].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups that track the number of carriers and spending on premiums don’t separate affordable housing from other forms of commercial property. That means apartment buildings are lumped into the same category as gas stations and grocery stores. But according to the analytics firm CoreLogic, commercial property insurance premiums increased 45% since 2018, though the increases were not uniform across sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she is girding for a 100% increase in premiums when she eventually does find a carrier, if not a 150% increase. Such an increase would raise the annual cost of insuring her organization’s properties from $500,000 to somewhere between $1 million to $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Community Housing Improvement Program’s 17 apartment buildings, property insurance premiums have more than tripled since 2017, according to the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, nonprofit Burbank Housing’s Director of Asset Management, Julie Heredia, said premiums doubled since 2018 across its portfolio of more than 70 properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Northern California, Ryan LaRue, the executive director of Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation, said property insurance premiums for its portfolio of 33 properties doubled between 2021 and 2022 alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a disaster,” LaRue said. “It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising premiums\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driving the premium increases are inflation, rising interest rates and the ballooning cost of reinsurance, the insurance that carriers get to cover their losses, said Sheri Scott, a principal and consulting actuary at Milliman, an actuarial firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in other states, California doesn’t allow insurance companies to include the cost of reinsurance in determining its fire insurance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A new condo building is seen through the overgrown grasses of the lot across the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laurel at Perennial Park, an affordable apartment complex for seniors, can be seen behind flowers from Journey’s End mobile home park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023, which burned almost entirely during the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an ‘existential’ crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And if insurance companies aren’t able to include that cost of doing business in their insurance rates, that could create an issue where insurance companies don’t feel they’re able to get the appropriate rate for the risk,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Great American Insurance Group, the carrier that declined to continue providing coverage to Hollywood Community Housing Group, did not respond to requests for comment about its decision to discontinue the nonprofit’s policy. In the single-family home market, large carriers, including Allstate, State Farm, Farmers and AIG, cited economic conditions and the increasing frequency and severity of weather events such as floods and wildfires as reasons for declining to sell new policies in the state. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, since 1980 there has been an average of 8.1 weather events nationally that amounted to $1 billion or more in damage. Over the past five years, the average was 18. And, as of July 11 this year, 12 events cost $1 billion or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a higher frequency of events and a higher severity of these events when they occur than we ever historically have had,” said Justin Dove, a broker specializing in real estate with Arthur J. Gallagher & Co., a risk management services firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past decade, according to Cal Fire. But, insurance carriers in the state are barred from using catastrophe models to estimate their expected future losses to develop insurance rates. Instead, they must look at the previous 20 years of losses, a practice other states have long abandoned, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other states that use that methodology anymore,” she said. “They have since modernized their procedures in what insurance companies use so that they can use catastrophe models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Insurance Commissioner Tony Cignarale said the Department of Insurance is currently looking at allowing insurers to use catastrophe modeling, as well as to include the cost of reinsurance in setting rates. Allowing the latter change might improve the availability of insurance, but not necessarily affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957164\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty lot with overgrown grasses surrounded by houses.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty plot of land in Coffey Park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023. Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past 10 years, according to Cal Fire. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With reinsurance, it is an additional cost. So, in theory [premiums] would rise,” Cignarale said. “The question is, how much would be allowable to add on to an individual policyholder’s premium? That’s another area that the [insurance] commissioner is looking at to ensure that it’s not excessive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while insurance groups say allowing catastrophe modeling won’t necessarily raise rates — it may lower rates for some property owners — Cignarale said more information is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a deeper dive into these catastrophe models and see, are there good models? Are there bad models? Is there a way to make sure that there’s transparency, so that the public, as well as the insurance commissioner, can see what’s under the hood and make sure that there aren’t any negative algorithms there that may be unfair to policyholders just for the sake of increasing rates and premiums?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no timeline for when the Department of Insurance will finalize or implement any proposed changes, Cignarale said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the department in March announced the FAIR Plan — California’s insurance coverage of last resort. The plan is available to property owners who can’t secure fire insurance, though it doesn’t cover other hazards, such as floods or general liability — and it would raise its coverage cap to $20 million for commercial property owners. The FAIR Plan is expected to begin offering the new coverage by the end of the year. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> In October of 2022, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara began enforcing new regulations requiring insurance carriers to provide discounts to property owners who mitigate their own risk of wildfires. The companies are now in the process of getting those proposed discounts approved by the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s really the goal,” Cignarale said. “If you can reduce the risk, then you can reduce the insurance companies’ need to either restrict writing or increase premiums on consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with all these changes, it isn’t clear whether it would translate into lower premiums for property owners, or if the changing climate and increasing risk from wildfires and other extreme weather will discourage carriers from returning to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, affordable housing providers say they aren’t going out of business — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always figure it out, but I don’t know that we should have to figure it out,” O’Shaughnessy said. “This is something that the state has to help figure out so that we can continue to provide essential housing for folks. We’ll do it as long as we have to, but we do need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-could-borrow-a-record-breaking-35-billion-to-tackle-the-housing-crisis-will-voters-go-along",
"title": "California Could Borrow a Record-Breaking $35 Billion to Tackle the Housing Crisis. Will Voters Go Along?",
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"headTitle": "California Could Borrow a Record-Breaking $35 Billion to Tackle the Housing Crisis. Will Voters Go Along? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters regularly name out-of-reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/survey/survey-data/?survey-search=true&AllWords=most+important&AnyWords=&DateSearchType=Last+Year&DateFromMonth=1&DateFromDay=1&DateFromYear=1998&DateToMonth=12&DateToDay=31&DateToYear=2023&SortOrder=desc#survey_results\">housing costs and homelessness\u003c/a> as among the most important issues facing the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now lawmakers are calling their bluff. Next year the electorate will likely get the chance to put unprecedented gobs of money where its mouth is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s the $10 billion bond proposal, spearheaded by Oakland Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/buffy-wicks-1977/\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> and currently slated for the March ballot, that would replenish the coffers of some of the state’s premier affordable housing programs. If a majority of voters approve, it would be the largest housing-related IOU that California has issued since at least 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, there’s the $4.68 billion measure, backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and also scheduled for March, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">build housing and expand psychiatric and substance abuse treatment for homeless Californians\u003c/a>. That would be the largest-ever expansion of behavioral health funding in California, according to the governor’s office. As a housing-related bond, it would also be the third largest such measure in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both of those state measures could be dwarfed by a third proposed at the regional level. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/New-agency-would-raise-public-dollars-to-build-13669232.php\">recently created Bay Area Housing Finance Authority\u003c/a>, tasked with funding affordable housing projects across the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay, is still figuring out exactly how much it wants to ask voters to sign off on in November 2024. But it could be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/affordable-housing-bond-measure-18189407.php\">$20 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the largest housing bonds in California history would seem to be great news for housing advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why are some so worried?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a runner. I’ve never run my three best races in a row,” said Louis Mirante, a lobbyist with the Bay Area Council, where he focuses on housing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622594/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With lawmakers considering a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">bevy of other bond measures\u003c/a> in 2024 that could total as much as $80 billion — more potential debt than the state has put on the ballot since at least 1980, even adjusting for inflation — the sheer scale of the state’s potential borrowing plans could test the upper limit of what voters are willing to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money,’” said Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before the question is put to voters, lawmakers will have to negotiate what goes on which ballot in the first place. Unlike the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/initiative-and-referendum-status/eligible-statewide-initiative-measures\">initiatives, constitutional amendments\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/qualified-ballot-measures\">referenda\u003c/a> that will already crowd the 2024 ballot, bond measures can only be put before voters with a vote by the Legislature and approval of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only so much capacity that the state has for debt,” said Ray Pearl, executive director of the California Housing Consortium, which lobbies for more affordable housing construction in the Legislature. “And politically, for the governor and the Legislature, there’s only so much they are willing to take on.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Louis Mirante, lobbyist, Bay Area Council\"]‘It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money.’[/pullquote]Lawmakers may not have long to hammer out those negotiations. Any bonds bound for the March ballot need to clear the Legislature by the end of the session on Sept. 14. Branch-on-branch negotiations have been slow to get going so far, but may ramp up once the lawmakers return from recess on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we’re presenting a ballot to the electorate, in as much as we have the ability to, that is thoughtful and aims to tackle some of our tougher challenges, but in a way that doesn’t confuse voters with, like, ‘Here are your 10 opportunities to vote for housing,’” said Wicks. “I anticipate over the next probably two or three months that we’ll start landing some of these planes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone in housing world is so concerned. The mere fact that so many housing-related bond measures are vying for space on next year’s primary and general election ballots is a sign that the state’s affordability crisis is finally getting the political and fiscal attention it deserves, said Kate Hartley, who directs the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what voters will think about” a glut of bond measures next year, she said. “But I do know that voters really care about this and they want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You name it, there’s a bond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the most competitive real estate in California these days is a spot on either of the two 2024 ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering as many as ten borrowing measures for either the March primary or November general election next year. Among them are competing school bonds, climate and flood protection proposals and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-lawmakers-push-to-fight-fentanyl/44643707\">bond aimed at fighting the fentanyl crisis\u003c/a>. Though it isn’t likely that all will make the cut, taken together, they come with a collective debt of at least $80 billion, with the price tag on one proposal still undetermined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many crises for people facing so many different challenges,” said Chris Martin, policy director with Housing California, an affordable housing advocacy group. “You name it, there’s a bond for it being considered in the Legislature and there’s only so much bonding authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">reportedly set the borrowing limit\u003c/a> for both of next year’s ballots at $26 billion, but the final number is likely to be ironed out in negotiations with legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the borrowing cap, it’s as much a question of political arithmetic as it is budget math. There is no legal limit on how much debt voters can approve in a given election. Budget analysts keep their \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/publications/dar/2022.pdf\">eye on different metrics comparing the state’s debt payments (PDF)\u003c/a> to its discretionary cash cushion, its overall budget or the total size of the California economy. Projections of future interest rates and future budget surpluses and deficits also get considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622746/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One measure — the ratio of the state’s annual debt payments to the budget’s discretionary “general” fund — currently sits at roughly 3.5%, depending on how you measure it. That’s a tad high compared to other large states, but it’s far lower than it has been in the past. Keeping that figure below 6% is “generally considered prudent,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no evidence that voters have any of that in mind when they vote “yes” or “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have generally been perfectly happy to put big projects on the state’s credit card. That may be because bond proceeds are typically directed at politically sympathetic causes and the downsides of borrowing — higher debt payments in future years — are more abstract for the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1980, the electorate has signed off on more than 75% of all state bonds put before them, approving $182 billion in new debt and rejecting only $42 billion. In contrast, voters have approved only \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ballot-measures/pdf/initiatives-by-title-and-summary-year.pdf\">about 40% of all non-fiscal propositions (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The prospect of ‘bond fatigue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are clear exceptions. Sometimes the voting public, presented with particularly eye-popping sums, gets into a tight-fisted mood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The November 1990 election was the most bond-happy in recent history, with 14 borrowing proposals in total. Voters batted down 12 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example of bond failure: The March primary election in 2020, when voters rejected what would have been the largest school bond in California history, a $15 billion IOU. One of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/03/california-prop-13-school-bond-defeated/\">possible post-election explanations\u003c/a> offered at the time: Voters, saddled with a bumper crop of borrowing measures at the local level, succumbed to “bond fatigue.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"housing\"]Now, with 2024 approaching, some housing advocates worry the electorate is susceptible to the same condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a matter of fiscal reality, the two major housing proposals — the affordable housing measure and the Newsom-backed mental health bond — are dipping from the same pool of fiscal overhead and electorate will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as policies — one that supports the construction of more housing and the other that boosts behavioral health treatment capacity for people living on the street — they could very well complement one another. According to the governor’s office, his mental health bond would allow for the shelter and treatment of 10,000 more unhoused Californians. As negotiations kick into gear, some proponents of both measures are hoping the governor and legislative leaders will see things that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have temporary shelter beds and services for an individual suffering from mental health or substance abuse disorder but no affordable housing, that person is likely going to return to homelessness,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness, which supports the affordable housing bond and is still reviewing the mental health-related proposal. “Conversely if you have affordable housing, but no services available, then that individual is going to struggle to maintain their housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel the Legislature has a real opportunity to connect the two,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A race against the clock\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Politically, California voter frustration with unaffordable housing and homelessness could cut one of two ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters who believe public dollars are poorly spent may not welcome proposals to throw more money at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers directed the state auditor’s office to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\"> dig into how the state’s homelessness funds are actually being spent\u003c/a>. A 2020 audit from the same office called for an “overhaul” of California’s “cumbersome” affordable housing funding process, after the state\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/11/20/its-a-shame-california-squandered-27-billion-for-affordable-housing-audit-says/\"> allowed $2.7 billion in bonds to expire untapped\u003c/a>. (The state application process has\u003ca href=\"https://www.thecentersquare.com/california/article_d56ec9a4-acc0-11ed-af17-93d7eb0b5a89.html\"> since been streamlined\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many housing developers hope it will translate into the popular political will to ratchet up the spending. In fact, they’re counting on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 2.5 million units the state Housing and Community Development department says California communities need to build over the next eight years to make up for years of under-building, \u003ca href=\"https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/94729ab1648d43b1811c1698a748c136\">roughly 1 million must be set aside\u003c/a> for people earning less than 80% of the median income in their region.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Heather Hood, vice president and Northern California market leader, Enterprise Community Partners\"]‘The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are. And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.’[/pullquote]But that planned-for boom in affordable housing won’t materialize without some extra help, said Heather Hood, who manages the northern California market for Enterprise Community Partners, a nonprofit that funds, consults and advocates for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are,” she said. “And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many additional units $10 billion in extra state funding could bring online. The cost per-unit of affordable housing climbs year after year, occasionally exceeding $1 million. By that math, the eye-popping face value on the bond would only be enough to fund 10,000 new units. But state funding is almost always used to supplement private, federal and local sources of cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing isn’t completely paid for by public dollars,” said Hood. “Having this kind of security in the public realm means that there’s more security in the private realm and so it smooths the pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the state turned to the voters to fund affordable housing construction was in November 2018. Voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 1, giving the state the go-ahead to borrow $4 billion. Of that, about half went toward the construction, rehabilitation and preservation of income-restricted rental housing. The remainder was meant to be split between programs that promote homeownership, the construction of farmworker housing and other housing-related infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of Wicks affordable housing bond next year is also no coincidence. With a little over $656 million remaining, that Proposition 1 funding is expected to run dry by next year\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if voters are feeling generous next year and sign off on each of the housing bonds on the ballot, Wicks said she is only just getting started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have significant ongoing investments for a serious amount of time in order to crawl out of where we are right now,” she said. That could mean putting yet more bond measures on the ballot or dedicating more money from the state budget on an ongoing basis. “That’s something that I want to work on next year. And probably the year after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Three of the biggest housing bonds in state history are bound for the 2024 ballot. But with no shortage of crises facing the state, California can only borrow so much and voters may succumb to 'bond fatigue.'",
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"title": "California Could Borrow a Record-Breaking $35 Billion to Tackle the Housing Crisis. Will Voters Go Along? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters regularly name out-of-reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/survey/survey-data/?survey-search=true&AllWords=most+important&AnyWords=&DateSearchType=Last+Year&DateFromMonth=1&DateFromDay=1&DateFromYear=1998&DateToMonth=12&DateToDay=31&DateToYear=2023&SortOrder=desc#survey_results\">housing costs and homelessness\u003c/a> as among the most important issues facing the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now lawmakers are calling their bluff. Next year the electorate will likely get the chance to put unprecedented gobs of money where its mouth is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s the $10 billion bond proposal, spearheaded by Oakland Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/buffy-wicks-1977/\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> and currently slated for the March ballot, that would replenish the coffers of some of the state’s premier affordable housing programs. If a majority of voters approve, it would be the largest housing-related IOU that California has issued since at least 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, there’s the $4.68 billion measure, backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and also scheduled for March, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">build housing and expand psychiatric and substance abuse treatment for homeless Californians\u003c/a>. That would be the largest-ever expansion of behavioral health funding in California, according to the governor’s office. As a housing-related bond, it would also be the third largest such measure in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both of those state measures could be dwarfed by a third proposed at the regional level. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/New-agency-would-raise-public-dollars-to-build-13669232.php\">recently created Bay Area Housing Finance Authority\u003c/a>, tasked with funding affordable housing projects across the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay, is still figuring out exactly how much it wants to ask voters to sign off on in November 2024. But it could be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/affordable-housing-bond-measure-18189407.php\">$20 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the largest housing bonds in California history would seem to be great news for housing advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why are some so worried?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a runner. I’ve never run my three best races in a row,” said Louis Mirante, a lobbyist with the Bay Area Council, where he focuses on housing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622594/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With lawmakers considering a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">bevy of other bond measures\u003c/a> in 2024 that could total as much as $80 billion — more potential debt than the state has put on the ballot since at least 1980, even adjusting for inflation — the sheer scale of the state’s potential borrowing plans could test the upper limit of what voters are willing to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money,’” said Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before the question is put to voters, lawmakers will have to negotiate what goes on which ballot in the first place. Unlike the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/initiative-and-referendum-status/eligible-statewide-initiative-measures\">initiatives, constitutional amendments\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/qualified-ballot-measures\">referenda\u003c/a> that will already crowd the 2024 ballot, bond measures can only be put before voters with a vote by the Legislature and approval of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only so much capacity that the state has for debt,” said Ray Pearl, executive director of the California Housing Consortium, which lobbies for more affordable housing construction in the Legislature. “And politically, for the governor and the Legislature, there’s only so much they are willing to take on.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lawmakers may not have long to hammer out those negotiations. Any bonds bound for the March ballot need to clear the Legislature by the end of the session on Sept. 14. Branch-on-branch negotiations have been slow to get going so far, but may ramp up once the lawmakers return from recess on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we’re presenting a ballot to the electorate, in as much as we have the ability to, that is thoughtful and aims to tackle some of our tougher challenges, but in a way that doesn’t confuse voters with, like, ‘Here are your 10 opportunities to vote for housing,’” said Wicks. “I anticipate over the next probably two or three months that we’ll start landing some of these planes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone in housing world is so concerned. The mere fact that so many housing-related bond measures are vying for space on next year’s primary and general election ballots is a sign that the state’s affordability crisis is finally getting the political and fiscal attention it deserves, said Kate Hartley, who directs the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what voters will think about” a glut of bond measures next year, she said. “But I do know that voters really care about this and they want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You name it, there’s a bond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the most competitive real estate in California these days is a spot on either of the two 2024 ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering as many as ten borrowing measures for either the March primary or November general election next year. Among them are competing school bonds, climate and flood protection proposals and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-lawmakers-push-to-fight-fentanyl/44643707\">bond aimed at fighting the fentanyl crisis\u003c/a>. Though it isn’t likely that all will make the cut, taken together, they come with a collective debt of at least $80 billion, with the price tag on one proposal still undetermined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many crises for people facing so many different challenges,” said Chris Martin, policy director with Housing California, an affordable housing advocacy group. “You name it, there’s a bond for it being considered in the Legislature and there’s only so much bonding authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">reportedly set the borrowing limit\u003c/a> for both of next year’s ballots at $26 billion, but the final number is likely to be ironed out in negotiations with legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the borrowing cap, it’s as much a question of political arithmetic as it is budget math. There is no legal limit on how much debt voters can approve in a given election. Budget analysts keep their \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/publications/dar/2022.pdf\">eye on different metrics comparing the state’s debt payments (PDF)\u003c/a> to its discretionary cash cushion, its overall budget or the total size of the California economy. Projections of future interest rates and future budget surpluses and deficits also get considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622746/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One measure — the ratio of the state’s annual debt payments to the budget’s discretionary “general” fund — currently sits at roughly 3.5%, depending on how you measure it. That’s a tad high compared to other large states, but it’s far lower than it has been in the past. Keeping that figure below 6% is “generally considered prudent,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no evidence that voters have any of that in mind when they vote “yes” or “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have generally been perfectly happy to put big projects on the state’s credit card. That may be because bond proceeds are typically directed at politically sympathetic causes and the downsides of borrowing — higher debt payments in future years — are more abstract for the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1980, the electorate has signed off on more than 75% of all state bonds put before them, approving $182 billion in new debt and rejecting only $42 billion. In contrast, voters have approved only \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ballot-measures/pdf/initiatives-by-title-and-summary-year.pdf\">about 40% of all non-fiscal propositions (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The prospect of ‘bond fatigue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are clear exceptions. Sometimes the voting public, presented with particularly eye-popping sums, gets into a tight-fisted mood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The November 1990 election was the most bond-happy in recent history, with 14 borrowing proposals in total. Voters batted down 12 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example of bond failure: The March primary election in 2020, when voters rejected what would have been the largest school bond in California history, a $15 billion IOU. One of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/03/california-prop-13-school-bond-defeated/\">possible post-election explanations\u003c/a> offered at the time: Voters, saddled with a bumper crop of borrowing measures at the local level, succumbed to “bond fatigue.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, with 2024 approaching, some housing advocates worry the electorate is susceptible to the same condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a matter of fiscal reality, the two major housing proposals — the affordable housing measure and the Newsom-backed mental health bond — are dipping from the same pool of fiscal overhead and electorate will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as policies — one that supports the construction of more housing and the other that boosts behavioral health treatment capacity for people living on the street — they could very well complement one another. According to the governor’s office, his mental health bond would allow for the shelter and treatment of 10,000 more unhoused Californians. As negotiations kick into gear, some proponents of both measures are hoping the governor and legislative leaders will see things that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have temporary shelter beds and services for an individual suffering from mental health or substance abuse disorder but no affordable housing, that person is likely going to return to homelessness,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness, which supports the affordable housing bond and is still reviewing the mental health-related proposal. “Conversely if you have affordable housing, but no services available, then that individual is going to struggle to maintain their housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel the Legislature has a real opportunity to connect the two,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A race against the clock\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Politically, California voter frustration with unaffordable housing and homelessness could cut one of two ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters who believe public dollars are poorly spent may not welcome proposals to throw more money at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers directed the state auditor’s office to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\"> dig into how the state’s homelessness funds are actually being spent\u003c/a>. A 2020 audit from the same office called for an “overhaul” of California’s “cumbersome” affordable housing funding process, after the state\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/11/20/its-a-shame-california-squandered-27-billion-for-affordable-housing-audit-says/\"> allowed $2.7 billion in bonds to expire untapped\u003c/a>. (The state application process has\u003ca href=\"https://www.thecentersquare.com/california/article_d56ec9a4-acc0-11ed-af17-93d7eb0b5a89.html\"> since been streamlined\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many housing developers hope it will translate into the popular political will to ratchet up the spending. In fact, they’re counting on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 2.5 million units the state Housing and Community Development department says California communities need to build over the next eight years to make up for years of under-building, \u003ca href=\"https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/94729ab1648d43b1811c1698a748c136\">roughly 1 million must be set aside\u003c/a> for people earning less than 80% of the median income in their region.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But that planned-for boom in affordable housing won’t materialize without some extra help, said Heather Hood, who manages the northern California market for Enterprise Community Partners, a nonprofit that funds, consults and advocates for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are,” she said. “And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many additional units $10 billion in extra state funding could bring online. The cost per-unit of affordable housing climbs year after year, occasionally exceeding $1 million. By that math, the eye-popping face value on the bond would only be enough to fund 10,000 new units. But state funding is almost always used to supplement private, federal and local sources of cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing isn’t completely paid for by public dollars,” said Hood. “Having this kind of security in the public realm means that there’s more security in the private realm and so it smooths the pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the state turned to the voters to fund affordable housing construction was in November 2018. Voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 1, giving the state the go-ahead to borrow $4 billion. Of that, about half went toward the construction, rehabilitation and preservation of income-restricted rental housing. The remainder was meant to be split between programs that promote homeownership, the construction of farmworker housing and other housing-related infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of Wicks affordable housing bond next year is also no coincidence. With a little over $656 million remaining, that Proposition 1 funding is expected to run dry by next year\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if voters are feeling generous next year and sign off on each of the housing bonds on the ballot, Wicks said she is only just getting started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have significant ongoing investments for a serious amount of time in order to crawl out of where we are right now,” she said. That could mean putting yet more bond measures on the ballot or dedicating more money from the state budget on an ongoing basis. “That’s something that I want to work on next year. And probably the year after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]K[/dropcap]avon Ward lived in Manhattan Beach, a surfside city about 15 miles southwest of Los Angeles, for more than two years before she learned about the city’s racist history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, not long after George Floyd was murdered by police, Ward, a poet and activist, began learning about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bruces-beach\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, the beachfront real estate owned by a Black family before it was seized by the city of Manhattan Beach. The land was eventually turned into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember just looking out down the hill — I was at the top of the park — and seeing all of these white people and I’m thinking to myself, ‘How is it fair that all of these white people get to live here in front of what God created for everyone, after these Black people were run out?,’” Ward told me in a 2022 interview. “They take from us. They take our lives; they take our land; they take everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ward founded \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforbrucesbeach.com/\">Justice for Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> to secure restitution for the descendants of the Bruces. She wanted reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not so much about it being land, it was more about it being justice served,” said Ward, who also launched \u003ca href=\"https://whereismyland.org/\">Where Is My Land\u003c/a>, a national organization focused on using research, advocacy and technology to help families from across the country get remuneration for land loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re not familiar with Bruce’s Beach, here’s an unsanitized version: In 1912, Willa and Charles Bruce purchased a lot along the Strand, Manhattan Beach’s oceanfront neighborhood, for $1,225. The couple, part of the Great Migration of Black people who fled racial terror in the south, created a resort that served as a vacation destination for Black people living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resort became known as Bruce’s Beach. In America, segregative policies restricted Black people from accessing public beaches and swimming pools, but at Bruce’s Beach Black people could relax in the sun without being harassed for, well, being Black. In 1920, the Bruces purchased another lot. Other Black families did the same, creating a thriving Black community in Manhattan Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1924, the community was swept away by eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kavon Ward, poet, activist and founder of Justice for Bruce's Beach\"]‘In the beginning of the 20th century, Black people owned 15 million acres of land. By the beginning of the 21st century, 90% of the land was gone. It was taken.’[/pullquote]In America, Black prosperity — especially economic prosperity — has always been met with oppressive hostility. Sometimes it comes in the form of a lynch mob of rabid racists, like the one in 1921 that presided over a two-day massacre that destroyed the Black community in Tulsa, Oklahoma, known as “Black Wall Street.” Sometimes, like in the case of Bruce’s Beach, it comes in the form of eminent domain, a law that gives the government the right to expropriate private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s just a sanitized way of saying that Bruce’s Beach was stolen by the city of Manhattan Beach. This racially motivated process has been used in cities and states across the country. If you’ve driven on our nation’s highways, you should know much of the system \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943263/americas-highway-system-is-a-monument-to-environmental-racism-and-a-history-of-inequity\">is a monument to racism because significant portions were built on land that was taken from Black people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11943263]The theft of land, displacement and erasure has tormented Black people since emancipation. After the disbursement of land to the formerly enslaved was revoked following President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the call for reparations has had a steady drumbeat. But since the California Reparations Task Force delivered its landmark \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">1,200-page report\u003c/a> in June, the drumbeat has never been louder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report has 115 recommendations for reparative measures, including restitution for racially motivated takings of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uss6JN2Ep60\">fourth episode of our video series on reparations\u003c/a>, we explore the stories of thriving Black communities — Bruce’s Beach, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925020/promised-land-a-historically-black-california-town-honors-its-proud-painful-past-and-fights-for-its-future\">the town of Allensworth\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954111/longtime-fillmore-resident-hopes-to-restore-commerce-with-black-led-marketplace\">San Francisco’s Fillmore District\u003c/a> — that were ravaged by racist policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uss6JN2Ep60\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning of the 20th century, Black people owned 15 million acres of land,” Ward says at the beginning of the video. “By the beginning of the 21st century, 90% of the land was gone. It was taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of acres of Black-owned land was just simply taken. Please remember that the next time a friend, neighbor, colleague or presidential candidate insinuates that Black people aren’t worthy of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“African Americans in the history of the United States, and within the state of California, have been this kind of available category of persons who can be removed, who can be exploited when it suits the state,” Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, says in the video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The denial of Black prosperity is a deliberate feature of the American experiment. In 1862, the federal government passed the Homestead Act, which gave American citizens and soon-to-be citizens the right to claim 160 acres of land as America expanded west. More than 160 million acres were claimed by almost 2 million homesteaders. Enslaved and free Black people were, of course, excluded from the wealth-generating bonanza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than 100 years later, the federal government enacted the G.I. Bill, a program to assist World War II veterans through low-interest mortgages and loans. Black people were once again excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between 1935 and the late 1940s, the government issued about $120 billion in low-interest housing assistance loans. Ninety-eight percent of those loans went to white people,” Donald K. Tamaki, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, told Manjula Varghese, my colleague, who is the lead producer of the video series. “This was the transfer of wealth to help build today’s middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]In this country, homeownership is the largest source of wealth for families. More than 1 million Black people were displaced, according to the U.S. Department of Transportation estimates, when America erected the highway system. Private property was seized by eminent domain, and hundreds of neighborhoods across the country were demolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the redevelopment of the Fillmore, a neighborhood once known as the “Harlem of the West” because of the large number of Black businesses and entertainment venues in the area, was one of the largest projects of urban renewal on the West Coast. The decade-long project would end up displacing more than 13,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to restitution for racially motivated takings of homes, the state task force recommended providing a right to return for displaced Black people and subsidizing the purchase of new homes through down payment and loan assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bruces, who left Manhattan Beach in 1927, were paid about $15,000 at the time for their land, an insufficient sum for running people out of town. It took decades for the city, which, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/manhattanbeachcitycalifornia/PST045222\">according to 2022 Census data is 71% white and less than 1% Black\u003c/a>, to turn Bruce’s Beach into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zillow, the real estate tracking website, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/home-values/19177/manhattan-beach-ca/\">average home price in Manhattan Beach at the end of June was roughly $3 million\u003c/a>. Homes along the Strand where Bruce’s Beach was located \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/manhattan-beach-ca/manhattan-beach-strand_att/\">cost almost $5 million more\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2022, ownership of the park property was transferred back to the descendants of the Bruces by Los Angeles County. The descendants then sold the land back to the county for $20 million —atonement for almost a century of harm.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">K\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>avon Ward lived in Manhattan Beach, a surfside city about 15 miles southwest of Los Angeles, for more than two years before she learned about the city’s racist history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, not long after George Floyd was murdered by police, Ward, a poet and activist, began learning about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bruces-beach\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, the beachfront real estate owned by a Black family before it was seized by the city of Manhattan Beach. The land was eventually turned into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember just looking out down the hill — I was at the top of the park — and seeing all of these white people and I’m thinking to myself, ‘How is it fair that all of these white people get to live here in front of what God created for everyone, after these Black people were run out?,’” Ward told me in a 2022 interview. “They take from us. They take our lives; they take our land; they take everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ward founded \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforbrucesbeach.com/\">Justice for Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> to secure restitution for the descendants of the Bruces. She wanted reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not so much about it being land, it was more about it being justice served,” said Ward, who also launched \u003ca href=\"https://whereismyland.org/\">Where Is My Land\u003c/a>, a national organization focused on using research, advocacy and technology to help families from across the country get remuneration for land loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The theft of land, displacement and erasure has tormented Black people since emancipation. After the disbursement of land to the formerly enslaved was revoked following President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the call for reparations has had a steady drumbeat. But since the California Reparations Task Force delivered its landmark \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">1,200-page report\u003c/a> in June, the drumbeat has never been louder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report has 115 recommendations for reparative measures, including restitution for racially motivated takings of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uss6JN2Ep60\">fourth episode of our video series on reparations\u003c/a>, we explore the stories of thriving Black communities — Bruce’s Beach, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925020/promised-land-a-historically-black-california-town-honors-its-proud-painful-past-and-fights-for-its-future\">the town of Allensworth\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954111/longtime-fillmore-resident-hopes-to-restore-commerce-with-black-led-marketplace\">San Francisco’s Fillmore District\u003c/a> — that were ravaged by racist policymaking.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Uss6JN2Ep60'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Uss6JN2Ep60'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“In the beginning of the 20th century, Black people owned 15 million acres of land,” Ward says at the beginning of the video. “By the beginning of the 21st century, 90% of the land was gone. It was taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of acres of Black-owned land was just simply taken. Please remember that the next time a friend, neighbor, colleague or presidential candidate insinuates that Black people aren’t worthy of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“African Americans in the history of the United States, and within the state of California, have been this kind of available category of persons who can be removed, who can be exploited when it suits the state,” Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, says in the video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The denial of Black prosperity is a deliberate feature of the American experiment. In 1862, the federal government passed the Homestead Act, which gave American citizens and soon-to-be citizens the right to claim 160 acres of land as America expanded west. More than 160 million acres were claimed by almost 2 million homesteaders. Enslaved and free Black people were, of course, excluded from the wealth-generating bonanza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than 100 years later, the federal government enacted the G.I. Bill, a program to assist World War II veterans through low-interest mortgages and loans. Black people were once again excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between 1935 and the late 1940s, the government issued about $120 billion in low-interest housing assistance loans. Ninety-eight percent of those loans went to white people,” Donald K. Tamaki, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, told Manjula Varghese, my colleague, who is the lead producer of the video series. “This was the transfer of wealth to help build today’s middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In this country, homeownership is the largest source of wealth for families. More than 1 million Black people were displaced, according to the U.S. Department of Transportation estimates, when America erected the highway system. Private property was seized by eminent domain, and hundreds of neighborhoods across the country were demolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the redevelopment of the Fillmore, a neighborhood once known as the “Harlem of the West” because of the large number of Black businesses and entertainment venues in the area, was one of the largest projects of urban renewal on the West Coast. The decade-long project would end up displacing more than 13,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to restitution for racially motivated takings of homes, the state task force recommended providing a right to return for displaced Black people and subsidizing the purchase of new homes through down payment and loan assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bruces, who left Manhattan Beach in 1927, were paid about $15,000 at the time for their land, an insufficient sum for running people out of town. It took decades for the city, which, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/manhattanbeachcitycalifornia/PST045222\">according to 2022 Census data is 71% white and less than 1% Black\u003c/a>, to turn Bruce’s Beach into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zillow, the real estate tracking website, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/home-values/19177/manhattan-beach-ca/\">average home price in Manhattan Beach at the end of June was roughly $3 million\u003c/a>. Homes along the Strand where Bruce’s Beach was located \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/manhattan-beach-ca/manhattan-beach-strand_att/\">cost almost $5 million more\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2022, ownership of the park property was transferred back to the descendants of the Bruces by Los Angeles County. The descendants then sold the land back to the county for $20 million —atonement for almost a century of harm.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new online tool offers Bay Area residents a way to find and apply for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">affordable housing\u003c/a> listings in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">The Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a>, as it’s called, was launched in early July by the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority-bahfa\">Bay Area Housing Finance Authority \u003c/a>(BAHFA), and draws together “affordable” apartment listings submitted by local cities, counties and private housing providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates have for years been pushing for a tool like this that covers the entire state, says Damion Scott, a community organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/\">East Bay Housing Organizations \u003c/a>(EBHO), a nonprofit aimed at increasing access to affordable housing for lower-income communities. But even having this type of tool available for just the Bay Area makes Scott and his colleagues “really excited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott says that based on his personal experience working with folks seeking affordable housing in the East Bay, “having a portal — having somewhere where they can find affordable housing not just from one developer, or just from one city or one county, but really a regional portal — would really be able to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the new Doorway tool provides a single platform to access affordable housing listings, there are certain things to know about how it works — and who still \u003cem>won’t \u003c/em>be able to use it to find affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousing\">What makes a unit “affordable”?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousingincome\">I can’t see listings that match my income. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousinghelp\">Where can I find other affordable housing resources if this tool doesn’t work for my family?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the Doorway Housing Portal, how to fill out an application to live in an affordable housing unit or how to join a waitlist for a property and your options for finding affordable housing if this new online tool doesn’t end up working for you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How does the Doorway Housing Portal work?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>BAHFA, the organization behind the tool, says these listings are “verified opportunities for active housing vacancies and waitlists.” The site is currently available in five languages: English, traditional Chinese, Spanish, Vietnamese and Tagalog. You can use it on a desktop computer or your mobile phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/listings\">see all current listings on the Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a> by clicking the “View Listings” tab on the homepage. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">search for affordable housing listings on the homepage\u003c/a> by inputting the number of bedrooms you’re seeking, your maximum desired monthly rent and the Bay Area counties you’re searching within. Either option will return a page of search results that includes a map you can use to explore more listings.[aside label='More Guides from KQED' tag='audience-news']When you click on a listing, you’ll see further information about that property, including how to apply, the leasing agent’s contact details, and eligibility criteria. These criteria will include the minimum and maximum income required for a household applying for the listing, deposit information, who gets preference for that unit, and what kinds of rental assistance programs (like Section 8 vouchers) will be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wondering why the tool doesn’t show listings for affordable housing in San Francisco? That’s because the city already has its own version of an affordable housing portal, called \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">DAHLIA: San Francisco Housing Portal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Doorway spokesperson said that the BAHFA doesn’t have a specific timeline for integrating DAHLIA, which would “remain a standalone portal for now.” So for now, if you want to see affordable housing listings for San Francisco, use the city’s own DAHLIA tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousing\">\u003c/a>How does the Doorway Housing Portal define ‘affordable housing’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You’ll notice that each housing listing on Doorway has a minimum-income requirement — that is, the amount of money that your household needs to be making in total, per year, before taxes (your gross income) to be eligible to apply for that home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because “affordable” in this context doesn’t necessarily mean low-cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Instead, it means that the cost of rent and utilities for that property would be no more than 30% of a household’s income. (For homeowners, that’s the total cost of mortgage payments, taxes, insurance, utilities and other housing-related costs — which has to be 30% or less of a household’s income to be considered affordable.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">These income limits are set for these listings by property managers\u003c/a>, says BAHFA, “to ensure that you are not cost-burdened by the rent.” Your household is defined as “everyone who will live with you in the new unit,” which means it doesn’t just have to be your family — it can include friends, or roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of course, every person and every household has a different income level, meaning that a listing that’s deemed “affordable” for one household won’t be labeled affordable for another household whose income is lower — and many of these “affordable” listings still won’t be considered affordable at all to people with lower incomes, or no income at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Doorway Housing Portal notes that you may also see affordable housing referred to as “low-income housing” or “restricted-income housing.” It’s also sometimes called “subsidized housing” (also known as regulated housing or deed-restricted housing), or “naturally occurring affordable housing” (so-called because the government doesn’t subsidize prices, or set rules on prices). \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">Read more about the different kinds of affordable housing with this guide from EBHO.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945872\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11945872 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg\" alt=\"A person with medium-toned skin sits at a wooden table writing on a notepad, surrounded by books. They are wearing a gray t-shirt and have tattooed forearms. We can't see their face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some affordable housing listings on the Doorway Housing Portal will allow you to apply online, but some might require an in-person paper application. \u003ccite>(cottonbro studio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Does the Doorway Housing Portal include Section 8 housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doorway currently includes information about federal Section 8 programs for lower-income families, seniors, and people with disabilities, which you can find under the “Rental Assistance” header in each individual housing listing — for example, whether certain housing vouchers are considered for that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you can’t \u003cem>directly \u003c/em>access Section 8 programs on Doorway itself — yet. That’s because Section 8 offerings “aren’t fully integrated” into the tool right now, said the spokesperson for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the future, BAHFA is “exploring listing open Section 8 waitlists as a starting point,” said the spokesperson — meaning that you may see more Section 8 offerings on the Doorway Housing Portal in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousingincome\">\u003c/a>I’m not seeing many listings on the site that match my income level. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not necessarily. Because of how “affordable” is defined in this context — i.e., the rent is no more than 30% of your household income — there just might not \u003cem>be \u003c/em>any listings that are classed as affordable for your own household’s income on Doorway, at least right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t be immediately discouraged. The Doorway Housing Portal is a new tool and is still growing. EBHO’s Sophia DeWitt cautions that because of this, it doesn’t yet “represent the full universe of available affordable homes in the Bay Area right now” since not all housing providers have yet added their listings — and that both cities and individual housing providers “need to continue to be encouraged to do so.” In the meantime, you can\u003ca href=\"https://public.govdelivery.com/accounts/CAMTC/signup/36832\"> sign up to get email alerts when new affordable housing listings are posted\u003c/a> to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to KQED, DeWitt noted that Alameda and Santa Clara counties are at present “further along in this process” of submitting affordable housing listings to the site than many other counties. So you might see more listings within those counties right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I found a listing on the site I’m interested in. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each listing will have details on how to apply for that property, but be aware that you might have to join a waitlist. If a listing says you can apply online, you may be redirected to the website of a property management company, where you can complete your application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BAHFA advises that you don’t fill out multiple applications for a single listing, even if it’s from different members of your household, as “more than one application from any person in your household can completely disqualify all of the household members from that listing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You won’t need any supporting documentation for your initial application unless you choose to enter a lottery for that property. BAHFA says that “housing lottery preferences give certain applicants priority in the placement process,” but that this will require you to provide evidence that you fit the preference criteria. BAHFA also notes that you can “maximize your chances for these by applying for housing that is near where you live or work,” but that you should be sure to note any lottery dates marked on the listing so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">Read more about the application process on the Doorway Housing Portal website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousinghelp\">\u003c/a>I can’t actually afford any of the ‘affordable’ listings on the site. What do I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your household income doesn’t match the minimum amount required on the listing that you’re interested in on the site, you have options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call 211 for a referral (311 in San Francisco) for a housing counselor or other social services counselor who can give you advice on affordable housing options.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Look at the \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/housing-help\">Housing Help resources\u003c/a> on the Doorway Housing Portal, which include county-specific resources and where to find more urgent help if you’re at risk of becoming unhoused.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Consider applying for the \u003ca href=\"https://covia.org/programs/home-match/\">Front Porch (formerly Covia) Home Match program\u003c/a>, which provides home-sharing opportunities locally by matching people who have available rooms with those looking for housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Browse \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">EBHO’s Looking for Housing?\u003c/a> resources online, which include links and advice for applying for housing through your local housing authority.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much does a tool like this really do to help increase access to affordable housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Having these listings available in one place online, and presented clearly as “a one-stop portal,” is a big help to folks seeking affordable housing, says Scott, the EBHO community organizer, and it reduces a lot of the physical and technological barriers people often face in this quest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had residents who shared their stories that say when they were homeless, finding a house was a full-time job,” Scott said. “They had literally spent as much time as you and I would spend on our 40-hour-a-week, or more, work week — they spent that on looking for housing.” The tool, he said, will “help relieve people’s time” in this regard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scott says that while widening access to affordable housing is a very positive step, increasing that access \u003cem>without \u003c/em>also increasing the supply of affordable housing means that residents are now met with “really long” wait lists for each listing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is there just is not enough affordable housing in the Bay Area, and in the state,” said Scott. And local and state officials need to be “doing more to ensure that affordable housing is being funded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new online tool offers Bay Area residents a way to find and apply for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">affordable housing\u003c/a> listings in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">The Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a>, as it’s called, was launched in early July by the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority-bahfa\">Bay Area Housing Finance Authority \u003c/a>(BAHFA), and draws together “affordable” apartment listings submitted by local cities, counties and private housing providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates have for years been pushing for a tool like this that covers the entire state, says Damion Scott, a community organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/\">East Bay Housing Organizations \u003c/a>(EBHO), a nonprofit aimed at increasing access to affordable housing for lower-income communities. But even having this type of tool available for just the Bay Area makes Scott and his colleagues “really excited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott says that based on his personal experience working with folks seeking affordable housing in the East Bay, “having a portal — having somewhere where they can find affordable housing not just from one developer, or just from one city or one county, but really a regional portal — would really be able to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the new Doorway tool provides a single platform to access affordable housing listings, there are certain things to know about how it works — and who still \u003cem>won’t \u003c/em>be able to use it to find affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousing\">What makes a unit “affordable”?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousingincome\">I can’t see listings that match my income. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousinghelp\">Where can I find other affordable housing resources if this tool doesn’t work for my family?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the Doorway Housing Portal, how to fill out an application to live in an affordable housing unit or how to join a waitlist for a property and your options for finding affordable housing if this new online tool doesn’t end up working for you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How does the Doorway Housing Portal work?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>BAHFA, the organization behind the tool, says these listings are “verified opportunities for active housing vacancies and waitlists.” The site is currently available in five languages: English, traditional Chinese, Spanish, Vietnamese and Tagalog. You can use it on a desktop computer or your mobile phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/listings\">see all current listings on the Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a> by clicking the “View Listings” tab on the homepage. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">search for affordable housing listings on the homepage\u003c/a> by inputting the number of bedrooms you’re seeking, your maximum desired monthly rent and the Bay Area counties you’re searching within. Either option will return a page of search results that includes a map you can use to explore more listings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When you click on a listing, you’ll see further information about that property, including how to apply, the leasing agent’s contact details, and eligibility criteria. These criteria will include the minimum and maximum income required for a household applying for the listing, deposit information, who gets preference for that unit, and what kinds of rental assistance programs (like Section 8 vouchers) will be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wondering why the tool doesn’t show listings for affordable housing in San Francisco? That’s because the city already has its own version of an affordable housing portal, called \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">DAHLIA: San Francisco Housing Portal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Doorway spokesperson said that the BAHFA doesn’t have a specific timeline for integrating DAHLIA, which would “remain a standalone portal for now.” So for now, if you want to see affordable housing listings for San Francisco, use the city’s own DAHLIA tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousing\">\u003c/a>How does the Doorway Housing Portal define ‘affordable housing’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You’ll notice that each housing listing on Doorway has a minimum-income requirement — that is, the amount of money that your household needs to be making in total, per year, before taxes (your gross income) to be eligible to apply for that home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because “affordable” in this context doesn’t necessarily mean low-cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Instead, it means that the cost of rent and utilities for that property would be no more than 30% of a household’s income. (For homeowners, that’s the total cost of mortgage payments, taxes, insurance, utilities and other housing-related costs — which has to be 30% or less of a household’s income to be considered affordable.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">These income limits are set for these listings by property managers\u003c/a>, says BAHFA, “to ensure that you are not cost-burdened by the rent.” Your household is defined as “everyone who will live with you in the new unit,” which means it doesn’t just have to be your family — it can include friends, or roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of course, every person and every household has a different income level, meaning that a listing that’s deemed “affordable” for one household won’t be labeled affordable for another household whose income is lower — and many of these “affordable” listings still won’t be considered affordable at all to people with lower incomes, or no income at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Doorway Housing Portal notes that you may also see affordable housing referred to as “low-income housing” or “restricted-income housing.” It’s also sometimes called “subsidized housing” (also known as regulated housing or deed-restricted housing), or “naturally occurring affordable housing” (so-called because the government doesn’t subsidize prices, or set rules on prices). \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">Read more about the different kinds of affordable housing with this guide from EBHO.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945872\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11945872 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg\" alt=\"A person with medium-toned skin sits at a wooden table writing on a notepad, surrounded by books. They are wearing a gray t-shirt and have tattooed forearms. We can't see their face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some affordable housing listings on the Doorway Housing Portal will allow you to apply online, but some might require an in-person paper application. \u003ccite>(cottonbro studio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Does the Doorway Housing Portal include Section 8 housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doorway currently includes information about federal Section 8 programs for lower-income families, seniors, and people with disabilities, which you can find under the “Rental Assistance” header in each individual housing listing — for example, whether certain housing vouchers are considered for that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you can’t \u003cem>directly \u003c/em>access Section 8 programs on Doorway itself — yet. That’s because Section 8 offerings “aren’t fully integrated” into the tool right now, said the spokesperson for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the future, BAHFA is “exploring listing open Section 8 waitlists as a starting point,” said the spokesperson — meaning that you may see more Section 8 offerings on the Doorway Housing Portal in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousingincome\">\u003c/a>I’m not seeing many listings on the site that match my income level. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not necessarily. Because of how “affordable” is defined in this context — i.e., the rent is no more than 30% of your household income — there just might not \u003cem>be \u003c/em>any listings that are classed as affordable for your own household’s income on Doorway, at least right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t be immediately discouraged. The Doorway Housing Portal is a new tool and is still growing. EBHO’s Sophia DeWitt cautions that because of this, it doesn’t yet “represent the full universe of available affordable homes in the Bay Area right now” since not all housing providers have yet added their listings — and that both cities and individual housing providers “need to continue to be encouraged to do so.” In the meantime, you can\u003ca href=\"https://public.govdelivery.com/accounts/CAMTC/signup/36832\"> sign up to get email alerts when new affordable housing listings are posted\u003c/a> to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to KQED, DeWitt noted that Alameda and Santa Clara counties are at present “further along in this process” of submitting affordable housing listings to the site than many other counties. So you might see more listings within those counties right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I found a listing on the site I’m interested in. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each listing will have details on how to apply for that property, but be aware that you might have to join a waitlist. If a listing says you can apply online, you may be redirected to the website of a property management company, where you can complete your application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BAHFA advises that you don’t fill out multiple applications for a single listing, even if it’s from different members of your household, as “more than one application from any person in your household can completely disqualify all of the household members from that listing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You won’t need any supporting documentation for your initial application unless you choose to enter a lottery for that property. BAHFA says that “housing lottery preferences give certain applicants priority in the placement process,” but that this will require you to provide evidence that you fit the preference criteria. BAHFA also notes that you can “maximize your chances for these by applying for housing that is near where you live or work,” but that you should be sure to note any lottery dates marked on the listing so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">Read more about the application process on the Doorway Housing Portal website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousinghelp\">\u003c/a>I can’t actually afford any of the ‘affordable’ listings on the site. What do I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your household income doesn’t match the minimum amount required on the listing that you’re interested in on the site, you have options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call 211 for a referral (311 in San Francisco) for a housing counselor or other social services counselor who can give you advice on affordable housing options.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Look at the \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/housing-help\">Housing Help resources\u003c/a> on the Doorway Housing Portal, which include county-specific resources and where to find more urgent help if you’re at risk of becoming unhoused.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Consider applying for the \u003ca href=\"https://covia.org/programs/home-match/\">Front Porch (formerly Covia) Home Match program\u003c/a>, which provides home-sharing opportunities locally by matching people who have available rooms with those looking for housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Browse \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">EBHO’s Looking for Housing?\u003c/a> resources online, which include links and advice for applying for housing through your local housing authority.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much does a tool like this really do to help increase access to affordable housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Having these listings available in one place online, and presented clearly as “a one-stop portal,” is a big help to folks seeking affordable housing, says Scott, the EBHO community organizer, and it reduces a lot of the physical and technological barriers people often face in this quest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had residents who shared their stories that say when they were homeless, finding a house was a full-time job,” Scott said. “They had literally spent as much time as you and I would spend on our 40-hour-a-week, or more, work week — they spent that on looking for housing.” The tool, he said, will “help relieve people’s time” in this regard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scott says that while widening access to affordable housing is a very positive step, increasing that access \u003cem>without \u003c/em>also increasing the supply of affordable housing means that residents are now met with “really long” wait lists for each listing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is there just is not enough affordable housing in the Bay Area, and in the state,” said Scott. And local and state officials need to be “doing more to ensure that affordable housing is being funded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954314/3-big-takeaways-from-californias-311-billion-budget-deal\">major proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> to overhaul the state’s behavioral and mental health system is likely to take nearly $720 million away from services provided by county governments annually, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">new analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although that money would be reallocated within the system, in part to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">house homeless individuals with severe mental illness\u003c/a> and addiction disorders, the report authors note that Newsom and key legislators supporting the proposal have neither provided a complete justification for the changes nor have they published an analysis on how the changes may “negatively impact current services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, as the Legislature considers the proposal, we recommend asking the administration certain questions to assess whether the proposal is warranted,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the Legislature to put his proposal before voters next year in tandem with a $4.68 billion bond measure to add psychiatric treatment beds. It would change how the state allocates money under the Mental Health Services Act, which levies a 1% tax on income above $1 million to fund behavioral health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brandon Richards, deputy communications director, Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘What’s more upsetting, is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.[aside label='More on Mental Health Care' tag='mental-health']Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\"]‘The opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care — and nobody is left out or left behind.’[/pullquote]Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954314/3-big-takeaways-from-californias-311-billion-budget-deal\">major proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> to overhaul the state’s behavioral and mental health system is likely to take nearly $720 million away from services provided by county governments annually, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">new analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although that money would be reallocated within the system, in part to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">house homeless individuals with severe mental illness\u003c/a> and addiction disorders, the report authors note that Newsom and key legislators supporting the proposal have neither provided a complete justification for the changes nor have they published an analysis on how the changes may “negatively impact current services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, as the Legislature considers the proposal, we recommend asking the administration certain questions to assess whether the proposal is warranted,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the Legislature to put his proposal before voters next year in tandem with a $4.68 billion bond measure to add psychiatric treatment beds. It would change how the state allocates money under the Mental Health Services Act, which levies a 1% tax on income above $1 million to fund behavioral health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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