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"slug": "a-california-regulators-curious-crusade-to-remake-the-clean-air-act",
"title": "A California Regulator's Curious Crusade to Remake the Clean Air Act",
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"headTitle": "A California Regulator’s Curious Crusade to Remake the Clean Air Act | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UPDATE: June 8, 2017:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental Protection Agency Chief Scott Pruitt this week announced he is delaying a new federal ozone standard by a year. Ozone is a gas in smog that triggers asthma and other respiratory problems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency was scheduled to begin assessing this month which areas of the country were out of compliance, and make final determinations by October. Now the EPA will make those decisions by October 2018. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama Administration lowered the federal standard for ozone to 70 parts per billion in 2015, a move the EPA says will prevent hundreds of premature deaths and hundreds of thousands of asthma attacks in children, across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>In California’s polluted San Joaquin Valley, a regulator is under fire for allying with members of Congress who want to weaken the venerable law: A joint investigation from the\u003ca href=\"https://www.publicintegrity.org/\"> Center for Public Integrity\u003c/a> and The California Report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FRESNO — The 250-mile-long San Joaquin Valley is an economic powerhouse, producing everything from crude oil to grapes, cotton to pistachios.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘[Sadredin] swears an oath to uphold the Clean Air Act, and yet he is actively working to undermine this important environmental law.’\u003ccite>Jared Blumenfeld, former EPA regional administrator\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s also a pollution-trapping bowl, bounded on three sides by mountains and punished by meteorological conditions that cause dirty air to stagnate. All eight counties in the valley are in \u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/airquality/greenbook/ancl.html\">“extreme non-attainment\u003c/a>” of the federal smog standard, which has led to penalties. Lung-searing ozone, the main component of smog, is cooked by triple-digit summer heat. Fine particles, tied to both heart and respiratory disease, fill the air on foggy winter days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, the Clean Air Act was built for places like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1970 law has succeeded by any number of measures. Its benefits — in the form of improved health and productivity, along with lower medical expenses — have \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/benefits-and-costs-clean-air-act-1990-2020-second-prospective-study\">far exceeded its economic costs\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463329\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11463329 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An oil field in Lost Hills, California. The nearest air monitor measuring fine particles in the air is some 50 miles away. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By 2020, the EPA estimated in a peer-reviewed, congressionally mandated report, it will prevent more than 230,000 premature deaths annually from \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/pm-pollution/particulate-matter-pm-basics#effects\">microscopic particles\u003c/a> that can make their way deep into the lungs and bloodstream after being discharged by cars, trucks, industrial sites and agricultural operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even here, the law has had demonstrable effects. In 2015, for example, the valley exceeded the federal ozone standard on 55 days, compared to 90 days in 2005 and 113 days in 1995, data from the California Air Resources Board show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a place where agriculture and oil rule, however, the act has become a bone of contention, fueled by an anti-regulatory mood in Washington and a curious and controversial alliance of business interests and the local air pollution control agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The head of that agency, Seyed Sadredin, is a favorite of lawmakers who want to soften the act. In his third appearance before Congress since October 2015, Sadredin \u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/hearings-and-votes/hearings/hr-806-ozone-standards-implementation-act-2017\">complained at a House hearing\u003c/a> this spring about the law’s “artificial and arbitrary” deadlines, which he said could lead to “devastating federal sanctions” in the valley for pollution beyond his regulatory reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Letters to members of Congress\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One example of a letter Seyed Sadredin sent to members of Congress last year, urging them to co-sponsor a bill making changes to the Clean Air Act. The letter argues the region is “hampered by the unintended consequences of many outdated provisions of the Clean Air Act.” The letter was sent to Devin Nunes but accidentally addressed to Congressman Jim Costa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[LetterNunes]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Some of the provisions of the Clean Air Act, although well-intentioned, are leading to unintended consequences,” Sadredin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key elements of this esoteric drama are these: At the same time the valley is violating federal standards, its chief air pollution cop is deflecting blame and aiding politicians in D.C. eager to pry open a venerable public health statute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Sadredin] is a state officer,” said Jared Blumenfeld, the EPA’s regional administrator in California until last year. “He swears an oath to uphold the Clean Air Act, and yet he is actively working to undermine this important environmental law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Looking for a Scapegoat\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The conflict in the valley has roots going back 70 years. In 1947, Gov. Earl Warren signed into law the Air Pollution Control Act, authorizing each of the state’s 58 counties to create an air pollution control district. Los Angeles County, routinely enveloped in a brown cloud by that point, was the first to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the years passed, state lawmakers came to realize that, as one historical document put it, “air pollution does not respect political boundaries.” At their direction the \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/homepage.htm\">California Air Resources Board\u003c/a> divided the state into \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/knowzone/basin/basin.htm\">15 air basins\u003c/a> based on geological and meteorological characteristics. Starting with one in the Los Angeles basin in 1976, 35 regional air pollution control districts were created to address stationary sources of pollution — oil refineries, power plants, farms — as well as area sources like gas stations and dust from unpaved roads.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We’re not trying to get out of our responsibilities. We just don’t want to be unfairly penalized.’\u003ccite>Seyed Sadredin,\u003cbr>\nSan Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The districts prepare detailed plans stating how they intend to meet Clean Air Act standards. The plans are sent to the Air Resources Board, which regulates mobile pollution sources such as cars and trucks (more rigorously than the federal government — the Trump administration wants to change that). All of this is folded into a single document that goes to the EPA, which can accept or reject all or part of it. If the EPA thinks a state is malingering, it has the power to withhold federal highway funds or impose other sanctions, though it rarely does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/Home.htm\">San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District\u003c/a>, composed of eight former county offices, was formed in 1991. The district, with a staff of 310 and an annual budget of nearly $200 million, faces a herculean task in a region of 4.2 million people.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”91jjJ9XHt4cYJ2TwscrpLlbiCbHX7Y7u”]In Fresno, one in five children has asthma — among the highest rates in the country. Bakersfield — seat of Kern County, California’s oil-producing leviathan — ranked first in the nation for short-term particle pollution in the American Lung Association’s most recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.lung.org/assets/documents/healthy-air/state-of-the-air/state-of-the-air-2017.pdf\">“State of the Air”\u003c/a> report. Valley-wide, 1,200 premature deaths each year are blamed on the bad air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What to do about all of this has become the subject of endless debate and vitriol spewed by a disparate cast of characters and fueled by a changing political climate. In Washington, newly emboldened Republicans and at least one Democrat in Congress are seeking to \u003ca href=\"https://olson.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/olson-capito-flake-manchin-flores-latta-reintroduce-ozone-bill\">stretch compliance deadlines\u003c/a> under the Clean Air Act, calling them unreasonable and counterproductive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many regulators and public health advocates in traditionally liberal California are watching with trepidation, but Sadredin, the air district’s executive director, is not one of them. Within weeks of Donald Trump’s election, Sadredin’s name was atop a \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/documents/PRESIDENTIAL-TRANSITION-WHITE-PAPER.pdf\">“presidential transition white paper”\u003c/a> calling for an end to “costly bureaucratic red tape” associated with the act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, Sadredin insisted he has no desire to see the law eviscerated and pointed to a district proposal sent to state legislators in February. The document said a redo of the Clean Air Act wouldn’t be necessary if Congress could find some other way to inoculate California’s hazy midsection from EPA sanctions for air pollution beyond local control — from heavy trucks that barrel down Interstate 5 and state Highway 99, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11467563\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad.jpg\" alt=\"Haze hangs over a road close to I-5 near Buttonwillow, in Kern County.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1279\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Haze hangs over a road close to I-5 near Buttonwillow, in Kern County. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to get out of our responsibilities,” Sadredin said. “We just don’t want to be unfairly penalized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, however, leaves open the option of lobbying to weaken the federal law. Dr. Alexander Sherriffs, a physician in the town of Fowler who sits on the district’s 15-member governing board, cast one of two “no” votes against the plan. At his busy clinic, just south of Fresno, Sherriffs lamented the “terrible” rates of childhood asthma he sees. Even more alarming, he said, are heart attacks among adults that may be pollution-related but aren’t recorded as such on death certificates — “hundreds, if not a thousand, a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Air district seeks oil lobby’s help in D.C.\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In this email exchange, a senior staffer at the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District tries to convince the Western States Petroleum Association, a trade group, to send a representative on an upcoming lobbying trip to Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[LetterNoble]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sherriffs acknowledged that anti-pollution measures can be costly. But so are disease and its byproducts: emergency-room visits, medication, lost school days. “We’re paying this hidden expense every day,” he said. The doctor said he’s unwilling to “get off a winning racehorse” and endorse changes to the Clean Air Act. He worries that Sadredin has joined “people with axes” in Washington who want to dismantle the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Unfair Sanctions’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For the past five years, valley residents and business owners have paid a $12 vehicle-registration surcharge for violating the federal one-hour ozone standard. An agreement between the EPA and the air district has allowed the cumulative $168 million in penalties to be used for local projects such as replacement of diesel trucks, school buses and tractors, which contribute to both smog and particle pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin says he fears the EPA could impose more draconian measures on a region of vast oil fields and farms interspersed with swaths of poverty. Among them: “no-drive” and “no-farming” days, and the withholding of billions of dollars in federal highway funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A federal remedy to bar the imposition of these unfair sanctions is our top legislative priority,” Sadredin told the \u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/hearings-and-votes/hearings/hr-806-ozone-standards-implementation-act-2017\">House Environment Subcommittee\u003c/a> on March 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463336\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 576px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11463336 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"576\" height=\"408\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut.jpg 576w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-375x266.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-520x368.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 576px) 100vw, 576px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kurt Karperos of the California Air Resources Board, urged lawmakers not to weaken the Clean Air Act at a hearing on March 22. The state air board says there’s much more the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District can do to reduce pollution from the sources it regulates.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same hearing, Kurt Karperos, deputy executive officer at the state Air Resources Board, painted a less dire picture and urged lawmakers not to weaken the Clean Air Act. Driven by the law’s health-based deadlines, the state’s air quality has improved even as its economy — the world’s sixth-largest — has “continued to grow and prosper,” Karperos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clean air advocates – some of whom have clashed with Sadredin for years — say the district has dallied, especially on fine particles. The EPA defines these as being 2.5 micrometers — 1/30th the diameter of a human hair — or smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are constantly looking to put the blame somewhere else, find a scapegoat,” said Dolores Weller, director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calcleanair.org/\">Central Valley Air Quality Coalition\u003c/a> in Fresno. “They’re supposed to be a public health agency, but they pride themselves on the customer service they offer to [air-pollution] permit holders. That’s who they want to make happy. They could care less about people who have asthma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467565\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Gas flaring in an oil production area near Buttonwillow, in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gas flaring in an oil production area near Buttonwillow, in Kern County. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coalition has compiled a list of steps it says the district could take to meet the EPA’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/naaqs/particulate-matter-pm-air-quality-standards\">PM 2.5 standard\u003c/a>, including a ban on the burning of agricultural waste and stricter controls on natural-gas flaring in oil production areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin says the district has adopted more than 600 rules since 1992 and is pondering others. People’s exposure to high smog levels is down by 90 percent since the passage of the Clean Air Act 47 years ago, he says. “If we ever reach a day when we cannot find more things to do to reduce air pollution in the valley, we’ll close shop and I will quit my job,” he wrote in an email to the Center for Public Integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin says the federal law’s overlapping deadlines and ever-tightening requirements impede progress in places like the valley: Just as the district figures out how to meet one standard, another appears on the horizon. The Air Resources Board, however, characterizes this as a self-inflicted problem. The San Joaquin Valley air district “has chosen to develop separate plans for individual standards,” the board said in a written statement. In contrast, the South Coast Air Quality Management District, in the Los Angeles area, has found a way to “address all standards simultaneously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“When the air is really bad, everybody in Lost Hills complains — they have weepy eyes, they’re getting sick. We need the air district to do something about this.’\u003ccite>Saul Ruiz, Homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sadredin speaks often about a family of chemicals called \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/no2-pollution/basic-information-about-no2#What%20is%20NO2\">nitrogen oxides\u003c/a>, or NOx, which contribute to the valley’s vexing fine-particle problem. Eighty-five percent of NOx emissions come from mobile sources “outside our regulatory authority” — mostly trucks and locomotives — he testified at the House hearing in March. But state officials say that up to half of the particle pollution in the valley comes from sources regulated by the district. In October, the Air Resources Board kicked back for revisions a district plan to address the problem. The plan is scheduled to come up for discussion by the board this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to make sure [districts] are working in tandem and meet federal standards,” board member Dean Florez, a former Democratic state senator from Bakersfield, wrote in an email to the Center for Public Integrity. “If one district goes astray, that’s really concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin “does not represent California or other air districts in his messages in D.C.,” Florez wrote. “His constant refrain that they have left no stone unturned is disingenuous. He needs to take a proactive approach to meeting federal and state air quality requirements as opposed to dragging his feet and only complying minimally at the last minute.”\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”CSdoeBaNOEfucy439XPWzZP6HQCWXVUD”]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Pro-business’ Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Most members of the air district’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/Board_meetings/GB/governing_board_roster.htm\">governing board\u003c/a> have parochial interests: eight of the 15 are county supervisors, five sit on city councils. Ties to oil and agriculture – which together contribute some $40 billion to the valley economy – are strong. The exceptions: two board members appointed by the governor to make sure the health of all valley residents is considered and science is respected as policy is made. Legislation was required to create those seats, which are occupied by Dr. Sherriffs and John Capitman, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnostate.edu/chhs/cvhpi/\">Central Valley Health Policy Institute\u003c/a> at California State University, Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin, 57, began working for the district in 1981 and became executive director in 2006. In a 2013 radio talk-show interview, he described himself as a “pro-business conservative” and blamed “extremist environmental groups” for the EPA sanctions that led to the $12-per-vehicle surcharge.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The district is scrambling to figure out how to meet the national air standards. The response has been to ask for amendments to the Clean Air Act to give them excuses for not meeting certain requirements.’\u003ccite>Paul Cort, Earthjustice\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The board’s chairman, Fresno City Councilman Oliver L. Baines III, said the initiative merely argued for “common-sense” updates to the law that would help protect low-income communities like his West Fresno district, home to one of the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2013/04/23/worried-about-pollution-where-you-live-check-how-your-zip-code-ranks/\">most polluted ZIP codes in the state.\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\nSadredin wrote in an email that he is a “life-long Democrat” who twice voted for Barack Obama. While he reports to a “conservative, pro-Business board,” he wrote, the body “has promulgated clean air programs that serve as a model for the rest of the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, the district’s board adopted a Clean Air Act “\u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/2015-Clean-Air-Act-Modernization-Proposal.pdf\">modernization\u003c/a>” proposal, which suggested, among other things, that “technological and economic feasibility” be contemplated along with the health benefits of pollution controls. When the proposal came up for a vote, Sherriffs and Capitman were the only dissenters. Capitman said the plan “picks up the worst ideas in the country on how to move away from the Clean Air Act. I’m extremely uncomfortable about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>A fellow regulator chastises Sadredin for his congressional testimony.\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Immediately after Seyed Sadredin, executive director of the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District, finishes testifying before Congress, his counterpart in California’s San Luis Obispo County expresses his displeasure. “O3” is shorthand for ozone, a key component of smog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SadredinTestimony]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“No person in my position who represents a disadvantaged community is going to jeopardize public health,” Baines said. But he said he’s puzzled by resistance to legislative remedies that would shield such places from crippling sanctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually approached air quality advocates in the valley and said, ‘Hey, this is what we’d like to do. We would like your support,’ ” Baines said. “And, you know, they refuse to help. They are simply afraid to introduce any legislation that would allow the Clean Air Act to be opened up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails obtained by the Center for Public Integrity under the California Public Records Act seem to underpin the advocates’ skepticism. They show, for example, that the district solicited the lobbying help of an oil industry trade group, the Western States Petroleum Association, “a strong supporter of our federal efforts to improve the Clean Air Act.” Those efforts have aligned the district with an informal coalition led by \u003ca href=\"http://www.allawgp.com/attorneys/jed-anderson/\">Jed Anderson\u003c/a>, a Houston-area lawyer who represents corporations in pollution cases and runs a website called \u003ca href=\"https://cleanairreform.org/\">cleanairreform.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Anderson attended a \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/topc/presentations.htm\">district-organized scientific conference\u003c/a> at Yosemite National Park addressing one of Sadredin’s fixations: pollution that drifts into California from as far away as China. The California Air Resources Board says the phenomenon has a negligible effect on the San Joaquin Valley’s air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11463339\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Ruiz family lives in Lost Hills, near dusty pistachio farms and less than a quarter-mile from an active oil field … and just off I-5, where trucks rumble past day and night. 14-year old Saul Ruiz Jr. gets sudden nosebleeds when the air is bad. 21-year old sister, Ericka, has asthma. Their younger sister, Julissa, falls asleep frequently at school and doctors can’t figure out why. Her parents say it happens more often on bad-air days. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a telephone interview, Anderson said he was “blown away” by Sadredin’s commitment to fixing the federal law. Sadredin called Anderson “an interesting character” who had “zero input” on district policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Nosebleeds and Asthma Attacks in Lost Hills\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 11 members of the Ruiz family breathe some of the valley’s worst air. They live in the Kern County community of Lost Hills, which adjoins an oil field of the same name. Emissions from the field mingle with those from farms and traffic; the Tehachapi Mountains to the southeast hold much of it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nine Ruiz children suffer chronic health problems their parents blame on pollution. Saul Jr., 14, gets nosebleeds and headaches when the air is especially fetid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’ll be out playing, and suddenly he’s bathed in blood,” his father, Saul Sr., said in Spanish. Twenty-one-year-old Ericka is asthmatic and had attacks so severe when she was younger that she would turn purple, necessitating visits to the emergency room. Nine-year-old Julissa is constantly exhausted and falls asleep in class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463351\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11463351\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Environmental Justice organizer Rosanna Esparza shows the Ruiz family how to measure indoor and outdoor air quality with a monitor as part of a community monitoring project. They’ve collected data using Speck Monitors developed at Carnegie Mellon University Robotics Institute. Monitoring data will be collected at 20 homes.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leaving is out of the question, Saul Sr. said. He stays home on disability and takes care of the children; his wife works at a pistachio-packing plant nearby. “When the air is really bad, everybody in Lost Hills complains — they have weepy eyes, they’re getting sick,” he said. “We need the air district to do something about this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What, exactly, is in the air? It’s hard to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nearest district air-monitoring stations for ozone and fine particles are about 25 miles and 50 miles away, respectively. With modest foundation funding, Rosanna Esparza, an organizer with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.crpe-ej.org/\">Center on Race, Poverty & the Environment\u003c/a>, last year installed monitors inside and outside 20 homes, including the Ruizes’, in and around Lost Hills. Esparza said the devices have detected spikes of fine particles, which can cause symptoms reported by residents: headaches, lethargy, respiratory problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier sampling outside three homes picked up consistent levels of volatile organic compounds, or VOCs, as well as the toxic gas methane. While none of the individual VOC levels was above short-term limits, Esparza said she worries about the cumulative effects. She expects the current round of testing to continue through August and said the results will be presented to air district officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>http://bakersfieldnow.com/news/local/armed-with-infrared-camera-citizen-group-monitors-oil-gas-emissions\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not doing their job,” she said. “Somebody’s got to do it. We shouldn’t be picking up the tab on this kind of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin said the district has “one of the most extensive air-monitoring systems in the nation.” But each station costs about $500,000 to build and $70,000 a year to maintain, with the EPA traditionally footing most of the bill. People in places like Lost Hills are left with a web-based tool that allows a user to type in an address and get an estimate of local air quality based on computer modeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County embraces the oil industry as warmly as it does country-music legends Merle Haggard and Buck Owens, who created the rock ‘n’ roll-influenced Bakersfield Sound. More than 80 percent of California’s oil production comes from the county, which had 44,000 active wells in 2015 and, thanks to an ordinance that eased permitting, could have 72,000 more by 2035. Clean air activists like Tom Frantz are a decided minority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frantz, an almond farmer and a member of the Air Resources Board’s Environmental Justice Advisory Committee, complains regularly about flaring — the burning of natural gas for economic or safety reasons — which throws off NOx and VOCs and adds to the valley’s smog and particle burdens. He kept close watch over one flare in the city of Shafter, six-tenths of a mile from an elementary school, which roared off and on for 17 years until it finally was extinguished. Last year the district gave it permission to release 70,017 pounds of pollutants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Explore this interactive map to find out how many active wells there are across Kern County. Circle size corresponds to the number of wells within one mile of a school:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[KernCountyMap]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like having maybe a dozen diesel trucks making a 1-mile loop, continuously, in your neighborhood,” Frantz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public interest law firm Earthjustice, the “extremist” group to which Sadredin says he was referring in the 2013 radio interview, has challenged — unsuccessfully thus far — district permits issued to two Kern County facilities that accept rail shipments of exceptionally noxious crude oil from North Dakota and tar sands from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm has had better luck pushing back on district air-pollution plans, convincing the EPA and a federal appeals court to reject aspects as deficient. “The district is scrambling to figure out how to meet the national air standards,” said Paul Cort, an Earthjustice lawyer in San Francisco. “The response has been to ask for amendments to the Clean Air Act to give them excuses for not meeting certain requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Improving the Process\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/evolution-clean-air-act\">Clean Air Act\u003c/a> is not immutable. It was amended — fortified — by Congress in 1990 to address airborne chemicals and acid rain. President George H.W. Bush \u003ca href=\"http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=19039\">signed the legislation\u003c/a> — “a demonstration to the American people,” he said, “of my determination that each and every American shall breathe clean air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, however, some lawmakers want to relax the act rather than strengthen it. The \u003ca href=\"http://docs.house.gov/meetings/IF/IF18/20170322/105754/BILLS-115HR806ih.pdf\">bill\u003c/a> on which Sadredin testified in March would, among other things, slow mandatory review of clean air standards by the EPA from every five years to every 10 years and require the agency to consider “technological feasibility” when revising those standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to the Center for Public Integrity, the bill’s sponsor, \u003ca href=\"https://olson.house.gov/\">Rep. Pete Olson\u003c/a>, R-Texas, wrote, “We have made important progress in improving air quality, but state after state has informed us that under the current system, there are Administrative nightmares with respect to compliance and feasibility. We also know that there is pollution beyond our control that drifts into the U.S. from around the world or occurs naturally. This bill is simply about improving the process for state air regulators and industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Janet McCabe, who ran the EPA’s Office of Air and Radiation late in the Obama administration, sees something more ominous at work. The feasibility provision of Olson’s bill is “a big, big deal,” she said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Clean Air Act dictates that standards be health-based, driven by science and not economics, McCabe said; cost comes into play only after the numbers are set. The law already gives states time to devise and implement pollution-control strategies, she said. “They are not expected to do things that are ridiculously costly or that don’t make sense.” Nor are states responsible for pollution beyond their control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An EPA spokeswoman declined to comment on the Olson bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Tighter Standards, More Alarming Science\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s true that standards under the act keep changing. In 1997, the federal ozone limit was set at 80 parts per billion. It went down to 75 ppb in 2008 and 70 ppb in 2015 (a number Trump’s EPA chief, Scott Pruitt, is reconsidering). The San Joaquin Valley isn’t projected to hit these targets until 2023, 2031 and 2037, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”h3ViIvhbrJm7AurqAEjpR8zBXhzBMZaT”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a reason ozone limits have gotten stricter: The science has gotten scarier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the March 22 hearing, \u003ca href=\"http://docs.house.gov/meetings/IF/IF18/20170322/105754/HHRG-115-IF18-Wstate-BousheyH-20170322.pdf\">Dr. Homer Boushey\u003c/a>, a lung specialist at the University of California, San Francisco, said there is mounting evidence that ozone not only worsens asthma in children but also may induce it, and that it causes premature death and neurological changes — like those seen in victims of Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s — among adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://docs.house.gov/meetings/IF/IF18/20170322/105754/HHRG-115-IF18-Wstate-KarperosK-20170322.pdf\">Karperos\u003c/a>, of the California Air Resources Board, testified that Olson’s bill “would mean more people would breathe dirty air longer.” He singled out Sadredin’s domain, saying, “The San Joaquin Valley, in particular, is home to high rates of poverty, pollution and asthma. It is especially critical to continue progress in that region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin said he’s spoken privately to progressive elected officials and environmentalists who have warned, “You don’t want to open the act in this Congress, because then they would go beyond some of the reasonable things you’re asking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He finds this illogical, he said, but allowed, “I suppose they have to say things like that — that, you know, the Clean Air Act is the holy grail we should not even think about changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jim Morris is managing editor for environment and labor at the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.publicintegrity.org/\">\u003cem>Center for Public Integrity\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a nonprofit investigative news organization in Washington, D.C. Sasha Khokha is host of KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/programs/the-california-report/\">\u003cem>The California Report Magazine\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a statewide public radio program, and reported for 12 years from Fresno as KQED’s Central Valley bureau chief. Kimberly Kenny, Ana Santos and Carolyn Zhang contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In state's polluted San Joaquin Valley, an air pollution control officer is under fire for allying with members of Congress who want to weaken the Clean Air Act.",
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"title": "A California Regulator's Curious Crusade to Remake the Clean Air Act | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/jim-morris\">Jim Morris\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> and \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/author/sasha-khokha/\">Sasha Khokha\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UPDATE: June 8, 2017:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental Protection Agency Chief Scott Pruitt this week announced he is delaying a new federal ozone standard by a year. Ozone is a gas in smog that triggers asthma and other respiratory problems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency was scheduled to begin assessing this month which areas of the country were out of compliance, and make final determinations by October. Now the EPA will make those decisions by October 2018. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama Administration lowered the federal standard for ozone to 70 parts per billion in 2015, a move the EPA says will prevent hundreds of premature deaths and hundreds of thousands of asthma attacks in children, across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>In California’s polluted San Joaquin Valley, a regulator is under fire for allying with members of Congress who want to weaken the venerable law: A joint investigation from the\u003ca href=\"https://www.publicintegrity.org/\"> Center for Public Integrity\u003c/a> and The California Report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FRESNO — The 250-mile-long San Joaquin Valley is an economic powerhouse, producing everything from crude oil to grapes, cotton to pistachios.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘[Sadredin] swears an oath to uphold the Clean Air Act, and yet he is actively working to undermine this important environmental law.’\u003ccite>Jared Blumenfeld, former EPA regional administrator\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s also a pollution-trapping bowl, bounded on three sides by mountains and punished by meteorological conditions that cause dirty air to stagnate. All eight counties in the valley are in \u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/airquality/greenbook/ancl.html\">“extreme non-attainment\u003c/a>” of the federal smog standard, which has led to penalties. Lung-searing ozone, the main component of smog, is cooked by triple-digit summer heat. Fine particles, tied to both heart and respiratory disease, fill the air on foggy winter days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, the Clean Air Act was built for places like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1970 law has succeeded by any number of measures. Its benefits — in the form of improved health and productivity, along with lower medical expenses — have \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/benefits-and-costs-clean-air-act-1990-2020-second-prospective-study\">far exceeded its economic costs\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463329\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11463329 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25392_Lost-Hills-4-qut-e1495055685594-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An oil field in Lost Hills, California. The nearest air monitor measuring fine particles in the air is some 50 miles away. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By 2020, the EPA estimated in a peer-reviewed, congressionally mandated report, it will prevent more than 230,000 premature deaths annually from \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/pm-pollution/particulate-matter-pm-basics#effects\">microscopic particles\u003c/a> that can make their way deep into the lungs and bloodstream after being discharged by cars, trucks, industrial sites and agricultural operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even here, the law has had demonstrable effects. In 2015, for example, the valley exceeded the federal ozone standard on 55 days, compared to 90 days in 2005 and 113 days in 1995, data from the California Air Resources Board show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a place where agriculture and oil rule, however, the act has become a bone of contention, fueled by an anti-regulatory mood in Washington and a curious and controversial alliance of business interests and the local air pollution control agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The head of that agency, Seyed Sadredin, is a favorite of lawmakers who want to soften the act. In his third appearance before Congress since October 2015, Sadredin \u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/hearings-and-votes/hearings/hr-806-ozone-standards-implementation-act-2017\">complained at a House hearing\u003c/a> this spring about the law’s “artificial and arbitrary” deadlines, which he said could lead to “devastating federal sanctions” in the valley for pollution beyond his regulatory reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Letters to members of Congress\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One example of a letter Seyed Sadredin sent to members of Congress last year, urging them to co-sponsor a bill making changes to the Clean Air Act. The letter argues the region is “hampered by the unintended consequences of many outdated provisions of the Clean Air Act.” The letter was sent to Devin Nunes but accidentally addressed to Congressman Jim Costa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[LetterNunes]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Some of the provisions of the Clean Air Act, although well-intentioned, are leading to unintended consequences,” Sadredin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key elements of this esoteric drama are these: At the same time the valley is violating federal standards, its chief air pollution cop is deflecting blame and aiding politicians in D.C. eager to pry open a venerable public health statute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Sadredin] is a state officer,” said Jared Blumenfeld, the EPA’s regional administrator in California until last year. “He swears an oath to uphold the Clean Air Act, and yet he is actively working to undermine this important environmental law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Looking for a Scapegoat\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The conflict in the valley has roots going back 70 years. In 1947, Gov. Earl Warren signed into law the Air Pollution Control Act, authorizing each of the state’s 58 counties to create an air pollution control district. Los Angeles County, routinely enveloped in a brown cloud by that point, was the first to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the years passed, state lawmakers came to realize that, as one historical document put it, “air pollution does not respect political boundaries.” At their direction the \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/homepage.htm\">California Air Resources Board\u003c/a> divided the state into \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/knowzone/basin/basin.htm\">15 air basins\u003c/a> based on geological and meteorological characteristics. Starting with one in the Los Angeles basin in 1976, 35 regional air pollution control districts were created to address stationary sources of pollution — oil refineries, power plants, farms — as well as area sources like gas stations and dust from unpaved roads.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We’re not trying to get out of our responsibilities. We just don’t want to be unfairly penalized.’\u003ccite>Seyed Sadredin,\u003cbr>\nSan Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The districts prepare detailed plans stating how they intend to meet Clean Air Act standards. The plans are sent to the Air Resources Board, which regulates mobile pollution sources such as cars and trucks (more rigorously than the federal government — the Trump administration wants to change that). All of this is folded into a single document that goes to the EPA, which can accept or reject all or part of it. If the EPA thinks a state is malingering, it has the power to withhold federal highway funds or impose other sanctions, though it rarely does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/Home.htm\">San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District\u003c/a>, composed of eight former county offices, was formed in 1991. The district, with a staff of 310 and an annual budget of nearly $200 million, faces a herculean task in a region of 4.2 million people.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>In Fresno, one in five children has asthma — among the highest rates in the country. Bakersfield — seat of Kern County, California’s oil-producing leviathan — ranked first in the nation for short-term particle pollution in the American Lung Association’s most recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.lung.org/assets/documents/healthy-air/state-of-the-air/state-of-the-air-2017.pdf\">“State of the Air”\u003c/a> report. Valley-wide, 1,200 premature deaths each year are blamed on the bad air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What to do about all of this has become the subject of endless debate and vitriol spewed by a disparate cast of characters and fueled by a changing political climate. In Washington, newly emboldened Republicans and at least one Democrat in Congress are seeking to \u003ca href=\"https://olson.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/olson-capito-flake-manchin-flores-latta-reintroduce-ozone-bill\">stretch compliance deadlines\u003c/a> under the Clean Air Act, calling them unreasonable and counterproductive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many regulators and public health advocates in traditionally liberal California are watching with trepidation, but Sadredin, the air district’s executive director, is not one of them. Within weeks of Donald Trump’s election, Sadredin’s name was atop a \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/documents/PRESIDENTIAL-TRANSITION-WHITE-PAPER.pdf\">“presidential transition white paper”\u003c/a> calling for an end to “costly bureaucratic red tape” associated with the act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, Sadredin insisted he has no desire to see the law eviscerated and pointed to a district proposal sent to state legislators in February. The document said a redo of the Clean Air Act wouldn’t be necessary if Congress could find some other way to inoculate California’s hazy midsection from EPA sanctions for air pollution beyond local control — from heavy trucks that barrel down Interstate 5 and state Highway 99, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11467563\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad.jpg\" alt=\"Haze hangs over a road close to I-5 near Buttonwillow, in Kern County.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1279\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/HazyRoad-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Haze hangs over a road close to I-5 near Buttonwillow, in Kern County. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re not trying to get out of our responsibilities,” Sadredin said. “We just don’t want to be unfairly penalized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, however, leaves open the option of lobbying to weaken the federal law. Dr. Alexander Sherriffs, a physician in the town of Fowler who sits on the district’s 15-member governing board, cast one of two “no” votes against the plan. At his busy clinic, just south of Fresno, Sherriffs lamented the “terrible” rates of childhood asthma he sees. Even more alarming, he said, are heart attacks among adults that may be pollution-related but aren’t recorded as such on death certificates — “hundreds, if not a thousand, a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Air district seeks oil lobby’s help in D.C.\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In this email exchange, a senior staffer at the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District tries to convince the Western States Petroleum Association, a trade group, to send a representative on an upcoming lobbying trip to Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[LetterNoble]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sherriffs acknowledged that anti-pollution measures can be costly. But so are disease and its byproducts: emergency-room visits, medication, lost school days. “We’re paying this hidden expense every day,” he said. The doctor said he’s unwilling to “get off a winning racehorse” and endorse changes to the Clean Air Act. He worries that Sadredin has joined “people with axes” in Washington who want to dismantle the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Unfair Sanctions’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For the past five years, valley residents and business owners have paid a $12 vehicle-registration surcharge for violating the federal one-hour ozone standard. An agreement between the EPA and the air district has allowed the cumulative $168 million in penalties to be used for local projects such as replacement of diesel trucks, school buses and tractors, which contribute to both smog and particle pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin says he fears the EPA could impose more draconian measures on a region of vast oil fields and farms interspersed with swaths of poverty. Among them: “no-drive” and “no-farming” days, and the withholding of billions of dollars in federal highway funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A federal remedy to bar the imposition of these unfair sanctions is our top legislative priority,” Sadredin told the \u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/hearings-and-votes/hearings/hr-806-ozone-standards-implementation-act-2017\">House Environment Subcommittee\u003c/a> on March 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463336\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 576px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11463336 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"576\" height=\"408\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut.jpg 576w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-375x266.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25397_Kurt-Karperos-qut-520x368.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 576px) 100vw, 576px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kurt Karperos of the California Air Resources Board, urged lawmakers not to weaken the Clean Air Act at a hearing on March 22. The state air board says there’s much more the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District can do to reduce pollution from the sources it regulates.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same hearing, Kurt Karperos, deputy executive officer at the state Air Resources Board, painted a less dire picture and urged lawmakers not to weaken the Clean Air Act. Driven by the law’s health-based deadlines, the state’s air quality has improved even as its economy — the world’s sixth-largest — has “continued to grow and prosper,” Karperos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clean air advocates – some of whom have clashed with Sadredin for years — say the district has dallied, especially on fine particles. The EPA defines these as being 2.5 micrometers — 1/30th the diameter of a human hair — or smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are constantly looking to put the blame somewhere else, find a scapegoat,” said Dolores Weller, director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calcleanair.org/\">Central Valley Air Quality Coalition\u003c/a> in Fresno. “They’re supposed to be a public health agency, but they pride themselves on the customer service they offer to [air-pollution] permit holders. That’s who they want to make happy. They could care less about people who have asthma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467565\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Gas flaring in an oil production area near Buttonwillow, in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/GasFlaring-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gas flaring in an oil production area near Buttonwillow, in Kern County. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coalition has compiled a list of steps it says the district could take to meet the EPA’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/naaqs/particulate-matter-pm-air-quality-standards\">PM 2.5 standard\u003c/a>, including a ban on the burning of agricultural waste and stricter controls on natural-gas flaring in oil production areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin says the district has adopted more than 600 rules since 1992 and is pondering others. People’s exposure to high smog levels is down by 90 percent since the passage of the Clean Air Act 47 years ago, he says. “If we ever reach a day when we cannot find more things to do to reduce air pollution in the valley, we’ll close shop and I will quit my job,” he wrote in an email to the Center for Public Integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin says the federal law’s overlapping deadlines and ever-tightening requirements impede progress in places like the valley: Just as the district figures out how to meet one standard, another appears on the horizon. The Air Resources Board, however, characterizes this as a self-inflicted problem. The San Joaquin Valley air district “has chosen to develop separate plans for individual standards,” the board said in a written statement. In contrast, the South Coast Air Quality Management District, in the Los Angeles area, has found a way to “address all standards simultaneously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“When the air is really bad, everybody in Lost Hills complains — they have weepy eyes, they’re getting sick. We need the air district to do something about this.’\u003ccite>Saul Ruiz, Homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sadredin speaks often about a family of chemicals called \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/no2-pollution/basic-information-about-no2#What%20is%20NO2\">nitrogen oxides\u003c/a>, or NOx, which contribute to the valley’s vexing fine-particle problem. Eighty-five percent of NOx emissions come from mobile sources “outside our regulatory authority” — mostly trucks and locomotives — he testified at the House hearing in March. But state officials say that up to half of the particle pollution in the valley comes from sources regulated by the district. In October, the Air Resources Board kicked back for revisions a district plan to address the problem. The plan is scheduled to come up for discussion by the board this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our job is to make sure [districts] are working in tandem and meet federal standards,” board member Dean Florez, a former Democratic state senator from Bakersfield, wrote in an email to the Center for Public Integrity. “If one district goes astray, that’s really concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin “does not represent California or other air districts in his messages in D.C.,” Florez wrote. “His constant refrain that they have left no stone unturned is disingenuous. He needs to take a proactive approach to meeting federal and state air quality requirements as opposed to dragging his feet and only complying minimally at the last minute.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Pro-business’ Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Most members of the air district’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/Board_meetings/GB/governing_board_roster.htm\">governing board\u003c/a> have parochial interests: eight of the 15 are county supervisors, five sit on city councils. Ties to oil and agriculture – which together contribute some $40 billion to the valley economy – are strong. The exceptions: two board members appointed by the governor to make sure the health of all valley residents is considered and science is respected as policy is made. Legislation was required to create those seats, which are occupied by Dr. Sherriffs and John Capitman, director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnostate.edu/chhs/cvhpi/\">Central Valley Health Policy Institute\u003c/a> at California State University, Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin, 57, began working for the district in 1981 and became executive director in 2006. In a 2013 radio talk-show interview, he described himself as a “pro-business conservative” and blamed “extremist environmental groups” for the EPA sanctions that led to the $12-per-vehicle surcharge.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The district is scrambling to figure out how to meet the national air standards. The response has been to ask for amendments to the Clean Air Act to give them excuses for not meeting certain requirements.’\u003ccite>Paul Cort, Earthjustice\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The board’s chairman, Fresno City Councilman Oliver L. Baines III, said the initiative merely argued for “common-sense” updates to the law that would help protect low-income communities like his West Fresno district, home to one of the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2013/04/23/worried-about-pollution-where-you-live-check-how-your-zip-code-ranks/\">most polluted ZIP codes in the state.\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\nSadredin wrote in an email that he is a “life-long Democrat” who twice voted for Barack Obama. While he reports to a “conservative, pro-Business board,” he wrote, the body “has promulgated clean air programs that serve as a model for the rest of the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, the district’s board adopted a Clean Air Act “\u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/2015-Clean-Air-Act-Modernization-Proposal.pdf\">modernization\u003c/a>” proposal, which suggested, among other things, that “technological and economic feasibility” be contemplated along with the health benefits of pollution controls. When the proposal came up for a vote, Sherriffs and Capitman were the only dissenters. Capitman said the plan “picks up the worst ideas in the country on how to move away from the Clean Air Act. I’m extremely uncomfortable about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>A fellow regulator chastises Sadredin for his congressional testimony.\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Immediately after Seyed Sadredin, executive director of the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District, finishes testifying before Congress, his counterpart in California’s San Luis Obispo County expresses his displeasure. “O3” is shorthand for ozone, a key component of smog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SadredinTestimony]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“No person in my position who represents a disadvantaged community is going to jeopardize public health,” Baines said. But he said he’s puzzled by resistance to legislative remedies that would shield such places from crippling sanctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually approached air quality advocates in the valley and said, ‘Hey, this is what we’d like to do. We would like your support,’ ” Baines said. “And, you know, they refuse to help. They are simply afraid to introduce any legislation that would allow the Clean Air Act to be opened up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails obtained by the Center for Public Integrity under the California Public Records Act seem to underpin the advocates’ skepticism. They show, for example, that the district solicited the lobbying help of an oil industry trade group, the Western States Petroleum Association, “a strong supporter of our federal efforts to improve the Clean Air Act.” Those efforts have aligned the district with an informal coalition led by \u003ca href=\"http://www.allawgp.com/attorneys/jed-anderson/\">Jed Anderson\u003c/a>, a Houston-area lawyer who represents corporations in pollution cases and runs a website called \u003ca href=\"https://cleanairreform.org/\">cleanairreform.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Anderson attended a \u003ca href=\"http://www.valleyair.org/topc/presentations.htm\">district-organized scientific conference\u003c/a> at Yosemite National Park addressing one of Sadredin’s fixations: pollution that drifts into California from as far away as China. The California Air Resources Board says the phenomenon has a negligible effect on the San Joaquin Valley’s air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11463339\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25405_Ruiz-family-2-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Ruiz family lives in Lost Hills, near dusty pistachio farms and less than a quarter-mile from an active oil field … and just off I-5, where trucks rumble past day and night. 14-year old Saul Ruiz Jr. gets sudden nosebleeds when the air is bad. 21-year old sister, Ericka, has asthma. Their younger sister, Julissa, falls asleep frequently at school and doctors can’t figure out why. Her parents say it happens more often on bad-air days. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a telephone interview, Anderson said he was “blown away” by Sadredin’s commitment to fixing the federal law. Sadredin called Anderson “an interesting character” who had “zero input” on district policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Nosebleeds and Asthma Attacks in Lost Hills\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The 11 members of the Ruiz family breathe some of the valley’s worst air. They live in the Kern County community of Lost Hills, which adjoins an oil field of the same name. Emissions from the field mingle with those from farms and traffic; the Tehachapi Mountains to the southeast hold much of it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nine Ruiz children suffer chronic health problems their parents blame on pollution. Saul Jr., 14, gets nosebleeds and headaches when the air is especially fetid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’ll be out playing, and suddenly he’s bathed in blood,” his father, Saul Sr., said in Spanish. Twenty-one-year-old Ericka is asthmatic and had attacks so severe when she was younger that she would turn purple, necessitating visits to the emergency room. Nine-year-old Julissa is constantly exhausted and falls asleep in class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463351\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11463351\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25410_Rosanna-demonstrates-indoor-air-monitor-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Environmental Justice organizer Rosanna Esparza shows the Ruiz family how to measure indoor and outdoor air quality with a monitor as part of a community monitoring project. They’ve collected data using Speck Monitors developed at Carnegie Mellon University Robotics Institute. Monitoring data will be collected at 20 homes.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leaving is out of the question, Saul Sr. said. He stays home on disability and takes care of the children; his wife works at a pistachio-packing plant nearby. “When the air is really bad, everybody in Lost Hills complains — they have weepy eyes, they’re getting sick,” he said. “We need the air district to do something about this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What, exactly, is in the air? It’s hard to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nearest district air-monitoring stations for ozone and fine particles are about 25 miles and 50 miles away, respectively. With modest foundation funding, Rosanna Esparza, an organizer with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.crpe-ej.org/\">Center on Race, Poverty & the Environment\u003c/a>, last year installed monitors inside and outside 20 homes, including the Ruizes’, in and around Lost Hills. Esparza said the devices have detected spikes of fine particles, which can cause symptoms reported by residents: headaches, lethargy, respiratory problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier sampling outside three homes picked up consistent levels of volatile organic compounds, or VOCs, as well as the toxic gas methane. While none of the individual VOC levels was above short-term limits, Esparza said she worries about the cumulative effects. She expects the current round of testing to continue through August and said the results will be presented to air district officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>http://bakersfieldnow.com/news/local/armed-with-infrared-camera-citizen-group-monitors-oil-gas-emissions\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not doing their job,” she said. “Somebody’s got to do it. We shouldn’t be picking up the tab on this kind of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin said the district has “one of the most extensive air-monitoring systems in the nation.” But each station costs about $500,000 to build and $70,000 a year to maintain, with the EPA traditionally footing most of the bill. People in places like Lost Hills are left with a web-based tool that allows a user to type in an address and get an estimate of local air quality based on computer modeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County embraces the oil industry as warmly as it does country-music legends Merle Haggard and Buck Owens, who created the rock ‘n’ roll-influenced Bakersfield Sound. More than 80 percent of California’s oil production comes from the county, which had 44,000 active wells in 2015 and, thanks to an ordinance that eased permitting, could have 72,000 more by 2035. Clean air activists like Tom Frantz are a decided minority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frantz, an almond farmer and a member of the Air Resources Board’s Environmental Justice Advisory Committee, complains regularly about flaring — the burning of natural gas for economic or safety reasons — which throws off NOx and VOCs and adds to the valley’s smog and particle burdens. He kept close watch over one flare in the city of Shafter, six-tenths of a mile from an elementary school, which roared off and on for 17 years until it finally was extinguished. Last year the district gave it permission to release 70,017 pounds of pollutants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Explore this interactive map to find out how many active wells there are across Kern County. Circle size corresponds to the number of wells within one mile of a school:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[KernCountyMap]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like having maybe a dozen diesel trucks making a 1-mile loop, continuously, in your neighborhood,” Frantz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public interest law firm Earthjustice, the “extremist” group to which Sadredin says he was referring in the 2013 radio interview, has challenged — unsuccessfully thus far — district permits issued to two Kern County facilities that accept rail shipments of exceptionally noxious crude oil from North Dakota and tar sands from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm has had better luck pushing back on district air-pollution plans, convincing the EPA and a federal appeals court to reject aspects as deficient. “The district is scrambling to figure out how to meet the national air standards,” said Paul Cort, an Earthjustice lawyer in San Francisco. “The response has been to ask for amendments to the Clean Air Act to give them excuses for not meeting certain requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Improving the Process\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/evolution-clean-air-act\">Clean Air Act\u003c/a> is not immutable. It was amended — fortified — by Congress in 1990 to address airborne chemicals and acid rain. President George H.W. Bush \u003ca href=\"http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=19039\">signed the legislation\u003c/a> — “a demonstration to the American people,” he said, “of my determination that each and every American shall breathe clean air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, however, some lawmakers want to relax the act rather than strengthen it. The \u003ca href=\"http://docs.house.gov/meetings/IF/IF18/20170322/105754/BILLS-115HR806ih.pdf\">bill\u003c/a> on which Sadredin testified in March would, among other things, slow mandatory review of clean air standards by the EPA from every five years to every 10 years and require the agency to consider “technological feasibility” when revising those standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to the Center for Public Integrity, the bill’s sponsor, \u003ca href=\"https://olson.house.gov/\">Rep. Pete Olson\u003c/a>, R-Texas, wrote, “We have made important progress in improving air quality, but state after state has informed us that under the current system, there are Administrative nightmares with respect to compliance and feasibility. We also know that there is pollution beyond our control that drifts into the U.S. from around the world or occurs naturally. This bill is simply about improving the process for state air regulators and industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Janet McCabe, who ran the EPA’s Office of Air and Radiation late in the Obama administration, sees something more ominous at work. The feasibility provision of Olson’s bill is “a big, big deal,” she said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Clean Air Act dictates that standards be health-based, driven by science and not economics, McCabe said; cost comes into play only after the numbers are set. The law already gives states time to devise and implement pollution-control strategies, she said. “They are not expected to do things that are ridiculously costly or that don’t make sense.” Nor are states responsible for pollution beyond their control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An EPA spokeswoman declined to comment on the Olson bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Tighter Standards, More Alarming Science\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s true that standards under the act keep changing. In 1997, the federal ozone limit was set at 80 parts per billion. It went down to 75 ppb in 2008 and 70 ppb in 2015 (a number Trump’s EPA chief, Scott Pruitt, is reconsidering). The San Joaquin Valley isn’t projected to hit these targets until 2023, 2031 and 2037, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a reason ozone limits have gotten stricter: The science has gotten scarier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the March 22 hearing, \u003ca href=\"http://docs.house.gov/meetings/IF/IF18/20170322/105754/HHRG-115-IF18-Wstate-BousheyH-20170322.pdf\">Dr. Homer Boushey\u003c/a>, a lung specialist at the University of California, San Francisco, said there is mounting evidence that ozone not only worsens asthma in children but also may induce it, and that it causes premature death and neurological changes — like those seen in victims of Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s — among adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://docs.house.gov/meetings/IF/IF18/20170322/105754/HHRG-115-IF18-Wstate-KarperosK-20170322.pdf\">Karperos\u003c/a>, of the California Air Resources Board, testified that Olson’s bill “would mean more people would breathe dirty air longer.” He singled out Sadredin’s domain, saying, “The San Joaquin Valley, in particular, is home to high rates of poverty, pollution and asthma. It is especially critical to continue progress in that region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sadredin said he’s spoken privately to progressive elected officials and environmentalists who have warned, “You don’t want to open the act in this Congress, because then they would go beyond some of the reasonable things you’re asking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He finds this illogical, he said, but allowed, “I suppose they have to say things like that — that, you know, the Clean Air Act is the holy grail we should not even think about changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jim Morris is managing editor for environment and labor at the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.publicintegrity.org/\">\u003cem>Center for Public Integrity\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a nonprofit investigative news organization in Washington, D.C. Sasha Khokha is host of KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/programs/the-california-report/\">\u003cem>The California Report Magazine\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a statewide public radio program, and reported for 12 years from Fresno as KQED’s Central Valley bureau chief. Kimberly Kenny, Ana Santos and Carolyn Zhang contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump and Republicans' control of Washington loomed large over this weekend's California Democratic Convention in Sacramento -- including among the handful of candidates who are challenging sitting Republican members of Congress in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most memorable moment of the convention came when outgoing party chair \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/19/theres-much-more-to-john-burton-than-profanity/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Burton\u003c/a> threw up both middle fingers and said \"fuck Trump,\" prompting wild cheers from the Democratic party faithful gathered in a giant convention hall. But that raucous moment was just the most visible outpouring of a theme that punctuated most speeches and many conversations over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are hoping to capture that energy on behalf of candidates who will help the party regain control of the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://katieporter.com/about.html\">Consumer advocate Katie Porter\u003c/a> is challenging GOP \u003ca href=\"https://walters.house.gov/\"> Congresswoman Mimi Walters\u003c/a> in the 45th District, an Orange County district that Democrat Hillary Clinton carried in 2016. Porter is working hard to tie Walters to the president, sending out a statement after the House health care vote calling the legislation, \"\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Trump and Congresswoman Walters' health care plan.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This weekend, she continued to press the charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately for the families of Orange County, Mimi Walters continues to vote 100 percent with Donald Trump against what’s best for them,\" she said. \"So I am here to make sure everyone is aware of what she's doing and the harm that she's creating in our communities and for our families.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not far from Walters' district, two Democrats are already vying to unseat \u003ca href=\"https://issa.house.gov/\">Congressman Darrell Issa\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.applegateforcongress.com/\">. Retired Marine Colonel Doug Applegate\u003c/a> came close last year, losing by just over 1,600 votes in a district that spans parts of northern San Diego County and southern Orange County, and also broke for Clinton last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing demographics in that district -- not to mention Trump's unpopularity in California -- are giving Democrats hope that they can unseat Issa in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also encouraging them: Last year was \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/nation/politics/trailguide/la-na-election-aftermath-updates-trail-orange-county-turns-1478716018-htmlstory.html\">the first time since 1936 that Orange County went for a Democrat\u003c/a> in a presidential race, as its voters have gotten younger and more diverse in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applegate and another Democrat,\u003ca href=\"http://mikelevin.org/\"> environmental lawyer Mike Levin\u003c/a>, will be running against each other but this weekend focused their energy on attacking Issa and Trump. Applegate said Issa, who made a name investigating former President Barack Obama, has tried to soften his conservative stances to better fit the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Darrell Issa consistently tries to sound like he's a moderate Democrat on a Friday, but by the following Monday he's back to the same conservative Republican he's always been,\" said Applegate. \"I expect to beat Darrell Issa in the primary—that’s what I want to accomplish, and anyone else running is more than welcome in joining in beating Darrell Issa.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin, who said he decided to run for the congressional seat while flying back from the East Coast the day after last year's presidential election, also focused criticism on his Republican opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He's done a good job trying to sell himself as moderate lately, but when you look at his voting record he has voted with Donald Trump 100 percent of the time,\" said Levin, noting Issa's vote on health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Issa and Walters' districts are two of \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-dccc-sets-sights-on-seven-california-1485806622-htmlstory.html\">seven seats held by Republicans that Democrats are hoping to claim in 2018\u003c/a>. But even though those districts broke for Clinton over Trump, unseating sitting Republicans \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/05/19/california-republicans-2018-238575\">may not be easy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin said he knows that the race will be a challenge, even in an increasingly purple district, but he believes issues like climate change and clean energy cross party lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In a place like San Diego and Orange County, where we care so much about sustainability, regardless of their political affiliation people want clean air and clean water,\" said Levin. \"I think we can break through on energy and environmental policy issues and that can be the way we get that marginal number of decline-to-state and moderate Republican voters, who may not agree with me on every issue but they also know I will listen to them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Republicans are worried, they're not saying so. Asked recently about Democrats targeting seven incumbent Republicans, House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Bakersfield) shrugged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the same thing they did last time and the time before that,\" McCarthy said. \"The fact is these Congress members represent their districts very well.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump and Republicans' control of Washington loomed large over this weekend's California Democratic Convention in Sacramento -- including among the handful of candidates who are challenging sitting Republican members of Congress in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most memorable moment of the convention came when outgoing party chair \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/19/theres-much-more-to-john-burton-than-profanity/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Burton\u003c/a> threw up both middle fingers and said \"fuck Trump,\" prompting wild cheers from the Democratic party faithful gathered in a giant convention hall. But that raucous moment was just the most visible outpouring of a theme that punctuated most speeches and many conversations over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are hoping to capture that energy on behalf of candidates who will help the party regain control of the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://katieporter.com/about.html\">Consumer advocate Katie Porter\u003c/a> is challenging GOP \u003ca href=\"https://walters.house.gov/\"> Congresswoman Mimi Walters\u003c/a> in the 45th District, an Orange County district that Democrat Hillary Clinton carried in 2016. Porter is working hard to tie Walters to the president, sending out a statement after the House health care vote calling the legislation, \"\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Trump and Congresswoman Walters' health care plan.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This weekend, she continued to press the charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately for the families of Orange County, Mimi Walters continues to vote 100 percent with Donald Trump against what’s best for them,\" she said. \"So I am here to make sure everyone is aware of what she's doing and the harm that she's creating in our communities and for our families.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not far from Walters' district, two Democrats are already vying to unseat \u003ca href=\"https://issa.house.gov/\">Congressman Darrell Issa\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.applegateforcongress.com/\">. Retired Marine Colonel Doug Applegate\u003c/a> came close last year, losing by just over 1,600 votes in a district that spans parts of northern San Diego County and southern Orange County, and also broke for Clinton last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing demographics in that district -- not to mention Trump's unpopularity in California -- are giving Democrats hope that they can unseat Issa in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also encouraging them: Last year was \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/nation/politics/trailguide/la-na-election-aftermath-updates-trail-orange-county-turns-1478716018-htmlstory.html\">the first time since 1936 that Orange County went for a Democrat\u003c/a> in a presidential race, as its voters have gotten younger and more diverse in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applegate and another Democrat,\u003ca href=\"http://mikelevin.org/\"> environmental lawyer Mike Levin\u003c/a>, will be running against each other but this weekend focused their energy on attacking Issa and Trump. Applegate said Issa, who made a name investigating former President Barack Obama, has tried to soften his conservative stances to better fit the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Darrell Issa consistently tries to sound like he's a moderate Democrat on a Friday, but by the following Monday he's back to the same conservative Republican he's always been,\" said Applegate. \"I expect to beat Darrell Issa in the primary—that’s what I want to accomplish, and anyone else running is more than welcome in joining in beating Darrell Issa.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin, who said he decided to run for the congressional seat while flying back from the East Coast the day after last year's presidential election, also focused criticism on his Republican opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He's done a good job trying to sell himself as moderate lately, but when you look at his voting record he has voted with Donald Trump 100 percent of the time,\" said Levin, noting Issa's vote on health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Issa and Walters' districts are two of \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-dccc-sets-sights-on-seven-california-1485806622-htmlstory.html\">seven seats held by Republicans that Democrats are hoping to claim in 2018\u003c/a>. But even though those districts broke for Clinton over Trump, unseating sitting Republicans \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/05/19/california-republicans-2018-238575\">may not be easy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin said he knows that the race will be a challenge, even in an increasingly purple district, but he believes issues like climate change and clean energy cross party lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In a place like San Diego and Orange County, where we care so much about sustainability, regardless of their political affiliation people want clean air and clean water,\" said Levin. \"I think we can break through on energy and environmental policy issues and that can be the way we get that marginal number of decline-to-state and moderate Republican voters, who may not agree with me on every issue but they also know I will listen to them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Republicans are worried, they're not saying so. Asked recently about Democrats targeting seven incumbent Republicans, House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Bakersfield) shrugged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the same thing they did last time and the time before that,\" McCarthy said. \"The fact is these Congress members represent their districts very well.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Party Insider Claims Democratic Chair After Dramatic Race",
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"content": "\u003cp>Longtime Democratic party leader Eric Bauman narrowly beat back a challenge by progressive activist Kimberly Ellis to claim the role of state party chair this weekend after a raucous convention that belied schisms between the party faithful in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman won by just 62 votes in a race where just under 3,000 delegates weighed in. When the tally came in late Saturday, Ellis refused to concede, even as Bauman claimed victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday morning, party leaders huddled with lawyers for Ellis and Bauman to sort out questions over voting irregularities raised by Ellis supporters. Those supporters also drafted a petition calling for a recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ellis agreed to simply have her campaign review the ballots, which include each delegates' name. But her supporters were still angry, meeting Bauman with sneers of \"Not our chair!\" as he attempted to make a victory speech. He ultimately gave up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexis Edelstein, a 40-year-old Los Angeles delegate for Ellis, said he believes the vote process was opaque and that there could be irregularities. He said the vote -- combined with Bernie Sanders' loss last year in the presidential primary and the defeat of progressive candidate Keith Ellison for national Democratic Party chair -- is starting to sour some younger, newer party activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We got screwed in Philly, we got screwed in Atlanta and now we got screwed here,\" he said. \"They’re alienating the grassroots and activists that got involved. I can’t guarantee that anyone here is going to stay, after Philadelphia there was a large Dem exit, we don't want to see that happen again but at this point I don't know what to tell everybody to try to stay in the party.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11470350\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11470350\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-800x1067.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"350\" height=\"467\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-1020x1360.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-1920x2560.jpeg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-1180x1573.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-960x1280.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-240x320.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-375x500.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-520x693.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Kimberly Ellis protest Eric Bauman's win as California Democratic chair. Bauman is seen on a screen as he attempts to make a victory speech. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The close race was driven by the hundreds of delegates new to party politics who ran for seats in January and won. Many of those new delegates -- who were moved to get involved after last year's divisive Democratic primary and President Donald Trump's surprise victory -- backed Ellis. Clad in bright pink shirts that read \"Unbossed, Unbought,\" they packed the convention hall and at times interrupted speeches to call for single-payer health care and support Ellis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman, a longtime labor leader who has led the Los Angeles Democratic Party since 2000 and served as California Democratic party chair since 2009, said even before the vote that he wanted to mend fences with Ellis' more liberal, younger supporters. The weekend convention in Sacramento recalled tension between Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton supporters at last year's Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman said he knows that many of Ellis' supporters may be disappointed by his win but pledged to give everyone a seat at the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know how to steer the ship, run the ship, but the energy and new ideas come from the new people and young people and I’m not afraid of that,\" he said. \"I welcome that because that’s what keeps our party vibrant, that’s what keeps us alive, and that's what keeps us moving forward.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman replaces former Congressman and state lawmaker John Burton, who led the party for the past eight years. He inherits a party that has made great strides -- all of California's statewide elected officials are Democrats and the party enjoys two-thirds majorities in both houses of the Legislature -- but is struggling with tensions between urban and more rural areas, and outsiders who want to push the party further left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her campaign, Ellis -- who previously led an organization that recruits women to run for office -- had promised to help heal wounds within the party and make space for new people and their ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear how deep those divisions now run -- or if the many delegates who are new to party politics will stay involved. On Saturday during her speech to the convention, California Nurses Association RoseAnn DeMoro, warned that progressives won't blindly continue to support Democrats if they don't feel its representatives are willing to take risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you dismiss progressive values and reinforce the dynamic status quo, don’t assume the activists around California and the nation are going to stay with the Democratic Party,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMoro's main priority -- enacting a single-payer health care system in California -- is up for debate in the state Legislature; its success or failure will hinge on if more moderate Democratic lawmakers and Governor Jerry Brown can support it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as outgoing chair John Burton repeatedly reminded convention-goers this weekend, single payer is already enshrined in the state's party platform.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Longtime Democratic party leader Eric Bauman narrowly beat back a challenge by progressive activist Kimberly Ellis to claim the role of state party chair this weekend after a raucous convention that belied schisms between the party faithful in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman won by just 62 votes in a race where just under 3,000 delegates weighed in. When the tally came in late Saturday, Ellis refused to concede, even as Bauman claimed victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday morning, party leaders huddled with lawyers for Ellis and Bauman to sort out questions over voting irregularities raised by Ellis supporters. Those supporters also drafted a petition calling for a recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ellis agreed to simply have her campaign review the ballots, which include each delegates' name. But her supporters were still angry, meeting Bauman with sneers of \"Not our chair!\" as he attempted to make a victory speech. He ultimately gave up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexis Edelstein, a 40-year-old Los Angeles delegate for Ellis, said he believes the vote process was opaque and that there could be irregularities. He said the vote -- combined with Bernie Sanders' loss last year in the presidential primary and the defeat of progressive candidate Keith Ellison for national Democratic Party chair -- is starting to sour some younger, newer party activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We got screwed in Philly, we got screwed in Atlanta and now we got screwed here,\" he said. \"They’re alienating the grassroots and activists that got involved. I can’t guarantee that anyone here is going to stay, after Philadelphia there was a large Dem exit, we don't want to see that happen again but at this point I don't know what to tell everybody to try to stay in the party.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11470350\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11470350\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-800x1067.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"350\" height=\"467\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-1020x1360.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-1920x2560.jpeg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-1180x1573.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-960x1280.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-240x320.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-375x500.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_0720.JPG-e1495402612374-520x693.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Kimberly Ellis protest Eric Bauman's win as California Democratic chair. Bauman is seen on a screen as he attempts to make a victory speech. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The close race was driven by the hundreds of delegates new to party politics who ran for seats in January and won. Many of those new delegates -- who were moved to get involved after last year's divisive Democratic primary and President Donald Trump's surprise victory -- backed Ellis. Clad in bright pink shirts that read \"Unbossed, Unbought,\" they packed the convention hall and at times interrupted speeches to call for single-payer health care and support Ellis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman, a longtime labor leader who has led the Los Angeles Democratic Party since 2000 and served as California Democratic party chair since 2009, said even before the vote that he wanted to mend fences with Ellis' more liberal, younger supporters. The weekend convention in Sacramento recalled tension between Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton supporters at last year's Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman said he knows that many of Ellis' supporters may be disappointed by his win but pledged to give everyone a seat at the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know how to steer the ship, run the ship, but the energy and new ideas come from the new people and young people and I’m not afraid of that,\" he said. \"I welcome that because that’s what keeps our party vibrant, that’s what keeps us alive, and that's what keeps us moving forward.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauman replaces former Congressman and state lawmaker John Burton, who led the party for the past eight years. He inherits a party that has made great strides -- all of California's statewide elected officials are Democrats and the party enjoys two-thirds majorities in both houses of the Legislature -- but is struggling with tensions between urban and more rural areas, and outsiders who want to push the party further left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her campaign, Ellis -- who previously led an organization that recruits women to run for office -- had promised to help heal wounds within the party and make space for new people and their ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear how deep those divisions now run -- or if the many delegates who are new to party politics will stay involved. On Saturday during her speech to the convention, California Nurses Association RoseAnn DeMoro, warned that progressives won't blindly continue to support Democrats if they don't feel its representatives are willing to take risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you dismiss progressive values and reinforce the dynamic status quo, don’t assume the activists around California and the nation are going to stay with the Democratic Party,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMoro's main priority -- enacting a single-payer health care system in California -- is up for debate in the state Legislature; its success or failure will hinge on if more moderate Democratic lawmakers and Governor Jerry Brown can support it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as outgoing chair John Burton repeatedly reminded convention-goers this weekend, single payer is already enshrined in the state's party platform.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "they-call-us-monsters-a-new-lens-on-teens-facing-life-in-prison",
"title": "'They Call Us Monsters': A New Lens on Teens Facing Life in Prison",
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"headTitle": "‘They Call Us Monsters’: A New Lens on Teens Facing Life in Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in 2013, California was debating whether to give teenagers who committed violent crimes a second chance. The proposed bill, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB260\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 260\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, would allow juveniles to become eligible for parole earlier in their sentencing, after serving at least 15 years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s when director \u003ca href=\"http://www.imdb.com/name/nm3435580/\">Ben Lear\u003c/a> knew he had a film to make. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"They Call Us Monsters Official Trailer 1 (2016) - Documentary\" width=\"500\" height=\"281\" src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/u7BQc1Lxm6g?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lear had been visiting “The Compound,” a high-security facility where Los Angeles houses its most violent juvenile criminals. When he heard about the bill, he joined forces with screenwriter \u003ca href=\"https://www.theycallusmonsters.com/copy-of-sasha-alpert\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Gabriel Cowan\u003c/a> to produce the documentary “\u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/films/they-call-us-monsters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">They Call Us Monsters\u003c/a>.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cowan had the idea to start a screenwriting class for juvenile offenders after he gave a talk to incarcerated youth while working on another screenplay. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of a few months, Lear filmed Cowan working with three teenagers — Juan Gamez, Jarad Nava and Antonio Hernandez — who were awaiting trial, some facing sentences more than 100 years long. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan and Jarad were 16 when they were arrested; Antonio was 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467104\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467104\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Cowan teaches a screenwriting class to juvenile offenders at The Compound. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cowan says the juvenile justice system in California is broken. Instead of rehabilitating youth who have committed serious crimes, he says, it’s punishing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t punish trauma out of a child, you have to love it out of them,” he says. “And that’s part of what I think works so well with these art programs. People who are trying through art help these kids deal with the trauma that they have gone through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it wasn’t easy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The film documents one of his first visits, when he asks the group to list their fears. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Antonio: “Fear of trust, fear of being alone, fear of public speaking, and fear of vulnerability,” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Juan: “Death, loneliness, darkness, and love.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jarad: “I don’t like snakes, there’s a fear of heights, I’m not scared of heights, but there’s a fear. The dark.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But then, Jarad counters, “No, I’m not scared of the dark.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Seems like you’re avoiding the question,” Cowan replies. “Seems like maybe you’re afraid of the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467106\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467106\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Cowan and his students review their work at The Compound. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cowan says that getting the teens to open up to him was a long and sometimes difficult process. He had the group do a number of trust exercises. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It wasn’t a direct line, it was a process that had zigzaggy lines. One week they would open up and trust me, and another week they would be joking around and sort of making me the villain.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cowan gave the teens liberty to choose what they wanted their film to be about. “You can write a science fiction, you can write an animated film, you can write about ninjas, whatever you want.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the three boys decided to do something mutually biographical. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The plot emerged when the teens were talking about their fears. Juan said he was in love with a girl when he was 10, but was too scared to tell her. His story became one of the main themes in their film.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467107\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467107\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Cowan at The Compound, where he teaches a screenwriting class to juvenile offenders. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We incorporated that experience, the experience of telling someone you love them and how scary that is,” says Cowan. “[It’s] the loss of innocence of this kid, who in this one day, nearly loses his virginity, smokes pot for the first time, gets kicked out of his house, sees a drive-by shooting, and all while trying to tell this girl that he loves her.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Encouraged by Cowan and his classmates, Juan ended up calling his 10 year-old crush inside the jail.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This scene makes it into the final documentary, in which Lear \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">braids together footage from the class with clips from the fictional film that the teens wrote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting back on his first week teaching his screenwriting class, Cowan says he was struck by the teens saying they don’t have friends. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s homies and there’s enemies,” he says they told him. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But by the end of the 10 weeks,” Cowan says, “they were all friends. You can see them hugging, you can see they felt a lot of success together, they went through a real experience together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467108\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-800x451.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"451\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-800x451.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-1180x665.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-960x541.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-520x293.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06.jpg 1607w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Antonio, Jarad and Juan hanging in the dayroom at The Compound. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since the documentary was produced in 2013, \u003ca href=\"https://chronicleofsocialchange.org/news-2/california-passes-new-parole-law-for-young-offenders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the initial parole bill, SB 230, passed\u003c/a>, along with other bills that decrease juvenile sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means these kids could get a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Jarad’s case, he’ll likely \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> come up for parole in 20-25 years, instead of the 80 or 90 years he would have had with a 160-year sentence. This is true for Juan as well, who has a 90-year sentence.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/films/they-call-us-monsters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PBS Independent Lens airs the film on Monday, May 22\u003c/a>. To see the short film, “Los,” written by Juan, Jarad, and Antonio, visit \u003ca href=\"http://insideoutwriters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">InsideOUT Writers.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "'They Call Us Monsters': A New Lens on Teens Facing Life in Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in 2013, California was debating whether to give teenagers who committed violent crimes a second chance. The proposed bill, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB260\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 260\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, would allow juveniles to become eligible for parole earlier in their sentencing, after serving at least 15 years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s when director \u003ca href=\"http://www.imdb.com/name/nm3435580/\">Ben Lear\u003c/a> knew he had a film to make. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"They Call Us Monsters Official Trailer 1 (2016) - Documentary\" width=\"500\" height=\"281\" src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/u7BQc1Lxm6g?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lear had been visiting “The Compound,” a high-security facility where Los Angeles houses its most violent juvenile criminals. When he heard about the bill, he joined forces with screenwriter \u003ca href=\"https://www.theycallusmonsters.com/copy-of-sasha-alpert\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Gabriel Cowan\u003c/a> to produce the documentary “\u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/films/they-call-us-monsters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">They Call Us Monsters\u003c/a>.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cowan had the idea to start a screenwriting class for juvenile offenders after he gave a talk to incarcerated youth while working on another screenplay. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of a few months, Lear filmed Cowan working with three teenagers — Juan Gamez, Jarad Nava and Antonio Hernandez — who were awaiting trial, some facing sentences more than 100 years long. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan and Jarad were 16 when they were arrested; Antonio was 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467104\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467104\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-03-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Cowan teaches a screenwriting class to juvenile offenders at The Compound. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cowan says the juvenile justice system in California is broken. Instead of rehabilitating youth who have committed serious crimes, he says, it’s punishing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t punish trauma out of a child, you have to love it out of them,” he says. “And that’s part of what I think works so well with these art programs. People who are trying through art help these kids deal with the trauma that they have gone through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it wasn’t easy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The film documents one of his first visits, when he asks the group to list their fears. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Antonio: “Fear of trust, fear of being alone, fear of public speaking, and fear of vulnerability,” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Juan: “Death, loneliness, darkness, and love.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jarad: “I don’t like snakes, there’s a fear of heights, I’m not scared of heights, but there’s a fear. The dark.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But then, Jarad counters, “No, I’m not scared of the dark.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Seems like you’re avoiding the question,” Cowan replies. “Seems like maybe you’re afraid of the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467106\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467106\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-07-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Cowan and his students review their work at The Compound. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cowan says that getting the teens to open up to him was a long and sometimes difficult process. He had the group do a number of trust exercises. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It wasn’t a direct line, it was a process that had zigzaggy lines. One week they would open up and trust me, and another week they would be joking around and sort of making me the villain.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cowan gave the teens liberty to choose what they wanted their film to be about. “You can write a science fiction, you can write an animated film, you can write about ninjas, whatever you want.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the three boys decided to do something mutually biographical. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The plot emerged when the teens were talking about their fears. Juan said he was in love with a girl when he was 10, but was too scared to tell her. His story became one of the main themes in their film.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467107\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467107\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-05-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Cowan at The Compound, where he teaches a screenwriting class to juvenile offenders. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We incorporated that experience, the experience of telling someone you love them and how scary that is,” says Cowan. “[It’s] the loss of innocence of this kid, who in this one day, nearly loses his virginity, smokes pot for the first time, gets kicked out of his house, sees a drive-by shooting, and all while trying to tell this girl that he loves her.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Encouraged by Cowan and his classmates, Juan ended up calling his 10 year-old crush inside the jail.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This scene makes it into the final documentary, in which Lear \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">braids together footage from the class with clips from the fictional film that the teens wrote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting back on his first week teaching his screenwriting class, Cowan says he was struck by the teens saying they don’t have friends. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s homies and there’s enemies,” he says they told him. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But by the end of the 10 weeks,” Cowan says, “they were all friends. You can see them hugging, you can see they felt a lot of success together, they went through a real experience together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11467108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11467108\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-800x451.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"451\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-800x451.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-1180x665.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-960x541.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06-520x293.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/they_call_us_monsters-press-06.jpg 1607w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Antonio, Jarad and Juan hanging in the dayroom at The Compound. \u003ccite>(BMP Films)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since the documentary was produced in 2013, \u003ca href=\"https://chronicleofsocialchange.org/news-2/california-passes-new-parole-law-for-young-offenders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the initial parole bill, SB 230, passed\u003c/a>, along with other bills that decrease juvenile sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means these kids could get a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Jarad’s case, he’ll likely \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> come up for parole in 20-25 years, instead of the 80 or 90 years he would have had with a 160-year sentence. This is true for Juan as well, who has a 90-year sentence.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/films/they-call-us-monsters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PBS Independent Lens airs the film on Monday, May 22\u003c/a>. To see the short film, “Los,” written by Juan, Jarad, and Antonio, visit \u003ca href=\"http://insideoutwriters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">InsideOUT Writers.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "How the Contra Costa County Sheriff Works With ICE",
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"content": "\u003cp>For decades Contra Costa County has worked with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to hold immigrant detainees in a county jail in Richmond. But now new legislation could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county currently leases beds at its West County Jail to ICE to detain undocumented immigrants under a contract that funnels about $6 million to the county, according to Contra Costa County Sheriff David Livingston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a state bill making its way through the California Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/13/california-debates-whether-to-become-a-sanctuary-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 54\u003c/a>, would end all ICE contracts and bar local law enforcement from communicating and cooperating with federal immigration authorities, except in rare cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livingston called SB 54 \"a disaster,\" saying it would hamper law enforcement efforts. “We couldn't share basic information about human trafficking or other cases with ICE unless the individual has a prior conviction for a serious or violent felony,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11466909\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11466909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters criticize Immigration and Customs Enforcement at a rally in Oakland, April 5, 2017 \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County’s contract with federal immigration authorities has drawn a steady stream of criticism and protests from advocates and family members of detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Trump administration ramping up immigration enforcement, California state lawmakers have drafted several bills aiming to restrict the federal government's ability to enforce its immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill proposed by state Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley), \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB630\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 630\u003c/a>, would bar jails from using state funds for expansions as long as they also house federal prisoners, including immigrant detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner's bill raises the stakes for counties like Contra Costa, which is currently competing for a $70 million grant to add 400 beds to its Richmond facility. On Wednesday, the Board of State and Community Corrections put Contra Costa County’s proposal -- which would include space for rehabilitation facilities -- at the top of its short list of recommended grant recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We desperately need a new mental health and re-entry building in West County Jail,” Livingston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CABSCC/status/864909829948678144\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Skinner's bill passes, Livingston says the choice is clear: He would cancel the county's ICE contract to stay in the running for jail expansion funds. Still, he would prefer to maintain both funding sources, as they are allocated to different needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/programs/kqed-newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/a>, Sheriff Livingston discussed in detail the county’s policies and interactions with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Interview Transcript\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This transcript has been edited for clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Thuy Vu:\u003c/strong> Contra Costa has a contract with ICE -- Immigration and Customs Enforcement -- to house federal detainees at your jail in Richmond. How long have you had this contract, and why did you agree to it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sheriff David Livingston:\u003c/strong> The contract actually began back in 1992 with the U.S. Marshals Service. More recently ICE has asked to also use that contract to hold some of their detainees in our facility, which is important to know is a dormitory-style building in West County. It is intended specifically for that type of population. They actually have keys to their own cell doors. It's minimum to low security and it's extra bed space. So we thought it prudent to go ahead and rent those spaces to ICE, generate revenue and reduce the operating costs to the taxpayers of Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> How much revenue do you get from it a year?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Typically it's about $6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> And how many detainees on a given day, a given month?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Our average is about 200 a day, although that moves day to day by as many as 10 or 20 in either direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> So on any given day, most people in your jail are there for reasons unrelated to immigration. They may be awaiting trial. They're serving time for other crimes. But in this country all inmates have their fingerprints sent to the FBI database. So once federal immigration authorities figure out that some of the folks you have there are undocumented, what do they want you to do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> So essentially anyone that's booked into my jail and for Contra Costa -- of course, we don't have a choice who comes in the facility -- everyone is booked into one of our jails. Those fingerprints are automatically sent to Homeland Security and to FBI. It's at that time that ICE determines that they may want to interview one of the persons recently arrested in my facility, for example, and they notify us that they'd like to talk to that person. Formerly they might put in a request for a hold. Holds are no longer allowed in California. We don't honor holds. If that person is subject to being released at a certain time we release them at that time. If ICE is present to interview them, we’ll allow the interview to occur. Otherwise, that person is released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> Do you ever proactively contact ICE to let them know that someone is about to be released?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> If there is a particular individual that has come to our attention as a violent offender or a serious offender or who self-discloses that they may be subject to ICE investigation, we’ll notify ICE that they may be interested in this person. But that doesn't happen very often. ICE typically knows who they want to interview. And by the way, when they come in to do that interview, in many cases, they do not remove the person into their custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> You know, a lot of people take issue with that, though. You've had a number of protests at your facility. People who feel it's wrong for you to do this, wrong for you to proactively contact ICE. How do you respond to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Well, it's a relatively small group of people. It's somewhere between 30 and 50 that appear pretty regularly to protest. My obligation as sheriff for Contra Costa County is to provide public safety to the entire county -- that's 1.1 million people. So we focus on what's best, in our view, in providing public safety to everyone, not just particular special interest groups. And we already have a policy that I have signed off on that says we will do no immigration enforcement at all for our deputies on the street. This is really about the back end when someone who is already here, undocumented, has committed a new crime and now finds himself in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> Several cities throughout California have declared themselves sanctuary cities and now there's a bill, SB 54, a state bill that would make all of California a sanctuary state and prohibit law enforcement agencies like yours from cooperating with federal immigration agents. Where do you stand on SB 54?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> I, like nearly all of my colleagues in California and the State Sheriffs’ Association, are absolutely opposed to that bill. We think it's a disaster. It's the first time that we have heard of where the state government is trying to tell us who we can talk to and who we can’t talk to among other law enforcement agencies. It would hamper our efforts in a very demonstrable way. We couldn't share basic information about human trafficking or other cases with ICE unless the individual has a prior conviction for a serious or violent felony. And so putting those kinds of restrictions on our access to our federal colleagues and partners can be very damaging to public safety. We oppose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> Supporters of the bill, though, say that the flip side of this is that there would be damage to public safety from another angle, and that is, it would make undocumented immigrants so fearful of deportation that they would be less willing to cooperate with you and other law enforcement agencies, less willing to report crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Well, we want everyone to feel comfortable coming to their local law enforcement agency or the sheriff's office to report a crime, of course, either to report a crime as a victim or a witness. We work in communities now, North Richmond, for example, where we already encounter those types of issues and it's very difficult to get people to come forward to work with us reporting crimes so ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> But wouldn’t those issues be exacerbated, though, if you keep on opposing this sanctuary bill?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> I don't believe so. In fact, if we have a situation where ICE has to go now into the community to take someone into custody who may be facing a felony or a very serious charge, when they could have had that interview conducted in the safety and security of a custodial facility, that's putting more people at risk. So we believe at least working with ICE to the extent that they can conduct an interview makes sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> You're currently seeking $95 million to expand the West County facility. State Sen. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley has a bill that essentially bars state funds from being used for jail expansions in counties that hold ICE detainees. So you're seeking of this $95 million in funds could be in jeopardy if this bill passes. Your thoughts on Sen. Skinner's bill?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> I think Sen. Skinner has moved the goalposts in the middle of the game. We applied in good faith for those funds to build a re-entry facility that will help those that need it most in our custody -- mental health treatment, substance abuse treatment. That's what this is about. It's a $70 billion grant with matching funds that the county would come up with. The grants will be awarded as early as next week. It's a very competitive grant and we've had this contract with ICE for many, many years. So to now say, well, if you received the grant funds you're not going to be able to have contracts with any federal agency, I think is just patently unfair and it's inappropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> All right, Sheriff David Livingston of Contra Costa County, thank you so much for being here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sheraz Sadiq, Julie Small and Lisa Pickoff-White contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For decades Contra Costa County has worked with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to hold immigrant detainees in a county jail in Richmond. But now new legislation could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county currently leases beds at its West County Jail to ICE to detain undocumented immigrants under a contract that funnels about $6 million to the county, according to Contra Costa County Sheriff David Livingston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a state bill making its way through the California Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/13/california-debates-whether-to-become-a-sanctuary-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 54\u003c/a>, would end all ICE contracts and bar local law enforcement from communicating and cooperating with federal immigration authorities, except in rare cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livingston called SB 54 \"a disaster,\" saying it would hamper law enforcement efforts. “We couldn't share basic information about human trafficking or other cases with ICE unless the individual has a prior conviction for a serious or violent felony,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11466909\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11466909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS24870_20170405_OaklandImmigrationRally_Credit_BertJohnson-10-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters criticize Immigration and Customs Enforcement at a rally in Oakland, April 5, 2017 \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County’s contract with federal immigration authorities has drawn a steady stream of criticism and protests from advocates and family members of detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Trump administration ramping up immigration enforcement, California state lawmakers have drafted several bills aiming to restrict the federal government's ability to enforce its immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill proposed by state Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley), \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB630\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 630\u003c/a>, would bar jails from using state funds for expansions as long as they also house federal prisoners, including immigrant detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner's bill raises the stakes for counties like Contra Costa, which is currently competing for a $70 million grant to add 400 beds to its Richmond facility. On Wednesday, the Board of State and Community Corrections put Contra Costa County’s proposal -- which would include space for rehabilitation facilities -- at the top of its short list of recommended grant recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We desperately need a new mental health and re-entry building in West County Jail,” Livingston said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>If Skinner's bill passes, Livingston says the choice is clear: He would cancel the county's ICE contract to stay in the running for jail expansion funds. Still, he would prefer to maintain both funding sources, as they are allocated to different needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/programs/kqed-newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/a>, Sheriff Livingston discussed in detail the county’s policies and interactions with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Interview Transcript\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This transcript has been edited for clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Thuy Vu:\u003c/strong> Contra Costa has a contract with ICE -- Immigration and Customs Enforcement -- to house federal detainees at your jail in Richmond. How long have you had this contract, and why did you agree to it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sheriff David Livingston:\u003c/strong> The contract actually began back in 1992 with the U.S. Marshals Service. More recently ICE has asked to also use that contract to hold some of their detainees in our facility, which is important to know is a dormitory-style building in West County. It is intended specifically for that type of population. They actually have keys to their own cell doors. It's minimum to low security and it's extra bed space. So we thought it prudent to go ahead and rent those spaces to ICE, generate revenue and reduce the operating costs to the taxpayers of Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> How much revenue do you get from it a year?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Typically it's about $6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> And how many detainees on a given day, a given month?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Our average is about 200 a day, although that moves day to day by as many as 10 or 20 in either direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> So on any given day, most people in your jail are there for reasons unrelated to immigration. They may be awaiting trial. They're serving time for other crimes. But in this country all inmates have their fingerprints sent to the FBI database. So once federal immigration authorities figure out that some of the folks you have there are undocumented, what do they want you to do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> So essentially anyone that's booked into my jail and for Contra Costa -- of course, we don't have a choice who comes in the facility -- everyone is booked into one of our jails. Those fingerprints are automatically sent to Homeland Security and to FBI. It's at that time that ICE determines that they may want to interview one of the persons recently arrested in my facility, for example, and they notify us that they'd like to talk to that person. Formerly they might put in a request for a hold. Holds are no longer allowed in California. We don't honor holds. If that person is subject to being released at a certain time we release them at that time. If ICE is present to interview them, we’ll allow the interview to occur. Otherwise, that person is released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> Do you ever proactively contact ICE to let them know that someone is about to be released?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> If there is a particular individual that has come to our attention as a violent offender or a serious offender or who self-discloses that they may be subject to ICE investigation, we’ll notify ICE that they may be interested in this person. But that doesn't happen very often. ICE typically knows who they want to interview. And by the way, when they come in to do that interview, in many cases, they do not remove the person into their custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> You know, a lot of people take issue with that, though. You've had a number of protests at your facility. People who feel it's wrong for you to do this, wrong for you to proactively contact ICE. How do you respond to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Well, it's a relatively small group of people. It's somewhere between 30 and 50 that appear pretty regularly to protest. My obligation as sheriff for Contra Costa County is to provide public safety to the entire county -- that's 1.1 million people. So we focus on what's best, in our view, in providing public safety to everyone, not just particular special interest groups. And we already have a policy that I have signed off on that says we will do no immigration enforcement at all for our deputies on the street. This is really about the back end when someone who is already here, undocumented, has committed a new crime and now finds himself in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> Several cities throughout California have declared themselves sanctuary cities and now there's a bill, SB 54, a state bill that would make all of California a sanctuary state and prohibit law enforcement agencies like yours from cooperating with federal immigration agents. Where do you stand on SB 54?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> I, like nearly all of my colleagues in California and the State Sheriffs’ Association, are absolutely opposed to that bill. We think it's a disaster. It's the first time that we have heard of where the state government is trying to tell us who we can talk to and who we can’t talk to among other law enforcement agencies. It would hamper our efforts in a very demonstrable way. We couldn't share basic information about human trafficking or other cases with ICE unless the individual has a prior conviction for a serious or violent felony. And so putting those kinds of restrictions on our access to our federal colleagues and partners can be very damaging to public safety. We oppose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> Supporters of the bill, though, say that the flip side of this is that there would be damage to public safety from another angle, and that is, it would make undocumented immigrants so fearful of deportation that they would be less willing to cooperate with you and other law enforcement agencies, less willing to report crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> Well, we want everyone to feel comfortable coming to their local law enforcement agency or the sheriff's office to report a crime, of course, either to report a crime as a victim or a witness. We work in communities now, North Richmond, for example, where we already encounter those types of issues and it's very difficult to get people to come forward to work with us reporting crimes so ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> But wouldn’t those issues be exacerbated, though, if you keep on opposing this sanctuary bill?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> I don't believe so. In fact, if we have a situation where ICE has to go now into the community to take someone into custody who may be facing a felony or a very serious charge, when they could have had that interview conducted in the safety and security of a custodial facility, that's putting more people at risk. So we believe at least working with ICE to the extent that they can conduct an interview makes sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> You're currently seeking $95 million to expand the West County facility. State Sen. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley has a bill that essentially bars state funds from being used for jail expansions in counties that hold ICE detainees. So you're seeking of this $95 million in funds could be in jeopardy if this bill passes. Your thoughts on Sen. Skinner's bill?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Livingston:\u003c/strong> I think Sen. Skinner has moved the goalposts in the middle of the game. We applied in good faith for those funds to build a re-entry facility that will help those that need it most in our custody -- mental health treatment, substance abuse treatment. That's what this is about. It's a $70 billion grant with matching funds that the county would come up with. The grants will be awarded as early as next week. It's a very competitive grant and we've had this contract with ICE for many, many years. So to now say, well, if you received the grant funds you're not going to be able to have contracts with any federal agency, I think is just patently unfair and it's inappropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vu:\u003c/strong> All right, Sheriff David Livingston of Contra Costa County, thank you so much for being here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sheraz Sadiq, Julie Small and Lisa Pickoff-White contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump Impeachment Talk Swirls Among California Lawmakers",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two members of California's congressional delegation are re-upping talk of impeachment after\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/19/report-trump-tells-russians-comey-ouster-eased-pressure-of-investigation/\"> two reports\u003c/a> published Friday revealed more about President Trump and his administration's relationship -- and conversations -- with Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord) told KQED that he thinks \"we're at a point where we should be preparing for impeachment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Personally, I think there's a real question about President Trump's ability to govern, which leads me to the conclusion that we should prepare for impeachment,\" said DeSaulnier. \"I don't see him righting the ship, or getting to the point where he can.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier cautioned lawmakers about moving too quickly, saying that new information is coming out every day that has to be corroborated before the real steps toward impeachment can happen. But his comments signal a crossing over by Democrats who have been holding their fire on the \"I\" word as investigations into Russia's involvement in the 2016 elections continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That line has been crossed,\" said Rep. Ted Lieu (D-Torrance). \"In terms of the president committing an actual crime, it's right there staring us in the face, and now the only issue is what does Congress do with it.\"[contextly_sidebar id=\"Ru0hyNKDa0gTGj0xZgRVDQJft9ZvvkR7\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The comments came after two media reports served as a blow to White House efforts to quell interest in the Russia investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post reported on Friday that a senior Trump adviser was now a \"person of interest\" in the FBI investigation into possible coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign in the 2016 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The New York Times reported separately on Friday that Trump called ousted FBI Director James Comey a \"nut job\" in a meeting last week with Russian officials, adding that his firing relieved \"great pressure\" on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi told The Associated Press that she's not \"feeding the flame of impeachment talk.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But members are going to do what they’re going to do, and their constituents think that the behavior of the president is appalling,\" she told AP on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier joins a growing roster of about 18 members of the House of Representatives who have mentioned impeachment, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/these-are-lawmakers-calling-trump-s-impeachment-n761166\">NBC News\u003c/a>. The list already includes California Reps Maxine Waters (D-Inglewood), Nanette Barragan (D-San Pedro) and Rep. Lieu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lieu first mentioned impeachment in February after he told Politico that if Democrats regained control of the House in 2018, impeachment would be possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>We asked all of California's congressional caucus for their reaction to the latest reports on the Trump administration and here are the following that we've received so far, as well as some gathered from social media:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>House of Representatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord, District 11)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\"For me, I'm at the point right now where we should be preparing for impeachment. But at the same time - there's information coming out every day, but it has to be corroborated. So for us to build a case, both the legal aspect and the political aspect, for it to be successful - my hesitation is, if we're going to go to impeachment, I want it to be a success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personally, I think there's a real question about President Trump's ability to govern - which leads me to the conclusion that we should prepare for impeachment, because I don't see him righting the ship, or getting to the point where he can. As I read the Founders - and I've read a lot about this, particularly recently - that's one of the situations that they wanted Congress to act under, if the administration for whatever reason is no longer able to function. And I'd say we're pretty darn close to that..\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ro Khanna (D-Fremont, District 17)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“These latest news reports continue to reiterate why we need a full, independent investigation on Trump's Russia connections and foreign interference in the 2016 Election.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RoKhannaUSA\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RepRoKhanna/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Judy Chu\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> (D-Monterey Park, District 27)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\"President Trump told us he fired Jim Comey because of the Clinton e-mail scandal. A top question for Robert Mueller's independent investigation must be why Trump is more honest with the Russians than with the American people.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@RepJudyChu\">Twitter\u003c/a>, Facebook\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Cardenas (D-San Fernando Valley, District 29)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\"Trump has called this investigation a witch hunt. Now he's bragged to Russia that getting rid of Comey was a big relief. That's not what you want to hear from a president. With these comments, and reports that the investigation has now reached the White House, common sense tells an independent commission is what America needs. The American people deserve answers.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@RepCardenas\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/repcardenas/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raul Ruiz (D-Palm Desert, District 36)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“This and the many other developments this week underscore that an independent investigation into Russian interference in our election is of the utmost importance.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@CongressmanRuiz\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CongressmanRaulRuizMD/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RepJudyChu/\"> \u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Scott Peters (D-La Jolla, District 52)\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“Another day, another ethics scandal from the very man who promised to drain the swamp. Mr. Mueller has my confidence that he will get to the bottom of this.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@ScottPetersSD\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RepScottPeters/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two members of California's congressional delegation are re-upping talk of impeachment after\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/19/report-trump-tells-russians-comey-ouster-eased-pressure-of-investigation/\"> two reports\u003c/a> published Friday revealed more about President Trump and his administration's relationship -- and conversations -- with Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord) told KQED that he thinks \"we're at a point where we should be preparing for impeachment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Personally, I think there's a real question about President Trump's ability to govern, which leads me to the conclusion that we should prepare for impeachment,\" said DeSaulnier. \"I don't see him righting the ship, or getting to the point where he can.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier cautioned lawmakers about moving too quickly, saying that new information is coming out every day that has to be corroborated before the real steps toward impeachment can happen. But his comments signal a crossing over by Democrats who have been holding their fire on the \"I\" word as investigations into Russia's involvement in the 2016 elections continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That line has been crossed,\" said Rep. Ted Lieu (D-Torrance). \"In terms of the president committing an actual crime, it's right there staring us in the face, and now the only issue is what does Congress do with it.\"\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The comments came after two media reports served as a blow to White House efforts to quell interest in the Russia investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Washington Post reported on Friday that a senior Trump adviser was now a \"person of interest\" in the FBI investigation into possible coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign in the 2016 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The New York Times reported separately on Friday that Trump called ousted FBI Director James Comey a \"nut job\" in a meeting last week with Russian officials, adding that his firing relieved \"great pressure\" on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi told The Associated Press that she's not \"feeding the flame of impeachment talk.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But members are going to do what they’re going to do, and their constituents think that the behavior of the president is appalling,\" she told AP on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier joins a growing roster of about 18 members of the House of Representatives who have mentioned impeachment, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/these-are-lawmakers-calling-trump-s-impeachment-n761166\">NBC News\u003c/a>. The list already includes California Reps Maxine Waters (D-Inglewood), Nanette Barragan (D-San Pedro) and Rep. Lieu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lieu first mentioned impeachment in February after he told Politico that if Democrats regained control of the House in 2018, impeachment would be possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>We asked all of California's congressional caucus for their reaction to the latest reports on the Trump administration and here are the following that we've received so far, as well as some gathered from social media:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>House of Representatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord, District 11)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\"For me, I'm at the point right now where we should be preparing for impeachment. But at the same time - there's information coming out every day, but it has to be corroborated. So for us to build a case, both the legal aspect and the political aspect, for it to be successful - my hesitation is, if we're going to go to impeachment, I want it to be a success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personally, I think there's a real question about President Trump's ability to govern - which leads me to the conclusion that we should prepare for impeachment, because I don't see him righting the ship, or getting to the point where he can. As I read the Founders - and I've read a lot about this, particularly recently - that's one of the situations that they wanted Congress to act under, if the administration for whatever reason is no longer able to function. And I'd say we're pretty darn close to that..\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ro Khanna (D-Fremont, District 17)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“These latest news reports continue to reiterate why we need a full, independent investigation on Trump's Russia connections and foreign interference in the 2016 Election.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RoKhannaUSA\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RepRoKhanna/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Judy Chu\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> (D-Monterey Park, District 27)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\"President Trump told us he fired Jim Comey because of the Clinton e-mail scandal. A top question for Robert Mueller's independent investigation must be why Trump is more honest with the Russians than with the American people.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@RepJudyChu\">Twitter\u003c/a>, Facebook\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tony Cardenas (D-San Fernando Valley, District 29)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\"Trump has called this investigation a witch hunt. Now he's bragged to Russia that getting rid of Comey was a big relief. That's not what you want to hear from a president. With these comments, and reports that the investigation has now reached the White House, common sense tells an independent commission is what America needs. The American people deserve answers.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@RepCardenas\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/repcardenas/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raul Ruiz (D-Palm Desert, District 36)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“This and the many other developments this week underscore that an independent investigation into Russian interference in our election is of the utmost importance.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@CongressmanRuiz\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CongressmanRaulRuizMD/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RepJudyChu/\"> \u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Scott Peters (D-La Jolla, District 52)\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“Another day, another ethics scandal from the very man who promised to drain the swamp. Mr. Mueller has my confidence that he will get to the bottom of this.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/@ScottPetersSD\">Twitter\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RepScottPeters/\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After more than a week of negotiating how much affordable housing should be required in new market-rate housing developments, four San Francisco supervisors have struck a deal. The agreement will lower affordability requirements for developers in all but the city’s most rapidly gentrifying neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition C, which passed in June 2016, developers of market-rate housing are currently required to designate 25 percent of new rental units as affordable. The new deal will set the requirement at 18 percent in most neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Ahsha Safai and London Breed had advocated for 18 percent, while Jane Kim and Aaron Peskin pushed for 24 percent. The supervisors had introduced competing bills in response to an economic feasibility study published by the controller’s office earlier this year, which recommended requiring between 14 and 18 percent affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safai predicts the compromise will generate between 800 and 2,000 affordable units over the next three years, as well as many more market-rate units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/05/20170519escarce.mp3\" title=\"San Francisco Supervisors Compromise on Affordable Housing\" program=\"KQED News\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t want to propose anything that would slow the market down,” Safai said. “All we’re saying to developers is, please understand that there’s a significant demand to set aside housing for working- and middle-class families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim told a group of low-income renters at a press conference on Thursday that the compromise is a win. She said she fought for an aggressive increased schedule for the requirement, and to keep the requirement higher in neighborhoods that are particularly vulnerable to gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know that market-rate developers can and should contribute more housing to our working-class and our middle-class families,\" Kim said. \"And we are really proud that we were able to accomplish that in today's deal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the agreement, the affordability requirement for rentals will rise to 19 percent at the beginning of 2018, and will increase each year until it reaches 24 percent in 2027. Initially, 10 percent of units will be designated for low-income earners, 4 percent for moderate-income earners and another 4 percent for middle-class residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The requirement will remain at 25 percent affordable in the Mission and Tenderloin neighborhoods, where gentrification has been particularly intense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordability requirements will also be higher for buildings that are for sale rather than rentals, and for developers who opt to build affordable units off-site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Tray of the United Educators of San Francisco, which has advocated for both low- and middle-income housing, said the deal will help keep educators in the communities where they work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We range from people in the $30,000 range, all the way up to old people like me who spent their careers here, now pushing $90,000,” Tray said. “So most of our folks are covered by this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gen Fujioka of the Chinatown Community Development Center said the Breed-Safai bill would have reduced the percentage of low-income units too dramatically at a time when federal funding for subsidized housing is likely to be cut. He said the compromise will help slow the exodus of blue-collar workers out of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura Clark of the housing advocacy group YIMBY Action said requiring developers to designate a certain percentage of units as affordable is not an adequate solution to the housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a drop in the bucket, compared to the need,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is expected to go before the Land Use and Transportation Committee and then to the full Board of Supervisors early next week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim told a group of low-income renters at a press conference on Thursday that the compromise is a win. She said she fought for an aggressive increased schedule for the requirement, and to keep the requirement higher in neighborhoods that are particularly vulnerable to gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know that market-rate developers can and should contribute more housing to our working-class and our middle-class families,\" Kim said. \"And we are really proud that we were able to accomplish that in today's deal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the agreement, the affordability requirement for rentals will rise to 19 percent at the beginning of 2018, and will increase each year until it reaches 24 percent in 2027. Initially, 10 percent of units will be designated for low-income earners, 4 percent for moderate-income earners and another 4 percent for middle-class residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The requirement will remain at 25 percent affordable in the Mission and Tenderloin neighborhoods, where gentrification has been particularly intense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordability requirements will also be higher for buildings that are for sale rather than rentals, and for developers who opt to build affordable units off-site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Tray of the United Educators of San Francisco, which has advocated for both low- and middle-income housing, said the deal will help keep educators in the communities where they work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We range from people in the $30,000 range, all the way up to old people like me who spent their careers here, now pushing $90,000,” Tray said. “So most of our folks are covered by this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gen Fujioka of the Chinatown Community Development Center said the Breed-Safai bill would have reduced the percentage of low-income units too dramatically at a time when federal funding for subsidized housing is likely to be cut. He said the compromise will help slow the exodus of blue-collar workers out of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura Clark of the housing advocacy group YIMBY Action said requiring developers to designate a certain percentage of units as affordable is not an adequate solution to the housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a drop in the bucket, compared to the need,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is expected to go before the Land Use and Transportation Committee and then to the full Board of Supervisors early next week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Report: Trump Tells Russians Comey Ouster Eased Pressure on Probe",
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"content": "\u003cp>WASHINGTON -- During his meeting with Russian officials last week, President Trump said recently fired FBI Director James Comey was a \"nut job\" whose ouster relieved \"great pressure\" on him, according to a report Friday in the New York Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Times cited notes from a May 10 Oval Office meeting, the day after Trump fired Comey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"0g6WmML9teHmYwjeezdFJ5CGYx1Jt5qi\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the Washington Post reported Friday that the FBI investigation into possible coordination between Russia and the Trump presidential campaign was moving closer to the White House. Law enforcement officials now consider a senior Trump adviser a \"person of interest\" in the probe, the Post reported, citing people familiar with the matter. The report did not name the adviser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developments were a blow to White House efforts to tamp down interest in the Russia investigation as Trump and his staff boarded Air Force One for Saudi Arabia, first stop on his first foreign trip as president. The details of his comments to the Russians would seem to bolster theories that Trump fired Comey in an effort to choke off the Russia investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, the Justice Department appointed former FBI Director Robert Mueller to take over the federal investigation in an effort to re-establish independence from the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein told Congress Friday he stands by a memo he wrote bluntly criticizing Comey. But he made clear it was not his intention for Trump or other White House officials to use the document to justify firing Comey, which is what they have done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closed-door meetings with lawmakers on Thursday and Friday, Rosenstein said he wrote the memo after Trump told him one day before the May 9 firing that he wanted to dismiss Comey. Rosenstein said that though he was personally fond of Comey, \"I thought it was appropriate to seek a new leader.\"[contextly_sidebar id=\"fDsSqLySNK71KOBjJpGDYsVljFbt9uv5\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department on Friday issued the text of Rosenstein's opening remarks for the briefings on Capitol Hill. That was two days after Rosenstein named Mueller as a special counsel to investigate possible coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign to influence the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has said he plans to nominate a new FBI director soon, and that had been expected before his departure. However, the White House said there would be no announcement Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment of Mueller as special counsel has drawn generally favorable comments from Democrats and from some Republicans as well. But lawmakers at both congressional sessions expressed frustration that Rosenstein would say little in answer to their questions about his actions — or others' — before Comey's firing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was considerable frustration in the room,\" said Rep. Seth Moulton, D-Mass., a member of the Armed Services Committee. \"This renewed my confidence that we should not have confidence in this administration. I don't think (Rosenstein) did a lot to bolster our confidence in him today.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House has struggled since Comey's firing to explain the chain of events that led to it and who exactly made the decision. Trump has insisted at times that the decision was his alone, but he also has pointed — as recently as Thursday — to the \"very strong\" recommendation from Rosenstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenstein made it abundantly clear to the lawmakers that he drafted his memo only after Trump told him of his plans to dismiss the FBI director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My memorandum is not a statement of reasons to justify a for-cause termination,\" he said. But he added, \"I wrote it. I believe it. I stand by it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo focuses on Comey's handling of the Hillary Clinton email investigation, particularly the FBI director's decision to divulge details to the public at various junctures. Rosenstein denounced that as \"profoundly wrong and unfair.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House members and senators said Rosenstein in his briefings steered clear of specifics in answering questions about his appointment of Mueller but made clear the former FBI director will have wide latitude to pursue the investigation, potentially including criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has reacted furiously to the appointment. However, at a combative news conference Thursday, he fell short in trying to resolve questions about investigations into his campaign and his first four months in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked point-blank if he'd done anything that might merit prosecution or even impeachment, Trump said no — and then added of the lingering allegations and questions: \"I think it's totally ridiculous. Everybody thinks so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment of the special counsel indicates other believe that's still open to question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Capitol Hill, Rosenstein said that he and Attorney General Jeff Sessions had \"discussed the need for new leadership at the FBI\" in one of their first meetings, and that he believed Comey had damaged the credibility of the bureau and the Justice Department through the Clinton case. Sessions has recused himself from the Trump-Russia probe, citing his close involvement in the Trump campaign last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenstein denied media reports from last week that Comey had asked him for additional resources for his investigation before Trump fired him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associated Press writers Eileen Sullivan, Matthew Daly, Richard Lardner, Stephen Ohlemacher, Andrew Taylor, Kevin Freking and Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>WASHINGTON -- During his meeting with Russian officials last week, President Trump said recently fired FBI Director James Comey was a \"nut job\" whose ouster relieved \"great pressure\" on him, according to a report Friday in the New York Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Times cited notes from a May 10 Oval Office meeting, the day after Trump fired Comey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the Washington Post reported Friday that the FBI investigation into possible coordination between Russia and the Trump presidential campaign was moving closer to the White House. Law enforcement officials now consider a senior Trump adviser a \"person of interest\" in the probe, the Post reported, citing people familiar with the matter. The report did not name the adviser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developments were a blow to White House efforts to tamp down interest in the Russia investigation as Trump and his staff boarded Air Force One for Saudi Arabia, first stop on his first foreign trip as president. The details of his comments to the Russians would seem to bolster theories that Trump fired Comey in an effort to choke off the Russia investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, the Justice Department appointed former FBI Director Robert Mueller to take over the federal investigation in an effort to re-establish independence from the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein told Congress Friday he stands by a memo he wrote bluntly criticizing Comey. But he made clear it was not his intention for Trump or other White House officials to use the document to justify firing Comey, which is what they have done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closed-door meetings with lawmakers on Thursday and Friday, Rosenstein said he wrote the memo after Trump told him one day before the May 9 firing that he wanted to dismiss Comey. Rosenstein said that though he was personally fond of Comey, \"I thought it was appropriate to seek a new leader.\"\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department on Friday issued the text of Rosenstein's opening remarks for the briefings on Capitol Hill. That was two days after Rosenstein named Mueller as a special counsel to investigate possible coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign to influence the 2016 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has said he plans to nominate a new FBI director soon, and that had been expected before his departure. However, the White House said there would be no announcement Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment of Mueller as special counsel has drawn generally favorable comments from Democrats and from some Republicans as well. But lawmakers at both congressional sessions expressed frustration that Rosenstein would say little in answer to their questions about his actions — or others' — before Comey's firing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was considerable frustration in the room,\" said Rep. Seth Moulton, D-Mass., a member of the Armed Services Committee. \"This renewed my confidence that we should not have confidence in this administration. I don't think (Rosenstein) did a lot to bolster our confidence in him today.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House has struggled since Comey's firing to explain the chain of events that led to it and who exactly made the decision. Trump has insisted at times that the decision was his alone, but he also has pointed — as recently as Thursday — to the \"very strong\" recommendation from Rosenstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenstein made it abundantly clear to the lawmakers that he drafted his memo only after Trump told him of his plans to dismiss the FBI director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My memorandum is not a statement of reasons to justify a for-cause termination,\" he said. But he added, \"I wrote it. I believe it. I stand by it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo focuses on Comey's handling of the Hillary Clinton email investigation, particularly the FBI director's decision to divulge details to the public at various junctures. Rosenstein denounced that as \"profoundly wrong and unfair.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House members and senators said Rosenstein in his briefings steered clear of specifics in answering questions about his appointment of Mueller but made clear the former FBI director will have wide latitude to pursue the investigation, potentially including criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has reacted furiously to the appointment. However, at a combative news conference Thursday, he fell short in trying to resolve questions about investigations into his campaign and his first four months in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked point-blank if he'd done anything that might merit prosecution or even impeachment, Trump said no — and then added of the lingering allegations and questions: \"I think it's totally ridiculous. Everybody thinks so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment of the special counsel indicates other believe that's still open to question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Capitol Hill, Rosenstein said that he and Attorney General Jeff Sessions had \"discussed the need for new leadership at the FBI\" in one of their first meetings, and that he believed Comey had damaged the credibility of the bureau and the Justice Department through the Clinton case. Sessions has recused himself from the Trump-Russia probe, citing his close involvement in the Trump campaign last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenstein denied media reports from last week that Comey had asked him for additional resources for his investigation before Trump fired him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associated Press writers Eileen Sullivan, Matthew Daly, Richard Lardner, Stephen Ohlemacher, Andrew Taylor, Kevin Freking and Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Closures and consolidations have been increasing among community clinics that provide reproductive health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two beloved women’s clinics in San Francisco are consolidating with outside partners in order to keep operating. Another two, in Santa Rosa and Sacramento, have shut their doors. All four were unintended casualties of the Affordable Care Act, which shifted payments and changed incentives throughout California's health industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the health law, more women in California have coverage for a full range of health services through Medi-Cal. As a result, many of those women are now going to a regular doctor or primary care center for their family planning needs, instead of a dedicated women’s clinic. In addition, the state is paying these clinics \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201401031630/c\">less money under Obamacare\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, I love the Affordable Care Act, but it was very harmful to reproductive health clinics,” said \u003ca href=\"https://obgyn.ucsf.edu/san-francisco-general-hospital/rebecca-jackson-md\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Dr. Rebecca Jackson\u003c/a>, director of New Generation, a teen clinic in San Francisco's Mission neighborhood. New Generation announced last spring it would have to close, but then UCSF agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/05/11/uc-san-francisco-drops-plans-to-close-mission-clinic/\">fund it one more year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, managers announced the next steps to ensure the clinic's ongoing survival. New Generation will move into a smaller, shared office; partner with the city’s Department of Public Health to cover administrative costs such as billing and medical records; and continue intensive and urgent fund-raising efforts in the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That allows us to get long-term sustainability that we didn't have as a free-standing clinic,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, \u003ca href=\"https://www.womenshealthspecialists.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Women’s Health Specialists\u003c/a> couldn’t get the numbers to work and shut down last month. Their Santa Rosa location closed two years ago. Outgoing director Shauna Heckert warned the same could happen to the three remaining clinics in Grass Valley, Chico, and Redding if the state doesn’t increase Medi-Cal reimbursements. That's something Governor Jerry Brown has \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201509020850/b\">refused to do for years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Number one, raising rates for poor people's health care is not popular,” Heckert explained. “Number two, raising rates for reproductive health — that includes abortion and chlamydia [and] gonorrhea — is certainly not something people even feel comfortable talking about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women’s clinics are now lobbying state lawmakers, asking them to direct some of the revenues from the newly-passed tobacco tax specifically to them. The Legislature must pass the state budget by June 15th.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Women’s Community Clinic in San Francisco couldn’t wait to see what might happen with the state budget. The clinic, which had \u003ca href=\"http://womenscommunityclinic.org/who-we-are/history/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">previously suffered\u003c/a> a temporary closure and re-organization in 1999, announced a merger this week with\u003ca href=\"https://www.healthright360.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> HealthRight360\u003c/a>, a statewide nonprofit health system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlina Hansen, the clinic's executive director, explained that the Women’s Community Clinic had lost some federal grants. But she noted that the merger with HealthRight360 will also benefit her patients: in addition to family planning, they'll be able to access primary care, mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not all about money,” said Hansen, who will step down from running the clinic after 17 years. “It was really also about adapting, to do better for our clients in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Closures and consolidations have been increasing among community clinics that provide reproductive health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two beloved women’s clinics in San Francisco are consolidating with outside partners in order to keep operating. Another two, in Santa Rosa and Sacramento, have shut their doors. All four were unintended casualties of the Affordable Care Act, which shifted payments and changed incentives throughout California's health industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the health law, more women in California have coverage for a full range of health services through Medi-Cal. As a result, many of those women are now going to a regular doctor or primary care center for their family planning needs, instead of a dedicated women’s clinic. In addition, the state is paying these clinics \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201401031630/c\">less money under Obamacare\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, I love the Affordable Care Act, but it was very harmful to reproductive health clinics,” said \u003ca href=\"https://obgyn.ucsf.edu/san-francisco-general-hospital/rebecca-jackson-md\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Dr. Rebecca Jackson\u003c/a>, director of New Generation, a teen clinic in San Francisco's Mission neighborhood. New Generation announced last spring it would have to close, but then UCSF agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/05/11/uc-san-francisco-drops-plans-to-close-mission-clinic/\">fund it one more year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, managers announced the next steps to ensure the clinic's ongoing survival. New Generation will move into a smaller, shared office; partner with the city’s Department of Public Health to cover administrative costs such as billing and medical records; and continue intensive and urgent fund-raising efforts in the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That allows us to get long-term sustainability that we didn't have as a free-standing clinic,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, \u003ca href=\"https://www.womenshealthspecialists.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Women’s Health Specialists\u003c/a> couldn’t get the numbers to work and shut down last month. Their Santa Rosa location closed two years ago. Outgoing director Shauna Heckert warned the same could happen to the three remaining clinics in Grass Valley, Chico, and Redding if the state doesn’t increase Medi-Cal reimbursements. That's something Governor Jerry Brown has \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201509020850/b\">refused to do for years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Number one, raising rates for poor people's health care is not popular,” Heckert explained. “Number two, raising rates for reproductive health — that includes abortion and chlamydia [and] gonorrhea — is certainly not something people even feel comfortable talking about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women’s clinics are now lobbying state lawmakers, asking them to direct some of the revenues from the newly-passed tobacco tax specifically to them. The Legislature must pass the state budget by June 15th.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Women’s Community Clinic in San Francisco couldn’t wait to see what might happen with the state budget. The clinic, which had \u003ca href=\"http://womenscommunityclinic.org/who-we-are/history/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">previously suffered\u003c/a> a temporary closure and re-organization in 1999, announced a merger this week with\u003ca href=\"https://www.healthright360.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> HealthRight360\u003c/a>, a statewide nonprofit health system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlina Hansen, the clinic's executive director, explained that the Women’s Community Clinic had lost some federal grants. But she noted that the merger with HealthRight360 will also benefit her patients: in addition to family planning, they'll be able to access primary care, mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not all about money,” said Hansen, who will step down from running the clinic after 17 years. “It was really also about adapting, to do better for our clients in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci>This story is part of our series “\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/trump-ed/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trump Ed\u003c/a>,” exploring how President Trump’s proposed federal education policies could impact California schools. The series was produced in collaboration with reporters from \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KPBS\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KPCC\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Admissions officials at Cal State Long Beach were struck recently when they got their latest batch of applications on April 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there was a slight increase in the number of undergraduate applications received, the decline in graduate applications from some countries was in the double digits: 42 percent drop from India, 9 percent drop from China and a 24 percent drop from Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly that number is significant, and we didn’t anticipate that large of a drop in those applications for graduate studies,” said Terrence Graham, the campus’s executive director of International Programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”2NqWOgOwUWg1S13hNMm3jiGnYWGf753U”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California State University Fullerton and UC Riverside are seeing similar drops, also from some of the same countries. The University of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ucop.edu/institutional-research-academic-planning/_files/factsheets/2017/fall-2017-applications-table2.1-v2.pdf\">saw a drop systemwide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graham says his staff heard from applicants wanting to know about violence toward foreigners and about White House policies that could make it harder for them to get a job in the U.S. after graduation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did get emails from concerned students from India saying, ‘Should I finish my application? Is there any point in me planning to come?'” Graham said. “We have heard from students from Iran[…] concerns certainly there with a lot of the rhetoric about [President Trump’s travel ban].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The application decline could be an early warning to higher education institutions about enrollment declines that could dampen the amount of tuition they collect each year. Many international students enroll in engineering and business majors. College administrators say these American industries could be weakened as colleges graduate fewer professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The workforce will be impacted [because] we have relied on foreign-born American-educated graduates in industry and in the faculty ranks in the academy.’\u003ccite>Forouzan Golshani, dean of the College of Engineering, Cal State Long Beach\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Seventy percent of the graduate students in engineering at Cal State Long Beach are international students. Some of them echo the concerns heard by university staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manoj Sampangi Ram — a native of Bangalore, India — is in the first year of the engineering master’s program that teaches students how to design and manufacture parts for industries such as aerospace. In the fall he talked to friends in India who wanted to follow in his footsteps at an American university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Trump won they all backed out. Because his rules are very strict, H-1B for students,” Sampangi Ram said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s talking about the visa that allows foreigners to stay and work in the U.S. for a limited amount of time. President Trump has pledged to enact limits on the H-1B visa, and that worries Sampangi Ram.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”KF8SIyRMjI2iMXINUdUmnzz4XAmKLXVT”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The application drop at Cal State Long Beach appears to also be happening at campuses in different parts of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions Officers released results of \u003ca href=\"http://www.aacrao.org/docs/default-source/TrendTopic/Immigration/final-report.pdf?sfvrsn=0\">a survey of 294 college admission officials.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 40 percent of the institutions represented in the survey reported a drop in applications from international students. According to the report, there are more than 100,000 students from the Middle East enrolled in U.S. higher education, while nearly half a million students from China and India study here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the survey, students who want to study in U.S. universities said they’re concerned that U.S. embassies and consulates will deny them student visas and that the U.S. is becoming less welcoming to foreigners. They also worry the U.S. government will modify visas to restrict travel and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results, the association said, are early warnings of potential declines rather than definitive proof that fewer students from abroad will enroll in U.S. universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”RficXbjs0VeVRdiHVBPo6xtfdUoLZASx”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Cal State Long Beach, officials said a drop in foreign student enrollment could reduce class offerings and mean fewer graduates in careers that are key to the U.S. economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The workforce will be impacted much more significantly,” said Forouzan Golshani, dean of the College of Engineering. “The reason is that we have relied on foreign-born American-educated graduates in industry and in the faculty ranks in the academy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, he said, so few American-born public school students pursue advanced degrees in science, technology, engineering and math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If foreign applications continue to drop, Golshani said, American public schools will need to do a better job getting students interested in science, technology, engineering and math careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State Long Beach’s international student office has decided to take action on a couple of fronts. They’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FlCZPm-4_Hc\">created videos\u003c/a> to send overseas applicants the message that Southern California is a tolerant place where they are welcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FlCZPm-4_Hc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This campus has nearly 2,000 students from abroad earning a degree, one of the highest number among all 23 Cal State universities. International students pay about double in tuition and fees compared to a California resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To counter the expected drop in international student enrollment, Cal State Long Beach is sending recruiters to places they rarely go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latin America, for example, looking at Africa, looking at some other regions that we might not have been putting as many resources into so that we’re less susceptible to those political ups and downs that are part of this business,” said executive director Terrence Graham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even in those countries, he said, his staff will likely get similar questions about whether it’s safe to study in the U.S. and whether government policies will allow them to stay and work after graduation.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>This story is part of our series “\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/trump-ed/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trump Ed\u003c/a>,” exploring how President Trump’s proposed federal education policies could impact California schools. The series was produced in collaboration with reporters from \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KPBS\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KPCC\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Admissions officials at Cal State Long Beach were struck recently when they got their latest batch of applications on April 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there was a slight increase in the number of undergraduate applications received, the decline in graduate applications from some countries was in the double digits: 42 percent drop from India, 9 percent drop from China and a 24 percent drop from Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly that number is significant, and we didn’t anticipate that large of a drop in those applications for graduate studies,” said Terrence Graham, the campus’s executive director of International Programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California State University Fullerton and UC Riverside are seeing similar drops, also from some of the same countries. The University of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ucop.edu/institutional-research-academic-planning/_files/factsheets/2017/fall-2017-applications-table2.1-v2.pdf\">saw a drop systemwide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graham says his staff heard from applicants wanting to know about violence toward foreigners and about White House policies that could make it harder for them to get a job in the U.S. after graduation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did get emails from concerned students from India saying, ‘Should I finish my application? Is there any point in me planning to come?'” Graham said. “We have heard from students from Iran[…] concerns certainly there with a lot of the rhetoric about [President Trump’s travel ban].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The application decline could be an early warning to higher education institutions about enrollment declines that could dampen the amount of tuition they collect each year. Many international students enroll in engineering and business majors. College administrators say these American industries could be weakened as colleges graduate fewer professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The workforce will be impacted [because] we have relied on foreign-born American-educated graduates in industry and in the faculty ranks in the academy.’\u003ccite>Forouzan Golshani, dean of the College of Engineering, Cal State Long Beach\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Seventy percent of the graduate students in engineering at Cal State Long Beach are international students. Some of them echo the concerns heard by university staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manoj Sampangi Ram — a native of Bangalore, India — is in the first year of the engineering master’s program that teaches students how to design and manufacture parts for industries such as aerospace. In the fall he talked to friends in India who wanted to follow in his footsteps at an American university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Trump won they all backed out. Because his rules are very strict, H-1B for students,” Sampangi Ram said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s talking about the visa that allows foreigners to stay and work in the U.S. for a limited amount of time. President Trump has pledged to enact limits on the H-1B visa, and that worries Sampangi Ram.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The application drop at Cal State Long Beach appears to also be happening at campuses in different parts of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions Officers released results of \u003ca href=\"http://www.aacrao.org/docs/default-source/TrendTopic/Immigration/final-report.pdf?sfvrsn=0\">a survey of 294 college admission officials.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 40 percent of the institutions represented in the survey reported a drop in applications from international students. According to the report, there are more than 100,000 students from the Middle East enrolled in U.S. higher education, while nearly half a million students from China and India study here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the survey, students who want to study in U.S. universities said they’re concerned that U.S. embassies and consulates will deny them student visas and that the U.S. is becoming less welcoming to foreigners. They also worry the U.S. government will modify visas to restrict travel and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results, the association said, are early warnings of potential declines rather than definitive proof that fewer students from abroad will enroll in U.S. universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Cal State Long Beach, officials said a drop in foreign student enrollment could reduce class offerings and mean fewer graduates in careers that are key to the U.S. economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The workforce will be impacted much more significantly,” said Forouzan Golshani, dean of the College of Engineering. “The reason is that we have relied on foreign-born American-educated graduates in industry and in the faculty ranks in the academy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, he said, so few American-born public school students pursue advanced degrees in science, technology, engineering and math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If foreign applications continue to drop, Golshani said, American public schools will need to do a better job getting students interested in science, technology, engineering and math careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State Long Beach’s international student office has decided to take action on a couple of fronts. They’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FlCZPm-4_Hc\">created videos\u003c/a> to send overseas applicants the message that Southern California is a tolerant place where they are welcome.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/FlCZPm-4_Hc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/FlCZPm-4_Hc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>This campus has nearly 2,000 students from abroad earning a degree, one of the highest number among all 23 Cal State universities. International students pay about double in tuition and fees compared to a California resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To counter the expected drop in international student enrollment, Cal State Long Beach is sending recruiters to places they rarely go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latin America, for example, looking at Africa, looking at some other regions that we might not have been putting as many resources into so that we’re less susceptible to those political ups and downs that are part of this business,” said executive director Terrence Graham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even in those countries, he said, his staff will likely get similar questions about whether it’s safe to study in the U.S. and whether government policies will allow them to stay and work after graduation.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Democratic Party will undergo a historic transition in Sacramento this weekend, when its legendary chairman, John Burton, steps down after eight years as party chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton has always been a little rough around the edges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I first met John Burton in 1972,” recalled Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi. “It was during the McGovern presidential campaign. And I went over to introduce myself to him. And he completely ignored me. I think he thought I wasn’t liberal enough,” she said, laughing. “I don’t know what it was, but he completely dismissed me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton, who at that time was in the state Assembly, remembers it differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, I talked to her,” Burton insisted, a little defensively. “But I really got to know her when she ran for Congress in 1987.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, Pelosi was like family to the Burtons, and what became known as a “death bed endorsement” of Pelosi by Phillip Burton’s widow Sala helped propel her to victory after Sala Burton died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/05/Burton.mp3\" Image=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2017/05/19/JohnBurton77.jpg\" Title=\"California Democrats Gather for Convention as John Burton Says Goodbye\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Burtons — John and his late brother \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/congressman-phillip-burton.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Phillip \u003c/a>— are like political royalty in San Francisco’s Democratic Party circles. They, along with Willie Brown and later Pelosi, engineered what became known by critics as “the Burton Machine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly speaker and San Francisco mayor Willie Brown met John Burton in 1951 when both were freshmen college students at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were in the same ROTC unit, believe it or not, probably avoiding the draft,” Brown recalled with a chuckle recently. “We were alphabetically lined up the first day. And it’s Brown, Burton. So we were almost soul brothers from day one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said the two always thought of themselves as “disrupters of everything. We were trying to keep other people from destroying things,” like the Fillmore neighborhood, which was long eyed by the city’s Redevelopment Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown recalled that, even back then, Burton was tight with progressive activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through the labor movement they knew him,” Brown said. “Through the left wing socialist, communist movement they knew him. Longshoremen and Harry Bridges’ crowd. So John was very much exposed in every way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11466888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-800x569.jpg\" alt=\"Willie Brown and John Burton collaborated on this campaign flier when Burton ran unsuccessfully for a state Senate seat in 1967.\" width=\"800\" height=\"569\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11466888\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-240x171.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-375x267.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-520x370.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown and John Burton collaborated on this campaign flier when Burton ran unsuccessfully for a state Senate seat in 1967. \u003ccite>(CSU Sacramento Archives)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>John Burton has spent four decades in California politics — starting in the state Assembly in the mid-1960s, moving then to Congress, back to the Assembly and then to the state Senate. Gov. Jerry Brown said no matter where he was, Burton always had the same goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was always there in the Legislature and he was pushing against more conservative people,” Gov. Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton didn’t always see eye to eye with Jerry Brown. In fact, when Brown chaired the California Democratic Party, Burton called for him to resign after the party lost the 1990 gubernatorial election. But time has a way of softening those differences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a very colorful, imaginative person who really cares a lot,” Brown told me recently over a plate of lox and dried apricots. “He cares for people who don’t have the advantages — he’s really an old-fashioned Democrat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Republican Party Chair Jim Brulte served in the state Senate with Burton and said he was willing to work with Republicans — to an extent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John was very clear,” Brulte said. “If I need Republican votes I’ll talk to you. And if I don’t, I won’t. I thought ‘OK, I can deal with that.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11466819\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-800x546.jpg\" alt=\"John Burton with then Governor-Elect Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2003.\" width=\"800\" height=\"546\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11466819\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-800x546.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-1020x696.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-1180x805.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-960x655.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-240x164.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-375x256.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-520x355.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Burton with then Governor-Elect Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2003. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The way Willie Brown tells it, Burton palled around with Republicans, at least back when the GOP had power in Sacramento. Brown remembers Burton’s outings to San Francisco with Republican legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John was really close to those guys,” Brown said. “And they’d come into the city and John would take them to the Tenderloin or some other place. Because John had \u003cem>connections\u003c/em> in those days,” Brown said, laughing at the implication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Burton was known for being blunt and scrappy, dropping f-bombs on a regular basis. Today, at age 84, he’s a bit frail. But he clearly relishes the impact he had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I left Sacramento, poor people, old, blind, disabled and women on what they used to call welfare had more money than they had when I came in,” Burton said. “I think the important thing is if you’re in a position of power or influence or whatever I had or anybody has — you take care of those who ain’t got it, who don’t have the power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘You know fighting for people and being able to win or improve their lives — for me makes all the bullshit worth it.’\u003ccite>John Burton\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In 1974, Burton followed his brother Phil to Congress. But addiction to drugs forced him to give up his Congressional seat in the early ’80s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I smoked I was two packs a day,” Burton said recently. “I just have an addictive personality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton eventually got his addiction under control. But he never lost his addiction to helping those who were vulnerable, especially foster care children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was dumped like they were, there’s no doubt in my mind I woulda been in jail somewhere,” he said. “Just no doubt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After leaving the Legislature in 2005, Burton created \u003ca href=\"http://www.jbaforyouth.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Burton Advocates for Youth\u003c/a>, a foundation that helps lobby on behalf of young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Executive Director Amy Lemley credited Burton with helping to pass \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB12\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 12\u003c/a> in 2010, which ultimately extended services to foster care youth beyond ages 18 to 21. It enabled them to stabilize their lives as they entered college or the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For homeless youth and foster youth to have an advocate like John Burton in their corner has made it possible to achieve things that we never would have been able to do otherwise,” Lemley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Burton prepares to step down as chair of the California Democratic Party this weekend, he leaves behind an operation that helped Democrats win two-thirds majorities in the state Assembly and Senate, along with every statewide office. But it’s also still roiled by the divide between the party’s most liberal members and those who want to stay the course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That split is playing out in the race to replace Burton. Party insider \u003ca href=\"http://www.ericbauman.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Eric Bauman \u003c/a>from Los Angeles was long considered a shoo-in to replace Burton, but in recent weeks \u003ca href=\"https://voteforkimberly.com/?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kimberly Ellis\u003c/a>, an African-American woman with support from the Sanders wing of the party, appears to be closing in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Burton hopes to be remembered this way. “You know fighting for people and being able to win or improve their lives — for me makes all the bullshit worth it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Democratic Party will undergo a historic transition in Sacramento this weekend, when its legendary chairman, John Burton, steps down after eight years as party chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton has always been a little rough around the edges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I first met John Burton in 1972,” recalled Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi. “It was during the McGovern presidential campaign. And I went over to introduce myself to him. And he completely ignored me. I think he thought I wasn’t liberal enough,” she said, laughing. “I don’t know what it was, but he completely dismissed me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton, who at that time was in the state Assembly, remembers it differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, I talked to her,” Burton insisted, a little defensively. “But I really got to know her when she ran for Congress in 1987.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Burtons — John and his late brother \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/congressman-phillip-burton.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Phillip \u003c/a>— are like political royalty in San Francisco’s Democratic Party circles. They, along with Willie Brown and later Pelosi, engineered what became known by critics as “the Burton Machine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly speaker and San Francisco mayor Willie Brown met John Burton in 1951 when both were freshmen college students at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were in the same ROTC unit, believe it or not, probably avoiding the draft,” Brown recalled with a chuckle recently. “We were alphabetically lined up the first day. And it’s Brown, Burton. So we were almost soul brothers from day one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said the two always thought of themselves as “disrupters of everything. We were trying to keep other people from destroying things,” like the Fillmore neighborhood, which was long eyed by the city’s Redevelopment Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown recalled that, even back then, Burton was tight with progressive activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through the labor movement they knew him,” Brown said. “Through the left wing socialist, communist movement they knew him. Longshoremen and Harry Bridges’ crowd. So John was very much exposed in every way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11466888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-800x569.jpg\" alt=\"Willie Brown and John Burton collaborated on this campaign flier when Burton ran unsuccessfully for a state Senate seat in 1967.\" width=\"800\" height=\"569\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11466888\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-240x171.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-375x267.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BrownandBurton-520x370.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown and John Burton collaborated on this campaign flier when Burton ran unsuccessfully for a state Senate seat in 1967. \u003ccite>(CSU Sacramento Archives)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>John Burton has spent four decades in California politics — starting in the state Assembly in the mid-1960s, moving then to Congress, back to the Assembly and then to the state Senate. Gov. Jerry Brown said no matter where he was, Burton always had the same goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was always there in the Legislature and he was pushing against more conservative people,” Gov. Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton didn’t always see eye to eye with Jerry Brown. In fact, when Brown chaired the California Democratic Party, Burton called for him to resign after the party lost the 1990 gubernatorial election. But time has a way of softening those differences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a very colorful, imaginative person who really cares a lot,” Brown told me recently over a plate of lox and dried apricots. “He cares for people who don’t have the advantages — he’s really an old-fashioned Democrat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Republican Party Chair Jim Brulte served in the state Senate with Burton and said he was willing to work with Republicans — to an extent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John was very clear,” Brulte said. “If I need Republican votes I’ll talk to you. And if I don’t, I won’t. I thought ‘OK, I can deal with that.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11466819\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-800x546.jpg\" alt=\"John Burton with then Governor-Elect Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2003.\" width=\"800\" height=\"546\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11466819\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-800x546.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-1020x696.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-1180x805.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-960x655.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-240x164.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-375x256.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/BurtonAndArnold-520x355.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Burton with then Governor-Elect Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2003. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The way Willie Brown tells it, Burton palled around with Republicans, at least back when the GOP had power in Sacramento. Brown remembers Burton’s outings to San Francisco with Republican legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John was really close to those guys,” Brown said. “And they’d come into the city and John would take them to the Tenderloin or some other place. Because John had \u003cem>connections\u003c/em> in those days,” Brown said, laughing at the implication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Burton was known for being blunt and scrappy, dropping f-bombs on a regular basis. Today, at age 84, he’s a bit frail. But he clearly relishes the impact he had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I left Sacramento, poor people, old, blind, disabled and women on what they used to call welfare had more money than they had when I came in,” Burton said. “I think the important thing is if you’re in a position of power or influence or whatever I had or anybody has — you take care of those who ain’t got it, who don’t have the power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘You know fighting for people and being able to win or improve their lives — for me makes all the bullshit worth it.’\u003ccite>John Burton\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In 1974, Burton followed his brother Phil to Congress. But addiction to drugs forced him to give up his Congressional seat in the early ’80s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I smoked I was two packs a day,” Burton said recently. “I just have an addictive personality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton eventually got his addiction under control. But he never lost his addiction to helping those who were vulnerable, especially foster care children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was dumped like they were, there’s no doubt in my mind I woulda been in jail somewhere,” he said. “Just no doubt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After leaving the Legislature in 2005, Burton created \u003ca href=\"http://www.jbaforyouth.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Burton Advocates for Youth\u003c/a>, a foundation that helps lobby on behalf of young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Executive Director Amy Lemley credited Burton with helping to pass \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100AB12\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 12\u003c/a> in 2010, which ultimately extended services to foster care youth beyond ages 18 to 21. It enabled them to stabilize their lives as they entered college or the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For homeless youth and foster youth to have an advocate like John Burton in their corner has made it possible to achieve things that we never would have been able to do otherwise,” Lemley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Burton prepares to step down as chair of the California Democratic Party this weekend, he leaves behind an operation that helped Democrats win two-thirds majorities in the state Assembly and Senate, along with every statewide office. But it’s also still roiled by the divide between the party’s most liberal members and those who want to stay the course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That split is playing out in the race to replace Burton. Party insider \u003ca href=\"http://www.ericbauman.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Eric Bauman \u003c/a>from Los Angeles was long considered a shoo-in to replace Burton, but in recent weeks \u003ca href=\"https://voteforkimberly.com/?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kimberly Ellis\u003c/a>, an African-American woman with support from the Sanders wing of the party, appears to be closing in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Burton hopes to be remembered this way. “You know fighting for people and being able to win or improve their lives — for me makes all the bullshit worth it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Why Are Fewer Loans Going to Minority Business Owners?",
"title": "Why Are Fewer Loans Going to Minority Business Owners?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It took Leonard Stephens more than three months to get ready to apply for a loan guaranteed by the Small Business Administration to expand his Oakland-based media company, OUR TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent day, OUR TV's programming included documentaries about celebrities like Michael Jordan and James Brown, high school games in the Oakland Athletic League and locally produced talk shows featuring black entrepreneurs and professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is to \"inspire\" and entertain the hundreds of thousands of Bay Area households that OUR TV reaches through cable channels, said Stephens. Viewership is increasing through the company's online streaming as well, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are watching us all over the world. I looked at the analytics yesterday,\" said Stephens, who plans to use the $500,000 loan he is applying for to build infrastructure and hire employees to reach audiences in Houston, Detroit and other cities. \"The loan is very key. You have to have finances to be able to expand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Stephens succeeds, he will become one of the few African-Americans receiving SBA loans in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA, which aims to help support small businesses so they can create more jobs, guaranteed $5.1 billion in loans in California last year -- most of it through large banks. Only about 2 percent of those borrowers were African-Americans, a sharp drop from pre-recession levels. Latinos, who own more than 23 percent of businesses in the state, received just 13 percent of those loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials at the SBA say it's challenging to increase sound credit for entrepreneurs in the communities hardest hit by the Great Recession. They argue the agency is trying to expand its efforts to extend more loans to minority business owners through institutions other than banks, especially in lower-income areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics counter that the federal agency should do more to increase the flow of capital to Latino and African-American businesses, which are an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mbda.gov/news/press-releases/2015/08/us-minority-owned-firms-continue-outpace-growth-nonminority-owned-firms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing share\u003c/a> of the U.S. economy, but are \u003ca href=\"http://www.kauffman.org/microsites/state-of-the-field/topics/background-of-entrepreneurs/demographics/race\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more likely to fail\u003c/a> partly because of lower access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SBALoans]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Navigating a Bank Loan Application\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA guarantees loans for up to $5 million. If the borrower doesn't repay, the agency promises to cover between 75 and 85 percent of the tab. The goal is to encourage banks and other lenders to take a greater risk on borrowers who have growth potential, but might not ordinarily qualify for financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's why Stephens, a member of the Oakland African American Chamber of Commerce, believes he has a greater chance of qualifying for an SBA-backed loan than a regular bank loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463434\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2952px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11463434 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2952\" height=\"2252\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581.jpg 2952w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-160x122.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-800x610.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-1020x778.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-1920x1465.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-1180x900.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-960x732.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-240x183.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-375x286.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-520x397.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2952px) 100vw, 2952px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keith Curry clips a microphone on Ash Solar, from the nonprofit GO Public Schools, as host Robert Harris looks on at the set of OUR TV's \"All About Community\" show on March 14, 2017. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the outset, Stephens consulted with friends and his mother, who worked at a large bank for 42 years, about the best strategy to pursue financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens has financed OUR TV through sponsorships, the rental of airtime, and savings from a separate consulting business. He knew the loan application process could be difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minorities are less likely to apply for bank loans for fear of rejection, \u003ca href=\"http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0891242415620484\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to various studies. When they do apply, they get turned down more frequently than equally creditworthy white-owned firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens decided he needed to enlist extra help in order to apply: He hired brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The brokers are there to utilize some of the banks they've worked with before, that they have a good relationship with,\" said Stephens, who hired the same firm recommended by a friend who got a loan. \"A lot of things that they've told me make a lot of sense.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their advice included submitting the application to local community banks, instead of national ones, and paying for an accountant to organize years' worth of OUR TV's financial documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Stephens says he has paid $30,000 to the accountant and brokers in his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've invested a lot of money on these brokers,\" said Stephens, who is waiting to hear back from the SBA and bank on his loan application. \"Talk to me in a few weeks, and then I'll have a better, bigger perspective and hopefully a bigger smile on my face by then.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>System 'Not Working,' Say Critics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA is the only federal agency collecting data on bank business loans by ethnicity. The small percentage of minorities among SBA borrowers is a troubling sign for the U.S. economy, said Alicia Robb, an economist who studies minority-owned enterprises and is a researcher at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are looking at a system that's not working,\" Robb said. \"The whole reason for the SBA program is to try and get people who are underrepresented in business lending to get these kinds of loans.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, the number of minority-owned firms has grown significantly to become about 29 percent of all businesses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/advocacy/Minority-Owned-Businesses-in-the-US.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the U.S. Census.\u003c/a> But African-American and Latino-owned startups have higher failure rates than other enterprises partly because of lower access to capital, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kauffman.org/what-we-do/resources/entrepreneurship-policy-digest/including-people-of-color-in-the-promise-of-entrepreneurship\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to research.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need the government to really focus on these huge gaps that we see in the market,\" Robb said. \"If these minority businesses had the capital they need, they could create more jobs in their communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The SBA Responds\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minority entrepreneurs in lower-income communities have been less able to compete for loans from big banks because of lingering impacts from the Great Recession, said Mark Quinn, who directs the SBA for Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Low-income communities had credit scores affected, lenders became more conservative, regulators told lenders they wanted to see more cautious lending,\" Quinn said. \"That combination has ended up reducing the amount and share of our lending to African-American and Latino businesses.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who lost homes -- often their largest asset -- during the recession also lost the ability to use those properties as collateral for loans from financial institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, banks have been reducing the number of business loans under $1 million while increasing the market share for loans above that amount because they are more profitable, \u003ca href=\"http://www.hbs.edu/faculty/Publication%20Files/15-004_09b1bf8b-eb2a-4e63-9c4e-0374f770856f.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to research.\u003c/a> Quinn said that dynamic has left out more Latino and African-American business owners with very small ventures that require less capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can’t get really the large for-profit lenders to see that it’s profitable to do lots of small loans,\" Quinn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo, one of the top providers of SBA-backed financing in the country, reduced by half the number of all business loans for under $1 million in the Oakland, Fremont and Hayward areas since 2008, according to loan origination \u003ca href=\"https://www.ffiec.gov/craadweb/aggregate.aspx?Activity=5&Year=2015&State=06&Msa=36084&County=001&strStatetext=06-CALIFORNIA%20(CA)&MSAtext=&Countytext=001+-+ALAMEDA+COUNTY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">figures \u003c/a>reported under the Community Reinvestment Act. Other large banks show a similar trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Wells Fargo wrote that fewer small businesses applied for financing in 2015 than in 2007, though the bank has started to see an uptick in the number of applicants who are creditworthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Small businesses were hit harder in the recession and have come back more slowly than larger businesses in the recovery,\" wrote Ruben Pulido, a spokesman for Wells Fargo in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tackling the Problem\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SBA-guaranteed loans are a small fraction of all the business lending going in the country, the agency's figures offer a glimpse of which businesses are able to grow enough to qualify for bank loans, Quinn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the SBA is trying various tactics to tackle the issue, including continuing to offer technical support to prepare entrepreneurs on finance and how to qualify for capital; and partnering with Community Development Financial Institutions (CDFIS) and microlenders to make smaller loans of under $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many African-American and Latino-owned businesses are \"very tiny,\" he said. \"We look to the nonprofit world, lenders whose mission is to reach borrowers in small business communities that we can’t get to through large national banks.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA started a pilot loan program in 2011 that is reaching a greater percentage of black and Latino borrowers, called Community Advantage. Still, that and a microlending initiative were only 5 percent of all of SBA-backed loans in California, according to the agency's figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nonprofits depend on few people doing fabulous work in their communities,\" Quinn said. \"But the challenge is really how you can scale the volume of activity there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463455\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11463455 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dominica Rice serves drinks at her restaurant Cosecha as Rene Sanchez and Panfila Ceja work behind her and customers wait in line on March 9, 2017. Rice has already repaid her SBA loan. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reaching Minority Entrepreneurs\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SBA-backed loans to the smallest borrowers are originated by organizations like Main Street Launch, a CDFI near downtown Oakland that focuses on veterans and entrepreneurs in lower-income areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have more flexibility and a closer relation to the borrower that allows us to take the additional risk,\" said Main Street Launch President and CEO Jacob Singer. \"Transaction costs are still high, but we as nonprofits are able to subsidize through philanthropic activity mostly from the banks.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Main Street Launch receives about $2 million each year in loans and grants from large banks, such as Wells Fargo and Chase. That is one way large financial institutions comply with the Community Reinvestment Act, a federal law that obligates banks to help meet the credit needs of the communities in which they operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike banks, Main Street works with clients to put together their financial projections, review goals and understand opportunities for their business, Singer said. The organization places a lighter emphasis on potential borrowers' assets and credit scores, but loan officers must still be confident clients will be able to repay, Singer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s hard work to qualify for capital, and not everyone should be a small-business person,\" Singer said. \"One of the important things we and our peers do is to not issue credit to someone who is not ready. That can be as valuable a service as giving someone a loan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of 350 inquiries Main Street Launch received last year, they funded 76 loans, which they consider a \"pretty normal rate\" for lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took years of research before Dominica Rice applied successfully for a $35,000 loan through Main Street Launch to start her first business, Cosecha, in the city's Old Oakland neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The self-described \"very cautious\" chef sought tutoring from local nonprofits, saved $10,000 and spoke to former employers about starting a business -- all while holding a job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I took almost five years of interviewing people who I've known and worked with who own restaurants,\" said Rice, who started working in the restaurant industry as a teen in Los Angeles. \"What mistakes have you made, how did you structure your lease?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice described the SBA \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/starting-business/finance-your-business/loans/business-loan-application-checklist\">loan application\u003c/a> as \"daunting\" -- it can take at least three weeks for the most prepared applicants. She said entrepreneurs must be \"upfront\" and push for the technical advice and help they need from the SBA and nonprofit lenders, to make sure they get that process right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Tell them ... I'm a dyslexic Chicana from L.A. Like, this is not my thing,\" said Rice, who has already repaid her loan. \"I'm not the person who's filling out applications or writing essays about how and why you should open a restaurant. I am the person who climbs a mountain to meet a \u003cem>señora\u003c/em> who makes \u003cem>mole. \u003c/em>That's who I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11459812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11459812 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dominica Rice holds a plate of crispy fish tacos with avocado and beans at her restaurant, which she opened after years of planning. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dishes with Mexican mole sauce are popular in Rice's restaurant, where a long line of customers queued up, awaiting their lunch on a recent afternoon. Eight cooks and employees, most of them Latinas, made fresh tortillas, deep-fried fish fillets and assembled colorful salads in the open kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm really proud that I've produced jobs for all these moms and grandmas,\" said Rice, whose daughter is 12. \"Business is definitely growing and we have way more staff. Most of my staff is already at $15 an hour or more.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Black and Latino entrepreneurs striving to start and grow businesses in California represent a tiny fraction of the borrowers of SBA-backed bank loans, which offer some of the most affordable financing and best repayment terms in the market.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It took Leonard Stephens more than three months to get ready to apply for a loan guaranteed by the Small Business Administration to expand his Oakland-based media company, OUR TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent day, OUR TV's programming included documentaries about celebrities like Michael Jordan and James Brown, high school games in the Oakland Athletic League and locally produced talk shows featuring black entrepreneurs and professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is to \"inspire\" and entertain the hundreds of thousands of Bay Area households that OUR TV reaches through cable channels, said Stephens. Viewership is increasing through the company's online streaming as well, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are watching us all over the world. I looked at the analytics yesterday,\" said Stephens, who plans to use the $500,000 loan he is applying for to build infrastructure and hire employees to reach audiences in Houston, Detroit and other cities. \"The loan is very key. You have to have finances to be able to expand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Stephens succeeds, he will become one of the few African-Americans receiving SBA loans in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA, which aims to help support small businesses so they can create more jobs, guaranteed $5.1 billion in loans in California last year -- most of it through large banks. Only about 2 percent of those borrowers were African-Americans, a sharp drop from pre-recession levels. Latinos, who own more than 23 percent of businesses in the state, received just 13 percent of those loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials at the SBA say it's challenging to increase sound credit for entrepreneurs in the communities hardest hit by the Great Recession. They argue the agency is trying to expand its efforts to extend more loans to minority business owners through institutions other than banks, especially in lower-income areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics counter that the federal agency should do more to increase the flow of capital to Latino and African-American businesses, which are an \u003ca href=\"https://www.mbda.gov/news/press-releases/2015/08/us-minority-owned-firms-continue-outpace-growth-nonminority-owned-firms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">increasing share\u003c/a> of the U.S. economy, but are \u003ca href=\"http://www.kauffman.org/microsites/state-of-the-field/topics/background-of-entrepreneurs/demographics/race\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more likely to fail\u003c/a> partly because of lower access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SBALoans]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Navigating a Bank Loan Application\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA guarantees loans for up to $5 million. If the borrower doesn't repay, the agency promises to cover between 75 and 85 percent of the tab. The goal is to encourage banks and other lenders to take a greater risk on borrowers who have growth potential, but might not ordinarily qualify for financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's why Stephens, a member of the Oakland African American Chamber of Commerce, believes he has a greater chance of qualifying for an SBA-backed loan than a regular bank loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463434\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2952px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11463434 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2952\" height=\"2252\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581.jpg 2952w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-160x122.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-800x610.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-1020x778.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-1920x1465.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-1180x900.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-960x732.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-240x183.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-375x286.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25330_alt_581-520x397.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2952px) 100vw, 2952px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keith Curry clips a microphone on Ash Solar, from the nonprofit GO Public Schools, as host Robert Harris looks on at the set of OUR TV's \"All About Community\" show on March 14, 2017. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the outset, Stephens consulted with friends and his mother, who worked at a large bank for 42 years, about the best strategy to pursue financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens has financed OUR TV through sponsorships, the rental of airtime, and savings from a separate consulting business. He knew the loan application process could be difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minorities are less likely to apply for bank loans for fear of rejection, \u003ca href=\"http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0891242415620484\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to various studies. When they do apply, they get turned down more frequently than equally creditworthy white-owned firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens decided he needed to enlist extra help in order to apply: He hired brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The brokers are there to utilize some of the banks they've worked with before, that they have a good relationship with,\" said Stephens, who hired the same firm recommended by a friend who got a loan. \"A lot of things that they've told me make a lot of sense.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their advice included submitting the application to local community banks, instead of national ones, and paying for an accountant to organize years' worth of OUR TV's financial documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Stephens says he has paid $30,000 to the accountant and brokers in his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've invested a lot of money on these brokers,\" said Stephens, who is waiting to hear back from the SBA and bank on his loan application. \"Talk to me in a few weeks, and then I'll have a better, bigger perspective and hopefully a bigger smile on my face by then.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>System 'Not Working,' Say Critics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA is the only federal agency collecting data on bank business loans by ethnicity. The small percentage of minorities among SBA borrowers is a troubling sign for the U.S. economy, said Alicia Robb, an economist who studies minority-owned enterprises and is a researcher at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are looking at a system that's not working,\" Robb said. \"The whole reason for the SBA program is to try and get people who are underrepresented in business lending to get these kinds of loans.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, the number of minority-owned firms has grown significantly to become about 29 percent of all businesses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/advocacy/Minority-Owned-Businesses-in-the-US.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the U.S. Census.\u003c/a> But African-American and Latino-owned startups have higher failure rates than other enterprises partly because of lower access to capital, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kauffman.org/what-we-do/resources/entrepreneurship-policy-digest/including-people-of-color-in-the-promise-of-entrepreneurship\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to research.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need the government to really focus on these huge gaps that we see in the market,\" Robb said. \"If these minority businesses had the capital they need, they could create more jobs in their communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The SBA Responds\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minority entrepreneurs in lower-income communities have been less able to compete for loans from big banks because of lingering impacts from the Great Recession, said Mark Quinn, who directs the SBA for Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Low-income communities had credit scores affected, lenders became more conservative, regulators told lenders they wanted to see more cautious lending,\" Quinn said. \"That combination has ended up reducing the amount and share of our lending to African-American and Latino businesses.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who lost homes -- often their largest asset -- during the recession also lost the ability to use those properties as collateral for loans from financial institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, banks have been reducing the number of business loans under $1 million while increasing the market share for loans above that amount because they are more profitable, \u003ca href=\"http://www.hbs.edu/faculty/Publication%20Files/15-004_09b1bf8b-eb2a-4e63-9c4e-0374f770856f.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to research.\u003c/a> Quinn said that dynamic has left out more Latino and African-American business owners with very small ventures that require less capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can’t get really the large for-profit lenders to see that it’s profitable to do lots of small loans,\" Quinn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo, one of the top providers of SBA-backed financing in the country, reduced by half the number of all business loans for under $1 million in the Oakland, Fremont and Hayward areas since 2008, according to loan origination \u003ca href=\"https://www.ffiec.gov/craadweb/aggregate.aspx?Activity=5&Year=2015&State=06&Msa=36084&County=001&strStatetext=06-CALIFORNIA%20(CA)&MSAtext=&Countytext=001+-+ALAMEDA+COUNTY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">figures \u003c/a>reported under the Community Reinvestment Act. Other large banks show a similar trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Wells Fargo wrote that fewer small businesses applied for financing in 2015 than in 2007, though the bank has started to see an uptick in the number of applicants who are creditworthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Small businesses were hit harder in the recession and have come back more slowly than larger businesses in the recovery,\" wrote Ruben Pulido, a spokesman for Wells Fargo in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tackling the Problem\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SBA-guaranteed loans are a small fraction of all the business lending going in the country, the agency's figures offer a glimpse of which businesses are able to grow enough to qualify for bank loans, Quinn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the SBA is trying various tactics to tackle the issue, including continuing to offer technical support to prepare entrepreneurs on finance and how to qualify for capital; and partnering with Community Development Financial Institutions (CDFIS) and microlenders to make smaller loans of under $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many African-American and Latino-owned businesses are \"very tiny,\" he said. \"We look to the nonprofit world, lenders whose mission is to reach borrowers in small business communities that we can’t get to through large national banks.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SBA started a pilot loan program in 2011 that is reaching a greater percentage of black and Latino borrowers, called Community Advantage. Still, that and a microlending initiative were only 5 percent of all of SBA-backed loans in California, according to the agency's figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Nonprofits depend on few people doing fabulous work in their communities,\" Quinn said. \"But the challenge is really how you can scale the volume of activity there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11463455\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11463455 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25414_IMG_0541-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dominica Rice serves drinks at her restaurant Cosecha as Rene Sanchez and Panfila Ceja work behind her and customers wait in line on March 9, 2017. Rice has already repaid her SBA loan. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reaching Minority Entrepreneurs\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SBA-backed loans to the smallest borrowers are originated by organizations like Main Street Launch, a CDFI near downtown Oakland that focuses on veterans and entrepreneurs in lower-income areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have more flexibility and a closer relation to the borrower that allows us to take the additional risk,\" said Main Street Launch President and CEO Jacob Singer. \"Transaction costs are still high, but we as nonprofits are able to subsidize through philanthropic activity mostly from the banks.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Main Street Launch receives about $2 million each year in loans and grants from large banks, such as Wells Fargo and Chase. That is one way large financial institutions comply with the Community Reinvestment Act, a federal law that obligates banks to help meet the credit needs of the communities in which they operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike banks, Main Street works with clients to put together their financial projections, review goals and understand opportunities for their business, Singer said. The organization places a lighter emphasis on potential borrowers' assets and credit scores, but loan officers must still be confident clients will be able to repay, Singer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s hard work to qualify for capital, and not everyone should be a small-business person,\" Singer said. \"One of the important things we and our peers do is to not issue credit to someone who is not ready. That can be as valuable a service as giving someone a loan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of 350 inquiries Main Street Launch received last year, they funded 76 loans, which they consider a \"pretty normal rate\" for lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took years of research before Dominica Rice applied successfully for a $35,000 loan through Main Street Launch to start her first business, Cosecha, in the city's Old Oakland neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The self-described \"very cautious\" chef sought tutoring from local nonprofits, saved $10,000 and spoke to former employers about starting a business -- all while holding a job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I took almost five years of interviewing people who I've known and worked with who own restaurants,\" said Rice, who started working in the restaurant industry as a teen in Los Angeles. \"What mistakes have you made, how did you structure your lease?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice described the SBA \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/starting-business/finance-your-business/loans/business-loan-application-checklist\">loan application\u003c/a> as \"daunting\" -- it can take at least three weeks for the most prepared applicants. She said entrepreneurs must be \"upfront\" and push for the technical advice and help they need from the SBA and nonprofit lenders, to make sure they get that process right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Tell them ... I'm a dyslexic Chicana from L.A. Like, this is not my thing,\" said Rice, who has already repaid her loan. \"I'm not the person who's filling out applications or writing essays about how and why you should open a restaurant. I am the person who climbs a mountain to meet a \u003cem>señora\u003c/em> who makes \u003cem>mole. \u003c/em>That's who I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11459812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11459812 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS25264_IMG_0551-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dominica Rice holds a plate of crispy fish tacos with avocado and beans at her restaurant, which she opened after years of planning. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dishes with Mexican mole sauce are popular in Rice's restaurant, where a long line of customers queued up, awaiting their lunch on a recent afternoon. Eight cooks and employees, most of them Latinas, made fresh tortillas, deep-fried fish fillets and assembled colorful salads in the open kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm really proud that I've produced jobs for all these moms and grandmas,\" said Rice, whose daughter is 12. \"Business is definitely growing and we have way more staff. Most of my staff is already at $15 an hour or more.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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