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"content": "\u003cp>The alternative social media network that was reportedly used by the suspect in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/27/661347236/multiple-casualties-in-shooting-near-pittsburgh-synagogue\">deadly shooting\u003c/a> at a Pittsburgh synagogue is now down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gab.com is a social network that touts itself as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2017/05/21/529005840/feeling-sidelined-by-mainstream-social-media-far-right-users-jump-to-gab\">an alternative to Twitter and Facebook\u003c/a> to give conservatives a platform for free speech. But it also has been criticized for providing a platform for anti-Semitism and white nationalism. The site has come in for increased scrutiny since the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, the site displayed a message saying it had been “systematically no-platformed by App Stores, multiple hosting providers, and several payment processors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been smeared by the mainstream media for defending free expression and individual liberty for all people and for working with law enforcement to ensure that justice is served for the horrible atrocity committed at Pittsburgh,” it said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The platform’s future is newly in doubt because an account linked to Robert Bowers, the 46-year-old Pittsburgh resident charged in the shootings, wrote on Gab Saturday morning: “HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can’t sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I’m going in.” HIAS is a Jewish nonprofit that has the goal of helping immigrant refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/29/661676103/after-synagogue-attack-web-hosting-sites-suspend-gab\">an interview with NPR\u003c/a>, Gab CEO and founder Andrew Torba defended his website and condemned the shooting in Pittsburgh. He said the site has a rule about removing direct threats, but he suggested that Bowers’ post didn’t sound like a concrete threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know. Do you see a direct threat in there? Because I don’t. What would you expect us to do with a post like that? You want us to just censor anybody who says the phrase ‘I’m going in’? Because that’s just absurd,” Torba said. “And here’s the thing: The answer to bad speech, or hate speech, however you want to define that, is more speech. And it always will be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PayPal confirmed to NPR that it had cut off the website from its payment system, and two web-hosting sites also severed ties with Gab over the weekend. Torba told NPR he would work to keep the platform going. But hours later, Gab.com was down with a statement posted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we transition to a new hosting provider Gab will be inaccessible for a period of time. We are working around the clock to get Gab.com back online,” according to the statement on Gab’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mechanics of what caused the website to be taken down were not clear early Monday, but websites depend on support from web-hosting providers. It was also not clear how long the site would stay down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/getongab/status/1056221934331949056\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A casual scroll through Gab’s message boards while it was up over the weekend revealed plenty of anti-Semitism, racism, Nazism and sexism running through its messages, along with conspiracy theories. The site boasts plenty of standard social media fare as well, including messages about music, art and sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR’s Alina Selyukh \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2017/05/21/529005840/feeling-sidelined-by-mainstream-social-media-far-right-users-jump-to-gab\">reported last year,\u003c/a> “many members of the far right and others who feel their views are stifled by mainstream sites like Twitter and Facebook” have gravitated toward Gab, with its promise of few restrictions on speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site often \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/getongab/status/1056392668404637696\">responds to critics\u003c/a> by pointing blame at Twitter, Facebook and other social media sites for the speech that can be found on those platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/getongab/status/1056392668404637696\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Cantwell, a white nationalist who became known \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/08/24/545766281/white-nationalist-christopher-cantwell-surrenders-after-charlottesville-violence\">and was arrested\u003c/a> after last year’s Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va., \u003ca href=\"https://gab.com/Cantwell\">has a page on Gab. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/getongab/status/1056283312522637312\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/getongab/status/1056362626077220865\">Gab said later\u003c/a> on Saturday that its hosting provider, Joyent, pulled its service for the site effective Monday, meaning “Gab will likely be down for weeks because of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site’s \u003ca href=\"https://gab.com/about/guidelines\">community standards\u003c/a> have loose restrictions without an explicit ban on hate speech. They do, however, ban users from “calling for the acts of violence against others” and “threatening language or behavior that clearly, directly and incontrovertibly infringes on the safety of another user or individual(s).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowers used anti-Semitic slurs on Gab and called Jews an “infestation” and a “problem,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org/blog/deadly-shooting-at-pittsburgh-synagogue\">the Anti-Defamation League.\u003c/a> He also used the common white supremacist slogan “1488” in his profile, the group says, combining the classic white supremacist \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org/education/references/hate-symbols/14-words?fbclid=IwAR0zel_J1YAiInUB5KBznY1HSu6gdZxbgvGnYOfYbE_NUoKTjU2cR-XE0OA\">“14 words”\u003c/a> with 88, which is code for “Heil Hitler.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gab was headquartered in Philadelphia as of March and also listed an address in Clarks Summit, Pennsylvania, in a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission in September. It says it has two employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gab launched in private beta in August 2016 before opening to the public in May 2017, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.startengine.com/freespeech\">fundraising page for the site.\u003c/a> Since then it has grown from 300,000 users in November of last year to about 800,000 today, the company says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1709244/000170924418000001/GAB_-_Annual_Report_-_2018.pdf\">filing with the SEC in March,\u003c/a> the site’s operators said they expected to appeal to “over 50 million conservative, libertarian, nationalist, and populist internet users” who use sites such as Breitbart, DrudgeReport.com and InfoWars.com as people leave social networks that “censor conservative views.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Gab%2C+Site+Where+Synagogue+Shooting+Suspect+Posted%2C+Is+Suspended&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The alternative social media network that was reportedly used by the suspect in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/27/661347236/multiple-casualties-in-shooting-near-pittsburgh-synagogue\">deadly shooting\u003c/a> at a Pittsburgh synagogue is now down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gab.com is a social network that touts itself as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2017/05/21/529005840/feeling-sidelined-by-mainstream-social-media-far-right-users-jump-to-gab\">an alternative to Twitter and Facebook\u003c/a> to give conservatives a platform for free speech. But it also has been criticized for providing a platform for anti-Semitism and white nationalism. The site has come in for increased scrutiny since the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, the site displayed a message saying it had been “systematically no-platformed by App Stores, multiple hosting providers, and several payment processors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been smeared by the mainstream media for defending free expression and individual liberty for all people and for working with law enforcement to ensure that justice is served for the horrible atrocity committed at Pittsburgh,” it said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The platform’s future is newly in doubt because an account linked to Robert Bowers, the 46-year-old Pittsburgh resident charged in the shootings, wrote on Gab Saturday morning: “HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can’t sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I’m going in.” HIAS is a Jewish nonprofit that has the goal of helping immigrant refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/29/661676103/after-synagogue-attack-web-hosting-sites-suspend-gab\">an interview with NPR\u003c/a>, Gab CEO and founder Andrew Torba defended his website and condemned the shooting in Pittsburgh. He said the site has a rule about removing direct threats, but he suggested that Bowers’ post didn’t sound like a concrete threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know. Do you see a direct threat in there? Because I don’t. What would you expect us to do with a post like that? You want us to just censor anybody who says the phrase ‘I’m going in’? Because that’s just absurd,” Torba said. “And here’s the thing: The answer to bad speech, or hate speech, however you want to define that, is more speech. And it always will be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PayPal confirmed to NPR that it had cut off the website from its payment system, and two web-hosting sites also severed ties with Gab over the weekend. Torba told NPR he would work to keep the platform going. But hours later, Gab.com was down with a statement posted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we transition to a new hosting provider Gab will be inaccessible for a period of time. We are working around the clock to get Gab.com back online,” according to the statement on Gab’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mechanics of what caused the website to be taken down were not clear early Monday, but websites depend on support from web-hosting providers. It was also not clear how long the site would stay down.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>A casual scroll through Gab’s message boards while it was up over the weekend revealed plenty of anti-Semitism, racism, Nazism and sexism running through its messages, along with conspiracy theories. The site boasts plenty of standard social media fare as well, including messages about music, art and sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR’s Alina Selyukh \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2017/05/21/529005840/feeling-sidelined-by-mainstream-social-media-far-right-users-jump-to-gab\">reported last year,\u003c/a> “many members of the far right and others who feel their views are stifled by mainstream sites like Twitter and Facebook” have gravitated toward Gab, with its promise of few restrictions on speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site often \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/getongab/status/1056392668404637696\">responds to critics\u003c/a> by pointing blame at Twitter, Facebook and other social media sites for the speech that can be found on those platforms.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Christopher Cantwell, a white nationalist who became known \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/08/24/545766281/white-nationalist-christopher-cantwell-surrenders-after-charlottesville-violence\">and was arrested\u003c/a> after last year’s Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va., \u003ca href=\"https://gab.com/Cantwell\">has a page on Gab. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/getongab/status/1056362626077220865\">Gab said later\u003c/a> on Saturday that its hosting provider, Joyent, pulled its service for the site effective Monday, meaning “Gab will likely be down for weeks because of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site’s \u003ca href=\"https://gab.com/about/guidelines\">community standards\u003c/a> have loose restrictions without an explicit ban on hate speech. They do, however, ban users from “calling for the acts of violence against others” and “threatening language or behavior that clearly, directly and incontrovertibly infringes on the safety of another user or individual(s).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowers used anti-Semitic slurs on Gab and called Jews an “infestation” and a “problem,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org/blog/deadly-shooting-at-pittsburgh-synagogue\">the Anti-Defamation League.\u003c/a> He also used the common white supremacist slogan “1488” in his profile, the group says, combining the classic white supremacist \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org/education/references/hate-symbols/14-words?fbclid=IwAR0zel_J1YAiInUB5KBznY1HSu6gdZxbgvGnYOfYbE_NUoKTjU2cR-XE0OA\">“14 words”\u003c/a> with 88, which is code for “Heil Hitler.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gab was headquartered in Philadelphia as of March and also listed an address in Clarks Summit, Pennsylvania, in a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission in September. It says it has two employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gab launched in private beta in August 2016 before opening to the public in May 2017, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.startengine.com/freespeech\">fundraising page for the site.\u003c/a> Since then it has grown from 300,000 users in November of last year to about 800,000 today, the company says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1709244/000170924418000001/GAB_-_Annual_Report_-_2018.pdf\">filing with the SEC in March,\u003c/a> the site’s operators said they expected to appeal to “over 50 million conservative, libertarian, nationalist, and populist internet users” who use sites such as Breitbart, DrudgeReport.com and InfoWars.com as people leave social networks that “censor conservative views.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Gab%2C+Site+Where+Synagogue+Shooting+Suspect+Posted%2C+Is+Suspended&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jerry Brown on Thursday criticized the Trump administration’s plans to exit an arms treaty with Russia and called out “bipartisan blindness” toward global nuclear threats after he was named executive chairman of the organization that sets the “\u003ca href=\"https://thebulletin.org/doomsday-clock/\">Doomsday Clock\u003c/a>” measuring threats to humanity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When humankind has in its hands the technology to absolutely destroy all of civilization there is nothing so important it ought to prevent dialogue and deep discussion,” Brown said in an interview with The Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s new role with the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists will ensure he stays relevant on the global topics he cares most about when he leaves office in January after two separate stints as California governor starting in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chicago-based Bulletin was founded in 1945 after the creation of the atomic bomb and in the decades since has expanded its mission to a broader discussion of threats to human survival, including climate change, one of Brown’s signature issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Doomsday Clock, moved to two minutes from midnight in January, is a visual representation of how close the Bulletin believes the world is to catastrophe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1931644/jerry-brown-has-directed-california-to-go-carbon-neutral-by-2045-is-that-even-possible\">known for thinking big\u003c/a> and talking bluntly about threats to human existence, has taken on an outsize role on the global stage as President Donald Trump recedes from U.S. commitments on climate change and, most recently, the nuclear treaty with Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president announced the U.S. will leave the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces signed in 1987 with the former Soviet Union. It bans the two countries from making or possessing certain types of nuclear missiles. Trump said Russia has violated the treaty, which Russia denies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said tearing up the treaty is “not only wrong, it’s dangerous — not to say stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has had his own discussions with Russian ambassadors to the United States and the United Nations about the dangers of nuclear proliferation, most recently after a commemoration this month for a historic cemetery in Northern California rich in Russian history, he said. Nuclear threats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1932901/where-have-all-the-critters-gone-blame-climate-change\">climate change\u003c/a> are topics Brown frequently raises with foreign leaders who stop by his office while in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not here to represent the U.S. government, that’s the president’s job, but I am as a citizen of the country, of California, of the world, concerned that these very powerful technologies are not being managed with wisdom,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also sits on the board of the Nuclear Threat Initiative and attended meetings of the group in Washington, D.C., this week. While there, he met with U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis. Brown spokesman Evan Westrup declined to provide specifics on the conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the diplomatic relationship between the United States and Russia is frayed, Brown said, focusing on containing and reducing nuclear threats should be a priority. Neither political party seems to view it as one, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still ought to realize that ending civilization is a bigger problem than any of the other problems we have with Russia,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As executive chairman of the Bulletin, Brown will preside over the group’s three boards — a governing board, a science and security board and an editorial board. It’s a new role created just for Brown, and he’ll focus on generating global urgency around nuclear and other threats. Brown’s interest in the topic harkens back to the 1970s and 1980s when he was running for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really see him as a global ambassador for the issues that we work on — manmade existential threats, nuclear, climate, disruptive technology,” said Rachel Bronson, the group’s president and chief executive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>__\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story and headline have been corrected to show Brown is joining the organization, not leading it.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1931644/jerry-brown-has-directed-california-to-go-carbon-neutral-by-2045-is-that-even-possible\">known for thinking big\u003c/a> and talking bluntly about threats to human existence, has taken on an outsize role on the global stage as President Donald Trump recedes from U.S. commitments on climate change and, most recently, the nuclear treaty with Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president announced the U.S. will leave the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces signed in 1987 with the former Soviet Union. It bans the two countries from making or possessing certain types of nuclear missiles. Trump said Russia has violated the treaty, which Russia denies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said tearing up the treaty is “not only wrong, it’s dangerous — not to say stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has had his own discussions with Russian ambassadors to the United States and the United Nations about the dangers of nuclear proliferation, most recently after a commemoration this month for a historic cemetery in Northern California rich in Russian history, he said. Nuclear threats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1932901/where-have-all-the-critters-gone-blame-climate-change\">climate change\u003c/a> are topics Brown frequently raises with foreign leaders who stop by his office while in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not here to represent the U.S. government, that’s the president’s job, but I am as a citizen of the country, of California, of the world, concerned that these very powerful technologies are not being managed with wisdom,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also sits on the board of the Nuclear Threat Initiative and attended meetings of the group in Washington, D.C., this week. While there, he met with U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis. Brown spokesman Evan Westrup declined to provide specifics on the conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the diplomatic relationship between the United States and Russia is frayed, Brown said, focusing on containing and reducing nuclear threats should be a priority. Neither political party seems to view it as one, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still ought to realize that ending civilization is a bigger problem than any of the other problems we have with Russia,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As executive chairman of the Bulletin, Brown will preside over the group’s three boards — a governing board, a science and security board and an editorial board. It’s a new role created just for Brown, and he’ll focus on generating global urgency around nuclear and other threats. Brown’s interest in the topic harkens back to the 1970s and 1980s when he was running for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really see him as a global ambassador for the issues that we work on — manmade existential threats, nuclear, climate, disruptive technology,” said Rachel Bronson, the group’s president and chief executive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>__\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story and headline have been corrected to show Brown is joining the organization, not leading it.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]en days after the municipally blessed relaunch of electric standup scooter rentals in San Francisco, riders are rambling all over town on machines provided by the two companies that got operating permits from the city: Scoot and Skip. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The permits, granted by the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, give the companies permission to deploy 625 scooters each as part of a 12-month pilot program. If the launch goes well, Skip and Scoot could double their fleets in six months. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds nice and neat and, well, resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all is settled in the city’s scooter wars, touched off last March when scooter firms Lime, Bird and Spin distributed their machines without city authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the scooter pilot has launched, transportation officials are still facing a series of appeals from three companies questioning the city’s process in awarding the permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the companies has gone further, filing a lawsuit that resulted in SFMTA Director of Transportation Ed Reiskin and a member of the agency board being compelled to give depositions about the permit process. That happened Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To recap the scooter conflict for those who haven’t been following every twist and turn: \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid widespread complaints about the Bird, Lime and Spin scooters last spring, the SFMTA drew up regulations and decided on the format of the scooter pilot program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bird, Spin and Lime were forced to pull their scooters off the streets and get in line with other firms that wanted to operate in the city. A total of a dozen firms eventually applied for pilot program permits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689546/s-f-launches-scooter-pilot-and-excludes-bird-lime-and-spin\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">SFMTA announced\u003c/a> at the end of August that it was awarding just two permits, to Skip and Scoot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/sfmta-offers-two-permits-one-year-powered-scooter-pilot\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">explaining\u003c/a> the firms had scored highest among the 12 applicants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lime and two other companies that were shut out of the pilot program by the SFMTA — Jump and Spin — have not gone quietly. Each has appealed the agency’s decision and are awaiting hearings in the coming weeks. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals are trying different tacks in trying to get the SFMTA to reconsider its permit decision. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Jump — an Uber-owned company known for its bright red electrically boosted dockless rental bikes — raises questions about how permit applications were assessed and why the firm didn’t score higher. The company’s appeal letter ends with a rather restrained request for the city to grant more permits and allow an increase in the number of scooters on the street. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lime has taken a harder line. Lime argued in \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019179/Lime-Appeal-FINAL.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">its September appeal letter\u003c/a> that SFMTA officials and the application process led to an arbitrary decision to reject Lime’s permit application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, days before Skip and Scoot were scheduled to launch, the company upped the ante. It filed \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019124/Lime-v-Sfmta.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a lawsuit\u003c/a> alleging that the permit process was “cloaked … in a veil of secrecy,” lacked clear guidelines and was so biased it denied the company of its constitutional right to due process. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit argues, in essence, that the transportation agency had it in for Lime and the two other companies that launched in March. The company’s complaint points to a provision added to the city’s new scooter regulations when the SFMTA board adopted the rules at a meeting in early May. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before they voted, several members of the board and audience said they felt the prior behavior of scooter operators ought to be considered in weighing future applications. That was a not-so-veiled reference to Bird, Spin and Lime, which had already been grilled before the Board of Supervisors and had gotten cease-and-desist letters from the city attorney’s office. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most pointed comment at the meeting — which Lime quotes in its suit as evidence of the SFMTA’s prejudice — came from SFMTA board member Art Torres. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are bad actors, number one,” Torres said, noting Santa Monica’s struggle to rein in Bird in late 2017. “… So I guess it goes back to what we said earlier about past behavior. We ought not be rewarding people who have stuck their fingers at us when dealing with cease-and-desist orders. Those of us on this panel, I know we believe in the rule of law. What are we going to do? …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Superior Court Judge Harold Kahn rejected the company’s motion for a temporary restraining order that would block renewed scooter service to begin in the city Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kahn surprised the city by giving Lime something the company’s suit had not asked for: He issued an order allowing the company to seek further information from the SFMTA about its permit deliberations. As part of that evidence discovery process, the city initially agreed to let Lime take depositions from five SFMTA officials, including agency chief Reiskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon further consideration, though, the city balked, and filed a motion asking Judge Kahn to reconsider his discovery order. The city’s argument: California law does not allow courts to order the questioning of government officials about their decisions to grant or deny permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing earlier this week, Kahn did limit his order, agreeing to reduce the number of depositions to be taken to two: Reiskin and SFMTA board member Lee Hsu. (Hsu’s testimony was sought because of a May email in which he wrote that the transportation agency would “send a compelling message if the first permit for e-scooters is granted to a company that did not jump the gun after being explicitly asked not to … as I see it, the three that deployed early already overplayed their hand out of a desire to gain a first-mover advantage, so it’s up to us now to set a precedent for future purposes that the best-mover advantage is to work with us and not ignore us.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those depositions were scheduled to be taken Friday in San Francisco. Whether the testimony will help Lime’s case or not likely won’t be known until the next scheduled hearing in the case in mid-November. \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>en days after the municipally blessed relaunch of electric standup scooter rentals in San Francisco, riders are rambling all over town on machines provided by the two companies that got operating permits from the city: Scoot and Skip. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The permits, granted by the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, give the companies permission to deploy 625 scooters each as part of a 12-month pilot program. If the launch goes well, Skip and Scoot could double their fleets in six months. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds nice and neat and, well, resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all is settled in the city’s scooter wars, touched off last March when scooter firms Lime, Bird and Spin distributed their machines without city authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the scooter pilot has launched, transportation officials are still facing a series of appeals from three companies questioning the city’s process in awarding the permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the companies has gone further, filing a lawsuit that resulted in SFMTA Director of Transportation Ed Reiskin and a member of the agency board being compelled to give depositions about the permit process. That happened Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To recap the scooter conflict for those who haven’t been following every twist and turn: \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid widespread complaints about the Bird, Lime and Spin scooters last spring, the SFMTA drew up regulations and decided on the format of the scooter pilot program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bird, Spin and Lime were forced to pull their scooters off the streets and get in line with other firms that wanted to operate in the city. A total of a dozen firms eventually applied for pilot program permits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689546/s-f-launches-scooter-pilot-and-excludes-bird-lime-and-spin\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">SFMTA announced\u003c/a> at the end of August that it was awarding just two permits, to Skip and Scoot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/sfmta-offers-two-permits-one-year-powered-scooter-pilot\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">explaining\u003c/a> the firms had scored highest among the 12 applicants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lime and two other companies that were shut out of the pilot program by the SFMTA — Jump and Spin — have not gone quietly. Each has appealed the agency’s decision and are awaiting hearings in the coming weeks. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals are trying different tacks in trying to get the SFMTA to reconsider its permit decision. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Jump — an Uber-owned company known for its bright red electrically boosted dockless rental bikes — raises questions about how permit applications were assessed and why the firm didn’t score higher. The company’s appeal letter ends with a rather restrained request for the city to grant more permits and allow an increase in the number of scooters on the street. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lime has taken a harder line. Lime argued in \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019179/Lime-Appeal-FINAL.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">its September appeal letter\u003c/a> that SFMTA officials and the application process led to an arbitrary decision to reject Lime’s permit application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, days before Skip and Scoot were scheduled to launch, the company upped the ante. It filed \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019124/Lime-v-Sfmta.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a lawsuit\u003c/a> alleging that the permit process was “cloaked … in a veil of secrecy,” lacked clear guidelines and was so biased it denied the company of its constitutional right to due process. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit argues, in essence, that the transportation agency had it in for Lime and the two other companies that launched in March. The company’s complaint points to a provision added to the city’s new scooter regulations when the SFMTA board adopted the rules at a meeting in early May. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before they voted, several members of the board and audience said they felt the prior behavior of scooter operators ought to be considered in weighing future applications. That was a not-so-veiled reference to Bird, Spin and Lime, which had already been grilled before the Board of Supervisors and had gotten cease-and-desist letters from the city attorney’s office. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most pointed comment at the meeting — which Lime quotes in its suit as evidence of the SFMTA’s prejudice — came from SFMTA board member Art Torres. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are bad actors, number one,” Torres said, noting Santa Monica’s struggle to rein in Bird in late 2017. “… So I guess it goes back to what we said earlier about past behavior. We ought not be rewarding people who have stuck their fingers at us when dealing with cease-and-desist orders. Those of us on this panel, I know we believe in the rule of law. What are we going to do? …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Superior Court Judge Harold Kahn rejected the company’s motion for a temporary restraining order that would block renewed scooter service to begin in the city Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kahn surprised the city by giving Lime something the company’s suit had not asked for: He issued an order allowing the company to seek further information from the SFMTA about its permit deliberations. As part of that evidence discovery process, the city initially agreed to let Lime take depositions from five SFMTA officials, including agency chief Reiskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon further consideration, though, the city balked, and filed a motion asking Judge Kahn to reconsider his discovery order. The city’s argument: California law does not allow courts to order the questioning of government officials about their decisions to grant or deny permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing earlier this week, Kahn did limit his order, agreeing to reduce the number of depositions to be taken to two: Reiskin and SFMTA board member Lee Hsu. (Hsu’s testimony was sought because of a May email in which he wrote that the transportation agency would “send a compelling message if the first permit for e-scooters is granted to a company that did not jump the gun after being explicitly asked not to … as I see it, the three that deployed early already overplayed their hand out of a desire to gain a first-mover advantage, so it’s up to us now to set a precedent for future purposes that the best-mover advantage is to work with us and not ignore us.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those depositions were scheduled to be taken Friday in San Francisco. Whether the testimony will help Lime’s case or not likely won’t be known until the next scheduled hearing in the case in mid-November. \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Google reportedly paid a top executive a $90 million exit package after he was accused of sexual misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a damning report published by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/25/technology/google-sexual-harassment-andy-rubin.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">New York Times\u003c/a> on Thursday, the company announced it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701484/google-reveals-48-employees-fired-for-sexual-harassment-in-last-2-years\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fired 48 employees for sexual harassment\u003c/a> without any severance over the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dead serious about making sure we provide a safe and inclusive workplace,” Google CEO Sundar Pichai said, although he did not dispute news accounts about payouts to top executives accused of sexual harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Google announced that it has fired 48 employees for sexual harassment during the past two years and sent them away without severance packages, hours after a news report that it had protected some male executives facing sexual misconduct allegations and offered them large sums to leave the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surprise disclosure Thursday came in an email to Google employees from CEO Sundar Pichai. It was a direct response to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/25/technology/google-sexual-harassment-andy-rubin.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">New York Times report\u003c/a> that the company had dismissed the executive in charge of its Android software for sexual misconduct in 2014 and paid him handsomely — $90 million — to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Andy Rubin, the former Android executive, said he left on his own accord and has never been informed of any accusations of sexual misconduct. Rubin acknowledges having consensual sexual relationships with Google employees that didn’t report to him, adhering to the boundaries drawn by Google policy at that time, according to the spokesman, Sam Singer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Times story was based on unidentified people and court documents, including some filed in an ongoing divorce between Rubin and his wife. The Times reported that Google also protected two other executives accused of sexual misconduct, ousting one with a severance package while retaining another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his email, Pichai said Google adopted tougher policies in 2015. Those rules require all of Google’s vice presidents and senior vice presidents to disclose any relationship with an employee, even if they don’t work in the same department or have any other potential conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Pichai didn’t directly address the allegations against Rubin and other executives, he conceded the Times story “was difficult to read” and did not dispute it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an apparent attempt to assure employees that things had changed since Rubin’s departure, Pichai said 13 of the 48 workers that Google had fired for violating the company’s sexual harassment policies were either senior managers or executives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of those 13 received severance packages, Pichai wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dead serious about making sure we provide a safe and inclusive workplace,” Pichai wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11701511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"Google CEO Sundar Pichai.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11701511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-1020x675.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-1200x794.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-520x344.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google CEO Sundar Pichai. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite Pichai’s reassurances, the revelations about sexual harassment are a setback for a 20-year-old company that adopted “Don’t Be Evil” as its motto early in its existence, and now embraces “Do the Right Thing” as its creed under the umbrella of its holding company, Alphabet Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bombshells are also another troubling example of a Silicon Valley culture that for decades has relied heavily on male engineers, some of whom still behave like fraternity boys attending a keg party in college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The phenomenon led to this year’s release of “Brotopia: Breaking Up The Boys Club of Silicon Valley,” a book by Emily Chang that delves into the stories of women who say they have been sexually harassed at tech companies and venture capital firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allegations of sexual misconduct also have resulted in the resignations of venture capitalists and executives and triggered an ongoing overhaul at ride-hailing company, Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prodded by the public complaints of a former female engineer, Uber last year conducted an internal investigation that it had fostered an environment that allowed rampant sexual harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems unfolded under Uber co-founder Travis Kalanick, who wound up being forced to resign by investors as CEO amid a raft of other problems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, Uber hired former Google engineer Amit Singhal and then asked him to resign last year after discovering he hadn’t disclosed he had been accused of sexual misconduct at Google.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Google Reveals 48 Employees Fired for Sexual Harassment in Last 2 Years | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Google announced that it has fired 48 employees for sexual harassment during the past two years and sent them away without severance packages, hours after a news report that it had protected some male executives facing sexual misconduct allegations and offered them large sums to leave the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surprise disclosure Thursday came in an email to Google employees from CEO Sundar Pichai. It was a direct response to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/25/technology/google-sexual-harassment-andy-rubin.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">New York Times report\u003c/a> that the company had dismissed the executive in charge of its Android software for sexual misconduct in 2014 and paid him handsomely — $90 million — to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Andy Rubin, the former Android executive, said he left on his own accord and has never been informed of any accusations of sexual misconduct. Rubin acknowledges having consensual sexual relationships with Google employees that didn’t report to him, adhering to the boundaries drawn by Google policy at that time, according to the spokesman, Sam Singer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Times story was based on unidentified people and court documents, including some filed in an ongoing divorce between Rubin and his wife. The Times reported that Google also protected two other executives accused of sexual misconduct, ousting one with a severance package while retaining another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his email, Pichai said Google adopted tougher policies in 2015. Those rules require all of Google’s vice presidents and senior vice presidents to disclose any relationship with an employee, even if they don’t work in the same department or have any other potential conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Pichai didn’t directly address the allegations against Rubin and other executives, he conceded the Times story “was difficult to read” and did not dispute it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an apparent attempt to assure employees that things had changed since Rubin’s departure, Pichai said 13 of the 48 workers that Google had fired for violating the company’s sexual harassment policies were either senior managers or executives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of those 13 received severance packages, Pichai wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dead serious about making sure we provide a safe and inclusive workplace,” Pichai wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11701511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"Google CEO Sundar Pichai.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11701511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-1020x675.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-1200x794.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Pichai-520x344.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google CEO Sundar Pichai. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite Pichai’s reassurances, the revelations about sexual harassment are a setback for a 20-year-old company that adopted “Don’t Be Evil” as its motto early in its existence, and now embraces “Do the Right Thing” as its creed under the umbrella of its holding company, Alphabet Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bombshells are also another troubling example of a Silicon Valley culture that for decades has relied heavily on male engineers, some of whom still behave like fraternity boys attending a keg party in college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The phenomenon led to this year’s release of “Brotopia: Breaking Up The Boys Club of Silicon Valley,” a book by Emily Chang that delves into the stories of women who say they have been sexually harassed at tech companies and venture capital firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allegations of sexual misconduct also have resulted in the resignations of venture capitalists and executives and triggered an ongoing overhaul at ride-hailing company, Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prodded by the public complaints of a former female engineer, Uber last year conducted an internal investigation that it had fostered an environment that allowed rampant sexual harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems unfolded under Uber co-founder Travis Kalanick, who wound up being forced to resign by investors as CEO amid a raft of other problems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, Uber hired former Google engineer Amit Singhal and then asked him to resign last year after discovering he hadn’t disclosed he had been accused of sexual misconduct at Google.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "should-big-business-pay-to-fight-homelessness-transportation-woes-voters-will-decide",
"title": "Should Big Business Pay to Fight Homelessness, Transportation Woes? Voters Will Decide",
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"headTitle": "Should Big Business Pay to Fight Homelessness, Transportation Woes? Voters Will Decide | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JYKxFrMkzKA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jack/status/1053312148317716480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition C in San Francisco, Measure P in Mountain View and Measure HH in East Palo Alto would all raise taxes on businesses.",
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"title": "Should Big Business Pay to Fight Homelessness, Transportation Woes? Voters Will Decide | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A week after two-thirds of San Francisco’s taxi fleet was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699586/many-s-f-cabbies-are-losing-one-of-the-last-places-they-might-make-a-buck\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">barred\u003c/a> from picking up passengers at SFO, officials \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioretaxis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">banned cab drivers from organizing\u003c/a> at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers say that officials are clamping down on their First Amendment rights, but an SFO statement said the airport is not intended for “free speech activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Uber and Lyft drivers are subject to the same rules banning organizing, ride service drivers can still pick up passengers at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s no secret how to minimize man-made climate change: Reduce greenhouse gases. That’s the intent behind carbon credits in the cap-and-trade market and climate actions like planting trees. But there’s a major accounting issue. How do you ensure a polluter is truthful about things like how much they’ve reduced their emissions or how many trees they’ve had planted?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some in the tech world think “blockchain” is the answer — and not just to the accounting problem, but to man-made climate change itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blockchain is the hot technological tool du jour, following on the heels of big data, the internet of things and artificial intelligence. It’s known as the technology behind bitcoin and other cryptocurrency. And that’s where there’s a bit of irony in all this. Digital mining for cryptocurrency now accounts for a ton of energy usage. It’s hard to say exactly how much. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cell.com/joule/fulltext/S2542-4351(18)30177-6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">But a study in Joule\u003c/a> suggests it consumes about as much energy per year as the entire country of Ireland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, there’s no end to the number of things people are saying blockchain can solve: poverty, financial crises, health insurance bureaucracy, human rights abuses, elder care, cancer, and now, climate change. Every day PR teams pitch increasingly ambitious (some might say implausible) applications to journalists, like how blockchain can improve elder care, prevent financial crises or cure cancer. \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/187-things-the-blockchain-is-supposed-to-fix/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wired compiled a list of 187 PR pitches\u003c/a> about blockchain applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until a year or two ago, no one really talked about blockchain and climate action. Now it’s routinely the subject of papers and panels. Climate scientists are debating how blockchain can help with something like accountability in the carbon credit market, renewable energy production and carbon soil sequestration. The list goes on and on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Baumann co-chairs the Climate Change Coalition. He led a recent event in San Francisco to spread awareness about blockchain. So … What is blockchain? If you ask someone like Bauman, you often get an answer like this:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Blockchain, or distributed ledger technology, really references a larger ecosystem of technologies like artificial intelligence, big data and the internet of things. Those technologies, coupled with the blockchain technologies, are very synergistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OK, synergy aside, the distributed ledger is the key element of blockchain. With blockchain, the ledger, or record of transactions, is not held by a central authority, like a bank, but instead on the individual computers of everyone on the blockchain. It’s like an accounting book that everyone can see and where every transaction is recorded. This shared accounting creates transparency and verifiability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New companies, like Silicon Valley-based Nori, are built around blockchain’s transparency. Paul Gambill is the company’s CEO, and here’s how he describes the company: “Nori is a blockchain-based marketplace that makes it easier for people to pay for removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company plans to launch by the end of the year. Nori hopes companies in the cap-and-trade market will pay for carbon-removal credits. Gambill used to be a software product manager. He carries with him the tech world’s habit of making grand pitches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s our intention to build the infrastructure that makes it possible to reverse climate change,” Gambill says. “We want to make the whole climate change problem just go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doesn’t everyone? Scientists like Douglas McCauley surely do. “I wish it were that easy,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCauley is a researcher at UC Santa Barbara. He says the danger of Silicon Valley’s big-promise, disrupt-everything ethos is that it suggests there’s a quick fix out there for something like climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As anyone who works on climate change knows, ways to address the problem will be really hard to implement — like getting countries to cut emissions or people to stop driving cars that pollute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCauley says before blockchain, artificial intelligence and big data were the hot new things. They were in the headline of every other paper or panel on climate change. These have proved to be valuable tools for climate research, but in each case McCauley says it took scientists a few years to cut through the hype.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to look past the shiny thing,” McCauley says, “and start talking about exactly how to apply it usefully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCauley says blockchain could help, especially with the transparent accounting of something like carbon credits. Katharine Mach, a climate scientist at Stanford, agrees. She says blockchain is interesting, but there’s a danger in assuming it, or any other new technology for that matter, will be some kind of miracle cure for climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s essentially can-kicking ethics,” Mach says, “where we won’t be putting into place the solutions that are actually more important to make the entirety of the problem more solvable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the clock ticking on climate change, there’s little time to waste sorting facts from hype.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s no secret how to minimize man-made climate change: Reduce greenhouse gases. That’s the intent behind carbon credits in the cap-and-trade market and climate actions like planting trees. But there’s a major accounting issue. How do you ensure a polluter is truthful about things like how much they’ve reduced their emissions or how many trees they’ve had planted?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some in the tech world think “blockchain” is the answer — and not just to the accounting problem, but to man-made climate change itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blockchain is the hot technological tool du jour, following on the heels of big data, the internet of things and artificial intelligence. It’s known as the technology behind bitcoin and other cryptocurrency. And that’s where there’s a bit of irony in all this. Digital mining for cryptocurrency now accounts for a ton of energy usage. It’s hard to say exactly how much. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cell.com/joule/fulltext/S2542-4351(18)30177-6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">But a study in Joule\u003c/a> suggests it consumes about as much energy per year as the entire country of Ireland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, there’s no end to the number of things people are saying blockchain can solve: poverty, financial crises, health insurance bureaucracy, human rights abuses, elder care, cancer, and now, climate change. Every day PR teams pitch increasingly ambitious (some might say implausible) applications to journalists, like how blockchain can improve elder care, prevent financial crises or cure cancer. \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/187-things-the-blockchain-is-supposed-to-fix/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wired compiled a list of 187 PR pitches\u003c/a> about blockchain applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until a year or two ago, no one really talked about blockchain and climate action. Now it’s routinely the subject of papers and panels. Climate scientists are debating how blockchain can help with something like accountability in the carbon credit market, renewable energy production and carbon soil sequestration. The list goes on and on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Baumann co-chairs the Climate Change Coalition. He led a recent event in San Francisco to spread awareness about blockchain. So … What is blockchain? If you ask someone like Bauman, you often get an answer like this:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Blockchain, or distributed ledger technology, really references a larger ecosystem of technologies like artificial intelligence, big data and the internet of things. Those technologies, coupled with the blockchain technologies, are very synergistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OK, synergy aside, the distributed ledger is the key element of blockchain. With blockchain, the ledger, or record of transactions, is not held by a central authority, like a bank, but instead on the individual computers of everyone on the blockchain. It’s like an accounting book that everyone can see and where every transaction is recorded. This shared accounting creates transparency and verifiability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New companies, like Silicon Valley-based Nori, are built around blockchain’s transparency. Paul Gambill is the company’s CEO, and here’s how he describes the company: “Nori is a blockchain-based marketplace that makes it easier for people to pay for removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company plans to launch by the end of the year. Nori hopes companies in the cap-and-trade market will pay for carbon-removal credits. Gambill used to be a software product manager. He carries with him the tech world’s habit of making grand pitches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s our intention to build the infrastructure that makes it possible to reverse climate change,” Gambill says. “We want to make the whole climate change problem just go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doesn’t everyone? Scientists like Douglas McCauley surely do. “I wish it were that easy,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCauley is a researcher at UC Santa Barbara. He says the danger of Silicon Valley’s big-promise, disrupt-everything ethos is that it suggests there’s a quick fix out there for something like climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As anyone who works on climate change knows, ways to address the problem will be really hard to implement — like getting countries to cut emissions or people to stop driving cars that pollute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCauley says before blockchain, artificial intelligence and big data were the hot new things. They were in the headline of every other paper or panel on climate change. These have proved to be valuable tools for climate research, but in each case McCauley says it took scientists a few years to cut through the hype.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to look past the shiny thing,” McCauley says, “and start talking about exactly how to apply it usefully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCauley says blockchain could help, especially with the transparent accounting of something like carbon credits. Katharine Mach, a climate scientist at Stanford, agrees. She says blockchain is interesting, but there’s a danger in assuming it, or any other new technology for that matter, will be some kind of miracle cure for climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s essentially can-kicking ethics,” Mach says, “where we won’t be putting into place the solutions that are actually more important to make the entirety of the problem more solvable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the clock ticking on climate change, there’s little time to waste sorting facts from hype.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Joe Hargrave, co-owner of San Francisco’s Tacolicious restaurants, says customers who come in and sit down for lunch have no idea that all the hustle and bustle in the kitchen has very little to do with serving them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the bar near the kitchen, an employee rushes around to handle all the incoming food orders from a third-party delivery app called Caviar. Even before the restaurant opens, online orders often pile up from Caviar, Uber Eats and DoorDash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave says the apps account for more and more of the restaurant’s lunch business. While lunch sales for Tacolicious are down 35 percent, lunch revenue is up 8 percent. Co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how the two run the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we will be delivering food, which I don’t see that ever ending,” Deseran says, “then we have to adapt every single thing we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the delivery app Caviar says its customers wanted food in bowls. Now Tacolicious is serving food in bowls. The restaurant had stacks of plates on the bar. Now they’ve replaced half of the plates with stacks of to-go boxes. Tacolicious is even making changes to their staff to accommodate the apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat in the restaurant talking, Hargrave received an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] from our VP of Ops talking about a new position that he wants to put out for third-party sales because he wants to keep the boxes organized and he wants to make sure the food is organized, and that we don’t miss a beat,” says Hargrave. “And we can go as high as $17 an hour!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tacolicious already has a person to manage customer phone calls, many of which happen to be about issues with deliveries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might have seen someone working one of these third-party delivery app jobs at other restaurants. They’re usually behind the bar, surrounded by tablets. The tablets are running all the different delivery apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also might have seen the delivery workers for the apps. They are often on mopeds, and still wearing their helmets when they come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These workers are paid by the order, which means they’re rushing into the restaurant to grab food and make their deliveries as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says the apps create all kinds of chaos that restaurants have to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to be dealing with these orders?” Deseran asks. “Will we have another person taking these orders? Will it be its own position? Where will we store the compostable trays? It’s almost like you are running an entirely different business on top of your business,” Deseran says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When something goes wrong with a delivery, the restaurant often has to deal with it. The restaurant gets the angry customer phone calls and the bad Yelp reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists have poured billions of dollars into these third-party apps. Over the last few years, the apps have been vying for market share and trying to get people used to ordering food online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies make revenue by taking a cut of the orders. Some of the companies siphon off as much as 30 percent from each delivery total. Profit margins in restaurants are notoriously small. So even though restaurants might get more business through the apps, they may actually be losing money on each order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave believes all this could get worse as the companies transition from using venture capital to build market share to trying to make real profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s going to happen to the rates when they start killing each other and one reigns supreme and they have to make a profit?” Hargrave asks. At that point, he says, diners may be so accustomed to the apps that restaurants have to serve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I didn’t do this to put food into boxes. I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.’\u003ccite>Joe Hargrave, Tacolicious co-owner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The National Restaurant Association is steering its members toward embracing the apps as a way to reach customers and sell more food. It sees this as the future that restaurants must conform to in order to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave and Deseran own five restaurants, which has allowed them to adapt to the apps. For instance, they can negotiate lower rates to be taken from each order and hire people to manage all the third-party apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller mom-and-pop restaurants don’t have these luxuries. So many don’t use the apps, which means that as more and more people order delivery, they could lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tacolicious, Hargrave’s big worry is that he’ll have to compromise on his food to feed the delivery apps, like adding preservatives to his tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says they’ve already taste-tested their food after it’s been driven around for 20 minutes in a car. So, like, food marinated in a Uber?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” Deseran says, “pine scent and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jokes aside, Deseran says she wishes they didn’t have to do delivery at all because of how it affects their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You end up having half the quality when it arrives,” says Deseran. “But people, I think, have become accustomed to having food that’s mediocre.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrubHub and Uber Eats are also testing ways to make food stay fresher during transit. But Hargrave says that when it comes down to it, what he really loves is having people actually come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do this to put food into boxes,” says Hargrave. “I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eating at a restaurant, Hargrave believes, is one of the last bastions of human connection that isn’t mediated through an app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he would prefer to keep it that way.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Joe Hargrave, co-owner of San Francisco’s Tacolicious restaurants, says customers who come in and sit down for lunch have no idea that all the hustle and bustle in the kitchen has very little to do with serving them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the bar near the kitchen, an employee rushes around to handle all the incoming food orders from a third-party delivery app called Caviar. Even before the restaurant opens, online orders often pile up from Caviar, Uber Eats and DoorDash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave says the apps account for more and more of the restaurant’s lunch business. While lunch sales for Tacolicious are down 35 percent, lunch revenue is up 8 percent. Co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how the two run the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we will be delivering food, which I don’t see that ever ending,” Deseran says, “then we have to adapt every single thing we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the delivery app Caviar says its customers wanted food in bowls. Now Tacolicious is serving food in bowls. The restaurant had stacks of plates on the bar. Now they’ve replaced half of the plates with stacks of to-go boxes. Tacolicious is even making changes to their staff to accommodate the apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat in the restaurant talking, Hargrave received an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] from our VP of Ops talking about a new position that he wants to put out for third-party sales because he wants to keep the boxes organized and he wants to make sure the food is organized, and that we don’t miss a beat,” says Hargrave. “And we can go as high as $17 an hour!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tacolicious already has a person to manage customer phone calls, many of which happen to be about issues with deliveries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might have seen someone working one of these third-party delivery app jobs at other restaurants. They’re usually behind the bar, surrounded by tablets. The tablets are running all the different delivery apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also might have seen the delivery workers for the apps. They are often on mopeds, and still wearing their helmets when they come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These workers are paid by the order, which means they’re rushing into the restaurant to grab food and make their deliveries as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says the apps create all kinds of chaos that restaurants have to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to be dealing with these orders?” Deseran asks. “Will we have another person taking these orders? Will it be its own position? Where will we store the compostable trays? It’s almost like you are running an entirely different business on top of your business,” Deseran says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When something goes wrong with a delivery, the restaurant often has to deal with it. The restaurant gets the angry customer phone calls and the bad Yelp reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists have poured billions of dollars into these third-party apps. Over the last few years, the apps have been vying for market share and trying to get people used to ordering food online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies make revenue by taking a cut of the orders. Some of the companies siphon off as much as 30 percent from each delivery total. Profit margins in restaurants are notoriously small. So even though restaurants might get more business through the apps, they may actually be losing money on each order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave believes all this could get worse as the companies transition from using venture capital to build market share to trying to make real profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s going to happen to the rates when they start killing each other and one reigns supreme and they have to make a profit?” Hargrave asks. At that point, he says, diners may be so accustomed to the apps that restaurants have to serve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I didn’t do this to put food into boxes. I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.’\u003ccite>Joe Hargrave, Tacolicious co-owner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The National Restaurant Association is steering its members toward embracing the apps as a way to reach customers and sell more food. It sees this as the future that restaurants must conform to in order to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave and Deseran own five restaurants, which has allowed them to adapt to the apps. For instance, they can negotiate lower rates to be taken from each order and hire people to manage all the third-party apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller mom-and-pop restaurants don’t have these luxuries. So many don’t use the apps, which means that as more and more people order delivery, they could lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tacolicious, Hargrave’s big worry is that he’ll have to compromise on his food to feed the delivery apps, like adding preservatives to his tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says they’ve already taste-tested their food after it’s been driven around for 20 minutes in a car. So, like, food marinated in a Uber?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” Deseran says, “pine scent and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jokes aside, Deseran says she wishes they didn’t have to do delivery at all because of how it affects their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You end up having half the quality when it arrives,” says Deseran. “But people, I think, have become accustomed to having food that’s mediocre.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrubHub and Uber Eats are also testing ways to make food stay fresher during transit. But Hargrave says that when it comes down to it, what he really loves is having people actually come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do this to put food into boxes,” says Hargrave. “I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eating at a restaurant, Hargrave believes, is one of the last bastions of human connection that isn’t mediated through an app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he would prefer to keep it that way.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Are you wondering when San Francisco’s new $2.2 billion Transbay Transit Center will reopen? So are transit officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month after the Salesforce Transit Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685506/10-things-to-know-about-san-franciscos-spectacular-new-transit-center\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opened in August\u003c/a>, workers found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694695/crack-in-support-beam-shuts-down-s-f-s-brand-new-2-billion-transit-terminal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cracks in two large steel beams\u003c/a>, forcing an immediate shutdown of the center and a few surrounding streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Zabaneh, the head of the Transbay Joint Powers Authority, said it would be mid-November before the agency had an idea how long repairs will take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Are you wondering when San Francisco’s new $2.2 billion Transbay Transit Center will reopen? So are transit officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month after the Salesforce Transit Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685506/10-things-to-know-about-san-franciscos-spectacular-new-transit-center\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opened in August\u003c/a>, workers found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694695/crack-in-support-beam-shuts-down-s-f-s-brand-new-2-billion-transit-terminal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cracks in two large steel beams\u003c/a>, forcing an immediate shutdown of the center and a few surrounding streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Zabaneh, the head of the Transbay Joint Powers Authority, said it would be mid-November before the agency had an idea how long repairs will take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap]ntonio Yon brought a stack of folded notes to Tuesday night’s meeting. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency was planning to vote on changes to the taxi industry, and that vote would have a major impact on Yon’s life. He’s a cab driver, and in his notes, he had written down what has happened to him since the rise of Uber and Lyft seven years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Yon’s turn to speak came, he went up to a podium in the center of the room. The seven members of the SFMTA board sat above him in a semicircle on a raised platform. Behind him were rows of cab drivers who were in a similar position — workers who say they’ve been crushed in a \"disrupted\" industry. Yon shifted uncomfortably before he began speaking. He had just two minutes to tell his story. The clock was already ticking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yon is one of hundreds of cab drivers who went to City Hall on Tuesday to protest. The SFMTA was considering three proposals: to decommission medallions from drivers who acquired them before 1978, to only let drivers who purchased $250,000 medallions after 2010 to pick up passengers at San Francisco International Airport and to allow corporations to buy medallions. Most of the drivers at the meeting opposed all three proposals. But the protest was about much more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, when companies like Uber and Lyft began operating in San Francisco without buying medallions, taxi drivers have come to protest at City Hall. They surround the building with their cabs. They honk. They carry signs. They go to meetings. Their demands have been fairly constant: for the city to regulate Uber and Lyft the way it regulates taxis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When a Taxi Company Becomes a Tech Company\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco had an opportunity to regulate Uber, Lyft and the now-defunct Sidecar when the companies started putting vehicles on the street in 2012. Cab drivers argued they were driving illegally, and they pushed for police to hand out tickets. They pointed out how Uber had actually launched the company with the name “Ubercab,” suggesting that it at first saw itself as a cab company. But the city chose to be hands off. It did not intervene in a service that consumers were quickly falling in love with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee embraced the companies. The mayor declared July 13, 2013 as “Lyft Day” in San Francisco. Ed Reiskin, the SFMTA's chief, was quoted \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=lzRtDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA109&lpg=PA109&dq=%22was+fairly+clear+that+city+hall+didn%E2%80%99t+want+us+to+step+in+and+do+so%22&source=bl&ots=USAFQ1u9Od&sig=DzJV5R-WBS70ae1yi-jOtyP2Jik&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjy-Nz-q47eAhWDJDQIHdfkChwQ6AEwAHoECAIQAQ#v=onepage&q=%22was%20fairly%20clear%20that%20city%20hall%20didn%E2%80%99t%20want%20us%20to%20step%20in%20and%20do%20so%22&f=false\">in a later interview\u003c/a> saying the agency took no action because it “was fairly clear that City Hall didn’t want us to step in and do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699608\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 356px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11699608 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"356\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173.png 356w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173-160x239.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173-240x359.png 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 356px) 100vw, 356px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The late Mayor Ed Lee dedicated a day to Lyft in 2013.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the California Public Utilities Commission began to assert its authority to regulate the companies as transportation carriers. The commission issued cease-and-desist letters to Uber, Lyft and Sidecar in 2012 and, when they refused to comply, issued citations against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPUC's effort led to formal regulations adopted in July 2013 which dubbed Uber and Lyft as \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com\">“Transportation Network Companies.\"\u003c/a> This meant they would be held to a different set of rules and regulations than taxis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Disruption of an Industry\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Uber and Lyft do not have to be locally licensed -- in San Francisco, that means drivers don't have to buy taxi medallions -- they have been able to put as many cars on the road as they like. Both companies quickly burned through venture capital to sign up drivers, keep fares low and gobble up as much market share as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, San Francisco was selling as many medallions as it could to taxi drivers in order to help make up transit budget deficits incurred during the 2008 financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story since 2013 has been one of rapid decline for the taxi industry and the drivers who work in it. Their incomes have continued to plummet, putting emotional and physical stress on drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694401/san-francisco-made-millions-selling-taxi-medallions-now-drivers-are-paying-the-price\">KQED recently interviewed\u003c/a> the family of a Edward Agababian, a driver who died on the job from a torn aorta. His family believes his health troubles were a direct result of the stress and burden of carrying the debt of his medallion. The livelihoods and retirement plans of drivers like Agababian have been destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meltdown of the medallion system and the effect on drivers is what the taxi drivers came out Tuesday night to protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Different Rules for Different Drivers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the lengthy public comment period at the SFMTA meeting, Kate Toran, head of taxis and accessibility for the city, gave a presentation about the three proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To justify the measures, Toran referred often to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/reports/pfmschaller-taxi-industry-report-evaluation-and-recommendations-improve-health-taxi-industry\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a report\u003c/a> released earlier this year to try to revitalize the city's taxi industry. Many of its proposals hinge on San Francisco's unique medallion structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has three kinds of medallions. There are the \"Pre-K\" medallions issued before 1978, which could be bought by any individual or corporation. After Proposition K passed in 1978, medallions could only be acquired by those who were driving 800 hours a year. They were awarded by seniority and drivers would sit on a waiting list for 10 or 15 years to get one. Then in 2010, the city \"monetized\" the medallions, selling them for $250,000 a piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toran said the proposals were geared to help the drivers hit hardest financially — those in the last category who have paid $250,000 for a medallion. The hope was that limiting the supply of cabs on the road and at the airport would increase revenue for the cab drivers who paid the most for their medallions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA had held a meeting about a month prior to this one, in which cab drivers were asked for their input on some of these proposals. Toran said that a majority of the drivers at that meeting supported restricting which cabs could pick passengers up at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toran said leaving the status quo would be doing a disservice to the medallion holders. Over 150 drivers have already defaulted on their medallion loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Elephant in the Room \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Toran had completed her presentation, almost a hundred cab drivers had signed up to speak in the public comment period. When they got to the podium, they told stories of plummeting income. Of defaulting on loans. Of losing houses. Frequently the room erupted in applause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Brinkman, chair of the SFMTA board, repeatedly told the audience to be quiet and threatened to clear the room. She asked the drivers to shake their hands in the air if they approved of what was being said. If they disapproved, they were asked to give a thumbs down. For the rest of the night, the cab drivers gestured in unison, moving their bodies so emphatically that they filled the room with the sound of squeaking chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the drivers at the meeting wanted the SFMTA to reject the three proposed changes: to allow corporations to buy medallions, to decommission the \"pre-K\" medallions purchased before 1978, and to only allow those who have purchased medallions after 2010 to pick up passengers at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several cab drivers said that these proposals were not addressing the elephant in the room: the failure to regulate Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even drivers who might benefit from the city restricting the number of taxis at the airport, like Harbir Batth, were against the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a wrong policy,” Batth said, “I see it as a discriminatory practice from the MTA. They’re trying to divide us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batth is one of the more than 700 drivers who bought a medallion for $250,000. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10693923/for-san-francisco-cab-drivers-once-treasured-medallions-now-a-burden\">KQED interviewed him three years ago\u003c/a> about his predicament. He is still in the same situation: paying a loan on a medallion that no one wants to buy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stewart Rosen has driven a cab for more than 40 years and has a medallion, which under the new rules, can no longer be used to pick passengers up at the airport. “Not only did the city not regulate Uber,” he says, “now they're going to take a dagger and shove it right through my chest after all the service I gave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most drivers at the meeting had a simple request: for the city to either find some way to regulate Uber and Lyft or to buy back their medallions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Defiance of the Supervisors\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the morning before the SFMTA meeting, five supervisors sent a letter to the MTA stating that they did not support restricting which cabs can pick up at the airport nor decommissioning medallions purchased before 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In light of serious concerns raised by impacted stakeholders,\" the letter stated, \"and the lack of analysis to inform the debate surrounding likely effects, [...] we cannot support at this time the staff proposals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter was signed by Supervisors Aaron Peskin, Rafael Mandelman, Sandra Lee Fewer, Norman Yee and Hillary Ronen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not lost on the signatories to this letter that these proposed reforms arrive on the same day as the Transportation Authority’s report showing that Transportation Network Companies like Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699063/city-analysis-uber-lyft-are-biggest-contributors-to-slowdown-in-s-f-traffic\">account for over 50 percent\u003c/a> of the increase in congestion between 2010 and 2016, and that the city’s inability to adequately regulate TNC’s has contributed greatly to the plight of taxi medallion holders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed has been silent on this issue, and her office has not responded to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the letter from supervisors and complaints from cab drivers, the SFMTA board decided to pass the proposals that would allow corporations to buy medallions and to limit which drivers could pick passengers up at the airport. Drivers were livid. Several said that this is the final blow and that the taxi industry is now officially dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not clear how this policy will be enforced. Drivers with medallions acquired before 2010 will still be able to drop off passengers at the airport, but then they will have to leave without picking anyone up. Drivers said that it is not worth driving at all if they can’t go to the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, many medallions are not out on the road -- a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcta.org/sites/default/files/content/Planning/TNCs/TNCs_Today_112917.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2017 San Francisco County Transportation Authority analysis\u003c/a> concluded that even at the busiest times, about 400 to 500 taxis are on the streets compared to as many as 6,500 Uber and Lyft vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear what this new proposal will do to the fleet or the number of cabs on the street. The fewer drivers on the street, the fewer workers there would be to collectively push for reforms in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is also unclear what effect it will have on drivers who can still pick passengers up at the airport. The SFMTA's report on revitalizing the industry forecasts they will see an uptick in their earnings. But with the ever-changing situation with Lyft and Uber, certainty has become a rare thing in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Time's Up\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was fairly early in the night when cab driver Antonio Yon got the chance to speak. He spoke quietly and gripped the edges of the podium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was no business out there for me,\" Yon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yon had a mortgage, but in recent years he said he couldn’t make the payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was getting lots of nasty calls from the bank,” he said. Yon just wasn’t earning enough money on the road to keep his house. Yon said he's homeless now. The only reason he isn’t on the street is because he found a tiny place in Chinatown to stay in temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yon’s voice began to break as he got to this point in the story. “I was very desperate. I was about to commit suicide,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entire room was silent. Yon took a few seconds to compose himself. He was starting to talk about what he wanted from the SFMTA. An electric bell sounded. His time was up. \"I have to survive,\" was the last thing he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yon gathered his papers and walked straight to the back of the room. Another driver, Inder Jitghotra, stood up and touched Yon’s shoulder. Jitghotra’s family owns six medallions and is on the edge of bankruptcy. Yon stood very still, clutching his notes. He stared straight ahead as another driver walked up to the podium to tell his story.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The San Francisco Municipal Transit Agency voted to bar more than half of the city's cab drivers from picking up passengers at SFO.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ntonio Yon brought a stack of folded notes to Tuesday night’s meeting. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency was planning to vote on changes to the taxi industry, and that vote would have a major impact on Yon’s life. He’s a cab driver, and in his notes, he had written down what has happened to him since the rise of Uber and Lyft seven years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Yon’s turn to speak came, he went up to a podium in the center of the room. The seven members of the SFMTA board sat above him in a semicircle on a raised platform. Behind him were rows of cab drivers who were in a similar position — workers who say they’ve been crushed in a \"disrupted\" industry. Yon shifted uncomfortably before he began speaking. He had just two minutes to tell his story. The clock was already ticking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yon is one of hundreds of cab drivers who went to City Hall on Tuesday to protest. The SFMTA was considering three proposals: to decommission medallions from drivers who acquired them before 1978, to only let drivers who purchased $250,000 medallions after 2010 to pick up passengers at San Francisco International Airport and to allow corporations to buy medallions. Most of the drivers at the meeting opposed all three proposals. But the protest was about much more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, when companies like Uber and Lyft began operating in San Francisco without buying medallions, taxi drivers have come to protest at City Hall. They surround the building with their cabs. They honk. They carry signs. They go to meetings. Their demands have been fairly constant: for the city to regulate Uber and Lyft the way it regulates taxis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When a Taxi Company Becomes a Tech Company\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco had an opportunity to regulate Uber, Lyft and the now-defunct Sidecar when the companies started putting vehicles on the street in 2012. Cab drivers argued they were driving illegally, and they pushed for police to hand out tickets. They pointed out how Uber had actually launched the company with the name “Ubercab,” suggesting that it at first saw itself as a cab company. But the city chose to be hands off. It did not intervene in a service that consumers were quickly falling in love with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee embraced the companies. The mayor declared July 13, 2013 as “Lyft Day” in San Francisco. Ed Reiskin, the SFMTA's chief, was quoted \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=lzRtDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA109&lpg=PA109&dq=%22was+fairly+clear+that+city+hall+didn%E2%80%99t+want+us+to+step+in+and+do+so%22&source=bl&ots=USAFQ1u9Od&sig=DzJV5R-WBS70ae1yi-jOtyP2Jik&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjy-Nz-q47eAhWDJDQIHdfkChwQ6AEwAHoECAIQAQ#v=onepage&q=%22was%20fairly%20clear%20that%20city%20hall%20didn%E2%80%99t%20want%20us%20to%20step%20in%20and%20do%20so%22&f=false\">in a later interview\u003c/a> saying the agency took no action because it “was fairly clear that City Hall didn’t want us to step in and do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699608\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 356px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11699608 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"356\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173.png 356w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173-160x239.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/LYFTDAY2013-e1539819865173-240x359.png 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 356px) 100vw, 356px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The late Mayor Ed Lee dedicated a day to Lyft in 2013.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the California Public Utilities Commission began to assert its authority to regulate the companies as transportation carriers. The commission issued cease-and-desist letters to Uber, Lyft and Sidecar in 2012 and, when they refused to comply, issued citations against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPUC's effort led to formal regulations adopted in July 2013 which dubbed Uber and Lyft as \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com\">“Transportation Network Companies.\"\u003c/a> This meant they would be held to a different set of rules and regulations than taxis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Disruption of an Industry\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Uber and Lyft do not have to be locally licensed -- in San Francisco, that means drivers don't have to buy taxi medallions -- they have been able to put as many cars on the road as they like. Both companies quickly burned through venture capital to sign up drivers, keep fares low and gobble up as much market share as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, San Francisco was selling as many medallions as it could to taxi drivers in order to help make up transit budget deficits incurred during the 2008 financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story since 2013 has been one of rapid decline for the taxi industry and the drivers who work in it. Their incomes have continued to plummet, putting emotional and physical stress on drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694401/san-francisco-made-millions-selling-taxi-medallions-now-drivers-are-paying-the-price\">KQED recently interviewed\u003c/a> the family of a Edward Agababian, a driver who died on the job from a torn aorta. His family believes his health troubles were a direct result of the stress and burden of carrying the debt of his medallion. The livelihoods and retirement plans of drivers like Agababian have been destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meltdown of the medallion system and the effect on drivers is what the taxi drivers came out Tuesday night to protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Different Rules for Different Drivers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the lengthy public comment period at the SFMTA meeting, Kate Toran, head of taxis and accessibility for the city, gave a presentation about the three proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To justify the measures, Toran referred often to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/reports/pfmschaller-taxi-industry-report-evaluation-and-recommendations-improve-health-taxi-industry\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a report\u003c/a> released earlier this year to try to revitalize the city's taxi industry. Many of its proposals hinge on San Francisco's unique medallion structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has three kinds of medallions. There are the \"Pre-K\" medallions issued before 1978, which could be bought by any individual or corporation. After Proposition K passed in 1978, medallions could only be acquired by those who were driving 800 hours a year. They were awarded by seniority and drivers would sit on a waiting list for 10 or 15 years to get one. Then in 2010, the city \"monetized\" the medallions, selling them for $250,000 a piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toran said the proposals were geared to help the drivers hit hardest financially — those in the last category who have paid $250,000 for a medallion. The hope was that limiting the supply of cabs on the road and at the airport would increase revenue for the cab drivers who paid the most for their medallions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA had held a meeting about a month prior to this one, in which cab drivers were asked for their input on some of these proposals. Toran said that a majority of the drivers at that meeting supported restricting which cabs could pick passengers up at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toran said leaving the status quo would be doing a disservice to the medallion holders. Over 150 drivers have already defaulted on their medallion loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Elephant in the Room \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Toran had completed her presentation, almost a hundred cab drivers had signed up to speak in the public comment period. When they got to the podium, they told stories of plummeting income. Of defaulting on loans. Of losing houses. Frequently the room erupted in applause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Brinkman, chair of the SFMTA board, repeatedly told the audience to be quiet and threatened to clear the room. She asked the drivers to shake their hands in the air if they approved of what was being said. If they disapproved, they were asked to give a thumbs down. For the rest of the night, the cab drivers gestured in unison, moving their bodies so emphatically that they filled the room with the sound of squeaking chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the drivers at the meeting wanted the SFMTA to reject the three proposed changes: to allow corporations to buy medallions, to decommission the \"pre-K\" medallions purchased before 1978, and to only allow those who have purchased medallions after 2010 to pick up passengers at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several cab drivers said that these proposals were not addressing the elephant in the room: the failure to regulate Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even drivers who might benefit from the city restricting the number of taxis at the airport, like Harbir Batth, were against the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a wrong policy,” Batth said, “I see it as a discriminatory practice from the MTA. They’re trying to divide us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batth is one of the more than 700 drivers who bought a medallion for $250,000. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10693923/for-san-francisco-cab-drivers-once-treasured-medallions-now-a-burden\">KQED interviewed him three years ago\u003c/a> about his predicament. He is still in the same situation: paying a loan on a medallion that no one wants to buy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stewart Rosen has driven a cab for more than 40 years and has a medallion, which under the new rules, can no longer be used to pick passengers up at the airport. “Not only did the city not regulate Uber,” he says, “now they're going to take a dagger and shove it right through my chest after all the service I gave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most drivers at the meeting had a simple request: for the city to either find some way to regulate Uber and Lyft or to buy back their medallions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Defiance of the Supervisors\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the morning before the SFMTA meeting, five supervisors sent a letter to the MTA stating that they did not support restricting which cabs can pick up at the airport nor decommissioning medallions purchased before 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In light of serious concerns raised by impacted stakeholders,\" the letter stated, \"and the lack of analysis to inform the debate surrounding likely effects, [...] we cannot support at this time the staff proposals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter was signed by Supervisors Aaron Peskin, Rafael Mandelman, Sandra Lee Fewer, Norman Yee and Hillary Ronen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not lost on the signatories to this letter that these proposed reforms arrive on the same day as the Transportation Authority’s report showing that Transportation Network Companies like Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699063/city-analysis-uber-lyft-are-biggest-contributors-to-slowdown-in-s-f-traffic\">account for over 50 percent\u003c/a> of the increase in congestion between 2010 and 2016, and that the city’s inability to adequately regulate TNC’s has contributed greatly to the plight of taxi medallion holders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed has been silent on this issue, and her office has not responded to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the letter from supervisors and complaints from cab drivers, the SFMTA board decided to pass the proposals that would allow corporations to buy medallions and to limit which drivers could pick passengers up at the airport. Drivers were livid. Several said that this is the final blow and that the taxi industry is now officially dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not clear how this policy will be enforced. Drivers with medallions acquired before 2010 will still be able to drop off passengers at the airport, but then they will have to leave without picking anyone up. Drivers said that it is not worth driving at all if they can’t go to the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, many medallions are not out on the road -- a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcta.org/sites/default/files/content/Planning/TNCs/TNCs_Today_112917.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2017 San Francisco County Transportation Authority analysis\u003c/a> concluded that even at the busiest times, about 400 to 500 taxis are on the streets compared to as many as 6,500 Uber and Lyft vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear what this new proposal will do to the fleet or the number of cabs on the street. The fewer drivers on the street, the fewer workers there would be to collectively push for reforms in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is also unclear what effect it will have on drivers who can still pick passengers up at the airport. The SFMTA's report on revitalizing the industry forecasts they will see an uptick in their earnings. But with the ever-changing situation with Lyft and Uber, certainty has become a rare thing in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Time's Up\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was fairly early in the night when cab driver Antonio Yon got the chance to speak. He spoke quietly and gripped the edges of the podium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was no business out there for me,\" Yon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yon had a mortgage, but in recent years he said he couldn’t make the payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was getting lots of nasty calls from the bank,” he said. Yon just wasn’t earning enough money on the road to keep his house. Yon said he's homeless now. The only reason he isn’t on the street is because he found a tiny place in Chinatown to stay in temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yon’s voice began to break as he got to this point in the story. “I was very desperate. I was about to commit suicide,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entire room was silent. Yon took a few seconds to compose himself. He was starting to talk about what he wanted from the SFMTA. An electric bell sounded. His time was up. \"I have to survive,\" was the last thing he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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