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"slug": "berkeley-first-city-to-sanctify-single-family-zoning-considers-historic-reversal-allowing-small-apartments",
"title": "Berkeley, 1st City to Sanctify Single-Family Zoning, Considers Historic Reversal: Allowing Small Apartments",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than a century after becoming the first city in America to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">enshrine single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> as sacrosanct, Berkeley will consider charting a new course: legalizing small apartment buildings in many neighborhoods throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed changes might have been unthinkable only a half decade ago — when it wasn’t unusual for residents to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">wield a piece\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://bpr.studentorg.berkeley.edu/2017/10/31/zucchini-gate-or-bust-berkeleys-battle-for-affordable-housing/\">backyard produce\u003c/a> to protest new housing. The proposal comes instead amid a sea change of pro-housing activism across California, as state officials have taken an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">increasingly firm\u003c/a> stance in forcing cities to \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2023/01/19/berkeley-housing-element-zoning-demolition-elmwood-shattuck-solano\">approve more housing\u003c/a> and as Berkeley leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">have committed\u003c/a> to undoing past policies that have \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">disproportionately impacted Black and Latino residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited,” said Berkeley City Councilmember Mark Humbert, whose district includes the Elmwood neighborhood. “We were a pioneer in exclusionary zoning, and I want to be a pioneer in inclusionary zoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, July 23, the council will \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2024-07-23%20Special%20Item%2001%20Zoning%20Ordinance%20and%20General.pdf\">consider a proposal\u003c/a> that Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín called “one of the largest up-zonings in California.” It would go beyond what state officials allowed in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">landmark 2021 law legalizing duplexes\u003c/a> and instead permit small apartment buildings, no more than three stories high, that could range from as few as two large apartments to as many as 12 or more smaller ones depending on the size of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lori Droste said there’s no guarantee the measure will pass. The former Berkeley city council member spearheaded the city’s effort to first study and then implement a plan to encourage so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/bizjournals/news/2023/11/13/missing-middle-qa-daniel-parolek.html\">missing middle housing\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be on pins and needles until then,” she said. “I think we have a real opportunity to be history makers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear the proposal could radically remake the city’s neighborhoods as developers demolish or transform bungalows to create two- or three-story structures. And for those who live in the Berkeley hills, with its notoriously steep and narrow streets, the capacity of evacuation routes during a potential wildfire is top of mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996325\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a residential neighborhood.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trees fill the Claremont neighborhood in Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Others have cautioned that increasing the supply of market-rate housing — without provisions that some units be set aside as affordable housing — will only accelerate the loss of the city’s residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Neighborhoods where housing values are the lowest are going to be impacted the most,” Nico Calavita, a former professor of urban planning, told the city’s Planning Commission at a February meeting. “So you’re going to have market-rate housing going to neighborhoods, which are low-income and minority neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still others, however, have an opposing concern: that the apartments wouldn’t actually get built. A \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/making-missing-middle-pencil-the-math-behind-small-scale-housing-development-2024/\">recent report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center for Housing Innovation found that high costs for materials, labor and land, combined with onerous building codes and city fees, often make missing middle housing projects less profitable than single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with a country that’s made single-family homes so easy to build in the last 40 years that we have to find ways of making missing middle housing more profitable,” said Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate at the Terner Center. “If one little aspect of the legalization of missing middle housing is wrong and it cannot pencil — so housing cannot financially be built — then we will see no housing get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Berkeley Embraced Apartments\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Droste \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyside.org/2019/02/26/berkeley-officials-push-for-zoning-reform-to-boost-missing-middle-housing\">first introduced\u003c/a> a proposal in 2019 to study the idea of missing middle housing, Berkeley was seen as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">ground zero\u003c/a> for a Not-In-My-Backyard approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white house in a neighborhood.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">2212 10th St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2017/06/climate-change-housing-berkeley/\">zucchini gate\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/no-house-for-you-kid/\">widely ridiculed instance\u003c/a> of a resident waving the vegetable at city officials to demonstrate that a duplex proposed for next door would threaten her ability to grow produce. There was an \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayforeveryone.org/2017/10/18/action-alert-prevent-yet-another-senseless-downzoning-in-berkeley/\">attempt at downzoning\u003c/a>, a years-long campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/30/magazine/housing-berkeley-yimby-fight.html\">building tall apartments on top of a parking lot\u003c/a> near a major train station and other battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly have come a long way,” Droste said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín acknowledged his own path from housing skeptic to champion, an evolution he said not only tracked with \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/09/28/california-to-build-more-housing-faster/\">state leadership’s push\u003c/a> for more housing but also with Berkeley residents’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/04/berkeley-peoples-park-university-california-supreme-court/\">shift in views\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over time, seeing housing prices continue to skyrocket, seeing increased homelessness and people living in encampments on our streets, people living in RVs and the worsening climate emergency,” Arreguin said, “I came to the realization that the status quo is not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Propelling the shift was a national racial reckoning in the wake of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/news-event/trial-of-george-floyd-killing\">George Floyd’s murder\u003c/a> at the hands of a police officer. Along with that, Droste said, came a \u003ca href=\"https://wwnorton.com/books/the-color-of-law/\">growing awareness\u003c/a> among Berkeley residents of how zoning has been wielded to exclude people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2021, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/02/24/berkeley-denounces-racist-history-of-single-family-zoning-begins-2-year-process-to-change-general-plan\">council adopted\u003c/a> a \u003ca href=\"https://newspack-berkeleyside-cityside.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Resolution-to-end-exclusionary-zoning-in-Berkeley.pdf\">resolution\u003c/a> from Droste that ended single-family zoning. The move was particularly symbolic because Berkeley had been the first \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">in the country\u003c/a>, in 1916, to designate some neighborhoods as off-limits to anything but single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Elmwood neighborhood was among the first to receive the classification. At the time, officials justified the action as protecting property owners from the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“evils of uncontrolled development”\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and ensuring “the permanency of character of districts” as a way to “stabilize and protect property values and investments.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">spread throughout the country\u003c/a>. In California, roughly 96% of residential land is currently zoned exclusively for single-family homes, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">recent survey\u003c/a> by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Researchers also found that jurisdictions with more restrictive zoning had fewer non-white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Berkeley further \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhabitat.org/post/what-was-the-neighborhood-preservation-ordinance\">restricted the ability to build apartment buildings\u003c/a>, including in many neighborhoods that already had them. As a result, housing production ground to a near-halt: Over the next three decades, the city added only \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/housing-elements/docs/berkeley-5th-adopted051815.pdf\">715 homes\u003c/a>. And its population not only stalled but \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareacensus.ca.gov/cities/Berkeley70.htm\">declined\u003c/a>, dropping from just under 117,000 in 1970 to just over 100,000 the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Berkeley Population and Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-xwjmW\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/xwjmW/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2000, that trend has begun to reverse, with the city adding more than 13,000 new homes through 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Berkeley_CCD,_Alameda_County,_California?g=060XX00US0600190200\">according to the Census\u003c/a>. And its population began to rebound, growing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/berkeleycitycalifornia,US/PST045223\">just under 119,000\u003c/a>. But the city’s Black population, which peaked in 1970 at about 23%, has fallen precipitously to just under 8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident and housing advocate Darrell Owens said it was a transformation he witnessed firsthand as the Central Berkeley neighborhood where he grew up began losing its Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The neighborhood stopped growing,” Owens said. “So, like a game of musical chairs, wealthier people just outbid poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens’ own family was not immune to the transformation. When his grandmother died, her siblings sold her house to more equitably distribute the inheritance. But Owens said his parents couldn’t afford to buy another home in Berkeley. Instead, they moved to Solano County. Owens stayed to finish high school, and later to go to college. He now rents a home in North Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still could never afford to buy a house here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Owens, himself a housing researcher, the evidence is clear: limiting the supply of homes increases their price. It’s a conclusion backed by \u003ca href=\"https://furmancenter.org/files/Supply_Skepticism_-_Final.pdf\">several\u003c/a> literature \u003ca href=\"https://www.lewis.ucla.edu/research/market-rate-development-impacts/#:~:text=On%20one%20side%20are%20those,thus%20makes%20housing%20less%20affordable.\">reviews\u003c/a> citing dozens of studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other residents worry that opening historically Black neighborhoods to more apartment construction will further accelerate gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this upzoning going to affect African Americans?” Willie Phillips, of the community group, Friends of Adeline, told Planning Commission officials at a February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without considering that potential impact, he said, “You are destined to basically go back to the 1950s because … African-Americans cannot afford to live here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\" alt=\"An image of a house next to a row of homes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Left) 1310 Haskell St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/wp-content/uploads/housing-market-interventions-and-residential-mobility-in-the-san-francisco-bay-area.pdf\">working paper\u003c/a> by researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, in collaboration with researchers at UC Berkeley and Stanford, found that building market-rate housing in areas experiencing gentrification does tend to benefit higher-income people more than lower-income people. However, the effects were mild. When coupled with strong tenant protections, the researchers said those impacts could be effectively mitigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens said he isn’t worried about Berkeley becoming gentrified; that has already happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gentrification in Berkeley doesn’t look like new apartment buildings,” he said. “Gentrification in Berkeley looks like old bungalows that have existed for 100 years, being sold for $2 million when 50 years ago they sold for maybe $100,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Middle Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposal coming before the Berkeley City Council would allow ministerial approval — without the need for public hearings — of new housing projects in single-family and otherwise low-density neighborhoods throughout most of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cap on the number of units in each building. Instead, city staff would regulate the size of buildings, ensuring they conform to height limits, setbacks and lot coverage requirements, among other restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Apartment buildings with three cars in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings in the Elmwood neighborhood of Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal caps building heights at no more than 35 feet at the front of the building and 22 feet at the rear property line — which was an attempt to accommodate residents worried about three-story buildings looming over smaller ones, said Jordan Klein, director of Berkeley’s Planning and Development Department. Buildings also can’t take up more than 60% of the lot’s total area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was responsive to public input,” Klein said, adding that his staff also included a 15-foot rear setback requirement in response to residents’ concerns that neighboring buildings would shade their rooftop solar panels — or backyard gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each unit, or home, can be no smaller than 220 square feet or about the size of a “small studio,” Klein said. But there’s disagreement about whether the city should cap how large each unit can be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially proposed scaling the size of the building depending on the number of units inside. Buildings with more units would be allowed to have a larger envelope, and buildings with fewer units would have a smaller one. Klein said the idea was to incentivize developers to build more units in each building. But the Planning Commission at its February meeting reversed that decision — a choice Klein said could lead to an unintended consequence: “The concern here is, ‘Are we going to end up with very large single-family homes?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, urged the commission to think of multi-generational families, who may need four or five bedrooms. Arreguín said that’s one aspect of the proposal he’s still wrestling with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to create a situation where we…could be building an eight-plex, and instead, we have a McMansion,” he said. “So how we thread that needle, I think, will be important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klein said the council will also have to consider how to respond to concerns about increased building in the city’s high fire-hazard zones. For many residents of the Berkeley hills, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11893199/the-oakland-hills-fire-transformed-firefighting-along-a-citys-edge-in-california\">1991 Tunnel Fire\u003c/a> that killed 25 people and destroyed 3,000 homes is still fresh in their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident Kelly Hammargren said that’s a particular concern for her, even though she doesn’t live in or own property in the hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this increasing density in fire zones is absolutely crazy,” she told the Planning Commission in February. “We are a city where we are taking away cars and encouraging people to be on bicycles and on foot and on scooters. So if we have a big, fast, hot-moving fire, people aren’t going to be able to outrun it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially recommended waiting to include the hills neighborhoods in the upzoning proposal until the fire department could complete an analysis, which is expected later this year. However, the Planning Commission decided to include them instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We figured it would make more sense to wait until we had the results of the evacuation study before considering upzoning the hills,” Klein said, adding that the council could decide to reverse the Planning Commission’s recommendation or adopt the upzoning now and then amend it, if needed, following the fire department’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Susan Wengraf, who represents the area, declined to comment, as did representatives of the Park Hills Homes Association, an area neighborhood group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever happens with the proposal on Tuesday, Klein said he’s proud of the work his staff put into doing public outreach, as well as in drafting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we ready to do this or not?” he asked. “It’s up to the city council to decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A new proposal — which the city council will consider on July 23 — would allow multi-family housing throughout the city.",
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"title": "Berkeley, 1st City to Sanctify Single-Family Zoning, Considers Historic Reversal: Allowing Small Apartments | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than a century after becoming the first city in America to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">enshrine single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> as sacrosanct, Berkeley will consider charting a new course: legalizing small apartment buildings in many neighborhoods throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed changes might have been unthinkable only a half decade ago — when it wasn’t unusual for residents to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">wield a piece\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://bpr.studentorg.berkeley.edu/2017/10/31/zucchini-gate-or-bust-berkeleys-battle-for-affordable-housing/\">backyard produce\u003c/a> to protest new housing. The proposal comes instead amid a sea change of pro-housing activism across California, as state officials have taken an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">increasingly firm\u003c/a> stance in forcing cities to \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2023/01/19/berkeley-housing-element-zoning-demolition-elmwood-shattuck-solano\">approve more housing\u003c/a> and as Berkeley leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">have committed\u003c/a> to undoing past policies that have \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">disproportionately impacted Black and Latino residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited,” said Berkeley City Councilmember Mark Humbert, whose district includes the Elmwood neighborhood. “We were a pioneer in exclusionary zoning, and I want to be a pioneer in inclusionary zoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, July 23, the council will \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2024-07-23%20Special%20Item%2001%20Zoning%20Ordinance%20and%20General.pdf\">consider a proposal\u003c/a> that Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín called “one of the largest up-zonings in California.” It would go beyond what state officials allowed in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">landmark 2021 law legalizing duplexes\u003c/a> and instead permit small apartment buildings, no more than three stories high, that could range from as few as two large apartments to as many as 12 or more smaller ones depending on the size of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lori Droste said there’s no guarantee the measure will pass. The former Berkeley city council member spearheaded the city’s effort to first study and then implement a plan to encourage so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/bizjournals/news/2023/11/13/missing-middle-qa-daniel-parolek.html\">missing middle housing\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be on pins and needles until then,” she said. “I think we have a real opportunity to be history makers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear the proposal could radically remake the city’s neighborhoods as developers demolish or transform bungalows to create two- or three-story structures. And for those who live in the Berkeley hills, with its notoriously steep and narrow streets, the capacity of evacuation routes during a potential wildfire is top of mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996325\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a residential neighborhood.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trees fill the Claremont neighborhood in Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Others have cautioned that increasing the supply of market-rate housing — without provisions that some units be set aside as affordable housing — will only accelerate the loss of the city’s residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Neighborhoods where housing values are the lowest are going to be impacted the most,” Nico Calavita, a former professor of urban planning, told the city’s Planning Commission at a February meeting. “So you’re going to have market-rate housing going to neighborhoods, which are low-income and minority neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still others, however, have an opposing concern: that the apartments wouldn’t actually get built. A \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/making-missing-middle-pencil-the-math-behind-small-scale-housing-development-2024/\">recent report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center for Housing Innovation found that high costs for materials, labor and land, combined with onerous building codes and city fees, often make missing middle housing projects less profitable than single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with a country that’s made single-family homes so easy to build in the last 40 years that we have to find ways of making missing middle housing more profitable,” said Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate at the Terner Center. “If one little aspect of the legalization of missing middle housing is wrong and it cannot pencil — so housing cannot financially be built — then we will see no housing get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Berkeley Embraced Apartments\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Droste \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyside.org/2019/02/26/berkeley-officials-push-for-zoning-reform-to-boost-missing-middle-housing\">first introduced\u003c/a> a proposal in 2019 to study the idea of missing middle housing, Berkeley was seen as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">ground zero\u003c/a> for a Not-In-My-Backyard approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white house in a neighborhood.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">2212 10th St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2017/06/climate-change-housing-berkeley/\">zucchini gate\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/no-house-for-you-kid/\">widely ridiculed instance\u003c/a> of a resident waving the vegetable at city officials to demonstrate that a duplex proposed for next door would threaten her ability to grow produce. There was an \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayforeveryone.org/2017/10/18/action-alert-prevent-yet-another-senseless-downzoning-in-berkeley/\">attempt at downzoning\u003c/a>, a years-long campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/30/magazine/housing-berkeley-yimby-fight.html\">building tall apartments on top of a parking lot\u003c/a> near a major train station and other battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly have come a long way,” Droste said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín acknowledged his own path from housing skeptic to champion, an evolution he said not only tracked with \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/09/28/california-to-build-more-housing-faster/\">state leadership’s push\u003c/a> for more housing but also with Berkeley residents’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/04/berkeley-peoples-park-university-california-supreme-court/\">shift in views\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over time, seeing housing prices continue to skyrocket, seeing increased homelessness and people living in encampments on our streets, people living in RVs and the worsening climate emergency,” Arreguin said, “I came to the realization that the status quo is not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Propelling the shift was a national racial reckoning in the wake of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/news-event/trial-of-george-floyd-killing\">George Floyd’s murder\u003c/a> at the hands of a police officer. Along with that, Droste said, came a \u003ca href=\"https://wwnorton.com/books/the-color-of-law/\">growing awareness\u003c/a> among Berkeley residents of how zoning has been wielded to exclude people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2021, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/02/24/berkeley-denounces-racist-history-of-single-family-zoning-begins-2-year-process-to-change-general-plan\">council adopted\u003c/a> a \u003ca href=\"https://newspack-berkeleyside-cityside.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Resolution-to-end-exclusionary-zoning-in-Berkeley.pdf\">resolution\u003c/a> from Droste that ended single-family zoning. The move was particularly symbolic because Berkeley had been the first \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">in the country\u003c/a>, in 1916, to designate some neighborhoods as off-limits to anything but single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Elmwood neighborhood was among the first to receive the classification. At the time, officials justified the action as protecting property owners from the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“evils of uncontrolled development”\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and ensuring “the permanency of character of districts” as a way to “stabilize and protect property values and investments.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">spread throughout the country\u003c/a>. In California, roughly 96% of residential land is currently zoned exclusively for single-family homes, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">recent survey\u003c/a> by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Researchers also found that jurisdictions with more restrictive zoning had fewer non-white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Berkeley further \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhabitat.org/post/what-was-the-neighborhood-preservation-ordinance\">restricted the ability to build apartment buildings\u003c/a>, including in many neighborhoods that already had them. As a result, housing production ground to a near-halt: Over the next three decades, the city added only \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/housing-elements/docs/berkeley-5th-adopted051815.pdf\">715 homes\u003c/a>. And its population not only stalled but \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareacensus.ca.gov/cities/Berkeley70.htm\">declined\u003c/a>, dropping from just under 117,000 in 1970 to just over 100,000 the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Berkeley Population and Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-xwjmW\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/xwjmW/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2000, that trend has begun to reverse, with the city adding more than 13,000 new homes through 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Berkeley_CCD,_Alameda_County,_California?g=060XX00US0600190200\">according to the Census\u003c/a>. And its population began to rebound, growing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/berkeleycitycalifornia,US/PST045223\">just under 119,000\u003c/a>. But the city’s Black population, which peaked in 1970 at about 23%, has fallen precipitously to just under 8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident and housing advocate Darrell Owens said it was a transformation he witnessed firsthand as the Central Berkeley neighborhood where he grew up began losing its Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The neighborhood stopped growing,” Owens said. “So, like a game of musical chairs, wealthier people just outbid poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens’ own family was not immune to the transformation. When his grandmother died, her siblings sold her house to more equitably distribute the inheritance. But Owens said his parents couldn’t afford to buy another home in Berkeley. Instead, they moved to Solano County. Owens stayed to finish high school, and later to go to college. He now rents a home in North Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still could never afford to buy a house here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Owens, himself a housing researcher, the evidence is clear: limiting the supply of homes increases their price. It’s a conclusion backed by \u003ca href=\"https://furmancenter.org/files/Supply_Skepticism_-_Final.pdf\">several\u003c/a> literature \u003ca href=\"https://www.lewis.ucla.edu/research/market-rate-development-impacts/#:~:text=On%20one%20side%20are%20those,thus%20makes%20housing%20less%20affordable.\">reviews\u003c/a> citing dozens of studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other residents worry that opening historically Black neighborhoods to more apartment construction will further accelerate gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this upzoning going to affect African Americans?” Willie Phillips, of the community group, Friends of Adeline, told Planning Commission officials at a February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without considering that potential impact, he said, “You are destined to basically go back to the 1950s because … African-Americans cannot afford to live here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\" alt=\"An image of a house next to a row of homes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Left) 1310 Haskell St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/wp-content/uploads/housing-market-interventions-and-residential-mobility-in-the-san-francisco-bay-area.pdf\">working paper\u003c/a> by researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, in collaboration with researchers at UC Berkeley and Stanford, found that building market-rate housing in areas experiencing gentrification does tend to benefit higher-income people more than lower-income people. However, the effects were mild. When coupled with strong tenant protections, the researchers said those impacts could be effectively mitigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens said he isn’t worried about Berkeley becoming gentrified; that has already happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gentrification in Berkeley doesn’t look like new apartment buildings,” he said. “Gentrification in Berkeley looks like old bungalows that have existed for 100 years, being sold for $2 million when 50 years ago they sold for maybe $100,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Middle Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposal coming before the Berkeley City Council would allow ministerial approval — without the need for public hearings — of new housing projects in single-family and otherwise low-density neighborhoods throughout most of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cap on the number of units in each building. Instead, city staff would regulate the size of buildings, ensuring they conform to height limits, setbacks and lot coverage requirements, among other restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Apartment buildings with three cars in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings in the Elmwood neighborhood of Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal caps building heights at no more than 35 feet at the front of the building and 22 feet at the rear property line — which was an attempt to accommodate residents worried about three-story buildings looming over smaller ones, said Jordan Klein, director of Berkeley’s Planning and Development Department. Buildings also can’t take up more than 60% of the lot’s total area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was responsive to public input,” Klein said, adding that his staff also included a 15-foot rear setback requirement in response to residents’ concerns that neighboring buildings would shade their rooftop solar panels — or backyard gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each unit, or home, can be no smaller than 220 square feet or about the size of a “small studio,” Klein said. But there’s disagreement about whether the city should cap how large each unit can be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially proposed scaling the size of the building depending on the number of units inside. Buildings with more units would be allowed to have a larger envelope, and buildings with fewer units would have a smaller one. Klein said the idea was to incentivize developers to build more units in each building. But the Planning Commission at its February meeting reversed that decision — a choice Klein said could lead to an unintended consequence: “The concern here is, ‘Are we going to end up with very large single-family homes?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, urged the commission to think of multi-generational families, who may need four or five bedrooms. Arreguín said that’s one aspect of the proposal he’s still wrestling with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to create a situation where we…could be building an eight-plex, and instead, we have a McMansion,” he said. “So how we thread that needle, I think, will be important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klein said the council will also have to consider how to respond to concerns about increased building in the city’s high fire-hazard zones. For many residents of the Berkeley hills, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11893199/the-oakland-hills-fire-transformed-firefighting-along-a-citys-edge-in-california\">1991 Tunnel Fire\u003c/a> that killed 25 people and destroyed 3,000 homes is still fresh in their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident Kelly Hammargren said that’s a particular concern for her, even though she doesn’t live in or own property in the hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this increasing density in fire zones is absolutely crazy,” she told the Planning Commission in February. “We are a city where we are taking away cars and encouraging people to be on bicycles and on foot and on scooters. So if we have a big, fast, hot-moving fire, people aren’t going to be able to outrun it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially recommended waiting to include the hills neighborhoods in the upzoning proposal until the fire department could complete an analysis, which is expected later this year. However, the Planning Commission decided to include them instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We figured it would make more sense to wait until we had the results of the evacuation study before considering upzoning the hills,” Klein said, adding that the council could decide to reverse the Planning Commission’s recommendation or adopt the upzoning now and then amend it, if needed, following the fire department’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Susan Wengraf, who represents the area, declined to comment, as did representatives of the Park Hills Homes Association, an area neighborhood group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever happens with the proposal on Tuesday, Klein said he’s proud of the work his staff put into doing public outreach, as well as in drafting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we ready to do this or not?” he asked. “It’s up to the city council to decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-supervisors-greenlight-stonestown-galleria-revamp-to-add-3500-homes",
"title": "SF Supervisors Greenlight Stonestown Galleria Revamp to Add 3,500 Homes",
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"headTitle": "SF Supervisors Greenlight Stonestown Galleria Revamp to Add 3,500 Homes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Stonestown Galleria’s asphalt parking lots will soon be replaced by thousands of homes and sprawling open space, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A development project five years in the making was approved unanimously by the board, greenlighting plans to reimagine the town center on the west side of the city. The proposal from Brookfield Properties includes 3,500 affordable and market-rate housing units, public parks and open space, retail shops and child and senior service centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This project is going to be really transformational for the West Side,” Supervisor Myrna Melgar, who represents the district, said. “It’ll bring in new energy, new residents, in a way where it just makes sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residential development will feature a mix of townhomes, towers and mid-rise buildings, according to developers. Twenty percent of the units built will be below market rate, including a proposed “Senior Village” of 200 senior residences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the new homes, six acres of open space and parks are planned, and a new commercial block, 20th Avenue, will be built through the center of the development. The project also includes plans for a new senior center and a 7,500-square-foot child care center, which will serve up to 100 kids, according to development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar said that the completed project would essentially form a brand-new neighborhood, which she believes will help Stonestown Galleria continue to thrive despite other nearby malls struggling, like Westfield downtown, which announced it would shut down last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of the upcoming Stonestown Galleria development. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Brookfield Properties)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When Macy’s left and then Nordstrom left, Stonestown was able to pivot into a different mix of services and experience in addition to retail, which has made it a place that people want to go to,” she said. Stonestown added a new movie theater, Whole Foods Market and Sports Basement in 2021.[aside postID=news_11993902 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240214-CoastalCommission-47-BL_qed-1-1020x680.jpg']“The addition of new housing is going to take it to the next generation because there’s going to be customers who are living right there. If we had done that at Westfield 15 years ago — plan ahead and diversify the offerings and add new housing — I think we might not be in the situation that we’re in there right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thousands of new housing units are also a “down payment” on the considerable number the city will need to build in the coming years, according to Melgar. Under Mayor London Breed’s Housing for All plan, the city will aim to create 82,000 homes in the next eight years, many of which will be in the neighborhoods around Stonestown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few other large developments — including a renovation and expansion of the Park Merced rental community south of San Francisco State University and a mixed-income community planned for a parking lot near City College — have been approved in the area, but none have broken ground yet, Melgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stonestown development is expected to be built in phases and will take over two decades to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The board unanimously approved the project, including parks, retail shops and service centers on the west side of the town center.",
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"title": "SF Supervisors Greenlight Stonestown Galleria Revamp to Add 3,500 Homes | KQED",
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"headline": "SF Supervisors Greenlight Stonestown Galleria Revamp to Add 3,500 Homes",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Stonestown Galleria’s asphalt parking lots will soon be replaced by thousands of homes and sprawling open space, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A development project five years in the making was approved unanimously by the board, greenlighting plans to reimagine the town center on the west side of the city. The proposal from Brookfield Properties includes 3,500 affordable and market-rate housing units, public parks and open space, retail shops and child and senior service centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This project is going to be really transformational for the West Side,” Supervisor Myrna Melgar, who represents the district, said. “It’ll bring in new energy, new residents, in a way where it just makes sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residential development will feature a mix of townhomes, towers and mid-rise buildings, according to developers. Twenty percent of the units built will be below market rate, including a proposed “Senior Village” of 200 senior residences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the new homes, six acres of open space and parks are planned, and a new commercial block, 20th Avenue, will be built through the center of the development. The project also includes plans for a new senior center and a 7,500-square-foot child care center, which will serve up to 100 kids, according to development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar said that the completed project would essentially form a brand-new neighborhood, which she believes will help Stonestown Galleria continue to thrive despite other nearby malls struggling, like Westfield downtown, which announced it would shut down last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of the upcoming Stonestown Galleria development. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Brookfield Properties)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When Macy’s left and then Nordstrom left, Stonestown was able to pivot into a different mix of services and experience in addition to retail, which has made it a place that people want to go to,” she said. Stonestown added a new movie theater, Whole Foods Market and Sports Basement in 2021.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The addition of new housing is going to take it to the next generation because there’s going to be customers who are living right there. If we had done that at Westfield 15 years ago — plan ahead and diversify the offerings and add new housing — I think we might not be in the situation that we’re in there right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thousands of new housing units are also a “down payment” on the considerable number the city will need to build in the coming years, according to Melgar. Under Mayor London Breed’s Housing for All plan, the city will aim to create 82,000 homes in the next eight years, many of which will be in the neighborhoods around Stonestown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few other large developments — including a renovation and expansion of the Park Merced rental community south of San Francisco State University and a mixed-income community planned for a parking lot near City College — have been approved in the area, but none have broken ground yet, Melgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stonestown development is expected to be built in phases and will take over two decades to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Housing will be top of mind for many San Francisco voters this November, and mayoral candidates hoping to lead the city out of its affordability crunch are rolling out competing plans to tackle the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While their strategies differ, one thing the leading candidates agree on is the city desperately needs to take bold action on housing. San Francisco is on the hook to add 82,000 housing units by 2031 — and is still far from reaching its goal. That’s because the city has long struggled to produce more housing, due to a combination of zoning limits and high production costs, exacerbated by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">lengthy approval processes in City Hall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is not enough housing built and the geography where it is being built doesn’t match with where the highest resources are,” said Sujata Srivastava, chief policy officer at the San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association (SPUR), a nonprofit public policy organization. “We have met all of our housing production in the last few decades almost entirely in the eastern neighborhoods and there is very little happening in the northern and west side neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of San Francisco residents, about 65%, are renters. And at least 27% of those renters spend more than a third of their income on housing, and closer to 40% for families with low income, who on average earn $70,237 annually, \u003ca href=\"https://www.moodys.com/web/en/us/about/insights/data-stories/q3-2023-rental-affordability.html#:~:text=Based%20on%20Moody's%20analysis%2C%20low,of%20their%20income%20on%20rent.\">according to a 2023 Moody’s report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But building more affordable housing for lower- and middle-income residents has been a particularly difficult equation to solve — one that each candidate said they’re determined to fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Mayor London Breed, who has vowed to veto “any piece of anti-housing legislation” that comes across her desk. She recently received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">a significant endorsement from YIMBY Action\u003c/a>, a political advocacy group that advocates for housing development at all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her six years as mayor, Breed has overseen the creation of thousands of new units, despite falling woefully short of state requirements. In the first six months of 2023, for example, the city permitted 179 new units, or less than one home on average per day, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/policy-and-research/plan-report/sf-housing-policy-and-practice-review.pdf\">2023 review (PDF)\u003c/a> from the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her plan, dubbed Housing for All, launched in February 2023 and moved to cut inclusionary fees by nearly a third after a city committee suggested they were too high to make many projects feasible. Inclusionary fees require housing developers of projects with 10 or more units to either pay a fee into the city’s affordable housing fund, or include a portion of below-market units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To encourage more development, Breed said she is open to further reducing those fees to trigger new housing construction in San Francisco. She also introduced a $300 million affordable housing bond, which voters passed in March, that will fund building, acquiring or rehabilitating affordable units in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992945\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992945\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks during a press conference in support of a regional affordable housing measure at Five88, a mixed-use residential and retail property, in the Mission Bay neighborhood in San Francisco on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As much as I want the inclusionary funds for affordable housing, I want housing, period,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s competitors Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor, and Daniel Lurie, an anti-poverty nonprofit founder and Levi Strauss heir, agree on further reducing fees used to fund affordable housing. Lurie’s plan includes an economic impact analysis to recommend fee reductions, while Farrell, who recently secured support from the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, proposes decreasing the current 12% rate to 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now developers are voting with their pocket books, investing (housing) in other cities and not San Francisco because we have made it too onerous,” Farrell told KQED, stressing that the current administration has “failed” to move fast enough on the city’s housing shortage. “There are affordable housing measures on the ballot that I will always support, but we can’t shy away from the argument or the reality that building more housing increases affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors and fellow mayoral candidates Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin told KQED that proactively lowering affordable housing fees is not an immediate priority since the city in 2023 created a process to review and adjust inclusionary fees already. Under that change, the city reviews fee rates every three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a need to lower it more we can have that conversation, but we did that,” Safaí said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Excelsior Supervisor added that he thinks further reducing the transfer tax from 6% to 3% on union-backed projects, meaning fees tacked on when property is exchanged from one owner to another, could also spur development. But with\u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\"> tens of thousands of units\u003c/a> in various phases of the housing development process already, Safaí is also proposing a full audit of the Department of Building Inspection to find inefficiencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, Farrell and Lurie all agree on upzoning and building housing around major transit and commercial corridors on streets such as Van Ness, Geary and Lombard. Lurie says he wants to allow approving more six-to-eight-story buildings and create a new role in city hall to shepherd housing projects with community input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, a longtime supervisor for the city’s densest neighborhoods including North Beach and Chinatown, has been criticized by his opponents for blocking some housing projects in particular around the North Beach and waterfront areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s not the only candidate who has a history of blocking some housing projects. As supervisor, Farrell opposed an \u003ca href=\"https://sfbgarchive.48hills.org/sfbgarchive/2011/05/31/not-our-neighborhood/\">affordable housing project at Booker T. Washington\u003c/a>, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike his competitors who are eager to build housing for all income levels, Peskin wants to prioritize building more housing that’s affordable to lower- and middle-income households. He’s currently working to pass legislation that would utilize tax-exempt government-issued revenue bonds to build housing affordable to the middle class including teachers, health care workers and first responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Manny Yekutiel, proprietor of the event space Manny’s and Heather Knight, San Francisco bureau chief of The New York Times, moderate the San Francisco mayoral debate featuring Ahsha Safaí, Mark Farrell, Daniel Lurie, London Breed and Aaron Peskin at the Sydney Goldstein Theater on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The idea is to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI), like teachers, firefighters, service workers who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices. It would cap rents at 15% below market rate or limit rents to caps set by the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development for people with those income ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the moderate conservative candidates in the race are singularly focused on turning Ocean Beach into Miami Beach, and they are all focused on the problem which is zoning and not financing,” Peskin told KQED. “How we build workforce housing and affordable middle-income housing is where the work needs to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at least one affordable housing developer has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">criticized the plan\u003c/a>, arguing the savings for renters immediately don’t add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing affordability experts like SPUR’s Srivastava say increasing the city’s housing inventory is necessary to keep rents affordable, but development should be done thoughtfully to avoid displacing more vulnerable communities and neighborhoods that could get priced out with additional market-rate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People on the westside and northern neighborhoods are watching this issue carefully,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lowering fees and exempting transfer taxes on multifamily projects, Lurie’s plan includes speeding up housing approvals by cutting certain design guidelines and creating a “shot clock” that sets maximum review times and standards for project approvals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has close to 73,000 units in the pipeline, \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\">24% of which are considered affordable\u003c/a>, but a lack of financing for those affordable and middle-income projects is a major impediment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city’s role can no longer be just about rezoning,” former San Francisco Planning Director John Rahaim said in a prepared statement. Rahaim also gave Lurie’s plan his seal of approval. “The city must help to create the local market conditions that enable approved units to actually get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie touts that his nonprofit, Tipping Point, built 145 units of affordable housing at 833 Bryant Street in three years — about half the typical time for such projects — at around $383,000 per unit compared to the city’s average of $700,000 per unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project utilized \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\">state legislation passed in 2017\u003c/a> that expedited the approval process for some multifamily projects in cities that are not on track to meet housing production goals. It also received a $50 million boost directly from Tipping Point, donated from Charles and Helen Schwab, to get things moving quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all projects will have such a generous boost of capital at the start, Srivastava said. But she added it’s necessary that city leaders embrace creative solutions to get around the “slow and unwieldy” affordable housing financing model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The next person in City Hall will need to adopt a plan that does not undermine state housing laws,” she said. “There isn’t a lot of room for the city to keep playing games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Housing will be top of mind for many San Francisco voters this November, and mayoral candidates hoping to lead the city out of its affordability crunch are rolling out competing plans to tackle the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While their strategies differ, one thing the leading candidates agree on is the city desperately needs to take bold action on housing. San Francisco is on the hook to add 82,000 housing units by 2031 — and is still far from reaching its goal. That’s because the city has long struggled to produce more housing, due to a combination of zoning limits and high production costs, exacerbated by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">lengthy approval processes in City Hall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is not enough housing built and the geography where it is being built doesn’t match with where the highest resources are,” said Sujata Srivastava, chief policy officer at the San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association (SPUR), a nonprofit public policy organization. “We have met all of our housing production in the last few decades almost entirely in the eastern neighborhoods and there is very little happening in the northern and west side neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of San Francisco residents, about 65%, are renters. And at least 27% of those renters spend more than a third of their income on housing, and closer to 40% for families with low income, who on average earn $70,237 annually, \u003ca href=\"https://www.moodys.com/web/en/us/about/insights/data-stories/q3-2023-rental-affordability.html#:~:text=Based%20on%20Moody's%20analysis%2C%20low,of%20their%20income%20on%20rent.\">according to a 2023 Moody’s report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But building more affordable housing for lower- and middle-income residents has been a particularly difficult equation to solve — one that each candidate said they’re determined to fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Mayor London Breed, who has vowed to veto “any piece of anti-housing legislation” that comes across her desk. She recently received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">a significant endorsement from YIMBY Action\u003c/a>, a political advocacy group that advocates for housing development at all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her six years as mayor, Breed has overseen the creation of thousands of new units, despite falling woefully short of state requirements. In the first six months of 2023, for example, the city permitted 179 new units, or less than one home on average per day, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/policy-and-research/plan-report/sf-housing-policy-and-practice-review.pdf\">2023 review (PDF)\u003c/a> from the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her plan, dubbed Housing for All, launched in February 2023 and moved to cut inclusionary fees by nearly a third after a city committee suggested they were too high to make many projects feasible. Inclusionary fees require housing developers of projects with 10 or more units to either pay a fee into the city’s affordable housing fund, or include a portion of below-market units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To encourage more development, Breed said she is open to further reducing those fees to trigger new housing construction in San Francisco. She also introduced a $300 million affordable housing bond, which voters passed in March, that will fund building, acquiring or rehabilitating affordable units in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992945\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992945\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks during a press conference in support of a regional affordable housing measure at Five88, a mixed-use residential and retail property, in the Mission Bay neighborhood in San Francisco on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As much as I want the inclusionary funds for affordable housing, I want housing, period,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s competitors Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor, and Daniel Lurie, an anti-poverty nonprofit founder and Levi Strauss heir, agree on further reducing fees used to fund affordable housing. Lurie’s plan includes an economic impact analysis to recommend fee reductions, while Farrell, who recently secured support from the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, proposes decreasing the current 12% rate to 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now developers are voting with their pocket books, investing (housing) in other cities and not San Francisco because we have made it too onerous,” Farrell told KQED, stressing that the current administration has “failed” to move fast enough on the city’s housing shortage. “There are affordable housing measures on the ballot that I will always support, but we can’t shy away from the argument or the reality that building more housing increases affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors and fellow mayoral candidates Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin told KQED that proactively lowering affordable housing fees is not an immediate priority since the city in 2023 created a process to review and adjust inclusionary fees already. Under that change, the city reviews fee rates every three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a need to lower it more we can have that conversation, but we did that,” Safaí said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Excelsior Supervisor added that he thinks further reducing the transfer tax from 6% to 3% on union-backed projects, meaning fees tacked on when property is exchanged from one owner to another, could also spur development. But with\u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\"> tens of thousands of units\u003c/a> in various phases of the housing development process already, Safaí is also proposing a full audit of the Department of Building Inspection to find inefficiencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, Farrell and Lurie all agree on upzoning and building housing around major transit and commercial corridors on streets such as Van Ness, Geary and Lombard. Lurie says he wants to allow approving more six-to-eight-story buildings and create a new role in city hall to shepherd housing projects with community input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, a longtime supervisor for the city’s densest neighborhoods including North Beach and Chinatown, has been criticized by his opponents for blocking some housing projects in particular around the North Beach and waterfront areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s not the only candidate who has a history of blocking some housing projects. As supervisor, Farrell opposed an \u003ca href=\"https://sfbgarchive.48hills.org/sfbgarchive/2011/05/31/not-our-neighborhood/\">affordable housing project at Booker T. Washington\u003c/a>, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike his competitors who are eager to build housing for all income levels, Peskin wants to prioritize building more housing that’s affordable to lower- and middle-income households. He’s currently working to pass legislation that would utilize tax-exempt government-issued revenue bonds to build housing affordable to the middle class including teachers, health care workers and first responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Manny Yekutiel, proprietor of the event space Manny’s and Heather Knight, San Francisco bureau chief of The New York Times, moderate the San Francisco mayoral debate featuring Ahsha Safaí, Mark Farrell, Daniel Lurie, London Breed and Aaron Peskin at the Sydney Goldstein Theater on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The idea is to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI), like teachers, firefighters, service workers who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices. It would cap rents at 15% below market rate or limit rents to caps set by the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development for people with those income ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the moderate conservative candidates in the race are singularly focused on turning Ocean Beach into Miami Beach, and they are all focused on the problem which is zoning and not financing,” Peskin told KQED. “How we build workforce housing and affordable middle-income housing is where the work needs to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at least one affordable housing developer has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">criticized the plan\u003c/a>, arguing the savings for renters immediately don’t add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing affordability experts like SPUR’s Srivastava say increasing the city’s housing inventory is necessary to keep rents affordable, but development should be done thoughtfully to avoid displacing more vulnerable communities and neighborhoods that could get priced out with additional market-rate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People on the westside and northern neighborhoods are watching this issue carefully,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lowering fees and exempting transfer taxes on multifamily projects, Lurie’s plan includes speeding up housing approvals by cutting certain design guidelines and creating a “shot clock” that sets maximum review times and standards for project approvals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has close to 73,000 units in the pipeline, \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\">24% of which are considered affordable\u003c/a>, but a lack of financing for those affordable and middle-income projects is a major impediment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city’s role can no longer be just about rezoning,” former San Francisco Planning Director John Rahaim said in a prepared statement. Rahaim also gave Lurie’s plan his seal of approval. “The city must help to create the local market conditions that enable approved units to actually get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie touts that his nonprofit, Tipping Point, built 145 units of affordable housing at 833 Bryant Street in three years — about half the typical time for such projects — at around $383,000 per unit compared to the city’s average of $700,000 per unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project utilized \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\">state legislation passed in 2017\u003c/a> that expedited the approval process for some multifamily projects in cities that are not on track to meet housing production goals. It also received a $50 million boost directly from Tipping Point, donated from Charles and Helen Schwab, to get things moving quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all projects will have such a generous boost of capital at the start, Srivastava said. But she added it’s necessary that city leaders embrace creative solutions to get around the “slow and unwieldy” affordable housing financing model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The next person in City Hall will need to adopt a plan that does not undermine state housing laws,” she said. “There isn’t a lot of room for the city to keep playing games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "UC Berkeley Family Housing Tenants Fight Rent Hike, New Parking Fees",
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"headTitle": "UC Berkeley Family Housing Tenants Fight Rent Hike, New Parking Fees | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of residents of a UC Berkeley family housing complex in Albany are refusing to pay new rent hikes and parking fees, saying the added expenses are putting new strain on already-tight family budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Thursday, the residents expressed their discontent after the university imposed a $64 monthly parking fee on July 1 at \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">University Village\u003c/a>, a nearly 974-unit residential community for graduate students, post-doc researchers and others. Residents also received a 4% rent increase on July 1 — the third year in a row of consecutive 4% increases. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">university’s website\u003c/a>, residents at the Village pay between $2,090 for one-bedroom units and $3,455 for three-bedroom apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The households are refusing to pay the fee … to show the university that this is in fact a serious issue, and they can’t simply change the terms of their tenancy and start charging these new fees without coming to a fair agreement first,” said Brad Hirn, unit chair for UC Berkeley Academic Researchers at UAW Local 4811, a union representing graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 450 households at the Village are members of the UAW 4811, according to Hirn. Hirn, who is not a resident of the Village, said that UAW 4811 is “overall concerned about reducing rent burden for students and workers due to these new fees,” and that he is “supporting the residents in their efforts” with his background in tenant and labor union organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, residents of the Village delivered a poster signed by over 270 residents to the offices of Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness, who oversees Residential & Student Service Programs, communicating their decision to not pay the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are demanding the university to drop the fees, waive monetary citations over the past several months from increasing monthly rents and to reach a fair agreement on parking fees, rent increases and housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would also like to see better transparency on how money is spent. Our primary playground is in complete disarray and dangerous for kids to play on,” Robin López, a Village resident, wrote in an email to KQED. “Part of [a] memorial for a past resident who was killed due to domestic violence has been removed and not yet replaced. There should be funds to take care of the bare minimum for a community full of children. We would also like to have reclaimed access to our community spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold a sign of signatures of residents of University Village, a housing community for students and families owned and operated by UC Berkeley, who are refusing to pay new parking fees imposed by the university at a rally outside the offices of UC Berkeley Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness in Berkeley on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley spokesperson Adam Ratliff wrote that the planned increases in parking fees had been communicated to residents in February 2023. Mackness had announced in April 2021 the university’s plan to increase rents by 4% each year for three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to give our residents plenty of time to plan accordingly, which is why we first offered virtual parking permits at no cost for the 2023–24 academic year with the notice that we would need to charge for the permits on July 1, 2024, for the 2024–25 academic year,” Ratliff wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that resident vehicles are required to register and pay for a virtual permit to be allowed to park in an assigned parking space, and that the university’s goal is to ensure residents can have access to “adequate parking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize our University Village community includes a diverse array of families with unique needs, and we remain committed to providing an affordable education for students and continually strive to keep costs and living expenses as low as possible,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff noted that if residents cannot afford the rent increases or the new parking fee, they are encouraged to work with the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.berkeley.edu/\">Office of Financial Aid & Scholarships\u003c/a>, as well as with other resources and programs that can assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, speakers urged the university to negotiate with the union and described the power the university held over them as their “employer, landlord, educator, insurer, child care provider, and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign opposing new parking fees at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ninel Melkonyan, a UAW 4811 member, Village resident and graduate student in the Goldman School of Public Policy described the community as a “vibrant and diverse community representing a large number of marginalized people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an immigrant student, she said, “For many of us, it is our first and only home here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the parking fees “extraordinary,” leading to a dilemma where she has to ask herself, “Do I buy food for my family, or do I pay these extra fees?” adding that she would not be able to pay the fees without going further into debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López told KQED that at a town hall meeting last summer at the Village, UC Berkeley officials initially said that the parking fee would be more than $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the reaction from residents as “livid” and “upset.” When he spoke to a reporter from \u003cem>The Daily Californian\u003c/em>, the university’s undergraduate student newspaper, and the newspaper \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/university-village-to-introduce-monthly-parking-fee/article_1b436e86-1522-594f-a842-9a595e25e270.html\">reported the story\u003c/a>, university staff said that they did not know where that number came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I am assuming that the UC’s concession there was, ‘okay we’ll charge $64 instead,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ticket on the windshield of a car parked at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>López, who is also the vice mayor of Albany, noted that the city has more red tape to go through when approving affordable housing opportunities but universities like UC Berkeley do not. He noted that Albany has “little to no control” over property owned by the university, even though it is within city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of maintaining affordable options for some of the most vulnerable student demographics, they rather increase their rent far above what the affordable housing numbers are right here in the exact same city,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that the new parking permit fee resulted in residents, including himself, having to “reevaluate what our budget is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A] $64 fee is not minuscule,” López said. “That could very well determine whether or not someone’s able to put food on the table or provide simple basic needs for their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of residents of a UC Berkeley family housing complex in Albany are refusing to pay new rent hikes and parking fees, saying the added expenses are putting new strain on already-tight family budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Thursday, the residents expressed their discontent after the university imposed a $64 monthly parking fee on July 1 at \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">University Village\u003c/a>, a nearly 974-unit residential community for graduate students, post-doc researchers and others. Residents also received a 4% rent increase on July 1 — the third year in a row of consecutive 4% increases. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">university’s website\u003c/a>, residents at the Village pay between $2,090 for one-bedroom units and $3,455 for three-bedroom apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The households are refusing to pay the fee … to show the university that this is in fact a serious issue, and they can’t simply change the terms of their tenancy and start charging these new fees without coming to a fair agreement first,” said Brad Hirn, unit chair for UC Berkeley Academic Researchers at UAW Local 4811, a union representing graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 450 households at the Village are members of the UAW 4811, according to Hirn. Hirn, who is not a resident of the Village, said that UAW 4811 is “overall concerned about reducing rent burden for students and workers due to these new fees,” and that he is “supporting the residents in their efforts” with his background in tenant and labor union organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, residents of the Village delivered a poster signed by over 270 residents to the offices of Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness, who oversees Residential & Student Service Programs, communicating their decision to not pay the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are demanding the university to drop the fees, waive monetary citations over the past several months from increasing monthly rents and to reach a fair agreement on parking fees, rent increases and housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would also like to see better transparency on how money is spent. Our primary playground is in complete disarray and dangerous for kids to play on,” Robin López, a Village resident, wrote in an email to KQED. “Part of [a] memorial for a past resident who was killed due to domestic violence has been removed and not yet replaced. There should be funds to take care of the bare minimum for a community full of children. We would also like to have reclaimed access to our community spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold a sign of signatures of residents of University Village, a housing community for students and families owned and operated by UC Berkeley, who are refusing to pay new parking fees imposed by the university at a rally outside the offices of UC Berkeley Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness in Berkeley on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley spokesperson Adam Ratliff wrote that the planned increases in parking fees had been communicated to residents in February 2023. Mackness had announced in April 2021 the university’s plan to increase rents by 4% each year for three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to give our residents plenty of time to plan accordingly, which is why we first offered virtual parking permits at no cost for the 2023–24 academic year with the notice that we would need to charge for the permits on July 1, 2024, for the 2024–25 academic year,” Ratliff wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that resident vehicles are required to register and pay for a virtual permit to be allowed to park in an assigned parking space, and that the university’s goal is to ensure residents can have access to “adequate parking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize our University Village community includes a diverse array of families with unique needs, and we remain committed to providing an affordable education for students and continually strive to keep costs and living expenses as low as possible,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff noted that if residents cannot afford the rent increases or the new parking fee, they are encouraged to work with the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.berkeley.edu/\">Office of Financial Aid & Scholarships\u003c/a>, as well as with other resources and programs that can assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, speakers urged the university to negotiate with the union and described the power the university held over them as their “employer, landlord, educator, insurer, child care provider, and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign opposing new parking fees at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ninel Melkonyan, a UAW 4811 member, Village resident and graduate student in the Goldman School of Public Policy described the community as a “vibrant and diverse community representing a large number of marginalized people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an immigrant student, she said, “For many of us, it is our first and only home here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the parking fees “extraordinary,” leading to a dilemma where she has to ask herself, “Do I buy food for my family, or do I pay these extra fees?” adding that she would not be able to pay the fees without going further into debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López told KQED that at a town hall meeting last summer at the Village, UC Berkeley officials initially said that the parking fee would be more than $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the reaction from residents as “livid” and “upset.” When he spoke to a reporter from \u003cem>The Daily Californian\u003c/em>, the university’s undergraduate student newspaper, and the newspaper \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/university-village-to-introduce-monthly-parking-fee/article_1b436e86-1522-594f-a842-9a595e25e270.html\">reported the story\u003c/a>, university staff said that they did not know where that number came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I am assuming that the UC’s concession there was, ‘okay we’ll charge $64 instead,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ticket on the windshield of a car parked at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>López, who is also the vice mayor of Albany, noted that the city has more red tape to go through when approving affordable housing opportunities but universities like UC Berkeley do not. He noted that Albany has “little to no control” over property owned by the university, even though it is within city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of maintaining affordable options for some of the most vulnerable student demographics, they rather increase their rent far above what the affordable housing numbers are right here in the exact same city,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that the new parking permit fee resulted in residents, including himself, having to “reevaluate what our budget is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A] $64 fee is not minuscule,” López said. “That could very well determine whether or not someone’s able to put food on the table or provide simple basic needs for their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "San Francisco Developers Have Mixed Feelings About Peskin’s Middle Income Housing Plan",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After the Supreme Court granted cities broader power to clear homeless encampments, a new lawsuit filed by a group of unhoused Oakland residents over a sweep will test the ruling's limits.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Millbrae Recall Targets Council Members Who Didn't Oppose Affordable Housing Project",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Two Millbrae City Council members could be ousted from office thanks to a recall effort stemming from a controversial move to provide transitional housing for unhoused people and seniors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "new-state-law-slashed-sfs-housing-permit-timeline-will-builders-follow",
"title": "New State Law Slashed SF's Housing Permit Timeline. Will Builders Follow?",
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"headTitle": "New State Law Slashed SF’s Housing Permit Timeline. Will Builders Follow? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco, the slowest city in California to approve new housing, has its first batch of potential projects under a new state law that could dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">shorten the timeline\u003c/a> for building permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, SB 423, went into effect in San Francisco last week, and the city’s Planning Department has already received four “notices of intent” to build a variety of infill housing, including a 23-story tower in Duboce Triangle with 28 units designated as affordable. Other projects are more modest, consisting of two- or three-story buildings with granny flats and other accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the submitted projects will be heard by the Planning Department at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Additional housing is crucial,” department spokesperson Anne Yalon told KQED. “We’re pleased that this legislation is speeding up its production, helping us reach our goal of 82,000 units by 2031.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, streamlines the permitting process for new developments that meet existing planning standards by requiring only “ministerial” review without discretionary hearings. It expands previous legislation by applying it to the majority of new homes built in cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing, focusing on mixed income and market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the first city subject to the law, it could shorten the permit approval timeline from more than two years, in some cases, to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SB 423 aims to streamline the permitting process in San Francisco, a \u003ca href=\"https://investors.redfin.com/news-events/press-releases/detail/1130/redfin-reports-permits-to-build-u-s-apartments-have\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a> by real estate company Redfin shows that permits are falling nationwide — not because they’re harder to obtain, but because builders are applying for fewer of them, due to high interest rates and saturation in the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. San Francisco’s permit approval process for new housing, once the longest in California, could become one of the shortest, thanks to a new state law. Under SB 423, authored by Sen. Wiener, cities that fail to meet state housing goals must expedite permits for projects that comply with existing planning standards. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Permits for new multifamily housing so far this year have dropped nearly 30% since the same periods in 2021 through 2023, Redfin found. In both Stockton and Bakersfield, no permits for multifamily homes were issued from January through May of this year, the report found. The rates are still grim in other parts of the state, with Fresno issuing one permit per 10,000 people and San Francisco and Riverside issuing two each per 10,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/apartments-rented-slowest-pace-since-2020/\">nearly record-breaking building boom\u003c/a> across the U.S. over the past three years from projects started during the pandemic. Less than half of newly built apartments were rented out within three months, signaling that landlords are competing for tenants, according to Redfin. Though rent prices are at their highest levels since 2022, the competition is putting a cap on how much rent prices can grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prospective renters should be aware that now may be a better time to sign a lease than later,” Redfin senior economist Sheharyar Bokhari said in a statement. “Property owners might start jacking up rents again once all the new apartments hitting the market fill up with tenants and there’s no longer so much supply, which could be the case in a year or two.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders in Cape Coral, Fla., had the highest rate of new permits among the 79 metro areas Redfin studied, with 27 per 10,000 people. Despite flooding, sea level rise and the growing homeowners insurance crisis, demand is still high in the state, partly from out-of-towners moving there during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With permitting levels down elsewhere across the country and especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingwire.com/articles/are-housing-permits-showing-recession-risk/?utm_campaign=Newsletter%20-%20HousingWire%20Daily&utm_medium=email&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8CnI-8i-QUyrfmqQsF4Juv0r3qomZV74OKsGXZY18C_holGewP_LpDBRVsOKDukrBjbVTXpbTId-94QaPZm2x8kdojLeo8ZHlfLvIRsJ0XLW3V2SY&_hsmi=312685320&utm_content=312685320&utm_source=hs_email\">some experts\u003c/a> worry it could mean construction labor is showing a recession risk. Construction workers are finishing up projects in the pipeline, but if permit levels remain down, there might not be work waiting for them after those projects are completed, leading to job loss for that sector.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco, the slowest city in California to approve new housing, has its first batch of potential projects under a new state law that could dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">shorten the timeline\u003c/a> for building permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, SB 423, went into effect in San Francisco last week, and the city’s Planning Department has already received four “notices of intent” to build a variety of infill housing, including a 23-story tower in Duboce Triangle with 28 units designated as affordable. Other projects are more modest, consisting of two- or three-story buildings with granny flats and other accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the submitted projects will be heard by the Planning Department at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Additional housing is crucial,” department spokesperson Anne Yalon told KQED. “We’re pleased that this legislation is speeding up its production, helping us reach our goal of 82,000 units by 2031.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, streamlines the permitting process for new developments that meet existing planning standards by requiring only “ministerial” review without discretionary hearings. It expands previous legislation by applying it to the majority of new homes built in cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing, focusing on mixed income and market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the first city subject to the law, it could shorten the permit approval timeline from more than two years, in some cases, to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SB 423 aims to streamline the permitting process in San Francisco, a \u003ca href=\"https://investors.redfin.com/news-events/press-releases/detail/1130/redfin-reports-permits-to-build-u-s-apartments-have\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a> by real estate company Redfin shows that permits are falling nationwide — not because they’re harder to obtain, but because builders are applying for fewer of them, due to high interest rates and saturation in the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. San Francisco’s permit approval process for new housing, once the longest in California, could become one of the shortest, thanks to a new state law. Under SB 423, authored by Sen. Wiener, cities that fail to meet state housing goals must expedite permits for projects that comply with existing planning standards. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Permits for new multifamily housing so far this year have dropped nearly 30% since the same periods in 2021 through 2023, Redfin found. In both Stockton and Bakersfield, no permits for multifamily homes were issued from January through May of this year, the report found. The rates are still grim in other parts of the state, with Fresno issuing one permit per 10,000 people and San Francisco and Riverside issuing two each per 10,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/apartments-rented-slowest-pace-since-2020/\">nearly record-breaking building boom\u003c/a> across the U.S. over the past three years from projects started during the pandemic. Less than half of newly built apartments were rented out within three months, signaling that landlords are competing for tenants, according to Redfin. Though rent prices are at their highest levels since 2022, the competition is putting a cap on how much rent prices can grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prospective renters should be aware that now may be a better time to sign a lease than later,” Redfin senior economist Sheharyar Bokhari said in a statement. “Property owners might start jacking up rents again once all the new apartments hitting the market fill up with tenants and there’s no longer so much supply, which could be the case in a year or two.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders in Cape Coral, Fla., had the highest rate of new permits among the 79 metro areas Redfin studied, with 27 per 10,000 people. Despite flooding, sea level rise and the growing homeowners insurance crisis, demand is still high in the state, partly from out-of-towners moving there during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With permitting levels down elsewhere across the country and especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingwire.com/articles/are-housing-permits-showing-recession-risk/?utm_campaign=Newsletter%20-%20HousingWire%20Daily&utm_medium=email&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8CnI-8i-QUyrfmqQsF4Juv0r3qomZV74OKsGXZY18C_holGewP_LpDBRVsOKDukrBjbVTXpbTId-94QaPZm2x8kdojLeo8ZHlfLvIRsJ0XLW3V2SY&_hsmi=312685320&utm_content=312685320&utm_source=hs_email\">some experts\u003c/a> worry it could mean construction labor is showing a recession risk. Construction workers are finishing up projects in the pipeline, but if permit levels remain down, there might not be work waiting for them after those projects are completed, leading to job loss for that sector.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A $10 billion statewide affordable housing bond has failed to make it to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992997/here-are-the-state-ballot-measures-californians-will-vote-on-in-november\">the November ballot\u003c/a>, raising worries from housing advocates about funding after the state cut more than a billion dollars from such programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1657, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley), was poised to be the largest housing-related bond in decades and was widely supported by housing advocates and city officials across California. It would have authorized general obligation bonds to be used for affordable rental housing programs for lower income families and supportive housing for people experiencing homelessness, among other uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature had other bonds to consider and a limited capacity for authorizing new borrowing as the state faces a multibillion-dollar budget deficit. Ultimately, two measures dedicating $10 billion each for supporting the renovation of K-12 schools and helping the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991836/can-californias-climate-bond-weather-the-storm-of-state-deficits\">prepare for climate change\u003c/a> won spots on the November ballot, and AB 1657 died in the appropriations committee last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of advocacy group Housing Action Coalition, said his organization supported the affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would argue housing is a climate issue,” he said to KQED. “It’s a bummer for housing advocates but frankly understandable that the Legislature did need to make tough decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his organization is still hopeful to get much-needed funding for affordable housing through a $20 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992046/20-billion-affordable-housing-bond-heads-to-bay-area-voters\">regional bond measure\u003c/a> that will appear on the November ballot after a unanimous vote in late June by the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority. In San Francisco alone, there are hundreds of units already entitled and ready to build but without the funding to start construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a pipeline problem; we just need more money [to build the] housing,” he said. “I fully expect the queue of projects to go faster than the dollars will come in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='affordable-housing']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential bond borrowing comes as the state faces a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">$56 billion revenue gap\u003c/a>, expected to last over the next two years. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s recently signed budget deal cut about $1.1 billion in funding for affordable housing programs and $500 million for student housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Bay Area voters will also vote on whether to make it easier for local municipalities to pass bonds and taxes that fund affordable housing and infrastructure. Right now, those kinds of measures require a two-thirds supermajority, or 66% of residents voting in favor, to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33, also appearing in November, would ask voters to decide on expanding rent control. Many local governments are prevented from enacting rent control measures on single family homes and units built after 1955, thanks to the controversial Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act. Voters have already rejected attempts to appeal this act twice in 2018 and 2020, but the AIDS Healthcare Foundation is hoping the third time’s the charm.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A $10 billion statewide affordable housing bond has failed to make it to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992997/here-are-the-state-ballot-measures-californians-will-vote-on-in-november\">the November ballot\u003c/a>, raising worries from housing advocates about funding after the state cut more than a billion dollars from such programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1657, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley), was poised to be the largest housing-related bond in decades and was widely supported by housing advocates and city officials across California. It would have authorized general obligation bonds to be used for affordable rental housing programs for lower income families and supportive housing for people experiencing homelessness, among other uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature had other bonds to consider and a limited capacity for authorizing new borrowing as the state faces a multibillion-dollar budget deficit. Ultimately, two measures dedicating $10 billion each for supporting the renovation of K-12 schools and helping the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991836/can-californias-climate-bond-weather-the-storm-of-state-deficits\">prepare for climate change\u003c/a> won spots on the November ballot, and AB 1657 died in the appropriations committee last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of advocacy group Housing Action Coalition, said his organization supported the affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would argue housing is a climate issue,” he said to KQED. “It’s a bummer for housing advocates but frankly understandable that the Legislature did need to make tough decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his organization is still hopeful to get much-needed funding for affordable housing through a $20 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992046/20-billion-affordable-housing-bond-heads-to-bay-area-voters\">regional bond measure\u003c/a> that will appear on the November ballot after a unanimous vote in late June by the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority. In San Francisco alone, there are hundreds of units already entitled and ready to build but without the funding to start construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a pipeline problem; we just need more money [to build the] housing,” he said. “I fully expect the queue of projects to go faster than the dollars will come in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential bond borrowing comes as the state faces a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">$56 billion revenue gap\u003c/a>, expected to last over the next two years. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s recently signed budget deal cut about $1.1 billion in funding for affordable housing programs and $500 million for student housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Bay Area voters will also vote on whether to make it easier for local municipalities to pass bonds and taxes that fund affordable housing and infrastructure. Right now, those kinds of measures require a two-thirds supermajority, or 66% of residents voting in favor, to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33, also appearing in November, would ask voters to decide on expanding rent control. Many local governments are prevented from enacting rent control measures on single family homes and units built after 1955, thanks to the controversial Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act. Voters have already rejected attempts to appeal this act twice in 2018 and 2020, but the AIDS Healthcare Foundation is hoping the third time’s the charm.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> won a significant endorsement for her reelection campaign from San Francisco YIMBY Action, one of the city’s largest housing advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement could be a boost for Breed’s campaign, which just days earlier lost the backing of a key coalition of trade unions that had endorsed her in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a key issue for voters this November, with candidates staking out their positions on efforts to build new homes, which projects should be approved and where. As mayor, Breed has aligned herself with the “Yes In My Backyard” or YIMBY movement, which advocates for increasing housing development for people of all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last six years, we have seen her commitment to housing abundance. It doesn’t mean everything has gone 100% how we would all like every time, but Breed has been side-by-side with us advancing pro-housing legislation and housing reforms,” said Jane Natoli, San Francisco organizing director for YIMBY Action. “At the end of the day, that experience was key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natoli pointed to Breed’s support of legislation like Senate Bill 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, which created an expedited review path for housing projects at low- and market-rate income levels in cities that fail to meet state housing goals. San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">became the first city\u003c/a> subject to SB 423’s expedited reviews after state housing officials ruled last week that it was short of its goal to plan for 82,000 new units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is “proud to stand with the organizations and leaders that have fought for pro-housing policies at the state and local level,” said Joe Arellano, the mayor’s campaign spokesman. “Other candidates like Mark Farrell and Ahsha Safaí are standing with groups that have opposed pro-housing measures like Prop. D and opposed modular housing that would reduce costs and build housing faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also secured endorsements from the Housing Action Coalition, a political nonprofit that advocates for housing production at all income levels, and the Basic Crafts Alliance, which includes the Nor Cal Carpenters Union, the Northern California District Council of Laborers, and the Operating Engineers Local Union No. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, a group of 27 unions that endorsed Breed in 2019, said it would support Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor campaigning to the right of Breed, and sitting Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who is positioning himself to her left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a ranked-choice voting system, meaning a voter can select and rank up to 10 candidates in order of preference, which leads some groups to make multiple endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors for a Better San Francisco Advocacy, one of several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987375/big-money-looms-over-sf-mayor-race-and-other-takeaways-from-1st-candidate-forum\">big-money political advocacy groups\u003c/a> that have spent millions on moderate Democratic causes in the city, recently announced it is endorsing Farrell and Daniel Lurie, a philanthropist and heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, and recommending Breed as a third-choice candidate. Conservative billionaire William Oberndorf, who has donated to several Republican campaigns, is one of Neighbors’ key funders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>YIMBY Action did not endorse a second or third-choice candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, Breed is our only endorsement, and I don’t foresee that changing, but we will see how the race unfolds,” Natoli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> won a significant endorsement for her reelection campaign from San Francisco YIMBY Action, one of the city’s largest housing advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement could be a boost for Breed’s campaign, which just days earlier lost the backing of a key coalition of trade unions that had endorsed her in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a key issue for voters this November, with candidates staking out their positions on efforts to build new homes, which projects should be approved and where. As mayor, Breed has aligned herself with the “Yes In My Backyard” or YIMBY movement, which advocates for increasing housing development for people of all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last six years, we have seen her commitment to housing abundance. It doesn’t mean everything has gone 100% how we would all like every time, but Breed has been side-by-side with us advancing pro-housing legislation and housing reforms,” said Jane Natoli, San Francisco organizing director for YIMBY Action. “At the end of the day, that experience was key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natoli pointed to Breed’s support of legislation like Senate Bill 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, which created an expedited review path for housing projects at low- and market-rate income levels in cities that fail to meet state housing goals. San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">became the first city\u003c/a> subject to SB 423’s expedited reviews after state housing officials ruled last week that it was short of its goal to plan for 82,000 new units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is “proud to stand with the organizations and leaders that have fought for pro-housing policies at the state and local level,” said Joe Arellano, the mayor’s campaign spokesman. “Other candidates like Mark Farrell and Ahsha Safaí are standing with groups that have opposed pro-housing measures like Prop. D and opposed modular housing that would reduce costs and build housing faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also secured endorsements from the Housing Action Coalition, a political nonprofit that advocates for housing production at all income levels, and the Basic Crafts Alliance, which includes the Nor Cal Carpenters Union, the Northern California District Council of Laborers, and the Operating Engineers Local Union No. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, a group of 27 unions that endorsed Breed in 2019, said it would support Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor campaigning to the right of Breed, and sitting Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who is positioning himself to her left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a ranked-choice voting system, meaning a voter can select and rank up to 10 candidates in order of preference, which leads some groups to make multiple endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors for a Better San Francisco Advocacy, one of several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987375/big-money-looms-over-sf-mayor-race-and-other-takeaways-from-1st-candidate-forum\">big-money political advocacy groups\u003c/a> that have spent millions on moderate Democratic causes in the city, recently announced it is endorsing Farrell and Daniel Lurie, a philanthropist and heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, and recommending Breed as a third-choice candidate. Conservative billionaire William Oberndorf, who has donated to several Republican campaigns, is one of Neighbors’ key funders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>YIMBY Action did not endorse a second or third-choice candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, Breed is our only endorsement, and I don’t foresee that changing, but we will see how the race unfolds,” Natoli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> could go from having California’s longest approval process for permits to build new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">housing\u003c/a> to one of the state’s shortest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dramatic change is the result of a new state law that just kicked in for San Francisco, clearing the way for streamlined approval of most projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No discretionary hearings, no CEQA [California Environmental Quality Act] lawsuits. None of the politics at the Board of Supervisors,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), the law’s author. “You just get your damn permit. Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 423, which passed last year, cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing must provide an expedited path for approving permits for new developments that meet existing planning standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will be the first city where the law is triggered after Wiener includes language, making it the only city with an annual review of its housing permitting goals. Other cities are reviewed every four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the California Department of Housing and Community Development ruled that San Francisco was falling short of its goal to plan for building 82,000 new units of housing by 2031. Last year, the city authorized just over 3,000 units, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Hillis, director of the Planning Department, called the streamlined process instituted by SB 423 “a new era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could come in today online and apply for a housing project that will be approved by the end of this summer,” Hillis said at a press conference on Monday. “And that is truly a game changer, where that would have normally taken a year, two years — or, as Mayor Breed pointed out, sometimes 10 years or more if CEQA is involved and appeals are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the penalties instituted by SB 423 were always part of a plan to do away with local control in favor of market-rate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lori Brooke, co-founder of anti-upzoning group Neighborhoods United SF, called the state’s goal of 82,000 new units for San Francisco “unattainable” and said the city was unfairly singled out by SB 423, which she said “forces the city to haphazardly make changes to zoning and planning that will be felt for the next 100 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is being punished for actions beyond its control — cities don’t build housing; developers do,” Brooke said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> could go from having California’s longest approval process for permits to build new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">housing\u003c/a> to one of the state’s shortest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dramatic change is the result of a new state law that just kicked in for San Francisco, clearing the way for streamlined approval of most projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No discretionary hearings, no CEQA [California Environmental Quality Act] lawsuits. None of the politics at the Board of Supervisors,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), the law’s author. “You just get your damn permit. Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 423, which passed last year, cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing must provide an expedited path for approving permits for new developments that meet existing planning standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will be the first city where the law is triggered after Wiener includes language, making it the only city with an annual review of its housing permitting goals. Other cities are reviewed every four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the California Department of Housing and Community Development ruled that San Francisco was falling short of its goal to plan for building 82,000 new units of housing by 2031. Last year, the city authorized just over 3,000 units, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Hillis, director of the Planning Department, called the streamlined process instituted by SB 423 “a new era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could come in today online and apply for a housing project that will be approved by the end of this summer,” Hillis said at a press conference on Monday. “And that is truly a game changer, where that would have normally taken a year, two years — or, as Mayor Breed pointed out, sometimes 10 years or more if CEQA is involved and appeals are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the penalties instituted by SB 423 were always part of a plan to do away with local control in favor of market-rate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lori Brooke, co-founder of anti-upzoning group Neighborhoods United SF, called the state’s goal of 82,000 new units for San Francisco “unattainable” and said the city was unfairly singled out by SB 423, which she said “forces the city to haphazardly make changes to zoning and planning that will be felt for the next 100 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is being punished for actions beyond its control — cities don’t build housing; developers do,” Brooke said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Plans to Enforce Homeless Camping Ban After Supreme Court Ruling",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:50 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Friday overturned a lower court ruling limiting how far cities can go in policing homelessness, in a case advocates for the unhoused have called the most consequential in a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">6–3 decision (PDF)\u003c/a>, the majority found that local laws limiting public camping do not amount to cruel and unusual punishment. The ruling gives cities more power to regulate encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, it could change the trajectory of a lawsuit about the city’s approach to homeless encampments that was on pause pending the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision. Mayor London Breed said the decision would allow the city to enforce its laws when unhoused people reject offers of shelter, adding that “those who refuse our help or those who already have shelter will not be allowed to camp on our streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson\u003c/a>, hinged on whether a local government can issue fines and jail people for camping in public spaces when there isn’t enough shelter available. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled this was cruel and unusual punishment, prompting the city of Grants Pass to appeal the case to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion, joined by the court’s conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is complex. Its causes are many. So maybe the public policy responses required to address it,” he wrote. “Yes, people will disagree over which policy responses are best. … But in our democracy, that is their right. Nor can a handful of federal judges begin to ‘match’ the collective wisdom the American people possess in deciding ‘how best to handle’ a pressing social question like homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent, wrote that laws like the one at issue here punish people who don’t have access to shelter, amounting to cruel and unusual punishment. Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined her dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sleep is a biological necessity, not a crime,” Sotomayor wrote. “For some people, sleeping outside is their only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Clarence Thomas wrote a concurring opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates, the ruling came as a crushing blow after years of fighting local governments’ approach to addressing the homelessness crisis. Jesse Rabinowitz, campaign and communications director at the National Homelessness Law Center, called the ruling “inhumane” and warned it would worsen homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are now even more empowered to neglect proven housing-based solutions and to arrest or fine those with no choice but to sleep outdoors,” he said in a statement. “While we are disappointed, we are not surprised that this Supreme Court ruled against the interests of our poorest neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Alliance to End Homelessness CEO Ann Oliva struck a similar tone. The ruling would undermine efforts to solve street homelessness, she said, by removing a requirement on the part of local governments to provide an alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision sets a dangerous precedent that will cause undue harm to people experiencing homelessness and give free rein to local officials who prefer pointless and expensive arrests and imprisonment rather than real solutions,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, who had argued the lower court’s ruling tied the hands of local governments to respond to a serious public health crisis lauded the decision. In a statement on Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said the ruling opens the door to “common-sense measures to protect the safety and well-being of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court provides state and local officials the definitive authority to implement and enforce policies to clear unsafe encampments from our streets,” he wrote. “This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate Minority Leader Brian W. Jones (R-San Diego) joined Newsom in his assessment, adding that the decision was not about criminalizing homelessness but about ensuring public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should not have to tolerate the encampments that have taken over our communities,” he said in a statement. “With this decision, Democrat politicians can no longer justify allowing this severe public health and safety crisis to persist on our streets. It’s time to clean up California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city leaders under pressure to reduce homelessness had blamed the 9th Circuit ruling for stymieing their efforts to clear encampments. Officials across the political map, including California \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280288/20230922163648635_Amicus%20Brief%20for%20Governor%20Newsom%20-%20Grants%20Pass_Final.pdf\">Newsom (PDF)\u003c/a>, the cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco and a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280428/20230925170042238_No%2023-175_AmicusBrief.pdf\">20 conservative-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>, were among those who encouraged the Supreme Court to take up the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their brief before the court, lawyers for the city of Grants Pass argued its policies, which include fines and short jail stints for camping on public property, don’t violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishments and that the courts have overstepped, stripping local governments of their autonomy and limiting their ability to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and advocates for the unhoused Grants Pass residents argued the lower courts’ rulings allowed cities leeway to regulate encampments and even clear them — but not to ban camps outright. They argued that camping bans and similar policies are expensive and counterproductive because they disrupt connections to services, erode trust in law enforcement and create additional obstacles to finding housing and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80 amicus briefs were filed in the case, about evenly split in their support for the two parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general of 24 conservative states, national conservative legal groups like the Cicero Institute, and the California sheriffs and police associations were among those who weighed in on behalf of Grants Pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the unhoused residents came from the ACLU, several California-based nonprofits and the American Psychiatric Association, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parties, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/302264/20240304183726571_23-175npUnitedStates.pdf\">Biden administration (PDF)\u003c/a>, Newsom and San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, filed briefs in the case but didn’t back either party, asking instead for clarity about how to interpret the lower courts’ rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision will have significant implications for San Francisco, where a lawsuit over the city’s homelessness policies has been on pause since February, pending the Supreme Court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A district court magistrate relied on the 9th Circuit’s ruling in this case for an injunction restricting camp clearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has and will continue to take a compassionate, services-first approach to addressing our homelessness crisis,” Chiu said in a statement on Friday. “It will take time to analyze this decision and chart a path forward to change policies on the ground and ensure our litigation catches up with the Supreme Court’s decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the unhoused residents and advocates who filed suit against the city denounced the outcome but said it would not derail their case, emphasizing that only one of the 13 claims in the lawsuit, Coalition on Homelessness v. City of San Francisco, would be affected by the decision. The suit accuses the city of violating unhoused residents’ rights by destroying their property and failing to provide shelter accommodations appropriate for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will move forward with making sure that San Francisco follows its own policies and upholds the constitutional rights of our unhoused neighbors,” said the plaintiffs’ attorney, Nisha Kashyap, Program Director of Racial Justice at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area. “Those claims are unaffected by [the Supreme Court’s] decision and can and will proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is currently expected to go to trial next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city has been preparing for potential outcomes and would adjust its policies to reflect the ruling. Staff will keep making offers of shelter but wouldn’t allow people who turn them down to stay put, the mayor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not healthy, safe, or compassionate for people on the street, and it’s not acceptable for our neighborhoods,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Johnson, the litigation director at The Oregon Law Center who filed the Grants Pass suit, said he planned to pursue other means of defending unhoused people against criminalization, including through individual claims, group challenges or class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many legal arguments that can be brought on behalf of homeless individuals who are being punished for being the victims of our failed housing policies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:50 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Friday overturned a lower court ruling limiting how far cities can go in policing homelessness, in a case advocates for the unhoused have called the most consequential in a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">6–3 decision (PDF)\u003c/a>, the majority found that local laws limiting public camping do not amount to cruel and unusual punishment. The ruling gives cities more power to regulate encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, it could change the trajectory of a lawsuit about the city’s approach to homeless encampments that was on pause pending the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision. Mayor London Breed said the decision would allow the city to enforce its laws when unhoused people reject offers of shelter, adding that “those who refuse our help or those who already have shelter will not be allowed to camp on our streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson\u003c/a>, hinged on whether a local government can issue fines and jail people for camping in public spaces when there isn’t enough shelter available. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled this was cruel and unusual punishment, prompting the city of Grants Pass to appeal the case to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion, joined by the court’s conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is complex. Its causes are many. So maybe the public policy responses required to address it,” he wrote. “Yes, people will disagree over which policy responses are best. … But in our democracy, that is their right. Nor can a handful of federal judges begin to ‘match’ the collective wisdom the American people possess in deciding ‘how best to handle’ a pressing social question like homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent, wrote that laws like the one at issue here punish people who don’t have access to shelter, amounting to cruel and unusual punishment. Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined her dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sleep is a biological necessity, not a crime,” Sotomayor wrote. “For some people, sleeping outside is their only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Clarence Thomas wrote a concurring opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates, the ruling came as a crushing blow after years of fighting local governments’ approach to addressing the homelessness crisis. Jesse Rabinowitz, campaign and communications director at the National Homelessness Law Center, called the ruling “inhumane” and warned it would worsen homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are now even more empowered to neglect proven housing-based solutions and to arrest or fine those with no choice but to sleep outdoors,” he said in a statement. “While we are disappointed, we are not surprised that this Supreme Court ruled against the interests of our poorest neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Alliance to End Homelessness CEO Ann Oliva struck a similar tone. The ruling would undermine efforts to solve street homelessness, she said, by removing a requirement on the part of local governments to provide an alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision sets a dangerous precedent that will cause undue harm to people experiencing homelessness and give free rein to local officials who prefer pointless and expensive arrests and imprisonment rather than real solutions,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, who had argued the lower court’s ruling tied the hands of local governments to respond to a serious public health crisis lauded the decision. In a statement on Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said the ruling opens the door to “common-sense measures to protect the safety and well-being of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court provides state and local officials the definitive authority to implement and enforce policies to clear unsafe encampments from our streets,” he wrote. “This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate Minority Leader Brian W. Jones (R-San Diego) joined Newsom in his assessment, adding that the decision was not about criminalizing homelessness but about ensuring public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should not have to tolerate the encampments that have taken over our communities,” he said in a statement. “With this decision, Democrat politicians can no longer justify allowing this severe public health and safety crisis to persist on our streets. It’s time to clean up California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city leaders under pressure to reduce homelessness had blamed the 9th Circuit ruling for stymieing their efforts to clear encampments. Officials across the political map, including California \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280288/20230922163648635_Amicus%20Brief%20for%20Governor%20Newsom%20-%20Grants%20Pass_Final.pdf\">Newsom (PDF)\u003c/a>, the cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco and a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280428/20230925170042238_No%2023-175_AmicusBrief.pdf\">20 conservative-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>, were among those who encouraged the Supreme Court to take up the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their brief before the court, lawyers for the city of Grants Pass argued its policies, which include fines and short jail stints for camping on public property, don’t violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishments and that the courts have overstepped, stripping local governments of their autonomy and limiting their ability to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and advocates for the unhoused Grants Pass residents argued the lower courts’ rulings allowed cities leeway to regulate encampments and even clear them — but not to ban camps outright. They argued that camping bans and similar policies are expensive and counterproductive because they disrupt connections to services, erode trust in law enforcement and create additional obstacles to finding housing and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80 amicus briefs were filed in the case, about evenly split in their support for the two parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general of 24 conservative states, national conservative legal groups like the Cicero Institute, and the California sheriffs and police associations were among those who weighed in on behalf of Grants Pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the unhoused residents came from the ACLU, several California-based nonprofits and the American Psychiatric Association, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parties, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/302264/20240304183726571_23-175npUnitedStates.pdf\">Biden administration (PDF)\u003c/a>, Newsom and San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, filed briefs in the case but didn’t back either party, asking instead for clarity about how to interpret the lower courts’ rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision will have significant implications for San Francisco, where a lawsuit over the city’s homelessness policies has been on pause since February, pending the Supreme Court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A district court magistrate relied on the 9th Circuit’s ruling in this case for an injunction restricting camp clearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has and will continue to take a compassionate, services-first approach to addressing our homelessness crisis,” Chiu said in a statement on Friday. “It will take time to analyze this decision and chart a path forward to change policies on the ground and ensure our litigation catches up with the Supreme Court’s decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the unhoused residents and advocates who filed suit against the city denounced the outcome but said it would not derail their case, emphasizing that only one of the 13 claims in the lawsuit, Coalition on Homelessness v. City of San Francisco, would be affected by the decision. The suit accuses the city of violating unhoused residents’ rights by destroying their property and failing to provide shelter accommodations appropriate for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will move forward with making sure that San Francisco follows its own policies and upholds the constitutional rights of our unhoused neighbors,” said the plaintiffs’ attorney, Nisha Kashyap, Program Director of Racial Justice at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area. “Those claims are unaffected by [the Supreme Court’s] decision and can and will proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is currently expected to go to trial next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city has been preparing for potential outcomes and would adjust its policies to reflect the ruling. Staff will keep making offers of shelter but wouldn’t allow people who turn them down to stay put, the mayor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not healthy, safe, or compassionate for people on the street, and it’s not acceptable for our neighborhoods,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Johnson, the litigation director at The Oregon Law Center who filed the Grants Pass suit, said he planned to pursue other means of defending unhoused people against criminalization, including through individual claims, group challenges or class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many legal arguments that can be brought on behalf of homeless individuals who are being punished for being the victims of our failed housing policies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"science-friday": {
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