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"disqusTitle": "ICE Is Auditing This Central Valley Grower, Again - And He Blames California Lawmakers",
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"content": "\u003cp>In late January, Mike Poindexter, a third-generation walnut grower in the Central Valley town of Selma, received some bad news. It came in the form of a letter from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). It said federal agents would be auditing his business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after receiving the letter, Poindexter hung \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DLSE/LC_90.2_EE_Notice.pdf\">a notice to workers\u003c/a> about the I-9 audit above the time clock where staff punch in before their shifts. Within two days, 18 people had quit, likely out of fear authorities would discover they lacked permission to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You get attached to people,\" said Poindexter, the CEO of Poindexter Nut Company. \"I understand there are a lot of people who say, 'Hey, these people are illegal, they have to go.' I understand what they're saying. But they're saying that about people they don't know. They're saying that about some nameless, faceless thing out there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the spring of 2008, Poindexter was audited by ICE for the first time. So he turned in a stack of paperwork and waited for months. He didn’t hear back from officers until August. When the agents got back to him, they said 70 percent of his staff would have to go that same day. He says the turnover cost his company $2 million and it took three years to bounce back from the losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now uses \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/e-verify\">E-Verify\u003c/a>, the federal website used to verify work authorization, and he thought that would ensure he was hiring a legal workforce. But Poindexter still compares the most recent audit to a sword hanging over his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ 'Cause you've been hurt, bad. And you don't want it to happen again,” he said. “You've done everything right you can. And you think, I'll be OK this time. I probably will, but you don't know. And until we get that all clear, it's hanging over you. That stress. What's gonna happen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655325\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"Workers at Poindexter Nut Company sort walnuts. The company is undergoing an ICE audit for the second time.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-800x522.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-1180x770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-960x627.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-240x157.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-375x245.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-520x339.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers at Poindexter Nut Company sort walnuts. The company is undergoing an ICE audit for the second time. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the ongoing stress of the audits, Poindexter’s frustration is not directed toward ICE. Instead, he blames California lawmakers for provoking the federal government by enacting statewide sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You have a bear and you have a person throwing rocks at a bear. And then when the bear lashes out and you get slashed by it, you want me to be mad at the bear?” Poindexter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The notice Poindexter posted, informing workers of the audit, is now required by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB450\">state law\u003c/a> in California. It’s just one of the rules recently put in place to protect immigrant workers in the state, regardless of their immigration status. Starting this year, employers can also be fined up to $10,000 for voluntarily handing over certain employee records to ICE, or allowing federal agents into private areas of a workplace without a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'You're saying you're protecting people from being hauled off. Well, you may stop that part of it. But you're not gonna stop the business audits. And you've done more damage than anything ever now. ‘Cause now I have to let go of all these people.’\u003ccite>Manuel Cunha, Nisei Farmers League\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Last week, the U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654314\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> against California, arguing that the state’s so-called sanctuary laws are unconstitutional and block ICE from doing its job. The news came just days after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652479/advocates-confirm-23-immigrants-arrested-in-northern-california-operation\">232 people were arrested\u003c/a> in an ICE operation throughout Northern and Central California. The Bakersfield Californian reported at least 24 farmworkers were detained on their way to the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/232-illegal-aliens-arrested-during-ice-operation-northern-california\">a statement\u003c/a>, ICE pointed to new legal barriers to working with local jails and police departments in the state, and said that situation had “forced” the agency to conduct raids in neighborhoods and at workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of workers keeping agricultural businesses running in California are unauthorized immigrants, according to Philip Martin, a professor of agricultural economics at UC Davis. California growers, through their business associations, have long supported a path to citizenship for undocumented farmworkers who agree to keep working in agriculture for several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Poindexter is not alone in his frustration with state lawmakers, according to Manuel Cunha, president of the Nisei Farmers League -- a nonprofit that represents the interests of Central Valley growers. Many agricultural businesses are concerned that the standoff over sanctuary policies between California and the federal government is triggering retaliation in the form of more audits. And the attention is unwanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655329\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655329\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-800x483.jpg\" alt=\"Poindexter Nut Company CEO Mike Poindexter reads a letter he recently received from ICE, notifying him that his business is being audited.\" width=\"800\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-800x483.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-160x97.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-1020x615.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-1180x712.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-960x579.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-240x145.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-375x226.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-520x314.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Poindexter Nut Company CEO Mike Poindexter reads a letter he recently received from ICE, notifying him that his business is being audited. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I'm gonna say the largest percentage of our farmers and businesses do not support the sanctuary state. At all,” Cunha said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You're saying you're protecting people from being hauled off. Well, you may stop that part of it. But you're not gonna stop the business audits. And you've done more damage than anything ever now. ‘Cause now I have to let go of all these people,” added Cunha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"z2buvssPQDFcAYlnCkqwsB99NP0pxnQr\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, ICE conducted over 1,300 workplace audits nationwide, resulting in 311 arrests of workers. ICE spokeswoman Lori Haley would not confirm whether the agency is now increasing I-9 audits in California, but she did say that across the country, “ICE is stepping up efforts to enforce the laws that prohibit businesses from hiring illegal workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poindexter believes California lawmakers should expect a backlash if they’re going to snub the federal government’s authority to enforce immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why is ICE cracking down on California? Why aren't they cracking down on Texas?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the state of California actively obstructing the federal government from enforcing these laws. It doesn't surprise me that the bear's tired of the rocks getting thrown.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Growers are worried ICE may be ramping up audits of their businesses in response to California’s standoff with feds over immigration.",
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"description": "Growers are worried ICE may be ramping up audits of their businesses in response to California’s standoff with feds over immigration.",
"title": "ICE Is Auditing This Central Valley Grower, Again - And He Blames California Lawmakers | KQED",
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"headline": "ICE Is Auditing This Central Valley Grower, Again - And He Blames California Lawmakers",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In late January, Mike Poindexter, a third-generation walnut grower in the Central Valley town of Selma, received some bad news. It came in the form of a letter from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). It said federal agents would be auditing his business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after receiving the letter, Poindexter hung \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DLSE/LC_90.2_EE_Notice.pdf\">a notice to workers\u003c/a> about the I-9 audit above the time clock where staff punch in before their shifts. Within two days, 18 people had quit, likely out of fear authorities would discover they lacked permission to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You get attached to people,\" said Poindexter, the CEO of Poindexter Nut Company. \"I understand there are a lot of people who say, 'Hey, these people are illegal, they have to go.' I understand what they're saying. But they're saying that about people they don't know. They're saying that about some nameless, faceless thing out there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the spring of 2008, Poindexter was audited by ICE for the first time. So he turned in a stack of paperwork and waited for months. He didn’t hear back from officers until August. When the agents got back to him, they said 70 percent of his staff would have to go that same day. He says the turnover cost his company $2 million and it took three years to bounce back from the losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now uses \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/e-verify\">E-Verify\u003c/a>, the federal website used to verify work authorization, and he thought that would ensure he was hiring a legal workforce. But Poindexter still compares the most recent audit to a sword hanging over his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ 'Cause you've been hurt, bad. And you don't want it to happen again,” he said. “You've done everything right you can. And you think, I'll be OK this time. I probably will, but you don't know. And until we get that all clear, it's hanging over you. That stress. What's gonna happen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655325\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"Workers at Poindexter Nut Company sort walnuts. The company is undergoing an ICE audit for the second time.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-800x522.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-1180x770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-960x627.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-240x157.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-375x245.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/SortingWalnuts-520x339.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers at Poindexter Nut Company sort walnuts. The company is undergoing an ICE audit for the second time. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the ongoing stress of the audits, Poindexter’s frustration is not directed toward ICE. Instead, he blames California lawmakers for provoking the federal government by enacting statewide sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You have a bear and you have a person throwing rocks at a bear. And then when the bear lashes out and you get slashed by it, you want me to be mad at the bear?” Poindexter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The notice Poindexter posted, informing workers of the audit, is now required by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB450\">state law\u003c/a> in California. It’s just one of the rules recently put in place to protect immigrant workers in the state, regardless of their immigration status. Starting this year, employers can also be fined up to $10,000 for voluntarily handing over certain employee records to ICE, or allowing federal agents into private areas of a workplace without a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'You're saying you're protecting people from being hauled off. Well, you may stop that part of it. But you're not gonna stop the business audits. And you've done more damage than anything ever now. ‘Cause now I have to let go of all these people.’\u003ccite>Manuel Cunha, Nisei Farmers League\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Last week, the U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654314\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> against California, arguing that the state’s so-called sanctuary laws are unconstitutional and block ICE from doing its job. The news came just days after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652479/advocates-confirm-23-immigrants-arrested-in-northern-california-operation\">232 people were arrested\u003c/a> in an ICE operation throughout Northern and Central California. The Bakersfield Californian reported at least 24 farmworkers were detained on their way to the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/232-illegal-aliens-arrested-during-ice-operation-northern-california\">a statement\u003c/a>, ICE pointed to new legal barriers to working with local jails and police departments in the state, and said that situation had “forced” the agency to conduct raids in neighborhoods and at workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of workers keeping agricultural businesses running in California are unauthorized immigrants, according to Philip Martin, a professor of agricultural economics at UC Davis. California growers, through their business associations, have long supported a path to citizenship for undocumented farmworkers who agree to keep working in agriculture for several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Poindexter is not alone in his frustration with state lawmakers, according to Manuel Cunha, president of the Nisei Farmers League -- a nonprofit that represents the interests of Central Valley growers. Many agricultural businesses are concerned that the standoff over sanctuary policies between California and the federal government is triggering retaliation in the form of more audits. And the attention is unwanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655329\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655329\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-800x483.jpg\" alt=\"Poindexter Nut Company CEO Mike Poindexter reads a letter he recently received from ICE, notifying him that his business is being audited.\" width=\"800\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-800x483.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-160x97.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-1020x615.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-1180x712.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-960x579.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-240x145.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-375x226.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MikeLetter-520x314.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Poindexter Nut Company CEO Mike Poindexter reads a letter he recently received from ICE, notifying him that his business is being audited. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I'm gonna say the largest percentage of our farmers and businesses do not support the sanctuary state. At all,” Cunha said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You're saying you're protecting people from being hauled off. Well, you may stop that part of it. But you're not gonna stop the business audits. And you've done more damage than anything ever now. ‘Cause now I have to let go of all these people,” added Cunha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, ICE conducted over 1,300 workplace audits nationwide, resulting in 311 arrests of workers. ICE spokeswoman Lori Haley would not confirm whether the agency is now increasing I-9 audits in California, but she did say that across the country, “ICE is stepping up efforts to enforce the laws that prohibit businesses from hiring illegal workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poindexter believes California lawmakers should expect a backlash if they’re going to snub the federal government’s authority to enforce immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why is ICE cracking down on California? Why aren't they cracking down on Texas?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the state of California actively obstructing the federal government from enforcing these laws. It doesn't surprise me that the bear's tired of the rocks getting thrown.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "State Assembly Rejects Bill to Increase Pesticide Fines",
"title": "State Assembly Rejects Bill to Increase Pesticide Fines",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Legislation that would expand the enforcement power of California's pesticide regulator and increase penalties for farming companies that violate the state's agricultural chemical laws failed in the state Assembly late Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 1419, authored by Assemblyman Bill Quirk, D-Hayward, would have given the California Department of Pesticide Regulation (DPR) the authority to issue $25,000 fines for serious violations of the laws. Currently, county agricultural commissioners can levy fines up to $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"MaShqjaCM44soE5c39TxikNTqZ8VHTah\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation needed 41 votes to pass but got only 35. The bill garnered significant support from Democrats in committee, but 18 members of the party voted against it or declined to vote when it got to the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was surprised by the number of colleagues who did not vote for this bill that is meant to protect farmworkers,\" said Quirk in an emailed statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assemblyman's office had worked with state regulators and opponents of the legislation for more than a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk was joined by advocates for agricultural employees in expressing concern that the bill was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's disappointing that the California Legislature has failed to stand up for some of our most vulnerable populations, particularly farmworkers and children in agricultural communities that are affected by pesticide drift,\" said Paul Towers, organizing director at Pesticide Action Network North America, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As California looks to stand up to the Trump administration and show that it is the shining beacon of protecting immigrants and vulnerable communities ... this is a disappointing end for a bill that would have meant better protections for farmworkers from hazardous pesticides,\" Towers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"zADc6DK1jXz7hVE7deHbcXZePder7gYc\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Towers and other farmworker advocates had hoped recent attention placed on four separate chemical drift incidents in the Central Valley and Central Coast, which are believed to have sickened more than 150 agricultural employees, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/12/27/after-pesticide-incidents-sicken-farmworkers-advocates-push-to-make-penalties-stronger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">would push lawmakers\u003c/a> to approve the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill faced \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/22/ag-industry-fights-pesticide-penalties-and-state-efforts-to-increase-future-fines/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opposition from some of California's agricultural industry groups\u003c/a>, including the California Farm Bureau Federation, which questioned whether the fine increases would have been effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe current policies give county agricultural commissioners and DPR the authority they need to take appropriate action to enforce pesticide safety rules,\" said Cynthia Cory, the federation's director of environmental affairs, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We remain committed to assuring the safety and health of farmers, their employees and neighbors,\" Cory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the vote seemed to catch Quirk's office by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We thought we had one more day to confirm votes,\" said Quirk's aide, Tomasa Dueñas, in an email. The office was told late Monday afternoon that the legislation would come up for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"mQgXENGNkyF6qAcVQlLDfs87evZIdhsT\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately the bill didn't get enough votes to pass off the floor. AB 1419 is dead for the year,\" Dueñas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote took place earlier than expected and legislators did not have enough time to review the measure, according to Towers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill sailed through two committee hearings but garnered 26 \"no\" votes, and 16 members of the Assembly -- all Democrats, some of whom represent more rural parts of the state -- declined to vote yes or no on the bill when it came to a floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Frankly, we did not have enough time to educate them on the issue,\" Towers said. \"Bills were moved more quickly than maybe they should have been and weren't given the proper discourse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most members who voted for the legislation were Democrats. However, Assemblyman Brian Maienschein (R-San Diego) voted for the measure, and two Democrats, Elk Grove Assemblyman Jim Cooper and Brentwood Assemblyman Jim Frazier, voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Pesticide Regulation was the bill's sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"DPR is still very much committed to this issue, and we will explore other options to make this a reality,\" agency spokeswoman Charlotte Fadipe said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "'The California Legislature has failed to stand up for some of our most vulnerable populations,' said farmworker advocate Paul Towers.",
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"description": "'The California Legislature has failed to stand up for some of our most vulnerable populations,' said farmworker advocate Paul Towers.",
"title": "State Assembly Rejects Bill to Increase Pesticide Fines | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Legislation that would expand the enforcement power of California's pesticide regulator and increase penalties for farming companies that violate the state's agricultural chemical laws failed in the state Assembly late Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 1419, authored by Assemblyman Bill Quirk, D-Hayward, would have given the California Department of Pesticide Regulation (DPR) the authority to issue $25,000 fines for serious violations of the laws. Currently, county agricultural commissioners can levy fines up to $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation needed 41 votes to pass but got only 35. The bill garnered significant support from Democrats in committee, but 18 members of the party voted against it or declined to vote when it got to the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was surprised by the number of colleagues who did not vote for this bill that is meant to protect farmworkers,\" said Quirk in an emailed statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assemblyman's office had worked with state regulators and opponents of the legislation for more than a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk was joined by advocates for agricultural employees in expressing concern that the bill was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's disappointing that the California Legislature has failed to stand up for some of our most vulnerable populations, particularly farmworkers and children in agricultural communities that are affected by pesticide drift,\" said Paul Towers, organizing director at Pesticide Action Network North America, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As California looks to stand up to the Trump administration and show that it is the shining beacon of protecting immigrants and vulnerable communities ... this is a disappointing end for a bill that would have meant better protections for farmworkers from hazardous pesticides,\" Towers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Towers and other farmworker advocates had hoped recent attention placed on four separate chemical drift incidents in the Central Valley and Central Coast, which are believed to have sickened more than 150 agricultural employees, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/12/27/after-pesticide-incidents-sicken-farmworkers-advocates-push-to-make-penalties-stronger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">would push lawmakers\u003c/a> to approve the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill faced \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/22/ag-industry-fights-pesticide-penalties-and-state-efforts-to-increase-future-fines/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opposition from some of California's agricultural industry groups\u003c/a>, including the California Farm Bureau Federation, which questioned whether the fine increases would have been effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe current policies give county agricultural commissioners and DPR the authority they need to take appropriate action to enforce pesticide safety rules,\" said Cynthia Cory, the federation's director of environmental affairs, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We remain committed to assuring the safety and health of farmers, their employees and neighbors,\" Cory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the vote seemed to catch Quirk's office by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We thought we had one more day to confirm votes,\" said Quirk's aide, Tomasa Dueñas, in an email. The office was told late Monday afternoon that the legislation would come up for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately the bill didn't get enough votes to pass off the floor. AB 1419 is dead for the year,\" Dueñas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote took place earlier than expected and legislators did not have enough time to review the measure, according to Towers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill sailed through two committee hearings but garnered 26 \"no\" votes, and 16 members of the Assembly -- all Democrats, some of whom represent more rural parts of the state -- declined to vote yes or no on the bill when it came to a floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Frankly, we did not have enough time to educate them on the issue,\" Towers said. \"Bills were moved more quickly than maybe they should have been and weren't given the proper discourse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most members who voted for the legislation were Democrats. However, Assemblyman Brian Maienschein (R-San Diego) voted for the measure, and two Democrats, Elk Grove Assemblyman Jim Cooper and Brentwood Assemblyman Jim Frazier, voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Pesticide Regulation was the bill's sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"DPR is still very much committed to this issue, and we will explore other options to make this a reality,\" agency spokeswoman Charlotte Fadipe said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Healthy to Eat, Unhealthy to Grow: Strawberries Embody the Contradictions of California Agriculture",
"title": "Healthy to Eat, Unhealthy to Grow: Strawberries Embody the Contradictions of California Agriculture",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/profiles/julie-guthman-420662\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Julie Guthman\u003c/a> is professor of social sciences at \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-california-santa-cruz-1451\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC Santa Cruz.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural abundance is a pillar of the California Dream. In 2016, the state turned out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than $45 billion worth\u003c/a> of meat, milk and crops. Long before nutritionists agreed that fresh fruits and vegetables should be the center of American diets, California farmers had planted much of their land with these products, and today they produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/farm_bill/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of the nation’s fruits, vegetables and nuts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But although fruits and vegetables are vaunted as healthy foods, their impact as crops is quite different. On many California produce farms, wages are low, working conditions are poor and farmers use enormous quantities of pesticides and precious water. This is the central contradiction of California agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past five years I have been studying California’s strawberry industry, which currently is the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sixth-\u003c/a>most-important commodity in terms of the value of crops sold. Strawberries are attractive, reasonably nutritious and occasionally tasty fruits, and can be grown and eaten within California nearly year-round. But the industry’s growth has relied on the heavy use of toxic chemicals, and now growers face heightened restrictions on some of their most favored chemicals: soil fumigants. Unfortunately, less toxic or non-chemical strategies that would allow strawberries to be grown for a mass market, maintaining affordable prices, are elusive and likely to remain so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11643736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11643736\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"Line of strawberry pickers in a field\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-800x518.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-960x621.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-240x155.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-375x243.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-520x336.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Strawberry pickers in Salinas, California, photographed April 27, 2009. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/10/Xp3-dot-us_DSC8991.jpg\">Holgerhubbs\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/\">Wikimedia Commons\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Chemical Dependence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although strawberry production once was scattered throughout the state, by the 1960s it had concentrated in coastal zones to take advantage of sandy soils and mild temperatures. Thereafter, the industry saw tremendous growth in productivity. In Monterey and Santa Cruz counties alone, \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.3733/ca.2016a0001\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">acreage more than tripled and production increased tenfold\u003c/a> from 1960 to 2014. Much of this growth was enabled by advances in plant breeding and use of plastic tarps to absorb heat, allowing growers to increase the length of strawberry seasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main driver of growth has been the use of pre-plant chemical fumigants. Growers hire pest control companies to fumigate soils before planting strawberries in order to kill soil-borne pests -- most importantly, plant pathogens such as \u003cem>Verticillium dahliae\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Macrophomina phaseolina\u003c/em>. Without such treatment, these pathogens cause strawberry plants to wilt and die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, however, the industry’s fumigant of choice -- methyl bromide -- can no longer be used in strawberry fruit production. In 1991, methyl bromide was banned under the \u003ca href=\"http://ozone.unep.org/en/treaties-and-decisions/montreal-protocol-substances-deplete-ozone-layer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer\u003c/a>. The United States was supposed to phase out use by 2005, a deadline that was extended to 2015 and didn’t really take effect until two years later. Even so, this toxic chemical can still be used in nursery production to ensure that starter plants are virus- and pathogen-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11643737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11643737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Danger sign in front of strawberry field\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Recently fumigated field in Watsonville, California, on Oct. 11, 2009. \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"https://flic.kr/p/791REj\">Benketaro\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/\">CC BY\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One potential replacement, methyl iodide, was approved for use in late 2010. But it was \u003ca href=\"http://calag.ucanr.edu/Archive/?article=ca.2016a0003\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">withdrawn from the market in 2012\u003c/a> following an activist campaign and lawsuit that accused California regulators of performing an inadequate review of potential health risks to workers and the general public. Among other things, the chemical is a known \u003ca href=\"http://www.stpp.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/Final%20Report%20SRC.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">neurotoxin and carcinogen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other fumigants are still allowed, but their use is increasingly restricted by buffer zones and township quotas. Consequently, growers are contending with \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.1080/15538362.2012.697000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">heightened levels of plant disease\u003c/a>, some from pathogens that had never before been evident in California strawberry fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An Embedded System\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Can California find a less toxic way to raise \u003ca href=\"http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/LyraEDISServlet?command=getImageDetail&image_soid=FIGURE%207&document_soid=FE971&document_version=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">90 percent of the nation’s fresh strawberries\u003c/a>? Although the strawberry industry is \u003ca href=\"http://www.calstrawberry.com/Portals/0/images/2013-CSC_enviroreport_web.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investing significant resources into non-chemical alternatives to manage soil-borne disease\u003c/a>, the obstacles are formidable. The entire production system, including reliance on fumigants, is \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.3733/ca.2017a0017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">embedded into the cost of land\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fumigation has allowed growers to plant on the same blocks of land, year after year, and not worry about soil disease. With fumigation available to control pathogens, strawberry breeders have emphasized productivity, beauty and durability rather than pathogen resistance. Meanwhile, nursery production has shifted away from prime fruit-growing regions along the coast to take advantage of different environments for plant propagation, enabling coastal land to be used solely for growing fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together these innovations have allowed growers to keep prime strawberry land in production every year for much of the year, yielding exceptional amounts of fruit. High land prices reflect these expectations and make it unprofitable to grow strawberries using less intensive methods. The Pacific Ocean’s natural summer air conditioning is attractive to suburbanites as well as strawberries, so coastal development is putting additional pressure on the cost of strawberry land while at the same time increasing public pressure to control use of fumigants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11643738\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-11643738\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-160x84.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"160\" height=\"84\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-160x84.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-800x421.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-960x505.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-240x126.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-375x197.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-520x274.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Official logo of the California Strawberry Commission \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fe/California_Strawberry_Commission_Logo_-_Color.jpg\">CA Strawberry Commission\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/\">CC BY-SA\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Chemical-free Strawberries For the Few\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Informed and concerned consumers ingrained with California’s deep culture of environmentalism have turned to organic strawberries, which they see as a more sustainable option. As conventional growers took note of this vibrant market, \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.3733/ca.2016a0001\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">organic strawberry production rose fivefold between 2000 and 2012\u003c/a>, to reach about \u003ca href=\"http://www.organicproducenetwork.com/article/351/organic-strawberries-in-short-supply\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">3,300 acres planted in 2017\u003c/a>, which represents 12 percent of all strawberry acreage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But although organic growers use non-chemical soil fumigation methods or rotate strawberries with crops that have a mild disease-suppressing effect, such as broccoli, few of them fundamentally alter the production system in other ways. In my research, I have observed that some growers are finding land away from prime areas that can be quickly certified for organic production, but have no long-term plans to manage soil diseases when they inevitably arise -- a practice that is not in the spirit of organic production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small but dedicated set of growers have learned how to raise strawberries for the long haul without fumigants. However, even they use starter plants produced on fumigated soil, since no nurseries produce organic plants. Crucially, for these growers strawberries are a minor crop in what are otherwise highly diversified systems. And most of these producers are located outside of prime strawberry-growing regions, where land is cheaper. Their approach therefore is not nearly replicable for growers producing for the mass market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://counter.theconversation.com/content/86907/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic\" alt=\"The Conversation\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\">These exceptions tell us as much about the limits of California strawberry production as does mainstream production. Consumers who want organic strawberries must be willing to live with compromises, pay premium prices -- and eat their broccoli. For others, the dream of affordable year-round strawberries grown without toxic chemicals is already an impossible one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Conversation\u003c/a>, an online publication that features academics writing about their research and ideas for the public. KQED and The Conversation are partners in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Dream\u003c/a> project, a collaboration looking at the Golden State's promise, whether we are achieving it, and the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/profiles/julie-guthman-420662\">Julie Guthman\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr />\u003cem>UC Santa Cruz, for \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com\">The Conversation\u003c/a>\u003c/em>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/profiles/julie-guthman-420662\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Julie Guthman\u003c/a> is professor of social sciences at \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-california-santa-cruz-1451\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC Santa Cruz.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural abundance is a pillar of the California Dream. In 2016, the state turned out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than $45 billion worth\u003c/a> of meat, milk and crops. Long before nutritionists agreed that fresh fruits and vegetables should be the center of American diets, California farmers had planted much of their land with these products, and today they produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/farm_bill/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of the nation’s fruits, vegetables and nuts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But although fruits and vegetables are vaunted as healthy foods, their impact as crops is quite different. On many California produce farms, wages are low, working conditions are poor and farmers use enormous quantities of pesticides and precious water. This is the central contradiction of California agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past five years I have been studying California’s strawberry industry, which currently is the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sixth-\u003c/a>most-important commodity in terms of the value of crops sold. Strawberries are attractive, reasonably nutritious and occasionally tasty fruits, and can be grown and eaten within California nearly year-round. But the industry’s growth has relied on the heavy use of toxic chemicals, and now growers face heightened restrictions on some of their most favored chemicals: soil fumigants. Unfortunately, less toxic or non-chemical strategies that would allow strawberries to be grown for a mass market, maintaining affordable prices, are elusive and likely to remain so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11643736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11643736\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"Line of strawberry pickers in a field\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-800x518.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-960x621.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-240x155.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-375x243.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers-520x336.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-pickers.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Strawberry pickers in Salinas, California, photographed April 27, 2009. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/10/Xp3-dot-us_DSC8991.jpg\">Holgerhubbs\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/\">Wikimedia Commons\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Chemical Dependence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although strawberry production once was scattered throughout the state, by the 1960s it had concentrated in coastal zones to take advantage of sandy soils and mild temperatures. Thereafter, the industry saw tremendous growth in productivity. In Monterey and Santa Cruz counties alone, \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.3733/ca.2016a0001\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">acreage more than tripled and production increased tenfold\u003c/a> from 1960 to 2014. Much of this growth was enabled by advances in plant breeding and use of plastic tarps to absorb heat, allowing growers to increase the length of strawberry seasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main driver of growth has been the use of pre-plant chemical fumigants. Growers hire pest control companies to fumigate soils before planting strawberries in order to kill soil-borne pests -- most importantly, plant pathogens such as \u003cem>Verticillium dahliae\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Macrophomina phaseolina\u003c/em>. Without such treatment, these pathogens cause strawberry plants to wilt and die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, however, the industry’s fumigant of choice -- methyl bromide -- can no longer be used in strawberry fruit production. In 1991, methyl bromide was banned under the \u003ca href=\"http://ozone.unep.org/en/treaties-and-decisions/montreal-protocol-substances-deplete-ozone-layer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer\u003c/a>. The United States was supposed to phase out use by 2005, a deadline that was extended to 2015 and didn’t really take effect until two years later. Even so, this toxic chemical can still be used in nursery production to ensure that starter plants are virus- and pathogen-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11643737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11643737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Danger sign in front of strawberry field\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry-danger-file-20180119-110103-1x1y52i.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Recently fumigated field in Watsonville, California, on Oct. 11, 2009. \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"https://flic.kr/p/791REj\">Benketaro\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/\">CC BY\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One potential replacement, methyl iodide, was approved for use in late 2010. But it was \u003ca href=\"http://calag.ucanr.edu/Archive/?article=ca.2016a0003\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">withdrawn from the market in 2012\u003c/a> following an activist campaign and lawsuit that accused California regulators of performing an inadequate review of potential health risks to workers and the general public. Among other things, the chemical is a known \u003ca href=\"http://www.stpp.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/Final%20Report%20SRC.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">neurotoxin and carcinogen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other fumigants are still allowed, but their use is increasingly restricted by buffer zones and township quotas. Consequently, growers are contending with \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.1080/15538362.2012.697000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">heightened levels of plant disease\u003c/a>, some from pathogens that had never before been evident in California strawberry fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An Embedded System\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Can California find a less toxic way to raise \u003ca href=\"http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/LyraEDISServlet?command=getImageDetail&image_soid=FIGURE%207&document_soid=FE971&document_version=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">90 percent of the nation’s fresh strawberries\u003c/a>? Although the strawberry industry is \u003ca href=\"http://www.calstrawberry.com/Portals/0/images/2013-CSC_enviroreport_web.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investing significant resources into non-chemical alternatives to manage soil-borne disease\u003c/a>, the obstacles are formidable. The entire production system, including reliance on fumigants, is \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.3733/ca.2017a0017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">embedded into the cost of land\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fumigation has allowed growers to plant on the same blocks of land, year after year, and not worry about soil disease. With fumigation available to control pathogens, strawberry breeders have emphasized productivity, beauty and durability rather than pathogen resistance. Meanwhile, nursery production has shifted away from prime fruit-growing regions along the coast to take advantage of different environments for plant propagation, enabling coastal land to be used solely for growing fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together these innovations have allowed growers to keep prime strawberry land in production every year for much of the year, yielding exceptional amounts of fruit. High land prices reflect these expectations and make it unprofitable to grow strawberries using less intensive methods. The Pacific Ocean’s natural summer air conditioning is attractive to suburbanites as well as strawberries, so coastal development is putting additional pressure on the cost of strawberry land while at the same time increasing public pressure to control use of fumigants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11643738\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-11643738\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-160x84.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"160\" height=\"84\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-160x84.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-800x421.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-960x505.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-240x126.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-375x197.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh-520x274.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/strawberry4-file-20180119-110106-1rcwmmh.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Official logo of the California Strawberry Commission \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fe/California_Strawberry_Commission_Logo_-_Color.jpg\">CA Strawberry Commission\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/\">CC BY-SA\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Chemical-free Strawberries For the Few\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Informed and concerned consumers ingrained with California’s deep culture of environmentalism have turned to organic strawberries, which they see as a more sustainable option. As conventional growers took note of this vibrant market, \u003ca href=\"https://doi.org/10.3733/ca.2016a0001\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">organic strawberry production rose fivefold between 2000 and 2012\u003c/a>, to reach about \u003ca href=\"http://www.organicproducenetwork.com/article/351/organic-strawberries-in-short-supply\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">3,300 acres planted in 2017\u003c/a>, which represents 12 percent of all strawberry acreage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But although organic growers use non-chemical soil fumigation methods or rotate strawberries with crops that have a mild disease-suppressing effect, such as broccoli, few of them fundamentally alter the production system in other ways. In my research, I have observed that some growers are finding land away from prime areas that can be quickly certified for organic production, but have no long-term plans to manage soil diseases when they inevitably arise -- a practice that is not in the spirit of organic production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small but dedicated set of growers have learned how to raise strawberries for the long haul without fumigants. However, even they use starter plants produced on fumigated soil, since no nurseries produce organic plants. Crucially, for these growers strawberries are a minor crop in what are otherwise highly diversified systems. And most of these producers are located outside of prime strawberry-growing regions, where land is cheaper. Their approach therefore is not nearly replicable for growers producing for the mass market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://counter.theconversation.com/content/86907/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic\" alt=\"The Conversation\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\">These exceptions tell us as much about the limits of California strawberry production as does mainstream production. Consumers who want organic strawberries must be willing to live with compromises, pay premium prices -- and eat their broccoli. For others, the dream of affordable year-round strawberries grown without toxic chemicals is already an impossible one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Conversation\u003c/a>, an online publication that features academics writing about their research and ideas for the public. KQED and The Conversation are partners in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Dream\u003c/a> project, a collaboration looking at the Golden State's promise, whether we are achieving it, and the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Dreamers From Rep. Kevin McCarthy's District Call On the GOP To Step Up",
"title": "Dreamers From Rep. Kevin McCarthy's District Call On the GOP To Step Up",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update, Jan 18, 2018, 1:30 p.m.:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>According to the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights (CHIRLA), seven members of the immigrant rights group were arrested on Thursday while pressing Rep. Kevin McCarthy to support the DREAM Act in his office at the Capitol in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the members arrested were immigrant youth. They were representing more than 200,000 undocumented immigrant youth living in California who risk losing their DACA protection from arrest, detention, and deportation. The two other members arrested were CHIRLA's Executive Director Angelica Salas and Civic Engagement Director, Diana Colin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update, Jan 17, 2018, 3:45 p.m.: \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>The Department of Justice is appealing a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/10/federal-judge-temporarily-blocks-trumps-decision-to-end-daca/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">court ruling that blocked\u003c/a> the Trump administration from ending the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department says it will take “the rare step” later this week of filing a petition asking the Supreme Court to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have also filed a notice of appeal to the 9th U.S. Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update, Jan. 10, 2018, 4:42 p.m.: \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>A federal judge with the \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/4345906/1-9-18-DACA-Opinion.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California\u003c/a> blocked President Trump’s phased-in termination of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, DACA, pending the outcome of legal challenges. Judge William Alsup wrote that DACA recipients would suffer “irreparable harm” as they lose DACA protections. It’s unclear how federal officials will handle DACA renewal applications they rejected for failing to meet an Oct. 5 deadline. A Department of Justice statement said the department will defend the termination, calling DACA an “unlawful circumvention of Congress,” and a White House statement called on Congress to find a solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> Luis Galvan, 20, enjoyed a moment of triumph in late October when he boarded a plane for the first time and flew to Indianapolis to receive his Future Farmers of America degree, a prestigious certificate of achievement in the world of agriculture. Galvan was proud that all his grueling work with livestock and crops had paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his euphoria was short-lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Galvan got home he tore open an envelope waiting for him from the Department of Homeland Security. It was crushing news. He had submitted his application to renew a vital work permit for young immigrants known as “Dreamers” in plenty of time, along with a renewal fee. He received a notice back that there was a snafu over a $495 scholarship check he had submitted to pay the fee, and he promptly followed instructions to correct that. But now, this second, final notice told him his application was rejected for being late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Galvan can’t appeal the rejection, his work permit is set to expire Jan. 15. That would jeopardize his job tutoring junior high kids. It would affect his studies at college. It could even lead to him being deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What a bucket of cold water,” Galvan said, during a late-night interview in Porterville, the small California farm city where he grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by a sea of orchards—including oranges now flooding U.S. markets—Porterville sits in California’s vast Central Valley. Considered one of the world’s most productive agribusiness regions, the valley depends on immigrant labor. And among those who represent the region in Congress are multiple Republican lawmakers, not least of them Rep. Kevin McCarthy, the powerful GOP majority leader whose district includes Porterville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work permit Galvan holds stems from his status as a recipient of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/16/us/us-to-stop-deporting-some-illegal-immigrants.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">DACA\u003c/a>, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program whose fate rests, in no small part, in McCarthy’s hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012 to allow undocumented young people brought to the United States as children to stay legally, conditionally, until, Obama said he hoped, Congress came up with a solution to help them. Nicknamed Dreamers, this population has no sure path to legal residency, no matter how long they’ve been here or how much they accomplish. DACA has temporarily protected them from deportation and allowed them to obtain work permits. On Sept. 5 though, President Donald Trump announced that he was pulling the plug on DACA, arguing in a statement that Obama lacked authority to create the program and that policy should be “fair to American families, students, taxpayers and jobseekers.” Spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders added that unemployed Americans could possibly assume DACA recipients’ jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642514\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2.jpeg\" alt=\"Leydy Rangel, 22, and Eloisa Torres, 18, undocumented DACA recipients from Bakersfield, work up enthusiasm before trying to speak to House members in Washington, D.C. about a proposal to let them earn permanent legal status. \" width=\"380\" height=\"253\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2.jpeg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2-375x250.jpeg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leydy Rangel, 22, and Eloisa Torres, 18, undocumented DACA recipients from Bakersfield, work up enthusiasm before trying to speak to House members in Washington, D.C. about a proposal to let them earn permanent legal status. \u003ccite>(Susan Ferriss/Center for Public Integrity)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly 800,000 DACA recipients were suddenly plunged into uncertainty. Dreamers whose work permits were soon to expire were given a chance to apply, one last time, for two-year renewals by Oct. 5. Many missed the tight deadline or had applications they say were denied unfairly. If nothing changes, after March, all DACA recipients will begin to lose permits in waves as each card expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation remains up in the air. Despite his harsh rhetoric claiming Dreamers occupy Americans’ jobs, Trump too challenged Congress to come up with a legislative fix with “heart” to help Dreamers before the March deadline. A flurry of negotiations to pass such a bill collapsed just prior to the holiday break. GOP leaders now say Congress will take up DACA again this month, as part of broader debate over Trump’s demands for more border wall investments and cuts in family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the politics are complicated, and they’re especially complicated here in California, home to at least a quarter of Dreamers. Most polling, from ABC to Fox News, shows that 60 to upwards of 80 percent of Americans think Dreamers should get a chance to stay and become legalized. In and around Porterville, Dreamers and their backers angrily question why McCarthy and fellow congressmen from California’s Central Valley aren’t vigorously pushing for a legislative fix — pronto — because so many Dreamers’ lives hang in the balance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy declined an interview but in careful language has backed crafting a DACA fix as long as it’s coupled with more investments in border security measures. He said in a statement that he supported Trump’s position and that Congress is working on a “lawful solution to this problem.” It’s clear to everyone that McCarthy is not publicly leading a passionate charge to defend Dreamers. But the raw politics of both Washington and his district are hardly demanding that he do so — at least not right now. McCarthy won his last two elections with 75 percent and 69 percent of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>Differing perspectives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>On the ground in McCarthy’s district, however, where Latinos are 41 percent of the total population and 27 percent of those eligible to vote, feelings can also get more than a little raw. The 52-year-old congressman, a lifelong Bakersfield resident, represents most of Tulare County, where Porterville is located, and the majority of California’s sprawling Kern County. Kern is peppered with oil rigs that produce more oil than Oklahoma. The county is also home to military-industrial-complex interests. Kern’s formidable agribusiness production, consisting of grapes, fruit trees, scores of other crops and milk, made it the number one farm county in the nation in 2016 at $7.19 billion in value. Tulare’s farm production value was $6.37 billion. The state, as a whole, is by far the nation’s biggest dairy-producing state, while also producing almost half the nation’s fruits, nuts and vegetables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-11642517\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"897\" height=\"1100\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM.png 897w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-160x196.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-800x981.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-240x294.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-375x460.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-520x638.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 897px) 100vw, 897px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those stats form the basis for part of the passion here. After all, advocates for Dreamers argue California supplies a massive quantity of the food Americans consume. And agribusiness has acknowledged for a long time that immigrants, many of them undocumented and the parents of Dreamers, are essential to creating this bounty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve complained to McCarthy’s office: What about the Dreamers?” said John Duran, 67, a Republican in Porterville who is of Mexican descent but not an immigrant. “He needs to be doing more. But because he’s Republican he’s got to follow their agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no exact numbers, but McCarthy’s 23rd Congressional District is home to an estimated 7,900 young people who fit the profile of those eligible to have signed up for DACA, according to analysis of Census Bureau data by the University of Southern California. Adjacent GOP districts have as many or even more of these young people, who were eligible to sign up for DACA once they reached 16, if they had lived here since at least June 15, 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran, a former correctional officer who’s active in local politics, said he’s generally pro-Trump and is strongly opposed to government “giveaways.” But he winces at some of the rhetoric around immigrants that’s voiced by the president and his supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even here, where it’s plain to the eye who does a lot of hard labor, Duran said, “some people seem to have the idea that illegal immigrants don’t do anything but crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran says he was stunned not long ago when a non-Hispanic woman spoke out at a public forum about allowing Dreamers to serve in the military to earn legal status and citizenship. “She came up to me and said if they want to get citizenship, they should serve for 20 years,” he said. “That just doesn’t make sense to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only Congress can change immigration law to open up a path that doesn’t exist now, a reality that runs contrary to misconceptions that there’s a line anyone wishing to immigrate can get into and just patiently wait a turn. A bipartisan bill introduced this past July, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/senate-bill/1615\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dream Act of 2017\u003c/a>, would create a years-long path to permanent residency and citizenship for eligible young people who’ve been here at least four years prior to enactment of such legislation. But that bill did not advance. Versions of the Dream Act in Congress go back to 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the details, though, some DACA recipients here say they’d just like to hear McCarthy defend them more vigorously — and act with speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porterville Dreamer Marco Reyes, 20, who works as a cashier and studies at Porterville College, a community college, said: “If I talked to McCarthy I’d ask him what he’s doing behind the scenes that nobody else is doing. He must be doing something. Are you going to surprise us later, hopefully with something that’s not bad? Because with politicians you never know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>American Dream at Stake\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>As Republicans bore down on passing tax reform, GOP Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky told Fox News shortly before the holiday break that “we have plenty of time” to act on DACA to meet Trump’s March deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Galvan said: “I can’t wait.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with nerves on edge, he’s got to attend classes at the local College of the Sequoias — in preparation for transfer to a four-year university — and report for as long as he can to his job tutoring 7th and 8th graders. The kids remind him of himself, when he was growing up poor but struggling to hold onto dreams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After I got DACA, I went crazy,” Galvan said, explaining the sense of liberation it gave him. “I joined every club I could. I’ve really tried to do my best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been a long road. Galvan arrived from Mexico at five, and now he’s 20. As he was growing up, employers continued to hire people with little fear of getting penalized for “knowingly,” as the law says, hiring undocumented workers. Farm groups have long admitted that authentic-looking fake documents immigrants buy are part and parcel of how California’s factories in the fields stay open. Galvan’s dad has worked for the same agricultural employer for 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an early December pro-DACA rally in Porterville, population 60,000, agitated locals channeled their anger about the treatment of undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people live in the shadows and break their backs so that the people of America can eat!” Rosa Salmeron, a California State University, Fresno, student of social work shouted through a bullhorn. “We’re not shadows. We are people!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salmeron, 37, patted Galvan’s shoulder as he took the bullhorn at a rally in Veteran’s Park to tell the crowd about his dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salmeron, whose parents fled El Salvador during its civil war, is a naturalized U.S. citizen and grateful, she said, for the 1986 amnesty that Congress and President Ronald Reagan crafted that allowed her and her parents a chance to legalize and then go on to become citizens. Her family members live and have businesses in McCarthy’s district, in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are not representing us,” she told the crowd of several dozen. She urged people to register to vote and oust local Republicans from Congress if they don’t do more for Dreamers. “The American Dream is at stake!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kevin McCarthy is my representative and it upsets me that he won’t meet to talk about this,” added Daniel Peñaloza, 24, who runs an office in Porterville set up by the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights based in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peñaloza has organized pro-DACA rallies not only outside McCarthy’s offices, but also at the offices of neighboring congressmen \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rep. David Valadao\u003c/a>, R-Hanford, of the 21st District, and \u003ca href=\"https://nunes.house.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rep. Devin Nunes\u003c/a>, R-Tulare, of the 22nd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao, the son of Portuguese immigrants, is a dairy farmer. He doesn’t have the clout that McCarthy wields, but he’s ventured where many other Republicans won’t go. He was one of three Republicans in the House who co-sponsored a failed 2013 comprehensive immigration reform package that would put undocumented workers on an earned path to legal status, a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao is also one of two GOP congressmen from California who signed up to co-sponsor the Dream Act of 2017. The other co-sponsor is \u003ca href=\"https://denham.house.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rep. Jeff Denham\u003c/a>, R-Turlock, whose 10th Congressional District also includes farm country to the north of Fresno. Both also signed a Dec. 5 letter with \u003ca href=\"https://newhouse.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/34-house-republicans-urge-daca-fix-end-year\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">32 other GOP legislators\u003c/a> urging Speaker of the House Paul Ryan, R-Wisc., to put the Dream Act of 2017 on the floor for a vote. Ryan declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we approach the March deadline,” Valadao said in a statement, “it is more critical than ever that Congress immediately act to repair our broken immigration system and provide DACA recipients with the certainty they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewhispanic.org/interactives/mapping-the-latino-electorate-by-congressional-district/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>, almost 76 percent of Valadao’s district is Latino, and more than 39 percent of the population eligible to vote is Latino — the highest percentage among California’s 14 Republican districts in the House. Democrats hold the rest of California’s 53 House seats. Despite his pro-immigrant record, Democrats consider Valadao vulnerable in the next election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Washington, D.C., McCarthy’s communications director, Matt Sparks, addressed complaints that his boss seemed indifferent to Dreamers and would not meet with constituents unhappy that he isn’t publicly elevating their cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparks said pro-DACA rallies have been disruptive at district offices, and interrupted other constituents’ business. He said field staff in California attend town meetings regularly, and listen respectfully to complaints aired in that setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He provided a statement from McCarthy: “President Trump was right to correct President Obama’s executive overreach by calling on Congress to find a solution for the children of illegal immigrants who came to this country through no fault of their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy had previously told CNBC that “I don’t think this country is going to move these individuals out.” In the same interview, he acknowledged, to a point, his district’s dependence on immigrant workers. “I come from an agricultural community and I know you need a guest-worker program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparks said DACA isn’t the only immigration-related issue that constituents bring up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some district residents want to know about possible reforms Congress might initiate to broaden an existing guest-worker program for agriculture. Some want to talk about “chain migration,” a pejorative word coined by immigration-restriction activists to describe how immigrants, once citizens, can petition to sponsor certain relatives, including siblings and parents, to immigrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When there’s consensus around an immigration reform plan,” Sparks said, “then I think something will happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparks also said that McCarthy’s office was open to learning more about Luis Galvan’s work permit snafu to see if staff could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Agribusiness view\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Grimmway Farms in Kern County is the world’s largest grower of carrots. Its owners, prominent local donors to McCarthy, declined to comment on DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Beatris Sanders, the executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://kerncfb.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Kern County Farm Bureau\u003c/a>, said that immigration issues “hit us really hard here in Kern. It’s a priority for us to have a working system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642532\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642532\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3.jpeg\" alt=\"Workers harvest oranges in groves that fill the congressional district of Republican Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy of Bakersfield.\" width=\"380\" height=\"253\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3.jpeg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3-375x250.jpeg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers harvest oranges in groves that fill the congressional district of Republican Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy of Bakersfield. \u003ccite>( Susan Feriss/Center for Public Integrity)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the bureau maintains “open dialogue” with McCarthy but has no official position on DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think anyone should penalize anyone because of something beyond their control,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also expressed sympathy for Luis Galvan when she heard his story: “I know there are many, many stories like this out there,” Sanders said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern County Republican Party declined to comment on DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Porterville, Republican activist Susan Queen, who is a “100 percent Trump fan,” said she doesn’t think the DACA recipients, or Dreamers, should be removed from the country, and she doesn’t think Trump does either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously I have sympathy for the kids,” said Queen, 68, a member of the California Federation of Republican Women of Southeastern Tulare County. “I think there should be some sort of way to make them legal here,” she said, “but I don’t know about citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad was a judge,” Queen explained, “and I don’t like rewarding anything illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Dreamers are allowed to gain legal status, she said, perhaps they shouldn’t be allowed to bring in other family members later. It makes her mad, she said, to think about an old friend in Germany who wanted to live and work in the United States and couldn’t seem to ever get a visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Queen’s family raised animals and had groves she picked oranges from as a kid, but she’s not in the farm business and her children didn’t work in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Central Valley citrus grower Manuel Cunha, who is no liberal when it comes to business regulations he considers excessive, is a longtime proponent of legalizing undocumented farmworkers who have been here for years. The director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.niseifarmersleague.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nisei Farmers League\u003c/a> in Fresno, north of Bakersfield, he knows McCarthy well and has raised money for McCarthy and other prominent Republicans. “I’ve fundraised so much that we probably could have paid for immigration reform many times over,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642534\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642534\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4.jpeg\" alt=\"Workers earn $21 for each orange bin they fill in a grove that sits in Kern County.\" width=\"380\" height=\"253\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4.jpeg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4-375x250.jpeg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers earn $21 for each orange bin they fill in a grove that sits in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Susan Ferriss/Center for Public Integrity)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve given up on some of our political people,” he said in exasperation. “The people who say the climate is not right for immigration, or it’s not the right time. Oh, but come to our fundraiser.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he was in Washington, D.C., recently to visit with members of Congress and staff and talk about undocumented immigrant workers, DACA and the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rural communities are made up of thousands of these folks,” Cunha said. “They’re in school or working, and they have one parent in the fields, or in the packing houses,” Cunha said, “and maybe another is in construction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How simple it would be to do a DACA reform,” Cunha said. “You’ve vetted all of them already.” The current crop of young DACA recipients have already been checked for criminal records, fingerprinted, and paid into getting work permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Come on, Kevin, let’s get it done,” Cunha said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the uncertainty, kids have come into his office sobbing, he said, because they couldn’t renew their permits, or they’re terrified about what’s next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bakersfield, the characterization of their parents as lawbreakers, or invaders, upsets Dreamers Eloisa Torres, 18, and Leydy Rangel, 22. Both traveled to Washington, D.C, this fall twice on trips sponsored by the \u003ca href=\"http://ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> union so they could tell their stories to staff and members of Congress who’d listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your parents struggle,” said Torres, who wasn’t even two years old when she arrived. “They’ve told me, ‘Become something.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her father was often away to accept work he was offered in construction, or in agricultural fields. She didn’t ask her parents for money to start college this year at California State University, Bakersfield. She collected cans to recycle to make initial payments, and was relieved when tuition fees dropped because of state aid. She’s thinking about becoming a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rangel, who grew up migrating from the Coachella Valley up through Bakersfield and beyond, picked grapes and pruned vines in the state’s vast vineyards as a child. In high school she convinced her parents to leave her alone in Coachella so she could stay and finish high school there and apply to college. She recently graduated from California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every night, she worries about her parents getting deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642537\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642537\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5.jpg\" alt=\"Undocumented DACA recipient Ivan Gonzalez, 22, an 800 meters state high school champion, attended the University of California, Berkeley.\" width=\"380\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5.jpg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5-160x238.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5-240x357.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5-375x559.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Undocumented DACA recipient Ivan Gonzalez, 22, an 800 meters state high school champion, attended the University of California, Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of Ivan Gonzalez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another DACA recipient in Bakersfield, Ivan Gonzalez, now 22, managed to cap off his undocumented childhood by running his way to becoming the 800 meters state champion in high school. He won a full scholarship to the University of California at Berkeley. “People didn’t care about my citizenship status when I was running track,” said Gonzalez, whose choice to attend Berkeley was featured in local news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s back in Bakersfield after graduation and is working at Youth 2 Leaders Education Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He counsels parents and kids on available options for college scholarships. California legislators, over the years, have gradually passed legislation to first allow undocumented students to attend state colleges and pay in-state tuition rather than out-of-state fees. Later legislation was passed to allow students to receive state aid, not federal, to help pay for tuition. Private scholarships are out there as well. “There are people who think we don’t belong here while eating what my people are picking,” he said. He tells families to keep kids in school, no matter what happens to DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, Gonzalez also participates in citizenship workshops to help immigrants with legal permanent residency prepare for testing. “You don’t know how much I wish I were in your position,” he jokes with aspiring citizens he helps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Luis Galvan, there’s no time to waste. He’s in a race to avoid having his DACA work permit expire. He’s talked to a lawyer, and to \u003ca href=\"https://missionassetfund.org/daca-renewal-scholarships/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mission Asset Fund\u003c/a>, a nonprofit group in San Francisco that provided him the scholarship to pay his renewal fee. Tara Robinson, the fund’s chief development officer, said the fund issued more than 5,000 checks to DACA recipients and the majority were cashed by Homeland Security. A small number weren’t accepted, which Robinson said could have been due to a Homeland Security error. When Galvan received word from the department to resubmit his application and a new payment, he bought a money order and Mission Asset Fund later reimbursed him. Then the rejection notice arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, the first few days after that I couldn’t sleep,” he said. “My mom was crying most of the time. It’s hard. I just try holding it in.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In and around Porterville, Dreamers angrily question why McCarthy and fellow congressmen from California’s Central Valley aren’t pushing for a legislative fix.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/susan-ferriss\">Susan Ferriss\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update, Jan 18, 2018, 1:30 p.m.:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>According to the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights (CHIRLA), seven members of the immigrant rights group were arrested on Thursday while pressing Rep. Kevin McCarthy to support the DREAM Act in his office at the Capitol in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the members arrested were immigrant youth. They were representing more than 200,000 undocumented immigrant youth living in California who risk losing their DACA protection from arrest, detention, and deportation. The two other members arrested were CHIRLA's Executive Director Angelica Salas and Civic Engagement Director, Diana Colin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update, Jan 17, 2018, 3:45 p.m.: \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>The Department of Justice is appealing a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/10/federal-judge-temporarily-blocks-trumps-decision-to-end-daca/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">court ruling that blocked\u003c/a> the Trump administration from ending the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department says it will take “the rare step” later this week of filing a petition asking the Supreme Court to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have also filed a notice of appeal to the 9th U.S. Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update, Jan. 10, 2018, 4:42 p.m.: \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>A federal judge with the \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/4345906/1-9-18-DACA-Opinion.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California\u003c/a> blocked President Trump’s phased-in termination of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, DACA, pending the outcome of legal challenges. Judge William Alsup wrote that DACA recipients would suffer “irreparable harm” as they lose DACA protections. It’s unclear how federal officials will handle DACA renewal applications they rejected for failing to meet an Oct. 5 deadline. A Department of Justice statement said the department will defend the termination, calling DACA an “unlawful circumvention of Congress,” and a White House statement called on Congress to find a solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> Luis Galvan, 20, enjoyed a moment of triumph in late October when he boarded a plane for the first time and flew to Indianapolis to receive his Future Farmers of America degree, a prestigious certificate of achievement in the world of agriculture. Galvan was proud that all his grueling work with livestock and crops had paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his euphoria was short-lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Galvan got home he tore open an envelope waiting for him from the Department of Homeland Security. It was crushing news. He had submitted his application to renew a vital work permit for young immigrants known as “Dreamers” in plenty of time, along with a renewal fee. He received a notice back that there was a snafu over a $495 scholarship check he had submitted to pay the fee, and he promptly followed instructions to correct that. But now, this second, final notice told him his application was rejected for being late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Galvan can’t appeal the rejection, his work permit is set to expire Jan. 15. That would jeopardize his job tutoring junior high kids. It would affect his studies at college. It could even lead to him being deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What a bucket of cold water,” Galvan said, during a late-night interview in Porterville, the small California farm city where he grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by a sea of orchards—including oranges now flooding U.S. markets—Porterville sits in California’s vast Central Valley. Considered one of the world’s most productive agribusiness regions, the valley depends on immigrant labor. And among those who represent the region in Congress are multiple Republican lawmakers, not least of them Rep. Kevin McCarthy, the powerful GOP majority leader whose district includes Porterville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work permit Galvan holds stems from his status as a recipient of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/16/us/us-to-stop-deporting-some-illegal-immigrants.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">DACA\u003c/a>, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program whose fate rests, in no small part, in McCarthy’s hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012 to allow undocumented young people brought to the United States as children to stay legally, conditionally, until, Obama said he hoped, Congress came up with a solution to help them. Nicknamed Dreamers, this population has no sure path to legal residency, no matter how long they’ve been here or how much they accomplish. DACA has temporarily protected them from deportation and allowed them to obtain work permits. On Sept. 5 though, President Donald Trump announced that he was pulling the plug on DACA, arguing in a statement that Obama lacked authority to create the program and that policy should be “fair to American families, students, taxpayers and jobseekers.” Spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders added that unemployed Americans could possibly assume DACA recipients’ jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642514\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642514\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2.jpeg\" alt=\"Leydy Rangel, 22, and Eloisa Torres, 18, undocumented DACA recipients from Bakersfield, work up enthusiasm before trying to speak to House members in Washington, D.C. about a proposal to let them earn permanent legal status. \" width=\"380\" height=\"253\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2.jpeg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers2-375x250.jpeg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leydy Rangel, 22, and Eloisa Torres, 18, undocumented DACA recipients from Bakersfield, work up enthusiasm before trying to speak to House members in Washington, D.C. about a proposal to let them earn permanent legal status. \u003ccite>(Susan Ferriss/Center for Public Integrity)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly 800,000 DACA recipients were suddenly plunged into uncertainty. Dreamers whose work permits were soon to expire were given a chance to apply, one last time, for two-year renewals by Oct. 5. Many missed the tight deadline or had applications they say were denied unfairly. If nothing changes, after March, all DACA recipients will begin to lose permits in waves as each card expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation remains up in the air. Despite his harsh rhetoric claiming Dreamers occupy Americans’ jobs, Trump too challenged Congress to come up with a legislative fix with “heart” to help Dreamers before the March deadline. A flurry of negotiations to pass such a bill collapsed just prior to the holiday break. GOP leaders now say Congress will take up DACA again this month, as part of broader debate over Trump’s demands for more border wall investments and cuts in family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the politics are complicated, and they’re especially complicated here in California, home to at least a quarter of Dreamers. Most polling, from ABC to Fox News, shows that 60 to upwards of 80 percent of Americans think Dreamers should get a chance to stay and become legalized. In and around Porterville, Dreamers and their backers angrily question why McCarthy and fellow congressmen from California’s Central Valley aren’t vigorously pushing for a legislative fix — pronto — because so many Dreamers’ lives hang in the balance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy declined an interview but in careful language has backed crafting a DACA fix as long as it’s coupled with more investments in border security measures. He said in a statement that he supported Trump’s position and that Congress is working on a “lawful solution to this problem.” It’s clear to everyone that McCarthy is not publicly leading a passionate charge to defend Dreamers. But the raw politics of both Washington and his district are hardly demanding that he do so — at least not right now. McCarthy won his last two elections with 75 percent and 69 percent of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>Differing perspectives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>On the ground in McCarthy’s district, however, where Latinos are 41 percent of the total population and 27 percent of those eligible to vote, feelings can also get more than a little raw. The 52-year-old congressman, a lifelong Bakersfield resident, represents most of Tulare County, where Porterville is located, and the majority of California’s sprawling Kern County. Kern is peppered with oil rigs that produce more oil than Oklahoma. The county is also home to military-industrial-complex interests. Kern’s formidable agribusiness production, consisting of grapes, fruit trees, scores of other crops and milk, made it the number one farm county in the nation in 2016 at $7.19 billion in value. Tulare’s farm production value was $6.37 billion. The state, as a whole, is by far the nation’s biggest dairy-producing state, while also producing almost half the nation’s fruits, nuts and vegetables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-11642517\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"897\" height=\"1100\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM.png 897w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-160x196.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-800x981.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-240x294.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-375x460.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Screen-Shot-2018-01-17-at-2.48.45-PM-520x638.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 897px) 100vw, 897px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those stats form the basis for part of the passion here. After all, advocates for Dreamers argue California supplies a massive quantity of the food Americans consume. And agribusiness has acknowledged for a long time that immigrants, many of them undocumented and the parents of Dreamers, are essential to creating this bounty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve complained to McCarthy’s office: What about the Dreamers?” said John Duran, 67, a Republican in Porterville who is of Mexican descent but not an immigrant. “He needs to be doing more. But because he’s Republican he’s got to follow their agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no exact numbers, but McCarthy’s 23rd Congressional District is home to an estimated 7,900 young people who fit the profile of those eligible to have signed up for DACA, according to analysis of Census Bureau data by the University of Southern California. Adjacent GOP districts have as many or even more of these young people, who were eligible to sign up for DACA once they reached 16, if they had lived here since at least June 15, 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran, a former correctional officer who’s active in local politics, said he’s generally pro-Trump and is strongly opposed to government “giveaways.” But he winces at some of the rhetoric around immigrants that’s voiced by the president and his supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even here, where it’s plain to the eye who does a lot of hard labor, Duran said, “some people seem to have the idea that illegal immigrants don’t do anything but crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran says he was stunned not long ago when a non-Hispanic woman spoke out at a public forum about allowing Dreamers to serve in the military to earn legal status and citizenship. “She came up to me and said if they want to get citizenship, they should serve for 20 years,” he said. “That just doesn’t make sense to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only Congress can change immigration law to open up a path that doesn’t exist now, a reality that runs contrary to misconceptions that there’s a line anyone wishing to immigrate can get into and just patiently wait a turn. A bipartisan bill introduced this past July, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/senate-bill/1615\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dream Act of 2017\u003c/a>, would create a years-long path to permanent residency and citizenship for eligible young people who’ve been here at least four years prior to enactment of such legislation. But that bill did not advance. Versions of the Dream Act in Congress go back to 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the details, though, some DACA recipients here say they’d just like to hear McCarthy defend them more vigorously — and act with speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porterville Dreamer Marco Reyes, 20, who works as a cashier and studies at Porterville College, a community college, said: “If I talked to McCarthy I’d ask him what he’s doing behind the scenes that nobody else is doing. He must be doing something. Are you going to surprise us later, hopefully with something that’s not bad? Because with politicians you never know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>American Dream at Stake\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>As Republicans bore down on passing tax reform, GOP Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky told Fox News shortly before the holiday break that “we have plenty of time” to act on DACA to meet Trump’s March deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Galvan said: “I can’t wait.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with nerves on edge, he’s got to attend classes at the local College of the Sequoias — in preparation for transfer to a four-year university — and report for as long as he can to his job tutoring 7th and 8th graders. The kids remind him of himself, when he was growing up poor but struggling to hold onto dreams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After I got DACA, I went crazy,” Galvan said, explaining the sense of liberation it gave him. “I joined every club I could. I’ve really tried to do my best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been a long road. Galvan arrived from Mexico at five, and now he’s 20. As he was growing up, employers continued to hire people with little fear of getting penalized for “knowingly,” as the law says, hiring undocumented workers. Farm groups have long admitted that authentic-looking fake documents immigrants buy are part and parcel of how California’s factories in the fields stay open. Galvan’s dad has worked for the same agricultural employer for 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an early December pro-DACA rally in Porterville, population 60,000, agitated locals channeled their anger about the treatment of undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people live in the shadows and break their backs so that the people of America can eat!” Rosa Salmeron, a California State University, Fresno, student of social work shouted through a bullhorn. “We’re not shadows. We are people!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salmeron, 37, patted Galvan’s shoulder as he took the bullhorn at a rally in Veteran’s Park to tell the crowd about his dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salmeron, whose parents fled El Salvador during its civil war, is a naturalized U.S. citizen and grateful, she said, for the 1986 amnesty that Congress and President Ronald Reagan crafted that allowed her and her parents a chance to legalize and then go on to become citizens. Her family members live and have businesses in McCarthy’s district, in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are not representing us,” she told the crowd of several dozen. She urged people to register to vote and oust local Republicans from Congress if they don’t do more for Dreamers. “The American Dream is at stake!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kevin McCarthy is my representative and it upsets me that he won’t meet to talk about this,” added Daniel Peñaloza, 24, who runs an office in Porterville set up by the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights based in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peñaloza has organized pro-DACA rallies not only outside McCarthy’s offices, but also at the offices of neighboring congressmen \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rep. David Valadao\u003c/a>, R-Hanford, of the 21st District, and \u003ca href=\"https://nunes.house.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rep. Devin Nunes\u003c/a>, R-Tulare, of the 22nd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao, the son of Portuguese immigrants, is a dairy farmer. He doesn’t have the clout that McCarthy wields, but he’s ventured where many other Republicans won’t go. He was one of three Republicans in the House who co-sponsored a failed 2013 comprehensive immigration reform package that would put undocumented workers on an earned path to legal status, a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao is also one of two GOP congressmen from California who signed up to co-sponsor the Dream Act of 2017. The other co-sponsor is \u003ca href=\"https://denham.house.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rep. Jeff Denham\u003c/a>, R-Turlock, whose 10th Congressional District also includes farm country to the north of Fresno. Both also signed a Dec. 5 letter with \u003ca href=\"https://newhouse.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/34-house-republicans-urge-daca-fix-end-year\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">32 other GOP legislators\u003c/a> urging Speaker of the House Paul Ryan, R-Wisc., to put the Dream Act of 2017 on the floor for a vote. Ryan declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we approach the March deadline,” Valadao said in a statement, “it is more critical than ever that Congress immediately act to repair our broken immigration system and provide DACA recipients with the certainty they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewhispanic.org/interactives/mapping-the-latino-electorate-by-congressional-district/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>, almost 76 percent of Valadao’s district is Latino, and more than 39 percent of the population eligible to vote is Latino — the highest percentage among California’s 14 Republican districts in the House. Democrats hold the rest of California’s 53 House seats. Despite his pro-immigrant record, Democrats consider Valadao vulnerable in the next election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Washington, D.C., McCarthy’s communications director, Matt Sparks, addressed complaints that his boss seemed indifferent to Dreamers and would not meet with constituents unhappy that he isn’t publicly elevating their cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparks said pro-DACA rallies have been disruptive at district offices, and interrupted other constituents’ business. He said field staff in California attend town meetings regularly, and listen respectfully to complaints aired in that setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He provided a statement from McCarthy: “President Trump was right to correct President Obama’s executive overreach by calling on Congress to find a solution for the children of illegal immigrants who came to this country through no fault of their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarthy had previously told CNBC that “I don’t think this country is going to move these individuals out.” In the same interview, he acknowledged, to a point, his district’s dependence on immigrant workers. “I come from an agricultural community and I know you need a guest-worker program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparks said DACA isn’t the only immigration-related issue that constituents bring up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some district residents want to know about possible reforms Congress might initiate to broaden an existing guest-worker program for agriculture. Some want to talk about “chain migration,” a pejorative word coined by immigration-restriction activists to describe how immigrants, once citizens, can petition to sponsor certain relatives, including siblings and parents, to immigrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When there’s consensus around an immigration reform plan,” Sparks said, “then I think something will happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparks also said that McCarthy’s office was open to learning more about Luis Galvan’s work permit snafu to see if staff could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Agribusiness view\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Grimmway Farms in Kern County is the world’s largest grower of carrots. Its owners, prominent local donors to McCarthy, declined to comment on DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Beatris Sanders, the executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://kerncfb.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Kern County Farm Bureau\u003c/a>, said that immigration issues “hit us really hard here in Kern. It’s a priority for us to have a working system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642532\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642532\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3.jpeg\" alt=\"Workers harvest oranges in groves that fill the congressional district of Republican Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy of Bakersfield.\" width=\"380\" height=\"253\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3.jpeg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers3-375x250.jpeg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers harvest oranges in groves that fill the congressional district of Republican Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy of Bakersfield. \u003ccite>( Susan Feriss/Center for Public Integrity)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the bureau maintains “open dialogue” with McCarthy but has no official position on DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think anyone should penalize anyone because of something beyond their control,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also expressed sympathy for Luis Galvan when she heard his story: “I know there are many, many stories like this out there,” Sanders said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern County Republican Party declined to comment on DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Porterville, Republican activist Susan Queen, who is a “100 percent Trump fan,” said she doesn’t think the DACA recipients, or Dreamers, should be removed from the country, and she doesn’t think Trump does either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously I have sympathy for the kids,” said Queen, 68, a member of the California Federation of Republican Women of Southeastern Tulare County. “I think there should be some sort of way to make them legal here,” she said, “but I don’t know about citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad was a judge,” Queen explained, “and I don’t like rewarding anything illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Dreamers are allowed to gain legal status, she said, perhaps they shouldn’t be allowed to bring in other family members later. It makes her mad, she said, to think about an old friend in Germany who wanted to live and work in the United States and couldn’t seem to ever get a visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Queen’s family raised animals and had groves she picked oranges from as a kid, but she’s not in the farm business and her children didn’t work in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Central Valley citrus grower Manuel Cunha, who is no liberal when it comes to business regulations he considers excessive, is a longtime proponent of legalizing undocumented farmworkers who have been here for years. The director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.niseifarmersleague.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nisei Farmers League\u003c/a> in Fresno, north of Bakersfield, he knows McCarthy well and has raised money for McCarthy and other prominent Republicans. “I’ve fundraised so much that we probably could have paid for immigration reform many times over,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642534\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642534\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4.jpeg\" alt=\"Workers earn $21 for each orange bin they fill in a grove that sits in Kern County.\" width=\"380\" height=\"253\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4.jpeg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers4-375x250.jpeg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers earn $21 for each orange bin they fill in a grove that sits in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Susan Ferriss/Center for Public Integrity)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve given up on some of our political people,” he said in exasperation. “The people who say the climate is not right for immigration, or it’s not the right time. Oh, but come to our fundraiser.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he was in Washington, D.C., recently to visit with members of Congress and staff and talk about undocumented immigrant workers, DACA and the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rural communities are made up of thousands of these folks,” Cunha said. “They’re in school or working, and they have one parent in the fields, or in the packing houses,” Cunha said, “and maybe another is in construction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How simple it would be to do a DACA reform,” Cunha said. “You’ve vetted all of them already.” The current crop of young DACA recipients have already been checked for criminal records, fingerprinted, and paid into getting work permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Come on, Kevin, let’s get it done,” Cunha said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the uncertainty, kids have come into his office sobbing, he said, because they couldn’t renew their permits, or they’re terrified about what’s next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bakersfield, the characterization of their parents as lawbreakers, or invaders, upsets Dreamers Eloisa Torres, 18, and Leydy Rangel, 22. Both traveled to Washington, D.C, this fall twice on trips sponsored by the \u003ca href=\"http://ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> union so they could tell their stories to staff and members of Congress who’d listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your parents struggle,” said Torres, who wasn’t even two years old when she arrived. “They’ve told me, ‘Become something.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her father was often away to accept work he was offered in construction, or in agricultural fields. She didn’t ask her parents for money to start college this year at California State University, Bakersfield. She collected cans to recycle to make initial payments, and was relieved when tuition fees dropped because of state aid. She’s thinking about becoming a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rangel, who grew up migrating from the Coachella Valley up through Bakersfield and beyond, picked grapes and pruned vines in the state’s vast vineyards as a child. In high school she convinced her parents to leave her alone in Coachella so she could stay and finish high school there and apply to college. She recently graduated from California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every night, she worries about her parents getting deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11642537\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 380px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11642537\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5.jpg\" alt=\"Undocumented DACA recipient Ivan Gonzalez, 22, an 800 meters state high school champion, attended the University of California, Berkeley.\" width=\"380\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5.jpg 380w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5-160x238.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5-240x357.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/dreamers5-375x559.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 380px) 100vw, 380px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Undocumented DACA recipient Ivan Gonzalez, 22, an 800 meters state high school champion, attended the University of California, Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of Ivan Gonzalez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another DACA recipient in Bakersfield, Ivan Gonzalez, now 22, managed to cap off his undocumented childhood by running his way to becoming the 800 meters state champion in high school. He won a full scholarship to the University of California at Berkeley. “People didn’t care about my citizenship status when I was running track,” said Gonzalez, whose choice to attend Berkeley was featured in local news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s back in Bakersfield after graduation and is working at Youth 2 Leaders Education Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He counsels parents and kids on available options for college scholarships. California legislators, over the years, have gradually passed legislation to first allow undocumented students to attend state colleges and pay in-state tuition rather than out-of-state fees. Later legislation was passed to allow students to receive state aid, not federal, to help pay for tuition. Private scholarships are out there as well. “There are people who think we don’t belong here while eating what my people are picking,” he said. He tells families to keep kids in school, no matter what happens to DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, Gonzalez also participates in citizenship workshops to help immigrants with legal permanent residency prepare for testing. “You don’t know how much I wish I were in your position,” he jokes with aspiring citizens he helps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Luis Galvan, there’s no time to waste. He’s in a race to avoid having his DACA work permit expire. He’s talked to a lawyer, and to \u003ca href=\"https://missionassetfund.org/daca-renewal-scholarships/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mission Asset Fund\u003c/a>, a nonprofit group in San Francisco that provided him the scholarship to pay his renewal fee. Tara Robinson, the fund’s chief development officer, said the fund issued more than 5,000 checks to DACA recipients and the majority were cashed by Homeland Security. A small number weren’t accepted, which Robinson said could have been due to a Homeland Security error. When Galvan received word from the department to resubmit his application and a new payment, he bought a money order and Mission Asset Fund later reimbursed him. Then the rejection notice arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, the first few days after that I couldn’t sleep,” he said. “My mom was crying most of the time. It’s hard. I just try holding it in.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Central Valley Punjabi and Hmong Communities Excited by New Ballot Rules",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians who speak Punjabi, Hmong, Syriac, Armenian, Persian and Arabic will now have the option of requesting a facsimile ballot in their language when they go to vote. A facsimile ballot is a laminated copy that voters can refer to as they fill out an English ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ccrov/pdf/2017/december/17148sr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The change\u003c/a> is the result of new, more detailed data that California Secretary of State Alex Padilla requested from the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, if there are precincts where more than 3 percent of voting-age adults speak a minority language, the secretary of state can require facsimile ballots in those languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Punjabi is the most unknown language in the state.’ \u003ccite>Deep Singh, executive director, Jakara Movement\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Punjabi Sikh and Hmong communities in the Central Valley are delighted with the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have over 40,000 Hmong people that live here,” said \u003ca href=\"http://www.fresnocenter.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fresno Center for New Americans\u003c/a> Executive Director Pao Yang. “So to us, it’s a big win. It’s an acknowledgment that we exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yang says Hmong people have always found ways to vote, asking their children for help, but they’ve also had questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“’Does our vote count because they don’t have it in our language? Does it matter?’ So now to have a ballot in Hmong, it solidifies what we’ve been saying and what we’ve been educating them on about their voices, and why they should vote, and how important it is for them to vote,” Yang says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Punjabi, the native language of many in the Sikh community, is another new language available this year. Punjabi used to be lumped into a category with “other Indic languages,” making it hard for advocates to point out geographic regions where Punjabi speakers meet the state’s threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Punjabi is the most unknown language in the state,” said Deep Singh, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.jakara.org/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jakara Movement\u003c/a>, a Sikh community organization. “I think one of the reasons is because most of the communities live in Central California. So I think it was just off the radar because these are more rural counties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh says many Punjabi speakers came from agricultural backgrounds in India and found it natural to settle in rural areas where farming is prevalent. Now, many Sikhs work in the transportation industry, trucking goods up and down the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Punjabi Sikhs tend to be almost political beasts in their nature,” Singh said. \u003ca href=\"http://kvpr.org/post/punjabi-californians-say-voting-materials-needed-their-own-language?nopop=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">They want to vote\u003c/a>, but often have lower rates of English proficiency compared with other Asian-American communities. That made it hard for them to access the ballot before this change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While both Singh and Yang agree the new announcement is a step in the right direction, their organizations will now be working diligently to educate their communities about the new rules and ensure that precincts comply.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians who speak Punjabi, Hmong, Syriac, Armenian, Persian and Arabic will now have the option of requesting a facsimile ballot in their language when they go to vote. A facsimile ballot is a laminated copy that voters can refer to as they fill out an English ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ccrov/pdf/2017/december/17148sr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The change\u003c/a> is the result of new, more detailed data that California Secretary of State Alex Padilla requested from the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, if there are precincts where more than 3 percent of voting-age adults speak a minority language, the secretary of state can require facsimile ballots in those languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Punjabi is the most unknown language in the state.’ \u003ccite>Deep Singh, executive director, Jakara Movement\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Punjabi Sikh and Hmong communities in the Central Valley are delighted with the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have over 40,000 Hmong people that live here,” said \u003ca href=\"http://www.fresnocenter.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fresno Center for New Americans\u003c/a> Executive Director Pao Yang. “So to us, it’s a big win. It’s an acknowledgment that we exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yang says Hmong people have always found ways to vote, asking their children for help, but they’ve also had questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“’Does our vote count because they don’t have it in our language? Does it matter?’ So now to have a ballot in Hmong, it solidifies what we’ve been saying and what we’ve been educating them on about their voices, and why they should vote, and how important it is for them to vote,” Yang says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Punjabi, the native language of many in the Sikh community, is another new language available this year. Punjabi used to be lumped into a category with “other Indic languages,” making it hard for advocates to point out geographic regions where Punjabi speakers meet the state’s threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Punjabi is the most unknown language in the state,” said Deep Singh, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.jakara.org/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jakara Movement\u003c/a>, a Sikh community organization. “I think one of the reasons is because most of the communities live in Central California. So I think it was just off the radar because these are more rural counties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh says many Punjabi speakers came from agricultural backgrounds in India and found it natural to settle in rural areas where farming is prevalent. Now, many Sikhs work in the transportation industry, trucking goods up and down the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Punjabi Sikhs tend to be almost political beasts in their nature,” Singh said. \u003ca href=\"http://kvpr.org/post/punjabi-californians-say-voting-materials-needed-their-own-language?nopop=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">They want to vote\u003c/a>, but often have lower rates of English proficiency compared with other Asian-American communities. That made it hard for them to access the ballot before this change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While both Singh and Yang agree the new announcement is a step in the right direction, their organizations will now be working diligently to educate their communities about the new rules and ensure that precincts comply.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Central Valley Family Creates Legacy Through Frozen Food Factory",
"title": "Central Valley Family Creates Legacy Through Frozen Food Factory",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Recently I visited the Central Valley town of Dinuba and went into a factory, a kind of factory I’d never seen. Before the big wigs let me in, they suited me up in safety gear. I was with company chair Kim Ruiz Beck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are putting gloves on because we have fingernail polish on our nails, and I have a wedding ring I can’t get off my finger,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a hair net to cover your hair. Everything has to be totally tucked in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re so strict about the hair net that even George W. Bush wasn’t let into the factory without one. Ruiz Beck said her father, company co-founder Fred Ruiz, told her the president would be making a visit to the plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he won’t wear a hairnet. We’re like, ‘Are you kidding? All our customers will watch the president on TV at our plant!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what happened?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He didn’t tour the plant, because we couldn’t make an exception,” said Ruiz Beck. Instead, the company built a glass wall, so the president could see the factory in operation, but not risk the bad optics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All these measures are to protect the product the factory turns out: frozen burritos, the product you see in every convenience store, college dorms, hundreds of school cafeterias, and thousands of family freezers around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637159\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637159\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A label machine in the Ruiz Foods factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Dinuba facility I visited is just one of the plants owned by \u003ca href=\"http://www.ruizfoodservice.com/\">Ruiz Foods\u003c/a>, the largest manufacturers of frozen burritos -- in fact all frozen Mexican food -- in the country. And this factory, it’s like the Willy Wonka of Mexican food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company won’t let me say much about what goes on in the factory -- it’s all a proprietary process -- but what I can say is that I saw thousands of burritos, quesadillas, and taquitos, most of which will be sold under the El Monterey brand. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 1,600 people work here, and many fold or roll products by hand. Still other products are folded, incredibly, by machine before heading obediently down what look like miles of conveyor belts moving toward a spiral freezer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Breakfast burritos exit a chiller. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After lunch with a handful of family members, company co-founder Fred Ruiz told me that the family is originally from Chihuahua, Mexico, but fled during the Mexican Revolution, when his father was just a boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pancho Villa was basically taking over farms and businesses,” and the Ruiz family had land. “It wasn’t safe to live,” he said. “My dad remembers everybody being piled into this car in the middle of the night and there was lots of guns and bombs going off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They settled in Los Angeles. Fred Ruiz says his dad Louis was a born entrepreneur, selling feather dusters, then clothing door to door. In the 1950s, the family moved to Tulare County, where Louis Ruiz and his brothers started a tortilla business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I think what my Dad realized at the time is there were opportunities to sell Mexican food in the San Joaquin Valley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637156\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637156\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"711\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-520x462.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut.jpg 864w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louis and Fred Ruiz with some early products. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To get some historical context, I decided to talk to author Gustavo Arellano who wrote the book Taco USA: How Mexican Food Conquered America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said, the flour tortilla that defines a burrito is a northern Mexican staple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urban legend is that the first people who created the dish that we now called 'burritos' were miners,” he explained, people who worked in copper mines between Sonora, Mexico and Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would would wrap all their food in big flour tortillas, and ride donkeys or burros down into the mines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So they called these ‘burritos,’ little burros,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano explained, burritos really entered the U.S. in the 1940s during the bracero program, when the U.S. and Mexico agreed to bring tens of thousands of Mexican agricultural workers into the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As part of the agreement, the American farmers who participated in this program had to give workers Mexican food. Of course they weren’t going to give them moles and complicated dishes,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. farmers knew beans, rice, and the northern Mexican flour tortillas, but most of the braceros came from central and southern Mexico, where they ate corn tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"uYebybR7gfc02szvtAnglwdaBbUChBux\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see some of these oral histories, these braceros said they hated burritos,\" said Arellano. \"They’re already far from home, and now they get this approximation of Mexican food?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the burrito entered the mainstream, starting with Taco Bell and Del Taco in the 60s, and Chipotle in the 90s. But Mexican food has been in American grocery stores much longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You started getting canned tamales in the late 1890s,” Arellano said, followed by canned rice, beans, and chili sauce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano continues, “Starting in the 1930s you have a man named George Ashley who starts putting tortillas in a can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all, but most of these food producers were white, and most of their customers were white people who lived near Mexican Americans, and their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Americans taste Mexican food they need it, and it becomes a part of their life and they’re going to try to replicate it at home one way or another,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the environment in which Louis and Fred Ruiz started their business in the 1960s. They had a primed customer base in the racially diverse Central Valley, and the perfect muse: mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I loved her cheese enchiladas,” said Fred Ruiz. “I loved her tostadas, her tamales. Our flavor profiles are modeled after the way my Mom made Mexican food at home when I was growing up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Hu1PEukUDEy3ismfpxSZ552bn9UvzW6P\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fred and his dad developed recipes for their first products, his mom worked at a shoe store in downtown Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be working on some sauce and it just didn’t taste right,” remembered Ruiz. “So I would put it in a little dish, and I’d drive over to the store. I’m there, I’ve got sauce all over my t-shirt, I smelled like an enchilada, and I’d say, ‘Mom, taste this.’ And then she would tell me, it just needed a little more oregano, a little more garlic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the test kitchen is still called Rosie’s Culinary Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck explained that her grandfather Louis served as both delivery man and sales guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d drive the truck, pull in, deliver all the product in the back of the grocery store. And then he would drive around the front, and he would change into a suit,” she said, and meet with the manager to try to make more sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods grew to be a top Latino-owned business, but Fred Ruiz and his dad started in 1964, before major advances in civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some challenges, just growing up as a kid being Mexican,” Ruiz remembered. “I asked this girl if she’d go on a date one time and she said no she couldn’t, her Dad wouldn’t let her date Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in business? Ruiz didn’t want to belabor the point, but he admitted, “There were some challenges we had to overcome. Some people didn’t believe that we were going to grow our business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kim Ruiz Beck said by the 1980s, a new piece of technology transformed the business: the microwave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every home has a microwave. That really is the key to our product success,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods started growing into the multi-million-dollar-a-year business it is today. The company, and the family, have a lot of influence. Fred Ruiz showed me a photograph taken at the White House Rose Garden, when he and his father received the United States Small Business Persons of the Year Award, presented by President Ronald Reagan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"f0H0kM7W7hIePOsoQglhLgX2qK62bvuJ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fred served a 12-year stint on the UC Board of Regents. Among other philanthropy, the company recently pledged $1 million to the Fresno State Craig School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the company to stay on top, the family told me they’ve had to innovate, adding breakfast items, fusion foods, and something called Tornados. They’re like flautas or taquitos, developed specifically to fit on convenience store roller grills, the ones that usually hold hot dogs. Despite all those new products, the company told me their top retail product is still a bag of eight frozen burritos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck started working at her family’s company 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My whole life, this is all I know,” she joked. “All I know is burritos!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I asked why she joined the family business, she got emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all I ever wanted. I’m so proud of my Dad and my grandpa. I just wanted to be a part of this business,” she said, choking back tears. “I love this business. I love what they’ve created, I love what we created in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she said, she loves knowing the company’s reaching so many people through food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town park a mile away, I asked a group of teenagers on skateboards about Ruiz Foods. They’ve got friends and family who work at the factory, and said, though they prefer homemade Mexican food, they eat El Monterey burritos for convenience and the low price tag. An eight-pack of bean and cheese burritos costs under $4. Compare that to other convenience store fare, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A bag of chips is $1.69 and a soda’s a dollar, so it’s like $3.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One boy said, “I never ate Ruiz Foods,” but his friend quickly corrected him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes you have, bro, they package the blue burritos, El Monte burritos.” They all agree their favorite is the chile verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was clear, talking to these guys basically in the shadow of the Ruiz Foods factory, is that their products are in a lot of our lives, whether we know it or not.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Recently I visited the Central Valley town of Dinuba and went into a factory, a kind of factory I’d never seen. Before the big wigs let me in, they suited me up in safety gear. I was with company chair Kim Ruiz Beck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are putting gloves on because we have fingernail polish on our nails, and I have a wedding ring I can’t get off my finger,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a hair net to cover your hair. Everything has to be totally tucked in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re so strict about the hair net that even George W. Bush wasn’t let into the factory without one. Ruiz Beck said her father, company co-founder Fred Ruiz, told her the president would be making a visit to the plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he won’t wear a hairnet. We’re like, ‘Are you kidding? All our customers will watch the president on TV at our plant!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what happened?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He didn’t tour the plant, because we couldn’t make an exception,” said Ruiz Beck. Instead, the company built a glass wall, so the president could see the factory in operation, but not risk the bad optics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All these measures are to protect the product the factory turns out: frozen burritos, the product you see in every convenience store, college dorms, hundreds of school cafeterias, and thousands of family freezers around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637159\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637159\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A label machine in the Ruiz Foods factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Dinuba facility I visited is just one of the plants owned by \u003ca href=\"http://www.ruizfoodservice.com/\">Ruiz Foods\u003c/a>, the largest manufacturers of frozen burritos -- in fact all frozen Mexican food -- in the country. And this factory, it’s like the Willy Wonka of Mexican food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company won’t let me say much about what goes on in the factory -- it’s all a proprietary process -- but what I can say is that I saw thousands of burritos, quesadillas, and taquitos, most of which will be sold under the El Monterey brand. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 1,600 people work here, and many fold or roll products by hand. Still other products are folded, incredibly, by machine before heading obediently down what look like miles of conveyor belts moving toward a spiral freezer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Breakfast burritos exit a chiller. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After lunch with a handful of family members, company co-founder Fred Ruiz told me that the family is originally from Chihuahua, Mexico, but fled during the Mexican Revolution, when his father was just a boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pancho Villa was basically taking over farms and businesses,” and the Ruiz family had land. “It wasn’t safe to live,” he said. “My dad remembers everybody being piled into this car in the middle of the night and there was lots of guns and bombs going off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They settled in Los Angeles. Fred Ruiz says his dad Louis was a born entrepreneur, selling feather dusters, then clothing door to door. In the 1950s, the family moved to Tulare County, where Louis Ruiz and his brothers started a tortilla business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I think what my Dad realized at the time is there were opportunities to sell Mexican food in the San Joaquin Valley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637156\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637156\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"711\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-520x462.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut.jpg 864w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louis and Fred Ruiz with some early products. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To get some historical context, I decided to talk to author Gustavo Arellano who wrote the book Taco USA: How Mexican Food Conquered America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said, the flour tortilla that defines a burrito is a northern Mexican staple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urban legend is that the first people who created the dish that we now called 'burritos' were miners,” he explained, people who worked in copper mines between Sonora, Mexico and Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would would wrap all their food in big flour tortillas, and ride donkeys or burros down into the mines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So they called these ‘burritos,’ little burros,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano explained, burritos really entered the U.S. in the 1940s during the bracero program, when the U.S. and Mexico agreed to bring tens of thousands of Mexican agricultural workers into the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As part of the agreement, the American farmers who participated in this program had to give workers Mexican food. Of course they weren’t going to give them moles and complicated dishes,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. farmers knew beans, rice, and the northern Mexican flour tortillas, but most of the braceros came from central and southern Mexico, where they ate corn tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see some of these oral histories, these braceros said they hated burritos,\" said Arellano. \"They’re already far from home, and now they get this approximation of Mexican food?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the burrito entered the mainstream, starting with Taco Bell and Del Taco in the 60s, and Chipotle in the 90s. But Mexican food has been in American grocery stores much longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You started getting canned tamales in the late 1890s,” Arellano said, followed by canned rice, beans, and chili sauce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano continues, “Starting in the 1930s you have a man named George Ashley who starts putting tortillas in a can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all, but most of these food producers were white, and most of their customers were white people who lived near Mexican Americans, and their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Americans taste Mexican food they need it, and it becomes a part of their life and they’re going to try to replicate it at home one way or another,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the environment in which Louis and Fred Ruiz started their business in the 1960s. They had a primed customer base in the racially diverse Central Valley, and the perfect muse: mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I loved her cheese enchiladas,” said Fred Ruiz. “I loved her tostadas, her tamales. Our flavor profiles are modeled after the way my Mom made Mexican food at home when I was growing up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fred and his dad developed recipes for their first products, his mom worked at a shoe store in downtown Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be working on some sauce and it just didn’t taste right,” remembered Ruiz. “So I would put it in a little dish, and I’d drive over to the store. I’m there, I’ve got sauce all over my t-shirt, I smelled like an enchilada, and I’d say, ‘Mom, taste this.’ And then she would tell me, it just needed a little more oregano, a little more garlic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the test kitchen is still called Rosie’s Culinary Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck explained that her grandfather Louis served as both delivery man and sales guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d drive the truck, pull in, deliver all the product in the back of the grocery store. And then he would drive around the front, and he would change into a suit,” she said, and meet with the manager to try to make more sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods grew to be a top Latino-owned business, but Fred Ruiz and his dad started in 1964, before major advances in civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some challenges, just growing up as a kid being Mexican,” Ruiz remembered. “I asked this girl if she’d go on a date one time and she said no she couldn’t, her Dad wouldn’t let her date Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in business? Ruiz didn’t want to belabor the point, but he admitted, “There were some challenges we had to overcome. Some people didn’t believe that we were going to grow our business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kim Ruiz Beck said by the 1980s, a new piece of technology transformed the business: the microwave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every home has a microwave. That really is the key to our product success,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods started growing into the multi-million-dollar-a-year business it is today. The company, and the family, have a lot of influence. Fred Ruiz showed me a photograph taken at the White House Rose Garden, when he and his father received the United States Small Business Persons of the Year Award, presented by President Ronald Reagan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fred served a 12-year stint on the UC Board of Regents. Among other philanthropy, the company recently pledged $1 million to the Fresno State Craig School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the company to stay on top, the family told me they’ve had to innovate, adding breakfast items, fusion foods, and something called Tornados. They’re like flautas or taquitos, developed specifically to fit on convenience store roller grills, the ones that usually hold hot dogs. Despite all those new products, the company told me their top retail product is still a bag of eight frozen burritos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck started working at her family’s company 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My whole life, this is all I know,” she joked. “All I know is burritos!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I asked why she joined the family business, she got emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all I ever wanted. I’m so proud of my Dad and my grandpa. I just wanted to be a part of this business,” she said, choking back tears. “I love this business. I love what they’ve created, I love what we created in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she said, she loves knowing the company’s reaching so many people through food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town park a mile away, I asked a group of teenagers on skateboards about Ruiz Foods. They’ve got friends and family who work at the factory, and said, though they prefer homemade Mexican food, they eat El Monterey burritos for convenience and the low price tag. An eight-pack of bean and cheese burritos costs under $4. Compare that to other convenience store fare, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A bag of chips is $1.69 and a soda’s a dollar, so it’s like $3.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One boy said, “I never ate Ruiz Foods,” but his friend quickly corrected him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes you have, bro, they package the blue burritos, El Monte burritos.” They all agree their favorite is the chile verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was clear, talking to these guys basically in the shadow of the Ruiz Foods factory, is that their products are in a lot of our lives, whether we know it or not.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue was governor of Georgia, he \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/18/us/18georgia.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">enacted one of the harshest immigration laws in the nation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdown on undocumented immigrants worked so well to drive them from the state that Georgia farmers had nobody to pick their crops come harvest. Fruits and vegetables \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2011/06/georgias-harsh-immigration-law-costs-millions-in-unharvested-crops/240774/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rotted in fields and farmers lost millions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on his first visit to California since joining the Trump administration, Perdue indicated a different approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In meetings with Central Valley congressmen and farmers, Perdue heard about growing difficulties finding enough workers to harvest crops. He said part of the answer is a new guestworker program, but that’s not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”IIdmkvLVjnK6wMuDr1XsCuQeKS4EACHW”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue pointed to Rep. Bob Goodlatte’s (R-Va.) \u003ca href=\"https://judiciary.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Ag-Act-Bill-text.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Guestworker Act\u003c/a>, saying, “It really doesn’t address the real needs of California farmers because many of these undocumented workers have been here for years and they’ve become part of the operation, sometimes farm managers, and they don’t really have a home to go back to right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Perdue’s leadership, the U.S. Department of Agriculture \u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/press-releases/2017/06/15/secretary-perdue-hosts-inaugural-rural-prosperity-task-force\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">is taking part in a task force working on rural issues\u003c/a>, including immigration policies that affect agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to address this transition area at some point,” he said. “Not that they want citizenship necessarily; they want legal status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue also had some words of comfort for farmers worried about \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-10-11/u-s-partners-ponder-life-after-nafta-as-talks-hail-chapter-deal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">President Trump’s threats to pull the U.S. out of NAFTA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there may be some bumpy anxious moments in between, but I believe the president is absolutely committed to getting the best NAFTA deal for the United States as well as our other trade partners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue held a town hall in Modesto on Sunday and met with Democratic Reps. Jimmy Panetta and Jim Costa. On Monday, he sat down with Republican Rep. David Valadao and a small group of farmers in the town of Arvin, south of Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue was governor of Georgia, he \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/18/us/18georgia.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">enacted one of the harshest immigration laws in the nation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdown on undocumented immigrants worked so well to drive them from the state that Georgia farmers had nobody to pick their crops come harvest. Fruits and vegetables \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2011/06/georgias-harsh-immigration-law-costs-millions-in-unharvested-crops/240774/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rotted in fields and farmers lost millions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on his first visit to California since joining the Trump administration, Perdue indicated a different approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In meetings with Central Valley congressmen and farmers, Perdue heard about growing difficulties finding enough workers to harvest crops. He said part of the answer is a new guestworker program, but that’s not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue pointed to Rep. Bob Goodlatte’s (R-Va.) \u003ca href=\"https://judiciary.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Ag-Act-Bill-text.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Guestworker Act\u003c/a>, saying, “It really doesn’t address the real needs of California farmers because many of these undocumented workers have been here for years and they’ve become part of the operation, sometimes farm managers, and they don’t really have a home to go back to right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Perdue’s leadership, the U.S. Department of Agriculture \u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/press-releases/2017/06/15/secretary-perdue-hosts-inaugural-rural-prosperity-task-force\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">is taking part in a task force working on rural issues\u003c/a>, including immigration policies that affect agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to address this transition area at some point,” he said. “Not that they want citizenship necessarily; they want legal status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue also had some words of comfort for farmers worried about \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-10-11/u-s-partners-ponder-life-after-nafta-as-talks-hail-chapter-deal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">President Trump’s threats to pull the U.S. out of NAFTA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there may be some bumpy anxious moments in between, but I believe the president is absolutely committed to getting the best NAFTA deal for the United States as well as our other trade partners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perdue held a town hall in Modesto on Sunday and met with Democratic Reps. Jimmy Panetta and Jim Costa. On Monday, he sat down with Republican Rep. David Valadao and a small group of farmers in the town of Arvin, south of Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Day of the Dead Tradition Blooms in the Central Valley",
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"content": "\u003cp>In some California communities with roots in Latin America, especially Mexico, the last days of October are spent getting ready for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalgeographic.org/media/dia-de-los-muertos/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Day of the Dead\u003c/a>. That means making altars for loved ones and covering them with marigolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their flashy color and strong perfume, marigolds help spirits find their way back to their families. At least that’s one theory about why they’re the \u003cem>flor de muerto\u003c/em> -- the flower of the dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2017/10/Marigolds.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-2-1180x787.jpg\" Title=\"A Day of the Dead Tradition Blooms in the Central Valley\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These bright orange blooms aren’t always easy to find, and Central Valley farmer Antonio Chavez is trying to change that. He's growing them for people like him, who are longing for a piece of home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chavez these aren't marigolds, they're \u003ca href=\"http://www.gdn.unam.mx/termino/search?queryCreiterio=cempohualxochitl&modulo=termino&action=search&queryEnDiccionarios%5B%5D=15&queryPartePalabra=inic\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>cempasuchils\u003c/em>, a word with Nahuatl origins. \u003c/a> He never thought much about why cempasuchils are so important, he just knew they were. \"It’s the tradition our grandparents handed down,\" he says. \"The flowers are sacred. They’re essential for Day of the Dead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez and his parents left Oaxaca, Mexico, a decade ago, and missed celebrating like they did back home. So a couple of years ago they started growing marigolds in Kerman, a small town outside Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They farm a few acres along a country road; mostly squash and chilies with a few rows of fiery flowers mixed in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The first year we just planted a small amount for ourselves,\" Chavez says, \"but then people started coming by saying 'Sell us some.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many people bought flowers that the family ran out. This year Chavez planted more. His family still gets first dibs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626500\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Antonio Chavez picks out a few especially beautiful flowers, like the ones he'll use for his family's Day of the Dead altar. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the last day of October they’ll pick the flowers and make big arches out of them to place over the altar. They'll arrange others in the shape of a cross. Then they’ll set out fruits and sweets for Chavez's sister, who died as a child, and tamales and mole for the grandparents who once taught him these traditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chavez these rituals are especially important now that his hometown in Oaxaca has been abandoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Life was hard there, he says: no TV, no phones, no money. But he describes it as a beautiful place tucked into a green mountain valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was young there was a school there, and lots of kids. Now, he says, \"there's nothing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only the elderly are left, because they couldn’t make the trip across the border to the U.S. \"Sometimes it makes me sad to know that in a few years there won't be anyone left in the town.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chavez says growing these marigolds makes him feel like at least he’s sharing the spirit of the place with his fellow immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everything has changed,\" he says, \"but we haven’t. We haven’t changed who we are.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In some California communities with roots in Latin America, especially Mexico, the last days of October are spent getting ready for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalgeographic.org/media/dia-de-los-muertos/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Day of the Dead\u003c/a>. That means making altars for loved ones and covering them with marigolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their flashy color and strong perfume, marigolds help spirits find their way back to their families. At least that’s one theory about why they’re the \u003cem>flor de muerto\u003c/em> -- the flower of the dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These bright orange blooms aren’t always easy to find, and Central Valley farmer Antonio Chavez is trying to change that. He's growing them for people like him, who are longing for a piece of home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chavez these aren't marigolds, they're \u003ca href=\"http://www.gdn.unam.mx/termino/search?queryCreiterio=cempohualxochitl&modulo=termino&action=search&queryEnDiccionarios%5B%5D=15&queryPartePalabra=inic\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>cempasuchils\u003c/em>, a word with Nahuatl origins. \u003c/a> He never thought much about why cempasuchils are so important, he just knew they were. \"It’s the tradition our grandparents handed down,\" he says. \"The flowers are sacred. They’re essential for Day of the Dead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez and his parents left Oaxaca, Mexico, a decade ago, and missed celebrating like they did back home. So a couple of years ago they started growing marigolds in Kerman, a small town outside Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They farm a few acres along a country road; mostly squash and chilies with a few rows of fiery flowers mixed in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The first year we just planted a small amount for ourselves,\" Chavez says, \"but then people started coming by saying 'Sell us some.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many people bought flowers that the family ran out. This year Chavez planted more. His family still gets first dibs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626500\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Antonio-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Antonio Chavez picks out a few especially beautiful flowers, like the ones he'll use for his family's Day of the Dead altar. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the last day of October they’ll pick the flowers and make big arches out of them to place over the altar. They'll arrange others in the shape of a cross. Then they’ll set out fruits and sweets for Chavez's sister, who died as a child, and tamales and mole for the grandparents who once taught him these traditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Chavez these rituals are especially important now that his hometown in Oaxaca has been abandoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Life was hard there, he says: no TV, no phones, no money. But he describes it as a beautiful place tucked into a green mountain valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was young there was a school there, and lots of kids. Now, he says, \"there's nothing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only the elderly are left, because they couldn’t make the trip across the border to the U.S. \"Sometimes it makes me sad to know that in a few years there won't be anyone left in the town.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chavez says growing these marigolds makes him feel like at least he’s sharing the spirit of the place with his fellow immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everything has changed,\" he says, \"but we haven’t. We haven’t changed who we are.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Women in the California Capitol have been \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/17/enough-californias-women-in-politics-call-out-sexual-harassment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">speaking up\u003c/a> recently, calling out an \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/23/state-senate-hires-outside-firms-to-investigate-sexual-harassment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">atmosphere\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/24/state-assembly-hearings-will-address-sexual-harassment/\">sexual harassment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re part of a long line of women in Sacramento who refuse to be ignored, including \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2001/sep/01/local/me-41007\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rose Ann Vuich\u003c/a>, California’s first female state senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”WR0pVGF0omhfDs7qjUZTwR1SJ8hHkoIx”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central Valley Democrat was elected in 1976 and was known for ringing a bell whenever the presiding officer referred to the “gentlemen” of the Senate. Congressman John Garamendi served with Vuich in the Legislature and remained friends with her for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She would ring her bell, reminding all of us that there was a woman senator seated in the California State Senate,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were fast learners and slow learners, Garamendi said. And sometimes, Vuich took extra measures to make sure she was acknowledged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Occasionally, getting out of her chair, walking over and saying, ‘Do you know who I am? I am Senator Vuich. Rose Ann Vuich,’ ” Garamendi recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626037\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626037\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A display in the California State Senate honors the first female state senator, Rose Ann Vuich. The display includes the rose-shaped bell Sen. Vuich used to ring on the Senate floor.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-520x390.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A display in the California State Senate honors the first female state senator, Rose Ann Vuich. The display includes the rose-topped bell Sen. Vuich used to ring on the Senate floor. \u003ccite>(Katie Orr/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several women had served in the state Assembly before Vuich, but she was the first to serve in the Senate. She was a conservative Democrat and won her first race in an upset against a better-known Republican assemblyman. Her father was an immigrant from Serbia who settled in Tulare County to farm. Garamendi said she was a champion for agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a very, very strong advocate for the family farmers,” he said, “and carried a series of bills over the years to really make it possible for the farmers, particularly in the southern valley, to prosper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vuich served in the Senate for 16 years. She died in 2001, but her presence lives on in the Capitol. There is a rose on the door of the female senators’ restroom, which was first built to accommodate Vuich. Her portrait hangs in a hearing room that bears her name. And every chairwoman of the Legislative Women’s Caucus is given a bell at the end of her tenure to commemorate her time as caucus leader.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Women in the California Capitol have been \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/17/enough-californias-women-in-politics-call-out-sexual-harassment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">speaking up\u003c/a> recently, calling out an \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/23/state-senate-hires-outside-firms-to-investigate-sexual-harassment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">atmosphere\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/24/state-assembly-hearings-will-address-sexual-harassment/\">sexual harassment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re part of a long line of women in Sacramento who refuse to be ignored, including \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2001/sep/01/local/me-41007\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rose Ann Vuich\u003c/a>, California’s first female state senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central Valley Democrat was elected in 1976 and was known for ringing a bell whenever the presiding officer referred to the “gentlemen” of the Senate. Congressman John Garamendi served with Vuich in the Legislature and remained friends with her for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She would ring her bell, reminding all of us that there was a woman senator seated in the California State Senate,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were fast learners and slow learners, Garamendi said. And sometimes, Vuich took extra measures to make sure she was acknowledged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Occasionally, getting out of her chair, walking over and saying, ‘Do you know who I am? I am Senator Vuich. Rose Ann Vuich,’ ” Garamendi recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626037\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626037\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A display in the California State Senate honors the first female state senator, Rose Ann Vuich. The display includes the rose-shaped bell Sen. Vuich used to ring on the Senate floor.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut-520x390.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27714_Vuitch-hutch-qut.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A display in the California State Senate honors the first female state senator, Rose Ann Vuich. The display includes the rose-topped bell Sen. Vuich used to ring on the Senate floor. \u003ccite>(Katie Orr/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several women had served in the state Assembly before Vuich, but she was the first to serve in the Senate. She was a conservative Democrat and won her first race in an upset against a better-known Republican assemblyman. Her father was an immigrant from Serbia who settled in Tulare County to farm. Garamendi said she was a champion for agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a very, very strong advocate for the family farmers,” he said, “and carried a series of bills over the years to really make it possible for the farmers, particularly in the southern valley, to prosper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vuich served in the Senate for 16 years. She died in 2001, but her presence lives on in the Capitol. There is a rose on the door of the female senators’ restroom, which was first built to accommodate Vuich. Her portrait hangs in a hearing room that bears her name. And every chairwoman of the Legislative Women’s Caucus is given a bell at the end of her tenure to commemorate her time as caucus leader.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Key California Farm District Rejects Governor's Delta Tunnels Plan",
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"content": "\u003cp>FRESNO — The board of the nation's largest irrigation district on Tuesday rejected participation in Gov. Jerry Brown's $16 billion plan to build two giant tunnels to re-engineer California's north-south water delivery system, dealing a major blow to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board of Westlands Water District, a key player in the project's success or failure, voted 7-1 against the project after more than an hour of tense discussion and comments from farmers, many of whom concluded the tunnels were too expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district already has invested millions of dollars toward planning but had not committed to shouldering a share of the hefty construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlands general manager Thomas Birmingham said he believes the no vote in Fresno could kill the tunnels project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This thing dies, the project will be over,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlands is the first water district to vote on the project. Officials in other districts were watching the vote as they prepare to make their decisions on the project that has been on the drawing board for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus far, the biggest water project proposed for California in more than a half-century has no firm financial commitments from local water districts. Some fear it would drive up the cost of water delivered to farms and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote came a day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/712b5954fa3a4b4e9494cbbadefa6575/APNewsBreak:-California-wants-millions-to-fund-water-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Associated Press reported\u003c/a> state plans to put dozens more water agencies and millions of families and farmers on the hook for funding the tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"nBcA9U4v5gnDFwShx4qfVNhheL7rnjez\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach pivots from long-standing state and federal assurances that only water districts that seek to participate would pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The powerful Westlands agency provides irrigation water to 1,000 square miles (2,590 square kilometers) in the San Joaquin Valley, some of the nation's richest farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is pressing to secure the project before he leaves office next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It calls for building two 35-mile-long (56-kilometer-long) tunnels east of San Francisco to deliver water from the Sacramento River mostly to farms and cities hundreds of miles away in Central and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers say the tunnels will stabilize flows, bolster endangered fish and ensure a reliable water supply. Critics say the project will be used to drain Northern California dry and further harm native fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water districts in the Silicon Valley and those in the farm-rich Central Valley and Southern California are due to vote in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>FRESNO — The board of the nation's largest irrigation district on Tuesday rejected participation in Gov. Jerry Brown's $16 billion plan to build two giant tunnels to re-engineer California's north-south water delivery system, dealing a major blow to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board of Westlands Water District, a key player in the project's success or failure, voted 7-1 against the project after more than an hour of tense discussion and comments from farmers, many of whom concluded the tunnels were too expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district already has invested millions of dollars toward planning but had not committed to shouldering a share of the hefty construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlands general manager Thomas Birmingham said he believes the no vote in Fresno could kill the tunnels project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This thing dies, the project will be over,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westlands is the first water district to vote on the project. Officials in other districts were watching the vote as they prepare to make their decisions on the project that has been on the drawing board for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus far, the biggest water project proposed for California in more than a half-century has no firm financial commitments from local water districts. Some fear it would drive up the cost of water delivered to farms and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote came a day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/712b5954fa3a4b4e9494cbbadefa6575/APNewsBreak:-California-wants-millions-to-fund-water-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Associated Press reported\u003c/a> state plans to put dozens more water agencies and millions of families and farmers on the hook for funding the tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach pivots from long-standing state and federal assurances that only water districts that seek to participate would pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The powerful Westlands agency provides irrigation water to 1,000 square miles (2,590 square kilometers) in the San Joaquin Valley, some of the nation's richest farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is pressing to secure the project before he leaves office next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It calls for building two 35-mile-long (56-kilometer-long) tunnels east of San Francisco to deliver water from the Sacramento River mostly to farms and cities hundreds of miles away in Central and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers say the tunnels will stabilize flows, bolster endangered fish and ensure a reliable water supply. Critics say the project will be used to drain Northern California dry and further harm native fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water districts in the Silicon Valley and those in the farm-rich Central Valley and Southern California are due to vote in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>House Republicans are trying to drastically change the way California uses water. \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/uploadedfiles/the_grow_act_bill_text.pdf\">H.R. 23\u003c/a> would send more water to farms, and less to wildlife refuges. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-us-house-oppose-bill-requiring-california-adopt\">strongly-worded statement\u003c/a>, Attorney General Xavier Becerra pointed out that this bill would force California to adopt weaker federal water quality standards instead of the state’s tougher environmental regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"disqusTitle": "Immortalized by Woody Guthrie, ‘Deportees’ Who Died in Plane Crash Are Nameless No Longer",
"title": "Immortalized by Woody Guthrie, ‘Deportees’ Who Died in Plane Crash Are Nameless No Longer",
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"content": "\u003cp>So many artists -- from Bruce Springsteen to Bob Dylan -- have recorded Woody Guthrie's famous ballad \"Deportee,\" about one of the worst airplane disasters in California history. But a big piece of the story was missing. Until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One cold winter morning in January 1948, 32 passengers were killed when a plane crashed in Los Gatos Canyon, near the Central Valley town of Coalinga.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dead included 28 Mexican workers in the process of being deported by the U.S. government. Guthrie was outraged that newspaper accounts of the crash omitted the names of the Mexican passengers, simply calling them “deportees.\" So he penned a song, giving symbolic names to the dead:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Goodbye to my Juan, g\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">oodbye, Rosalita\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Adios mis Amigos, Jesus y Maria;\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You won’t have your names when you ride the big airplane,\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All they will call you will be \"deportees\"\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For seven decades, the real names of those deportees were unknown, their bodies buried in a mass grave in Fresno. Until \u003ca href=\"https://timzhernandez.com/\">Tim Z. Hernandez\u003c/a> -- a previous winner of the American Book Award for poetry -- spent years investigating in both Mexico and the U.S., interviewing families and unearthing records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The band Lance Canales and the Flood play a version of Woody Guthrie's \"Deportee,\" with author Tim Z. Hernandez whispering the names of those who died in the 1948 plane crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CeCstLTB0EI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez's new book, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.uapress.arizona.edu/Books/bid2680.htm\">All They Will Call You\u003c/a>,” explores his journey uncovering their stories. From the book's forward:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>To stumble upon a plane crash is to stumble upon the fragmented and broken shards of stories, and to have faith that from these clues, our own glaring humanity offers enough light to fill in the unknown. The facts of what occurred on that day are not, nor have they ever been, the purpose of this book. The telling is not interested in the calculable details, but rather, the testimonies themselves, from the people whose lives were touched in incalculable ways. How a tragedy and a song had a profound, lasting effect on the people who lived it.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11567947\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11567947\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-800x589.jpg\" alt=\"Author Tim Z. Hernandez inside a Douglas DC-3 airplane, similar to the one that crashed in 1948.\" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-160x118.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-240x177.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-375x276.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-520x383.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author Tim Z. Hernandez inside a Douglas DC-3 airplane, similar to the one that crashed in 1948. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Tim Z. Hernandez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I’m the son of migrant farmworkers,\" explains Hernandez. \"It was raw curiosity that sprung me forth to look for these names. I wanted to know who they were.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he had few leads to go on. Only a single shred of newspaper from an Associated Press report after the crash, which didn’t include any names of the Mexican passengers. He found an erroneous list of names Guthrie fans had tried to compile on the internet. He then went to Fresno's Holy Cross Cemetery, where the remains of the Mexican passengers were buried in an unmarked grave. The cemetery had a list, but instead of individual names, it logged the term “Mexican National” 28 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez pushed on, digging up records and putting an ad in a bilingual newspaper looking for family members. After years of traveling across the U.S. and Mexico, he managed to locate the families of seven passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11512422\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11512422 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Guillermo and Jaime Ramirez, brothers who are related to two of the passengers who died in the 1948 plane crash.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guillermo and Jaime Ramirez, brothers who are related to two of the passengers who died in the 1948 plane crash. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Tim Z. Hernandez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The book reconstructs profiles of those passengers, fleshing out their love affairs, families and histories -- expanding the narrative of their lives beyond their identities as laborers or farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Ramon Paredes Gonzales, who crossed back and forth to work in the U.S. for years, and whose daughter, Caratina Paredes Murillo, was just 10 years old when he died in the crash. Decades later, an elderly Murillo still remembers the lyrics of the song her father sang every time he returned to their village.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For so grim a subject, one of the jobs was to find the light in each of their stories,\" says Hernandez. \"I always asked the families to tell me one of their fondest memories of their relatives.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book doesn’t just include the intimate stories of the Mexican farmworkers, but also the stories of witnesses to the crash, the pilot, stewardess and the immigration agent accompanying the deportees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11567953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11567953\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-800x493.jpg\" alt=\"Tim Z. Hernandez with the updated headstone that lists the full names of those who died in the plane crash. \" width=\"800\" height=\"493\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-800x493.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-160x99.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-1020x629.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-1180x728.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-960x592.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-240x148.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-375x231.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-520x321.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tim Z. Hernandez with the updated headstone that lists the full names of those who died in the plane crash. \u003ccite>(Juan Esparza Loera)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Omissions are wrong,\" says Hernandez. \"Erasure is wrong, no matter what your background is, or nationality you are. Let's talk about the Mexican nationals, and the pilot and the stewardess, the family who owned the ranch whose children saw people falling out of the sky. And later on, how the song affected the people who made the melody, who sang it. This one incident had such a ripple effect across borders, and across lives.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201303291630/c\">helped get a headstone \u003c/a>with some of the names he discovered placed on the mass grave for the deportees. People all over the San Joaquin Valley helped raise money to make these names visible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez also re-recorded a new version of the song with musician Lance Canales. He whispers the actual names as Canales sings the lyrics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to honor all of us. To honor that we have had a history and a legacy, and that we once were here on earth, loving,” says Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11512426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11512426\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author Tim Z. Hernandez with the families of two of the passengers in Charco de Pantoja, Guanajuato, Mexico. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Tim Z. Hernandez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We have much more in common side by side than we do differences, and certainly, this airplane that crashed, becomes almost a kind of analogy,\" he adds. \"We’re all in this ship together, hurling toward a common fate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story, he says, is deeply relevant to today’s political climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Back then, they referred to the Mexican passengers simply as 'deportees.' That kind of rhetoric perpetuates this idea of a single narrative, one way of looking at these folks who come to this country and work to feed us,\" he says. \"Today we hear other words being used, 'illegal,' or 'alien.' All those kind of abstractions are used to erase the face, or the stories, of the people we’re talking about.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>So many artists -- from Bruce Springsteen to Bob Dylan -- have recorded Woody Guthrie's famous ballad \"Deportee,\" about one of the worst airplane disasters in California history. But a big piece of the story was missing. Until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One cold winter morning in January 1948, 32 passengers were killed when a plane crashed in Los Gatos Canyon, near the Central Valley town of Coalinga.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dead included 28 Mexican workers in the process of being deported by the U.S. government. Guthrie was outraged that newspaper accounts of the crash omitted the names of the Mexican passengers, simply calling them “deportees.\" So he penned a song, giving symbolic names to the dead:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Goodbye to my Juan, g\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">oodbye, Rosalita\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Adios mis Amigos, Jesus y Maria;\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You won’t have your names when you ride the big airplane,\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All they will call you will be \"deportees\"\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For seven decades, the real names of those deportees were unknown, their bodies buried in a mass grave in Fresno. Until \u003ca href=\"https://timzhernandez.com/\">Tim Z. Hernandez\u003c/a> -- a previous winner of the American Book Award for poetry -- spent years investigating in both Mexico and the U.S., interviewing families and unearthing records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The band Lance Canales and the Flood play a version of Woody Guthrie's \"Deportee,\" with author Tim Z. Hernandez whispering the names of those who died in the 1948 plane crash.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/CeCstLTB0EI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/CeCstLTB0EI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Hernandez's new book, “\u003ca href=\"http://www.uapress.arizona.edu/Books/bid2680.htm\">All They Will Call You\u003c/a>,” explores his journey uncovering their stories. From the book's forward:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>To stumble upon a plane crash is to stumble upon the fragmented and broken shards of stories, and to have faith that from these clues, our own glaring humanity offers enough light to fill in the unknown. The facts of what occurred on that day are not, nor have they ever been, the purpose of this book. The telling is not interested in the calculable details, but rather, the testimonies themselves, from the people whose lives were touched in incalculable ways. How a tragedy and a song had a profound, lasting effect on the people who lived it.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11567947\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11567947\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-800x589.jpg\" alt=\"Author Tim Z. Hernandez inside a Douglas DC-3 airplane, similar to the one that crashed in 1948.\" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-160x118.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-240x177.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-375x276.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezDC3-520x383.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author Tim Z. Hernandez inside a Douglas DC-3 airplane, similar to the one that crashed in 1948. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Tim Z. Hernandez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I’m the son of migrant farmworkers,\" explains Hernandez. \"It was raw curiosity that sprung me forth to look for these names. I wanted to know who they were.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he had few leads to go on. Only a single shred of newspaper from an Associated Press report after the crash, which didn’t include any names of the Mexican passengers. He found an erroneous list of names Guthrie fans had tried to compile on the internet. He then went to Fresno's Holy Cross Cemetery, where the remains of the Mexican passengers were buried in an unmarked grave. The cemetery had a list, but instead of individual names, it logged the term “Mexican National” 28 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez pushed on, digging up records and putting an ad in a bilingual newspaper looking for family members. After years of traveling across the U.S. and Mexico, he managed to locate the families of seven passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11512422\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11512422 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Guillermo and Jaime Ramirez, brothers who are related to two of the passengers who died in the 1948 plane crash.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25685_image002-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Guillermo and Jaime Ramirez, brothers who are related to two of the passengers who died in the 1948 plane crash. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Tim Z. Hernandez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The book reconstructs profiles of those passengers, fleshing out their love affairs, families and histories -- expanding the narrative of their lives beyond their identities as laborers or farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Ramon Paredes Gonzales, who crossed back and forth to work in the U.S. for years, and whose daughter, Caratina Paredes Murillo, was just 10 years old when he died in the crash. Decades later, an elderly Murillo still remembers the lyrics of the song her father sang every time he returned to their village.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For so grim a subject, one of the jobs was to find the light in each of their stories,\" says Hernandez. \"I always asked the families to tell me one of their fondest memories of their relatives.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book doesn’t just include the intimate stories of the Mexican farmworkers, but also the stories of witnesses to the crash, the pilot, stewardess and the immigration agent accompanying the deportees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11567953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11567953\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-800x493.jpg\" alt=\"Tim Z. Hernandez with the updated headstone that lists the full names of those who died in the plane crash. \" width=\"800\" height=\"493\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-800x493.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-160x99.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-1020x629.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-1180x728.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-960x592.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-240x148.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-375x231.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/HernandezStone-520x321.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tim Z. Hernandez with the updated headstone that lists the full names of those who died in the plane crash. \u003ccite>(Juan Esparza Loera)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Omissions are wrong,\" says Hernandez. \"Erasure is wrong, no matter what your background is, or nationality you are. Let's talk about the Mexican nationals, and the pilot and the stewardess, the family who owned the ranch whose children saw people falling out of the sky. And later on, how the song affected the people who made the melody, who sang it. This one incident had such a ripple effect across borders, and across lives.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201303291630/c\">helped get a headstone \u003c/a>with some of the names he discovered placed on the mass grave for the deportees. People all over the San Joaquin Valley helped raise money to make these names visible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez also re-recorded a new version of the song with musician Lance Canales. He whispers the actual names as Canales sings the lyrics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to honor all of us. To honor that we have had a history and a legacy, and that we once were here on earth, loving,” says Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11512426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11512426\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25684_image001-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author Tim Z. Hernandez with the families of two of the passengers in Charco de Pantoja, Guanajuato, Mexico. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Tim Z. Hernandez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We have much more in common side by side than we do differences, and certainly, this airplane that crashed, becomes almost a kind of analogy,\" he adds. \"We’re all in this ship together, hurling toward a common fate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story, he says, is deeply relevant to today’s political climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Back then, they referred to the Mexican passengers simply as 'deportees.' That kind of rhetoric perpetuates this idea of a single narrative, one way of looking at these folks who come to this country and work to feed us,\" he says. \"Today we hear other words being used, 'illegal,' or 'alien.' All those kind of abstractions are used to erase the face, or the stories, of the people we’re talking about.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"order": 9
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
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"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
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"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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