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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 7:35 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong> An attorney for the California Republican Party sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7231537-201014-Letter-to-SOS.html\">letter\u003c/a> Wednesday afternoon California to Secretary of State Alex Padilla and Attorney General Xavier Becerra asserting that the party’s ballot drop boxes are perfectly legal under the election laws enacted by Democrats in the state Legislature. The GOP letter says the party has no intention of removing the boxes as the state has ordered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original post, 12:30 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/b> The political battle over the California Republican Party’s installation of unofficial vote-by-mail ballot drop boxes escalated on Wednesday, with Democratic congressional candidates crying foul over the practice, a day after President Trump encouraged the GOP to “fight hard” in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra is threatening legal action against the state Republican Party and a handful of county GOP organizations for setting up private ballot collection boxes in some of the state’s most closely contested congressional districts — and labeling some as “official.” It’s the latest legal scuffle between California and its Republican Party over the state’s vote-by-mail rules, leading up to an election in which every Golden State voter has been mailed a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the expected increase in the number of people voting by mail this year, county election officials have set up thousands of \u003cem>official\u003c/em> ballot drop boxes across the state. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location#find\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Here’s how to find drop-off locations near you.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More Ballot Coverage\" postID=news_11841201,news_11841547,news_11841059]The latest controversy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842066/california-orders-gop-to-remove-unofficial-ballot-boxes\">surfaced over the weekend\u003c/a> after state election officials received reports of the Republican drop boxes at churches, gas stations and gun shops in Fresno, Los Angeles and Orange counties, all areas with very competitive U.S. House races. Democrats have blasted the use of the unofficial boxes as a violation of state law, saying they fear Republicans could use them to gather and discard ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My opponent and the GOP are clearly engaging in heinous and illegal acts of election fraud,” said U.S. Rep. Harley Rouda, D-Laguna Beach, who represents California’s 48th Congressional District, one of the areas where some of the GOP ballot boxes have been installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Rouda flipped the seat, which had been held by Republicans for 30 years, when he defeated longtime Rep. Dana Rohrabacher. He now faces a tight race with Republican challenger Michelle Steel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rouda spoke at a Wednesday morning press conference organized by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which also featured U.S. Rep. TJ Cox, D-Fresno, and state Assemblywoman Christy Smith, D-Santa Clarita, both running in swing districts where the GOP-operated drop boxes have also appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that none of our opponents are willing to stand up and speak out against this scheme is incredibly telling,” said Smith, who is vying to unseat U.S. Rep. Mike Garcia, R-Santa Clarita, in the 25th District, north of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox is facing a challenge from former Republican Congressman David Valadao, who he narrowly defeated in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cook Political Report rates\u003c/a> the Cox-Valadao and Garcia-Smith races as “toss ups,” while Rouda’s seat is rated “Lean Democrat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have argued that their ballot boxes are simply a form of “balloting harvesting” allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing heinous here are California Democrats including Harley Rouda, TJ Cox and Christy Smith doing their best to suppress the vote of Christian voters,” said National Republican Congressional Committee spokeswoman Torunn Sinclair, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]In a Monday letter, California Secretary of State Alex Padilla and state Attorney General Xavier Becerra, both Democrats, accused the GOP of misrepresenting some of the boxes as “official,” even though they were not set up by county election officials and do not adhere to ballot security requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, spokesman for the California Republican Party, acknowledged earlier this week that the party “could have done a better job with the wording,” on the ballot box labels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the GOP has shown little interest in backing down from the program entirely, arguing that the votes in the private boxes should still be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The containers themselves and the boxes themselves still remain legal,” Barajas asserted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/vopp-table-10-who-can-collect-and-return-an-absentee-ballot-other-than-the-voter.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">among the 26 states\u003c/a> that allow a voter to designate someone else to collect and return their ballot — also referred to as “ballot harvesting” — according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have opposed California’s ballot collection law, but now say they are only trying to compete on a level playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1921\">Assembly Bill 1921\u003c/a>, passed by the state Legislature in 2016, voters can designate anyone they want to collect and deliver their mail-in ballots, an expansion of previous rules — which had only allowed family members or people living in the same household to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State party officials, who have not disclosed how many boxes have been set up statewide and where they are located, argue that ballots left in their private boxes can still be legally counted without the signature of a ballot collector, and say there is little legal daylight between their program and ballot collections that take place face to face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party was encouraged on Tuesday evening by President Trump, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1316181929440366592\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who tweeted,\u003c/a> “You mean only Democrats are allowed to do this? But haven’t the Dems been doing this for years? See you in court. Fight hard Republicans!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1316181929440366592\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCCC legal counsel Marc Elias said that simply relabeling the boxes, as some have suggested, is not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not sufficient,” Elias said. “The fact is that California law is clear about the chain of custody that needs to be maintained in order for third-party lawful ballot collection to be undertaken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/c1d64240601/cf61386b-2497-47a3-8556-b5dba186f486.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cease-and-desist letter\u003c/a> gave the Republican Party a Thursday deadline to respond, and provide the names of voters who left their ballots in the private boxes. The letter said local election officials “will contact these individuals to advise them of their options to verify the return status of their vote-by-mail ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Scott Shafer contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The latest controversy surfaced over the weekend after state election officials received reports of Republican ballot drop boxes at churches, gas stations and gun shops in California counties with closely contested U.S. congressional races.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 7:35 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong> An attorney for the California Republican Party sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7231537-201014-Letter-to-SOS.html\">letter\u003c/a> Wednesday afternoon California to Secretary of State Alex Padilla and Attorney General Xavier Becerra asserting that the party’s ballot drop boxes are perfectly legal under the election laws enacted by Democrats in the state Legislature. The GOP letter says the party has no intention of removing the boxes as the state has ordered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original post, 12:30 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/b> The political battle over the California Republican Party’s installation of unofficial vote-by-mail ballot drop boxes escalated on Wednesday, with Democratic congressional candidates crying foul over the practice, a day after President Trump encouraged the GOP to “fight hard” in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra is threatening legal action against the state Republican Party and a handful of county GOP organizations for setting up private ballot collection boxes in some of the state’s most closely contested congressional districts — and labeling some as “official.” It’s the latest legal scuffle between California and its Republican Party over the state’s vote-by-mail rules, leading up to an election in which every Golden State voter has been mailed a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the expected increase in the number of people voting by mail this year, county election officials have set up thousands of \u003cem>official\u003c/em> ballot drop boxes across the state. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location#find\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Here’s how to find drop-off locations near you.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The latest controversy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842066/california-orders-gop-to-remove-unofficial-ballot-boxes\">surfaced over the weekend\u003c/a> after state election officials received reports of the Republican drop boxes at churches, gas stations and gun shops in Fresno, Los Angeles and Orange counties, all areas with very competitive U.S. House races. Democrats have blasted the use of the unofficial boxes as a violation of state law, saying they fear Republicans could use them to gather and discard ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My opponent and the GOP are clearly engaging in heinous and illegal acts of election fraud,” said U.S. Rep. Harley Rouda, D-Laguna Beach, who represents California’s 48th Congressional District, one of the areas where some of the GOP ballot boxes have been installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Rouda flipped the seat, which had been held by Republicans for 30 years, when he defeated longtime Rep. Dana Rohrabacher. He now faces a tight race with Republican challenger Michelle Steel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rouda spoke at a Wednesday morning press conference organized by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which also featured U.S. Rep. TJ Cox, D-Fresno, and state Assemblywoman Christy Smith, D-Santa Clarita, both running in swing districts where the GOP-operated drop boxes have also appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that none of our opponents are willing to stand up and speak out against this scheme is incredibly telling,” said Smith, who is vying to unseat U.S. Rep. Mike Garcia, R-Santa Clarita, in the 25th District, north of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox is facing a challenge from former Republican Congressman David Valadao, who he narrowly defeated in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cook Political Report rates\u003c/a> the Cox-Valadao and Garcia-Smith races as “toss ups,” while Rouda’s seat is rated “Lean Democrat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have argued that their ballot boxes are simply a form of “balloting harvesting” allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing heinous here are California Democrats including Harley Rouda, TJ Cox and Christy Smith doing their best to suppress the vote of Christian voters,” said National Republican Congressional Committee spokeswoman Torunn Sinclair, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a Monday letter, California Secretary of State Alex Padilla and state Attorney General Xavier Becerra, both Democrats, accused the GOP of misrepresenting some of the boxes as “official,” even though they were not set up by county election officials and do not adhere to ballot security requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, spokesman for the California Republican Party, acknowledged earlier this week that the party “could have done a better job with the wording,” on the ballot box labels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the GOP has shown little interest in backing down from the program entirely, arguing that the votes in the private boxes should still be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The containers themselves and the boxes themselves still remain legal,” Barajas asserted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/vopp-table-10-who-can-collect-and-return-an-absentee-ballot-other-than-the-voter.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">among the 26 states\u003c/a> that allow a voter to designate someone else to collect and return their ballot — also referred to as “ballot harvesting” — according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have opposed California’s ballot collection law, but now say they are only trying to compete on a level playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1921\">Assembly Bill 1921\u003c/a>, passed by the state Legislature in 2016, voters can designate anyone they want to collect and deliver their mail-in ballots, an expansion of previous rules — which had only allowed family members or people living in the same household to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State party officials, who have not disclosed how many boxes have been set up statewide and where they are located, argue that ballots left in their private boxes can still be legally counted without the signature of a ballot collector, and say there is little legal daylight between their program and ballot collections that take place face to face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party was encouraged on Tuesday evening by President Trump, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1316181929440366592\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who tweeted,\u003c/a> “You mean only Democrats are allowed to do this? But haven’t the Dems been doing this for years? See you in court. Fight hard Republicans!”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>DCCC legal counsel Marc Elias said that simply relabeling the boxes, as some have suggested, is not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not sufficient,” Elias said. “The fact is that California law is clear about the chain of custody that needs to be maintained in order for third-party lawful ballot collection to be undertaken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/c1d64240601/cf61386b-2497-47a3-8556-b5dba186f486.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cease-and-desist letter\u003c/a> gave the Republican Party a Thursday deadline to respond, and provide the names of voters who left their ballots in the private boxes. The letter said local election officials “will contact these individuals to advise them of their options to verify the return status of their vote-by-mail ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Scott Shafer contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "this-one-feels-different-bay-area-armenians-call-for-solidarity-as-homeland-faces-attacks",
"title": "'Frightening to Watch': Bay Area Armenians Call for Solidarity as Homeland Faces Attack",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Armenians in the Bay Area, the recent outbreak of violence in part of their homeland has sparked grave concerns and painful memories of past conflicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a tense time,” said Oakland resident Greg Nemet, who was among thousands of protesters walking across the Golden Gate Bridge on Saturday in a show of solidarity with the Armenian people. “Everybody is extremely on guard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Roxanne Makasdjian, executive director of the Genocide Education Project\"]‘It’s very frightening to watch — somewhat helplessly — when your homeland, the very survival is at stake.’[/pullquote]In late September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/21507583/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-explained\">fighting reignited\u003c/a> in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, a territory of roughly 150,000 mostly ethnic Armenians, located in the Caucasus Mountains. Although internationally recognized as part of neighboring Azerbaijan, the region has been governed by Armenians since the fall of the Soviet Union nearly 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 350 people have already been killed in the escalating military conflict over the last few weeks, with Turkish forces backing Azerbaijan, and violence spreading to the civilian population. It’s the worst fighting the region — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/08/opinion/nagorno-karabakh-armenia-azerbaijan.html?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">known to Armenians as Artsakh\u003c/a> — has seen since a\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.eu/article/the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict-explained-armenia-azerbaijan/\"> bloody ethnic war\u003c/a> in the 1990s that killed upward of 30,000 people, and ended in a ceasefire but no lasting resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armenians in the Bay Area are “praying for a peaceful resolution” and “rallying together to make sure that the world at large understands,” Nemet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern has also risen sharply among the Bay Area’s sizable Armenian community, which includes roughly 50,000 people, following three suspected\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13886652/shaken-by-three-suspected-hate-crimes-sfs-armenian-community-gathers-hope\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> hate crime\u003c/a> incidents last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nina_spar/status/1315002813559103488\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many observers also see a disturbing connection between the current conflict and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ushmm.org/information/exhibitions/online-exhibitions/special-focus/armenia\">Armenian Genocide in 1915\u003c/a>, when more than a million ethnic Armenians were killed or expelled from Turkey by Ottoman authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco resident Lena Dakessian Halteh, who attended Saturday’s protest, has been channeling her response into art. “My most recent piece, titled ‘Soaring Cranes,’ was inspired by Diasporan Armenian identity, particularly within the context of the current humanitarian crisis stemming from the attacks,” she wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.instagram.com/p/CGIGqYgH4ct/?igshid=1nvy8p6nqe36p\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After Armenians were expelled from their homeland following the Armenian Genocide, the ‘Krounk’ (Crane) emerged as a Diasporic symbol — one of our displacement and also our call to return,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halteh says what is happening is personal for her and many Bay Area Armenians because they are descendants of survivors of genocide. “My grandparents were refugees who fled the Genocide and settled in Palestine, Syria and later Lebanon,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841903\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11841903\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lena_Nimer-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lena Dakessian Halteh’s son holds a ‘Palestinians for Armenia’ sign on the Golden Gate Bridge on Saturday, Oct. 10, 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lena Dakessian Halteh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxanne Makasdjian, executive director of the Bay Area-based Genocide Education Project, says she has barely slept since the attacks began several weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very frightening to watch — somewhat helplessly — when your homeland, the very survival is at stake,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Halteh, Makasdjian’s grandparents survived the Armenian Genocide, and she now helps educators in California teach about the tragedy. “We’re in serious crisis mode,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 2019 that the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/us/politics/senate-armenian-genocide.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">officially recognized the 1915 Armenian genocide\u003c/a>. “When perpetrators of genocide see that they can get away with it … they keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_13886652\"]Makasdjian wants Americans to know that the U.S. government, which she says has supplied weapons to Turkey, is complicit in the current unrest. “Our American friends need to understand that and work with us — we hope to call upon our government to sanction Turkey and stop selling arms to [Azerbaijan],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makasdjian is also asking House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to call for a vote on a resolution introduced by U.S. Rep Jackie Speier, D-San Mateo,\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/international/519263-lawmakers-introduce-resolution-condemning-azerbaijan-turkey-for-conflict\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> that condemns Azerbaijan \u003c/a>for instigating the current conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nanor Balabanian, a longtime Bay Area resident and teacher, spoke to KQED by phone from Armenia, where she had relocated just days before this latest conflict began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason this issue is different than other world issues is because this is a repetition of a genocide. … In 1915, the genocide happened because the world was silent,” said Balabanian, who is of Armenian descent, but was born in Syria, raised in Lebanon and moved to California as a teenager. She most recently taught history and English at a high school in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left the Bay to come here [to Armenia] and start a learning center,” she said, speaking from Armenia’s capital. “But now I’m going to focus on rebuilding houses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian says the silence from the international community feels personal. She’d like to see social justice movements in the Bay Area, as well as civil society more broadly, show support for her people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always supported every movement, Black Lives Matter — we were there at the protests. Issues against immigrants and the immigrant community and the deportation centers — we were there protesting,” she said. “Do you know what’s going on here? How many times do I have to tell you how I need your help? I need your advocacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: The original version of this article stated that hundreds of people participated in the march on Saturday across the Golden Gate Bridge. There were, in fact, thousands of demonstrators — roughly 3,000 by one estimate. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nina Sparling and Kate Wolffe contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Armenians in the Bay Area, the recent outbreak of violence in part of their homeland has sparked grave concerns and painful memories of past conflicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a tense time,” said Oakland resident Greg Nemet, who was among thousands of protesters walking across the Golden Gate Bridge on Saturday in a show of solidarity with the Armenian people. “Everybody is extremely on guard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s very frightening to watch — somewhat helplessly — when your homeland, the very survival is at stake.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In late September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/21507583/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-explained\">fighting reignited\u003c/a> in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, a territory of roughly 150,000 mostly ethnic Armenians, located in the Caucasus Mountains. Although internationally recognized as part of neighboring Azerbaijan, the region has been governed by Armenians since the fall of the Soviet Union nearly 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 350 people have already been killed in the escalating military conflict over the last few weeks, with Turkish forces backing Azerbaijan, and violence spreading to the civilian population. It’s the worst fighting the region — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/08/opinion/nagorno-karabakh-armenia-azerbaijan.html?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">known to Armenians as Artsakh\u003c/a> — has seen since a\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.eu/article/the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict-explained-armenia-azerbaijan/\"> bloody ethnic war\u003c/a> in the 1990s that killed upward of 30,000 people, and ended in a ceasefire but no lasting resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armenians in the Bay Area are “praying for a peaceful resolution” and “rallying together to make sure that the world at large understands,” Nemet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern has also risen sharply among the Bay Area’s sizable Armenian community, which includes roughly 50,000 people, following three suspected\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13886652/shaken-by-three-suspected-hate-crimes-sfs-armenian-community-gathers-hope\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> hate crime\u003c/a> incidents last month.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Many observers also see a disturbing connection between the current conflict and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ushmm.org/information/exhibitions/online-exhibitions/special-focus/armenia\">Armenian Genocide in 1915\u003c/a>, when more than a million ethnic Armenians were killed or expelled from Turkey by Ottoman authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco resident Lena Dakessian Halteh, who attended Saturday’s protest, has been channeling her response into art. “My most recent piece, titled ‘Soaring Cranes,’ was inspired by Diasporan Armenian identity, particularly within the context of the current humanitarian crisis stemming from the attacks,” she wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“After Armenians were expelled from their homeland following the Armenian Genocide, the ‘Krounk’ (Crane) emerged as a Diasporic symbol — one of our displacement and also our call to return,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halteh says what is happening is personal for her and many Bay Area Armenians because they are descendants of survivors of genocide. “My grandparents were refugees who fled the Genocide and settled in Palestine, Syria and later Lebanon,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841903\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11841903\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lena_Nimer-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lena Dakessian Halteh’s son holds a ‘Palestinians for Armenia’ sign on the Golden Gate Bridge on Saturday, Oct. 10, 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lena Dakessian Halteh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxanne Makasdjian, executive director of the Bay Area-based Genocide Education Project, says she has barely slept since the attacks began several weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very frightening to watch — somewhat helplessly — when your homeland, the very survival is at stake,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Halteh, Makasdjian’s grandparents survived the Armenian Genocide, and she now helps educators in California teach about the tragedy. “We’re in serious crisis mode,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 2019 that the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/us/politics/senate-armenian-genocide.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">officially recognized the 1915 Armenian genocide\u003c/a>. “When perpetrators of genocide see that they can get away with it … they keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Makasdjian wants Americans to know that the U.S. government, which she says has supplied weapons to Turkey, is complicit in the current unrest. “Our American friends need to understand that and work with us — we hope to call upon our government to sanction Turkey and stop selling arms to [Azerbaijan],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makasdjian is also asking House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to call for a vote on a resolution introduced by U.S. Rep Jackie Speier, D-San Mateo,\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/international/519263-lawmakers-introduce-resolution-condemning-azerbaijan-turkey-for-conflict\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> that condemns Azerbaijan \u003c/a>for instigating the current conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nanor Balabanian, a longtime Bay Area resident and teacher, spoke to KQED by phone from Armenia, where she had relocated just days before this latest conflict began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason this issue is different than other world issues is because this is a repetition of a genocide. … In 1915, the genocide happened because the world was silent,” said Balabanian, who is of Armenian descent, but was born in Syria, raised in Lebanon and moved to California as a teenager. She most recently taught history and English at a high school in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left the Bay to come here [to Armenia] and start a learning center,” she said, speaking from Armenia’s capital. “But now I’m going to focus on rebuilding houses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian says the silence from the international community feels personal. She’d like to see social justice movements in the Bay Area, as well as civil society more broadly, show support for her people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always supported every movement, Black Lives Matter — we were there at the protests. Issues against immigrants and the immigrant community and the deportation centers — we were there protesting,” she said. “Do you know what’s going on here? How many times do I have to tell you how I need your help? I need your advocacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: The original version of this article stated that hundreds of people participated in the march on Saturday across the Golden Gate Bridge. There were, in fact, thousands of demonstrators — roughly 3,000 by one estimate. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nina Sparling and Kate Wolffe contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s attorney general ordered state Republicans to remove unofficial ballot drop boxes that had been placed at churches, gun shops and other locations and \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioregopballotboxes\">warned against “vote tampering.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State GOP leaders claimed perfect innocence and said they are just trying to get out the vote, while pinning blame on Democrats for expanding voting access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No matter what you think about “ballot harvesting,” competing ballot boxes from counties and rival political parties is definitely not the way to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Proposition 22 asks Californians if they want to define app-based transportation and delivery drivers as independent contractors, instead of as employees, as state law currently requires. This is an industry-specific carve-out. This episode is part of our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> series, which explores the 12 propositions on California’s ballot. The series runs from Oct. 1-16, with new episodes dropping every weekday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:00] I’m \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\"> Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/a> . You’re listening to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:05] It’s the most expensive ballot measure in California history, \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\">Proposition 22 \u003c/a>. Or, as you might be calling it, that one about \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/\">Uber \u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lyft.com/\">Lyft. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b> [00:00:15] I like the flexibility of driving whenever you want. Having your own schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:20] We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors. We’re not able to set our rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b><[00:00:26] Right now, I’m going to school. As my part-time gig to make money I’m doing Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:31] We’re not able to work when we want to, we pretty much have to work when we have to, in order to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:38] How should app based drivers be classified? As employees or contractors? Prop 22 asks the public to decide. Today in the show we’ll unpack what difference those classifications make and learn how Prop 22 could impact the future of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:02] KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/samharnett\">Sam Harnett\u003c/a> has been covering these gig apps for years now and is here to walk us through Prop 22. Welcome, Sam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:09] Hello, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:10] So I know there’s a lot of layers to this one and we’re gonna get into all of those, but give us first a brief break down, what would Prop 22 do? What are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:19] So at the highest level, Proposition 22 would exempt a handful of gig app companies like Uber, Lyft and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instacart.com/\">Instacart \u003c/a>from California state labor law. And it would allow those companies to continue classifying their drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:33] And the issue of whether app based drivers, you know, should be considered employees or independent contractors, it really goes back to sort of the beginning of when these apps kind of first came out. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:45] Sure. So if you go back to the beginning of Uber and Lyft in 2012, they started using this labor model where they, they classified their workers as contractors, which means they don’t pay unemployment insurance, they don’t have to pay overtime, they don’t pay workers comp. They have way less liability if there’s an accident. The whole business model is built on this contractor status, which was legally suspect from the start. So there are lawsuits right in the beginning against these companies, but the companies prevailed and they were able to keep classifying their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:11] Then in 2018, the California Supreme Court came in and they issued what’s called \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">The Dynamex Decision\u003c/a>, which actually wasn’t about the gig companies, it was about this independent trucking company that was classifying workers as contractors. But anyway, it made it harder for companies to classify workers as contractors. So in 2018, a lot people thought, OK, now these companies are going to change and start classifying workers as employees. But the companies didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:34] So, the legislature in 2019 passed a law called AB 5, which just codified into law the California Supreme Court dynamic’s decision. That became a law in 2020, and a lot people thought, OK, now, Uber, Lyft and InstaCart, they’re going to classify their workers as employees. But the companies didn’t. So then the pandemic happens, suddenly you’ve got tens or hundreds of thousands of workers for these apps that are out of work, but they can’t collect unemployment because the companies never paid into the state unemployment fund. So then you had the California attorney general step in, and a bunch of city attorneys, and they sued Uber and Lyft. This was back in May. And they sued them saying, hey, listen, you’re you’re still misclassifying your workers. Meanwhile, Uber, Lyft, Instacart, \u003ca href=\"https://postmates.com/\">Postmates\u003c/a> and a bunch of the other gig apps put Proposition 22 on the ballot. And they’re betting like, OK, if we can get the voters to pass this proposition, then we can keep operating as, as we were before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:03:27] Can you explain a little bit more thoroughly like what is the difference effectively between an employee and an independent contractor?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:03:34] In America the only way to get basic protections like unemployment insurance, guaranteed minimum wage, overtime, workers compensation, is to be an employee. If you’re a contractor, you don’t get any of those protections. That’s essentially the difference. Really, the contractor was supposed to be for kind of professionals who were making a ton of money and were deciding to be a contractor because they wanted to, not because they were being forced to be a contractor. But corporations saw that, hey, with this contractor model, we can get out of paying for all these employee benefits and protections, and it’s way, way cheaper. So over the last, you know, since the late 70s, companies have been pushing more and more workers from employees into contractor status. It’s really just about do you get guaranteed employee protections or not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:19] OK. And can we get into, like, a little bit the nitty gritty of 22 – what would really change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:25] So Proposition 22 is a carve out for select companies. And the carve out is for companies that do transportation or delivery through apps. And if a company fits that description, that means they can classify their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:39] And this isn’t just like Uber and Lyft, which is what I think people immediately think of, but also like delivery, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.doordash.com/en-US\">DoorDash\u003c/a>, Instacart,.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:46] PostMates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:47] Anyone who is in a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:48] Yeah. Through an app, on a car, on a bike, doing delivery or transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:53] OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:53] The proposition then also has a couple increase perks or benefits for contractors. They can get health subsidies if they drive a certain amount. They can get limited insurance. They also, it says Iike a minimum floor for pay, but the minimum pay is calculated based on engaged hours – this is a really important difference. So it’s 120% of minimum wage is going to be guaranteed, but that’s only while you’re actually engaged in the app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From KQED's California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-22-ab-5-gig-workers,Proposition 22: Should so-called gig economy companies such as Uber, Lyft, and Instacart be exempted from state labor law?' hero=https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2020/10/KQED-Election-2020-Aside-Prop-22.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:17] So that means if you’re driving for Uber and let’s say you don’t get a ride for an hour, well, you don’t get paid for that hour of driving around even though you were working. So that’s like a really important kind of distinction. And I guess, the thing with Proposition 22 is, it’s all – it all gets very complicated in the details, but basically, if you look at the package, it’s going to guarantee a slight improvement to the benefits and protections for the contractors, but it’s far short of what you’d get in employee status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:05:42] Could other industries be impacted if this passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:45] It creates this sort of third category that you can bet that corporations are going to go for because they can see a way to make money. And if you remember, Uber and Lyft, you know, started the gig app trend, but Instacart, PostMates, DoorDash, all these companies followed Uber and Lyft by creating apps to create more jobs that were contractor and not employee. So, you can bet that a lot of other industries, if they can figure out a way, you know, if trucking can get on an app, you know, maybe there’s a way to have warehouse workers work through an app. This opens the door for more companies to try to find ways to fit this model because contractors are way cheaper than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:06:24] Now, what are these companies like Uber, Lyft, Instacart, DoorDash, etc., what are their arguments for why people should vote for 22?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:06:32] I’d say their primary argument is: This will allow us to keep operating as we were operating. It’s basically a pitch to consumers saying, hey, you know, you liked Uber and Lyft and Instacart and DoorSash. The second argument they make is, you know, listen, people need work right now, and so you can get work through these apps. We just want to give people work. And it’s not our fault that America doesn’t have a real safety net. It’s not our fault that it’s really hard to make it in this country, even if you’re working full-time. The anti side is saying, listen, if you allow these corporations to provide this kind of subpar, substandard work, you’re going to erode more of the good jobs that we do have. And you’re going to see more and more companies following Uber, Lyft, Instacart down this app route, which means you’re going to have more inequality and you’re going to have less good jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:07:14] I’ve seen a lot of arguments that these companies will stop operating in California if this law doesn’t pass. Is that a risk here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:22] Well, Uber definitely made it clear that they would temporarily pull out of California. But it’s important to remember that Uber, Lyft and other gig companies have threatened to leave whenever they didn’t like a regulation in multiple cities and states across the country. In Austin, in New York City, in Chicago and Seattle, and they always came back. In all of those cases, Uber and Lyft would temporarily leave until the regulation was changed back in their favor and then they return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:48] Now, if you look at California, you know, I think what, Olivia, we’re like the fifth biggest economy in the world. Right? The idea that they would pull out of California forever, it just doesn’t seem very feasible, given how big of a market that they are now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:01] Sort of another sort of, I guess, argument that I’ve seen out there is not just, OK, we might pull out of California, but also if we have to make everyone employees, fewer people will be able to drive for us because of the additional cost of making them employees. Could we see drivers potentially lose out on opportunity here if this were to fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:08:24] Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, shifting to employee status is definitely gonna force them to change their business model. They’re going to have to do things a little differently, and that might mean they have fewer drivers who then drive more hours. And so some very casual drivers might lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:39] Drivers using these apps come down on both sides of Prop 22. Supporters are worried that becoming employees could ultimately take away their flexible work schedules or cause job losses. They also say rates could go up for consumers and service could disappear from lower profit regions. Drivers voting against Prop 22 want the protections that they would get as an employee. They argue a company shouldn’t get to write their own labor laws. They also point out that Prop 22 would be difficult to amend or overturn, requiring a 7/8 vote in the California state legislature or another proposition on a feature ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:19] The campaign financing on this one is bonkers. What does the money situation look like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:23] Right. So on the pro side, I mean, the people who want this proposition, it’s mainly the gig companies. Over 181 million dollars. The most on a California proposition. And if you’re watching TV right now, you’re probably seeing the ads. I mean, they are flooding the airwaves. On the against side, it’s mostly labor, and they’ve got about 10 million dollars. So it’s an 18 to 1 disparity between the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:47] Well, Sam Harnett, KQED, Silicon Valley reporter, thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:50] Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:52] To put a cap on this one, a vote yes says you think app based driving services should be treated differently from other industries and be allowed to classify their workers as independent contractors rather than employees. A no vote means you think app based driving services should follow the regulations set out by our existing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:10:14] Bay Curious Prop Fest is produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/katrinaschwartz\">Katrina Schwartz\u003c/a>, Rob Speight, Katie McMurran and me, Olivia Allen-Price, with a huge assist from the entire KQED newsroom. Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. We’ll be back tomorrow with an episode on Prop 23, the dialysis prop. See you then.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Proposition 22 asks Californians if they want to define app-based transportation and delivery drivers as independent contractors, instead of as employees, as state law currently requires. This is an industry-specific carve-out. This episode is part of our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> series, which explores the 12 propositions on California’s ballot. The series runs from Oct. 1-16, with new episodes dropping every weekday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:00] I’m \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\"> Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/a> . You’re listening to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:05] It’s the most expensive ballot measure in California history, \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\">Proposition 22 \u003c/a>. Or, as you might be calling it, that one about \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/\">Uber \u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lyft.com/\">Lyft. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b> [00:00:15] I like the flexibility of driving whenever you want. Having your own schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:20] We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors. We’re not able to set our rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b><[00:00:26] Right now, I’m going to school. As my part-time gig to make money I’m doing Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:31] We’re not able to work when we want to, we pretty much have to work when we have to, in order to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:38] How should app based drivers be classified? As employees or contractors? Prop 22 asks the public to decide. Today in the show we’ll unpack what difference those classifications make and learn how Prop 22 could impact the future of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:02] KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/samharnett\">Sam Harnett\u003c/a> has been covering these gig apps for years now and is here to walk us through Prop 22. Welcome, Sam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:09] Hello, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:10] So I know there’s a lot of layers to this one and we’re gonna get into all of those, but give us first a brief break down, what would Prop 22 do? What are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:19] So at the highest level, Proposition 22 would exempt a handful of gig app companies like Uber, Lyft and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instacart.com/\">Instacart \u003c/a>from California state labor law. And it would allow those companies to continue classifying their drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:33] And the issue of whether app based drivers, you know, should be considered employees or independent contractors, it really goes back to sort of the beginning of when these apps kind of first came out. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:45] Sure. So if you go back to the beginning of Uber and Lyft in 2012, they started using this labor model where they, they classified their workers as contractors, which means they don’t pay unemployment insurance, they don’t have to pay overtime, they don’t pay workers comp. They have way less liability if there’s an accident. The whole business model is built on this contractor status, which was legally suspect from the start. So there are lawsuits right in the beginning against these companies, but the companies prevailed and they were able to keep classifying their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:11] Then in 2018, the California Supreme Court came in and they issued what’s called \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">The Dynamex Decision\u003c/a>, which actually wasn’t about the gig companies, it was about this independent trucking company that was classifying workers as contractors. But anyway, it made it harder for companies to classify workers as contractors. So in 2018, a lot people thought, OK, now these companies are going to change and start classifying workers as employees. But the companies didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:34] So, the legislature in 2019 passed a law called AB 5, which just codified into law the California Supreme Court dynamic’s decision. That became a law in 2020, and a lot people thought, OK, now, Uber, Lyft and InstaCart, they’re going to classify their workers as employees. But the companies didn’t. So then the pandemic happens, suddenly you’ve got tens or hundreds of thousands of workers for these apps that are out of work, but they can’t collect unemployment because the companies never paid into the state unemployment fund. So then you had the California attorney general step in, and a bunch of city attorneys, and they sued Uber and Lyft. This was back in May. And they sued them saying, hey, listen, you’re you’re still misclassifying your workers. Meanwhile, Uber, Lyft, Instacart, \u003ca href=\"https://postmates.com/\">Postmates\u003c/a> and a bunch of the other gig apps put Proposition 22 on the ballot. And they’re betting like, OK, if we can get the voters to pass this proposition, then we can keep operating as, as we were before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:03:27] Can you explain a little bit more thoroughly like what is the difference effectively between an employee and an independent contractor?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:03:34] In America the only way to get basic protections like unemployment insurance, guaranteed minimum wage, overtime, workers compensation, is to be an employee. If you’re a contractor, you don’t get any of those protections. That’s essentially the difference. Really, the contractor was supposed to be for kind of professionals who were making a ton of money and were deciding to be a contractor because they wanted to, not because they were being forced to be a contractor. But corporations saw that, hey, with this contractor model, we can get out of paying for all these employee benefits and protections, and it’s way, way cheaper. So over the last, you know, since the late 70s, companies have been pushing more and more workers from employees into contractor status. It’s really just about do you get guaranteed employee protections or not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:19] OK. And can we get into, like, a little bit the nitty gritty of 22 – what would really change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:25] So Proposition 22 is a carve out for select companies. And the carve out is for companies that do transportation or delivery through apps. And if a company fits that description, that means they can classify their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:39] And this isn’t just like Uber and Lyft, which is what I think people immediately think of, but also like delivery, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.doordash.com/en-US\">DoorDash\u003c/a>, Instacart,.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:46] PostMates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:47] Anyone who is in a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:48] Yeah. Through an app, on a car, on a bike, doing delivery or transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:53] OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:53] The proposition then also has a couple increase perks or benefits for contractors. They can get health subsidies if they drive a certain amount. They can get limited insurance. They also, it says Iike a minimum floor for pay, but the minimum pay is calculated based on engaged hours – this is a really important difference. So it’s 120% of minimum wage is going to be guaranteed, but that’s only while you’re actually engaged in the app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:17] So that means if you’re driving for Uber and let’s say you don’t get a ride for an hour, well, you don’t get paid for that hour of driving around even though you were working. So that’s like a really important kind of distinction. And I guess, the thing with Proposition 22 is, it’s all – it all gets very complicated in the details, but basically, if you look at the package, it’s going to guarantee a slight improvement to the benefits and protections for the contractors, but it’s far short of what you’d get in employee status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:05:42] Could other industries be impacted if this passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:45] It creates this sort of third category that you can bet that corporations are going to go for because they can see a way to make money. And if you remember, Uber and Lyft, you know, started the gig app trend, but Instacart, PostMates, DoorDash, all these companies followed Uber and Lyft by creating apps to create more jobs that were contractor and not employee. So, you can bet that a lot of other industries, if they can figure out a way, you know, if trucking can get on an app, you know, maybe there’s a way to have warehouse workers work through an app. This opens the door for more companies to try to find ways to fit this model because contractors are way cheaper than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:06:24] Now, what are these companies like Uber, Lyft, Instacart, DoorDash, etc., what are their arguments for why people should vote for 22?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:06:32] I’d say their primary argument is: This will allow us to keep operating as we were operating. It’s basically a pitch to consumers saying, hey, you know, you liked Uber and Lyft and Instacart and DoorSash. The second argument they make is, you know, listen, people need work right now, and so you can get work through these apps. We just want to give people work. And it’s not our fault that America doesn’t have a real safety net. It’s not our fault that it’s really hard to make it in this country, even if you’re working full-time. The anti side is saying, listen, if you allow these corporations to provide this kind of subpar, substandard work, you’re going to erode more of the good jobs that we do have. And you’re going to see more and more companies following Uber, Lyft, Instacart down this app route, which means you’re going to have more inequality and you’re going to have less good jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:07:14] I’ve seen a lot of arguments that these companies will stop operating in California if this law doesn’t pass. Is that a risk here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:22] Well, Uber definitely made it clear that they would temporarily pull out of California. But it’s important to remember that Uber, Lyft and other gig companies have threatened to leave whenever they didn’t like a regulation in multiple cities and states across the country. In Austin, in New York City, in Chicago and Seattle, and they always came back. In all of those cases, Uber and Lyft would temporarily leave until the regulation was changed back in their favor and then they return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:48] Now, if you look at California, you know, I think what, Olivia, we’re like the fifth biggest economy in the world. Right? The idea that they would pull out of California forever, it just doesn’t seem very feasible, given how big of a market that they are now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:01] Sort of another sort of, I guess, argument that I’ve seen out there is not just, OK, we might pull out of California, but also if we have to make everyone employees, fewer people will be able to drive for us because of the additional cost of making them employees. Could we see drivers potentially lose out on opportunity here if this were to fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:08:24] Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, shifting to employee status is definitely gonna force them to change their business model. They’re going to have to do things a little differently, and that might mean they have fewer drivers who then drive more hours. And so some very casual drivers might lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:39] Drivers using these apps come down on both sides of Prop 22. Supporters are worried that becoming employees could ultimately take away their flexible work schedules or cause job losses. They also say rates could go up for consumers and service could disappear from lower profit regions. Drivers voting against Prop 22 want the protections that they would get as an employee. They argue a company shouldn’t get to write their own labor laws. They also point out that Prop 22 would be difficult to amend or overturn, requiring a 7/8 vote in the California state legislature or another proposition on a feature ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:19] The campaign financing on this one is bonkers. What does the money situation look like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:23] Right. So on the pro side, I mean, the people who want this proposition, it’s mainly the gig companies. Over 181 million dollars. The most on a California proposition. And if you’re watching TV right now, you’re probably seeing the ads. I mean, they are flooding the airwaves. On the against side, it’s mostly labor, and they’ve got about 10 million dollars. So it’s an 18 to 1 disparity between the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:47] Well, Sam Harnett, KQED, Silicon Valley reporter, thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:50] Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:52] To put a cap on this one, a vote yes says you think app based driving services should be treated differently from other industries and be allowed to classify their workers as independent contractors rather than employees. A no vote means you think app based driving services should follow the regulations set out by our existing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Indigenous Peoples Day, the holiday that celebrates Native American cultures and peoples, celebrates its 28th anniversary on Monday, Oct. 12, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the celebration will take place not in person, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.ipdpowwow.org/\">virtually on Zoom\u003c/a> as a COVID-19 safety measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indigenous Peoples Day is also a holiday that began as a Bay Area protest of Columbus Day. Here’s how it all unfolded.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Challenging Columbus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the 1980s, then-U.S. President Ronald Reagan created the Christopher Columbus Quincentenary Jubilee Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its job was to come up with a grand celebration to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Columbus in the Americas. The plan was for replicas of Columbus’ three ships to sail along the East Coast and then over to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were going to go into the Panama Canal, and sail into the San Francisco Bay as part of this national hoopla,” said John Curl, Berkeley resident and one of the organizers of the first Indigenous Peoples Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Native_NewsNet/status/1183550447015092225\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curl said this idea of having the Bay Area as the centerpiece of Columbus Day celebrations did not sit well with him and a lot of native people. So they formed a group to protest the jubilee. They called themselves Resistance 500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area is a pretty progressive place and we did not want to be the center of a national celebration of imperialism and colonialism and genocide,” Curl said. “We tried to turn it into something different, something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/berkeleyside/status/1176668726197796864\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s exactly what they did. In 1992, just weeks before the 500th anniversary of Columbus’ arrival, Curl and other native leaders convinced Berkeley’s City Council to get rid of Columbus Day and instead celebrate Indigenous Peoples Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11780279,news_11638976,news_11826151]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Profoundly Disrespectful’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When the group asked the city to change Columbus Day to Indigenous Peoples Day in 1992, then-Mayor Loni Hancock said it was the first time she understood the negative impact of this holiday on Indigenous people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to think about what is this holiday about and who discovered America, and how really profoundly disrespectful it was to say that a European explorer who never actually set foot on the continent did that,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/morning-edition/npr-story/769083847\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hancock told NPR’s Morning Edition in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That narrative, she said, is “discounting the Indigenous people who had lived here for centuries with very sophisticated cultures and pretty much in harmony with the earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/csmlibrarian/status/1183822292050173952\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly the hundreds and thousands of Italian immigrants who came over in steerage class on the boats at the turn of the 19th century endured a lot of hardships to get here,” she added. “But the discovery of America is something where you want to get your history right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 12, 1992, Berkeley became the first city in the U.S. to officially celebrate the holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Lasting Legacy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now, 28 years later, several other cities have followed suit, including Seattle, Austin, Los Angeles and most recently Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we did was plant the seeds for this, and we’ve just tended to it for over 20 years,” Curl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11621765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1152\" height=\"892\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-960x743.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-240x186.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-375x290.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-520x403.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Festivities at Berkeley’s Indigenous Peoples Day Pow Wow include traditional dancing. \u003ccite>(Christopher Burquez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if you’re wondering what happened to the grand Columbus Day celebration that was planned to end in San Francisco Bay?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ship never sailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this post first published on Oct. 9, 2017\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“Certainly the hundreds and thousands of Italian immigrants who came over in steerage class on the boats at the turn of the 19th century endured a lot of hardships to get here,” she added. “But the discovery of America is something where you want to get your history right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 12, 1992, Berkeley became the first city in the U.S. to officially celebrate the holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Lasting Legacy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now, 28 years later, several other cities have followed suit, including Seattle, Austin, Los Angeles and most recently Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we did was plant the seeds for this, and we’ve just tended to it for over 20 years,” Curl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11621765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1152\" height=\"892\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-960x743.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-240x186.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-375x290.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-520x403.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Festivities at Berkeley’s Indigenous Peoples Day Pow Wow include traditional dancing. \u003ccite>(Christopher Burquez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if you’re wondering what happened to the grand Columbus Day celebration that was planned to end in San Francisco Bay?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ship never sailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this post first published on Oct. 9, 2017\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Looking for up-to-date information about correcting a mistake on your ballot for the 2024 presidential election instead? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">Read our guide to fixing a mistake on your 2024 ballot before Election Day on Nov. 5.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It happens to everyone. You were \u003cem>so\u003c/em> excited to fill out your 2020 ballot, ripping open the envelope with glee. You’ve researched the candidates and measures, filling in the ovals on your ballot for your preferred selections. You were ready to put it in the mail or drive it to a ballot drop box and then… it hits you: you accidentally filled in the wrong bubble. Or forgot to sign. Or put the wrong date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First off, don’t fret. There are steps you can take — even if you’ve already submitted your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"color: #41a62a; outline: 0px;\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843152/me-equivoque-al-llenar-mi-boleta-electoral-como-corrijo-mi-error\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But importantly, each county is \u003cem>slightly\u003c/em> different on how they’d prefer you address those mistakes. So if you have specific questions about your ballot, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local Registrar of Voters to get advice and instructions.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I filled in the wrong candidate”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have some options. Some counties, like Alameda, ask that you actually contact them first if you make a serious mistake — including voting for the wrong candidate — so they can send you a replacement ballot. So, wherever you live, it’s a good idea to check with your local elections office first to see what \u003cem>they\u003c/em> recommend if you made a mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11841059,news_11839465]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other county elections officials ask that you cross out the incorrect selection and fill in the correct selection — and make it as clear as possible what you do want to vote for. For example, you could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">cross out the selection with a clearly marked X and write a note next to the option you do want.\u003c/a> You could put a “YES” next to the candidate you want and a “NO” next to the candidate you don’t want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your ballot has two selections in a category where you can only vote for one candidate, elections officials refer to that as “over-voting.” And when these situations come up, the ballot is flagged for review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whenever there’s an over-vote in a contest, those cards are actually removed from the processing, and then we do a manual review,” said John Arntz, director of elections in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If elections officials can understand what the voter intended, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">they’ll recreate the marked ballot\u003c/a> on a clean one and submit that one for tallying. If not, they can reach out to you during what’s called an “adjudication” process to ensure they understand what you wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, there’s no way to correct a ballot once it has been cast and submitted to elections officials. So you’ll want to get in touch with your county elections office to speak through your specific situation. \u003ca href=\"#contact\">Find out how to contact your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I put the wrong date on my envelope”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s easy. Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, it should be the date that you \u003cem>signed\u003c/em> your ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839299/what-do-you-want-to-know-about-voting-this-year\">Many people have been asking us via our “ask a question” box\u003c/a> if that date is meant to be the voter’s birthdate. It’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t worry. Elections officials say that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked, to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even look at it because we received the ballot prior to the Election Day,” said John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County. “It’s when we receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the Election Day, like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day. That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841201]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So: as long as you mail or drop off your ballot on Election Day, and it’s postmarked by Nov. 3 at the latest, you don’t need to worry about the date — because officials already \u003cem>know\u003c/em> they’re on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And don’t forget:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">mailing a ballot too late\u003c/a> on Election Day itself — by placing it into a mailbox that’s already had its last collection of the day, or taking it to a post office that’s already closed — will mean that ballot is postmarked on the day \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day, and therefore too late to be counted. Don’t make this mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I forgot to sign it”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Go ahead and sign it! And remember to date the envelope with the date of signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve had a lot of questions from our audience about how to find out the “right” signature for your ballot. You can \u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\">check the actual name you’re registered to vote with online, \u003c/a>although you can’t check the signature there. However, it’s really likely that your voting signature is the one on your California driver’s license or your state ID. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV currently has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the best way to start is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">take a look at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID\u003c/a>, as it’s likely the one on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re concerned that your signature has changed over the years, here’s something that might reassure you: if you’ve done any business at the DMV between now and when you registered to vote that required your signature, that new signature is \u003cem>also\u003c/em> on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime anyone makes a transaction at DMV and signs something, that signature is also on file,” said Evelyn Mendez, public and legislative affairs manager at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters. “That’s the most current signature that we have on record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you still don’t think that’s the right one, or if you have physical difficulty signing, there are a few things you can do. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Re-register to vote with your current signature, to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have someone watch you making your mark, and sign on the ballot’s “witness” line\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact your county elections office for further assistance. You can also call the California Voter Hotline at (800) 345-VOTE (8683).\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And if you’re worried about whether or not you should include your middle initial? Don’t worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think sometimes people get confused because they hear about other states where it has to be an exact match, and it’s not an exact match here,” said Lynda Roberts, registrar of voters for Marin County. “The overall signature just has to compare to what we have on file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the California code of regulations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/regulations/current-regulations/elections/signature-verification-ballot-processing-and-ballot-counting-emergency-regulations\">“exact matches are not required for an elections official to confirm a valid signature.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The example I always use is like my name,” said Tim Dupuis, registrar of voters for Alameda County. “I sometimes sign my name as Tim, I sometimes sign that sign it as Timothy … But I make my ‘T’ the same way, and I make the ‘D’ in Dupuis, my last name, the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when they see those things, when they see those points with consistency in the signature, we’re going to err in the favor of the voter and that’s going to we’re going to validate that voter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact your county elections office to let them know about the issue. But rest assured, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">there is a whole process for resolving problems with your signature on the ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach back out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. The earlier you vote, the earlier the issue can be resolved. Though there is a long period allowed for this signature “curing process” after the election — about three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could also sign up to \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">track your ballot’s progress online\u003c/a>, and allow for email and phone notifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Few Other Common Issues…\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We asked your local elections officials for common issues to watch out for on the ballot. Here’s what they said:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you’re filling out and signing the ballot with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it\u003c/strong>: It’s common to see partners or roommates accidentally mix up their ballots. So make sure you’re signing the document that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen\u003c/strong>: It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There are many ways to vote\u003c/strong>: If you don’t want to put your ballot in the mail, you can drop it off at a drop box or go in person to a polling place in your county. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location\">Find your closest drop box or voting location\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t rush, but vote as early as you can:\u003c/strong> As soon as your ballot is submitted, election officials can begin processing your ballot and contacting you if there are any issues. And while no ballots will be counted before polls close on Election Day, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">submitting your ballot earlier means it’ll be \u003cem>prepared\u003c/em> to be counted earlier\u003c/a>, and makes it more likely that your vote will be included in the first results announced on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, take your time, but try to get those ballots in as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact Your County Direct\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> You can call (415) 473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections page to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-253-4321 or email the Election office at elections@countyofnapa.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>You can get in touch with the department by calling (415) 554-4375 or emailing SFVote@sfgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: You can call toll-free at 1-866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or (888) 933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at (800) 750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Looking for up-to-date information about correcting a mistake on your ballot for the 2024 presidential election instead? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">Read our guide to fixing a mistake on your 2024 ballot before Election Day on Nov. 5.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It happens to everyone. You were \u003cem>so\u003c/em> excited to fill out your 2020 ballot, ripping open the envelope with glee. You’ve researched the candidates and measures, filling in the ovals on your ballot for your preferred selections. You were ready to put it in the mail or drive it to a ballot drop box and then… it hits you: you accidentally filled in the wrong bubble. Or forgot to sign. Or put the wrong date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First off, don’t fret. There are steps you can take — even if you’ve already submitted your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"color: #41a62a; outline: 0px;\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843152/me-equivoque-al-llenar-mi-boleta-electoral-como-corrijo-mi-error\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But importantly, each county is \u003cem>slightly\u003c/em> different on how they’d prefer you address those mistakes. So if you have specific questions about your ballot, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local Registrar of Voters to get advice and instructions.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I filled in the wrong candidate”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have some options. Some counties, like Alameda, ask that you actually contact them first if you make a serious mistake — including voting for the wrong candidate — so they can send you a replacement ballot. So, wherever you live, it’s a good idea to check with your local elections office first to see what \u003cem>they\u003c/em> recommend if you made a mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other county elections officials ask that you cross out the incorrect selection and fill in the correct selection — and make it as clear as possible what you do want to vote for. For example, you could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">cross out the selection with a clearly marked X and write a note next to the option you do want.\u003c/a> You could put a “YES” next to the candidate you want and a “NO” next to the candidate you don’t want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your ballot has two selections in a category where you can only vote for one candidate, elections officials refer to that as “over-voting.” And when these situations come up, the ballot is flagged for review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whenever there’s an over-vote in a contest, those cards are actually removed from the processing, and then we do a manual review,” said John Arntz, director of elections in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If elections officials can understand what the voter intended, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">they’ll recreate the marked ballot\u003c/a> on a clean one and submit that one for tallying. If not, they can reach out to you during what’s called an “adjudication” process to ensure they understand what you wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, there’s no way to correct a ballot once it has been cast and submitted to elections officials. So you’ll want to get in touch with your county elections office to speak through your specific situation. \u003ca href=\"#contact\">Find out how to contact your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I put the wrong date on my envelope”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s easy. Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, it should be the date that you \u003cem>signed\u003c/em> your ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839299/what-do-you-want-to-know-about-voting-this-year\">Many people have been asking us via our “ask a question” box\u003c/a> if that date is meant to be the voter’s birthdate. It’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t worry. Elections officials say that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked, to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even look at it because we received the ballot prior to the Election Day,” said John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County. “It’s when we receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the Election Day, like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day. That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So: as long as you mail or drop off your ballot on Election Day, and it’s postmarked by Nov. 3 at the latest, you don’t need to worry about the date — because officials already \u003cem>know\u003c/em> they’re on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And don’t forget:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">mailing a ballot too late\u003c/a> on Election Day itself — by placing it into a mailbox that’s already had its last collection of the day, or taking it to a post office that’s already closed — will mean that ballot is postmarked on the day \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day, and therefore too late to be counted. Don’t make this mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I forgot to sign it”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Go ahead and sign it! And remember to date the envelope with the date of signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve had a lot of questions from our audience about how to find out the “right” signature for your ballot. You can \u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\">check the actual name you’re registered to vote with online, \u003c/a>although you can’t check the signature there. However, it’s really likely that your voting signature is the one on your California driver’s license or your state ID. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV currently has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the best way to start is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">take a look at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID\u003c/a>, as it’s likely the one on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re concerned that your signature has changed over the years, here’s something that might reassure you: if you’ve done any business at the DMV between now and when you registered to vote that required your signature, that new signature is \u003cem>also\u003c/em> on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime anyone makes a transaction at DMV and signs something, that signature is also on file,” said Evelyn Mendez, public and legislative affairs manager at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters. “That’s the most current signature that we have on record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you still don’t think that’s the right one, or if you have physical difficulty signing, there are a few things you can do. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Re-register to vote with your current signature, to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have someone watch you making your mark, and sign on the ballot’s “witness” line\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact your county elections office for further assistance. You can also call the California Voter Hotline at (800) 345-VOTE (8683).\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And if you’re worried about whether or not you should include your middle initial? Don’t worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think sometimes people get confused because they hear about other states where it has to be an exact match, and it’s not an exact match here,” said Lynda Roberts, registrar of voters for Marin County. “The overall signature just has to compare to what we have on file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the California code of regulations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/regulations/current-regulations/elections/signature-verification-ballot-processing-and-ballot-counting-emergency-regulations\">“exact matches are not required for an elections official to confirm a valid signature.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The example I always use is like my name,” said Tim Dupuis, registrar of voters for Alameda County. “I sometimes sign my name as Tim, I sometimes sign that sign it as Timothy … But I make my ‘T’ the same way, and I make the ‘D’ in Dupuis, my last name, the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when they see those things, when they see those points with consistency in the signature, we’re going to err in the favor of the voter and that’s going to we’re going to validate that voter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact your county elections office to let them know about the issue. But rest assured, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">there is a whole process for resolving problems with your signature on the ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach back out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. The earlier you vote, the earlier the issue can be resolved. Though there is a long period allowed for this signature “curing process” after the election — about three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could also sign up to \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">track your ballot’s progress online\u003c/a>, and allow for email and phone notifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Few Other Common Issues…\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We asked your local elections officials for common issues to watch out for on the ballot. Here’s what they said:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you’re filling out and signing the ballot with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it\u003c/strong>: It’s common to see partners or roommates accidentally mix up their ballots. So make sure you’re signing the document that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen\u003c/strong>: It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There are many ways to vote\u003c/strong>: If you don’t want to put your ballot in the mail, you can drop it off at a drop box or go in person to a polling place in your county. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location\">Find your closest drop box or voting location\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t rush, but vote as early as you can:\u003c/strong> As soon as your ballot is submitted, election officials can begin processing your ballot and contacting you if there are any issues. And while no ballots will be counted before polls close on Election Day, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">submitting your ballot earlier means it’ll be \u003cem>prepared\u003c/em> to be counted earlier\u003c/a>, and makes it more likely that your vote will be included in the first results announced on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, take your time, but try to get those ballots in as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact Your County Direct\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> You can call (415) 473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections page to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-253-4321 or email the Election office at elections@countyofnapa.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>You can get in touch with the department by calling (415) 554-4375 or emailing SFVote@sfgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: You can call toll-free at 1-866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or (888) 933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at (800) 750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>We’re explaining the 12 propositions on the California ballot in our series, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> (psst, check out the \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/6O76IdmhixfijmhTZLIJ8k?si=t9N5QWyuSOqBrXf6r-EUqw\">podcast\u003c/a> if you haven’t already). Today we take on Proposition 20, which revisits some recently passed legislation aimed at reducing California’s inmate population. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1788378647&light=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"200\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:00] Hello. Hello. Happy Friday, everybody. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/a> here, and you’re tuned in to our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> series. Twelve statewide propositions. Twelve days. Let’s go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:14] \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/20/\">Proposition 20\u003c/a> would walk back some changes made to the state’s criminal justice law over the past decade. Here’s how you’ll see it on your ballot:.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice 1\u003c/strong> [00:00:22] Proposition 20 restricts parole for nonviolent offenders, authorizes felony sentences for certain offenses currently treated only as misdemeanors, and requires DNA samples from people convicted of specified misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:38] Yes, this one has a lot of pieces to it. We’ll unpack it all today on the show. It’s Prop 20, the criminal sentencing prop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:52] Hey, everyone. Just a quick programing note in this episode, we discuss violent crime, including rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:59] Here to talk Prop 20 with us is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mlagos\">Marisa Lagos\u003c/a>, KQED politics correspondent and co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast. Good morning, Marisa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:01:07] Morning, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:01:08] So, what is Prop 20 about? Why are we even voting on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:01:12] There has been a lot of reforms in California over the past decade or so around criminal justice, and most of them were really aimed at reducing the prison population and giving people more opportunities for rehabilitation. It was sort of a reversal of the tough on crime push that we saw largely in the 1990s. And a lot of those changes have been very controversial among law enforcement. They were not pleased, particularly with two ballot measures that voters passed in 2014 and 2016. And I would say, kind of top level, Proposition 20 is aimed at rolling back some of the key portions of those ballot measures, and essentially making it harder for a lot of people to get out of prison and potentially easier for DA’s [District Attorneys] to send a lot of people to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:01:59] Now, let’s get into some of those ballot measures, because I feel like I was just voting on this, you know, during the last presidential election. You know, so, what were some those reforms? And you what happened there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:02:09] Yeah. I mean, in 2011, as Governor Jerry Brown took office, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of a very long standing lawsuit that essentially challenged California’s – the way it was treating prisoners. And what the courts found was that essentially California’s prisons were so overcrowded that it was resulting in inmates dying – at one point, at a rate of like one person a day, I believe. And the court said, you, California, have to find a way to reduce the number of people in your prisons or essentially the courts are just gonna open up the doors and let prisoners out, you know, willy nilly. And so the state kind of embarked on a series of reforms. The first one, it was passed in the legislature in 2011. It’s called realignment. It was kind of the building block for some of these later reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:02:55] Right. Yeah. So, a lot of us will probably remember realignment. That is when the state changed the punishment for many crimes so that people convicted were sent to jail instead of prison. But, Marisa that was just the beginning of reforms, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:03:09] Sort of parallel to that, we have seen a real awakening around racial justice and criminal justice in California. It started to really shift public opinion and the kind of tough on crime mantra that really dominated the day during the 1990s started to slip. And I think voters were more willing to take a chance and try some new things because a lot of people felt like what was being done wasn’t working and we were just kind of burning up public funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:03:41] All right, so public opinion is, is moving on some these big topics. How did they take advantage of that to bring about some reforms?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:03:48] Yes, so first, there was a ballot measure in 2014. This was Proposition 47. It essentially made a lot of felonies, misdemeanors. So if you had a simple drug possession arrest on your record, if you were caught shoplifting less than $900 worth of merchandise, instead of getting charged with a felony, you could get charged with a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:04:08] All right. So that means fewer people are being sent to prison, which should mean the state saved some money here, right? What happens to the extra cash?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:04:17] It also had a provision saying, we’re going to take the savings from those lower prison and jail populations and actually put them right back into programs that will hopefully help prevent future crimes by supporting communities and kids, and rehabilitating people who have been in prison, and by spending more money on victim services. So, this was really an attempt to sort of shift the narrative and the actual money flow away from incarceration and back in to rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:04:46] All right, so that’s one set of reforms, but you said there were more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:04:50] The second measure was actually written by Jerry Brown. I think there was a sense that they had gone as far as they could in the legislature to help reduce the prison population and that they needed to ask voters to change the law so that far more felons could go before the parole board earlier. So this was a, was a measure that really allowed a broader class of prison inmates to potentially apply for rehabilitative programs and then asked the parole board to release them early. It didn’t guarantee any early releases, but it has resulted in thousands of inmates getting out, you know, in some cases years before they would have even been eligible to ask for that release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:34] And then we get from those to where we are today, voting on Prop 20, our criminal sentencing prop. Marissa, I understand that Prop 20 would change four things. Let’s start in on what it would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:05:47] Broadly, this is a ballot measure written by law enforcement – from their perspective, fixing some of the problems with those earlier reforms. It would reduce the number of people eligible to go before the parole board by bringing in a whole bigger group of crimes, sort of doubling the list of people that are just ineligible to ask for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:06:09] OK, that’s the first part. What’s the second thing it does?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:06:12] It would also make it a lot easier to charge people with felony theft by lowering back the dollar threshold. So, this would say instead of $900 it’s at $450.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:06:23] And the third thing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:06:24] It would also kind of, I would say, tie the board of parole hearings, hands a little bit more by requiring them to look a lot more broadly at an inmate’s history when they’re considering release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:06:38] And finally, and I would say this might be the least controversial aspect of it, it would reinstate DNA collection for people who have been convicted of a long list of misdemeanors. Right now, if you, if you get a misdemeanor conviction they do not collect your DNA and put it in the state and federal database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:07:00] And I know you’ve been talking with folks on both sides of this issue. You know, give me a broad sense of what people are saying on the yes side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:07:07] So, this is broadly supported by the kind of typical law and order groups that you might expect to be pushing harsher criminal sentencing laws. We’re talking police unions, we’re talking some of the more conservative prosecutors in the state. Even one victims group that was really instrumental in the 90s in pushing things like three strikes. They basically say that the reforms of the past decade or so went too far, that violent offenders are getting out of prison who shouldn’t be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:07:36] One of those earlier reform measures that passed relied on a list that the state has that delineates which crimes are considered violent. People convicted of those violent crimes were not eligible for early parole. But if someone’s crime wasn’t on that list, they technically were.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:07:52] So that is a pretty limited list. It does include things like murder and rape, but there’s some specifics within the code, like rape of an unconscious person isn’t included on that list. And so Richard Temple, the consultant for the yes side, says that essentially voters were misled by \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/proposition57/\">Prop 57\u003c/a> and some of these other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard Temple clip\u003c/strong> [00:08:12] It was designed for nonviolent offenders. That’s what voters were told – that’s what the governor promised, even afterwards, if there was any situation his administration would fix it by regulations. Both did not happen. So, there are violent crimes that under California law are not classified as violence, and therefore these criminals are allowed early release, which is not what Proposition 57 promised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:08:36] I think folks pushing some of these earlier reforms didn’t talk very deeply about what which statute, you know, would be considered a violent offense versus which wouldn’t. But the parole board still has a lot of discretion here, it’s largely made up of former law enforcement officials. And what the other side would say to that is, well, it’s very unusual that you would be in prison for just, say, rape of an unconscious person. There’s probably other charges, and the parole board is going to look at the whole picture, not just go kind of by the nitty gritty of what the statutes say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:09:09] And what about those who are lining up against it? What do they think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:09:12] So, the biggest name is Governor Jerry Brown, who helped draft some of these earlier reforms that this would roll back. But this is kind of also a who’s who of the Democratic establishment, including the current governor, Gavin Newsom. And additionally, a lot of the public employee unions and other big kind of left leaning labor organizations. There’s also some groups representing victims that are against this measure. And these are folks who have tried to kind of reframe the discussion around who is a victim, who is a survivor of crime – they more represent communities of color, people who maybe live in places where, yes, they’ve been victims of crime, but they or their family members have also been accused of crimes. And they see healing needs to happen at the community level and worry that locking more people up won’t actually help victims, but actually hurt them by taking money away from victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"KQED’s 2020 California Voter Guide\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/,All the State Props, All the Bay Area Measures\" hero=https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2020/10/KQED-Election-2020-Aside-CA-Voter-Guide.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:10:04] I think I find it pretty interesting that some of the, you know, people that you spoke with are victims of crimes that I would have assumed would have been in favor of keeping people in prison longer, but they actually come out on the other side of things. Why is that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:10:19] Take someone like Sophora Acheson, she’s executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rubysplace.org/\">Ruby’s Place\u003c/a>, it’s a domestic violence shelter. She was on a call recently where she talked about being a survivor of child sexual abuse and domestic violence. And, you know, she felt like the idea that sending somebody who harms you to prison is not actually a long term solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sophora Acheson\u003c/strong> [00:10:41] It provided temporary sense of safety when the person that caused me harm was in jail, but it didn’t change their behavior. And where the healing really came in for me is from the services, from counseling, from shelter, from case management. And also the rehabilitation services of those that caused harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:11:07] I think that they are really a new voice in this whole debate that has been dominated for a long time by people who really favored a harsher approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:20] And let’s talk a little bit about the spending on this campaign. What have you seen so far?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:11:24] Proposition 20 is being far outspent and outraised so far by their opponents. They have about a million and a half in the bank, and they have not really raised a ton of money this year. On the other hand, you have, you know, Governor Jerry Brown putting a million dollars into defeating this measure. You also have some foundations and other sort of good government and civil rights groups who have put money into it. And so, the no side actually has over five million dollars in the bank, and I think we’re going to see them being, like, ramping up their campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:57] All right. Well, politics correspondent Marisa Lagos, thanks for your help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:12:01] My pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:12:04] A quick recap: A vote yes on Proposition 20 says you want to take early parole away as an option for some crimes. Recategorize certain types of theft and fraud crimes, so they could be charged as a misdemeanor or a felony instead, of just as a misdemeanor. And require DNA collection from people convicted of certain misdemeanors. A no vote means you think the current laws should stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:12:32] We’ll be back Monday with more Bay Curious Prop Fest. Some big ones are still on deck; props that deal with rent control, how companies like Uber and Lyft classify their workers, and whether or not California jails should use cash bail. Bay Curious Prop Fest is produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/katrinaschwartz\">Katrina Schwartz\u003c/a>, Rob Speight and me, Olivia Allen-Price, with help from all of our smart friends in the KQED newsroom. You can find audio and transcripts of these episodes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curiou.org/PropFest.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:13:07] If you want to learn more about the local measures on your ballot around the Bay Area, I highly recommend \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>. You can select the county where you live and see all sorts of interesting stuff about what’s on the ballot there. Find it at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED.org/elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:13:25] Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. Thanks so much for listening, and I hope you all have a great weekend.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>We’re explaining the 12 propositions on the California ballot in our series, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> (psst, check out the \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/6O76IdmhixfijmhTZLIJ8k?si=t9N5QWyuSOqBrXf6r-EUqw\">podcast\u003c/a> if you haven’t already). Today we take on Proposition 20, which revisits some recently passed legislation aimed at reducing California’s inmate population. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1788378647&light=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"200\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:00] Hello. Hello. Happy Friday, everybody. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/a> here, and you’re tuned in to our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> series. Twelve statewide propositions. Twelve days. Let’s go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:14] \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/20/\">Proposition 20\u003c/a> would walk back some changes made to the state’s criminal justice law over the past decade. Here’s how you’ll see it on your ballot:.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice 1\u003c/strong> [00:00:22] Proposition 20 restricts parole for nonviolent offenders, authorizes felony sentences for certain offenses currently treated only as misdemeanors, and requires DNA samples from people convicted of specified misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:38] Yes, this one has a lot of pieces to it. We’ll unpack it all today on the show. It’s Prop 20, the criminal sentencing prop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:52] Hey, everyone. Just a quick programing note in this episode, we discuss violent crime, including rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:00:59] Here to talk Prop 20 with us is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mlagos\">Marisa Lagos\u003c/a>, KQED politics correspondent and co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast. Good morning, Marisa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:01:07] Morning, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:01:08] So, what is Prop 20 about? Why are we even voting on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:01:12] There has been a lot of reforms in California over the past decade or so around criminal justice, and most of them were really aimed at reducing the prison population and giving people more opportunities for rehabilitation. It was sort of a reversal of the tough on crime push that we saw largely in the 1990s. And a lot of those changes have been very controversial among law enforcement. They were not pleased, particularly with two ballot measures that voters passed in 2014 and 2016. And I would say, kind of top level, Proposition 20 is aimed at rolling back some of the key portions of those ballot measures, and essentially making it harder for a lot of people to get out of prison and potentially easier for DA’s [District Attorneys] to send a lot of people to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:01:59] Now, let’s get into some of those ballot measures, because I feel like I was just voting on this, you know, during the last presidential election. You know, so, what were some those reforms? And you what happened there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:02:09] Yeah. I mean, in 2011, as Governor Jerry Brown took office, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of a very long standing lawsuit that essentially challenged California’s – the way it was treating prisoners. And what the courts found was that essentially California’s prisons were so overcrowded that it was resulting in inmates dying – at one point, at a rate of like one person a day, I believe. And the court said, you, California, have to find a way to reduce the number of people in your prisons or essentially the courts are just gonna open up the doors and let prisoners out, you know, willy nilly. And so the state kind of embarked on a series of reforms. The first one, it was passed in the legislature in 2011. It’s called realignment. It was kind of the building block for some of these later reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:02:55] Right. Yeah. So, a lot of us will probably remember realignment. That is when the state changed the punishment for many crimes so that people convicted were sent to jail instead of prison. But, Marisa that was just the beginning of reforms, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:03:09] Sort of parallel to that, we have seen a real awakening around racial justice and criminal justice in California. It started to really shift public opinion and the kind of tough on crime mantra that really dominated the day during the 1990s started to slip. And I think voters were more willing to take a chance and try some new things because a lot of people felt like what was being done wasn’t working and we were just kind of burning up public funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:03:41] All right, so public opinion is, is moving on some these big topics. How did they take advantage of that to bring about some reforms?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:03:48] Yes, so first, there was a ballot measure in 2014. This was Proposition 47. It essentially made a lot of felonies, misdemeanors. So if you had a simple drug possession arrest on your record, if you were caught shoplifting less than $900 worth of merchandise, instead of getting charged with a felony, you could get charged with a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:04:08] All right. So that means fewer people are being sent to prison, which should mean the state saved some money here, right? What happens to the extra cash?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:04:17] It also had a provision saying, we’re going to take the savings from those lower prison and jail populations and actually put them right back into programs that will hopefully help prevent future crimes by supporting communities and kids, and rehabilitating people who have been in prison, and by spending more money on victim services. So, this was really an attempt to sort of shift the narrative and the actual money flow away from incarceration and back in to rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:04:46] All right, so that’s one set of reforms, but you said there were more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:04:50] The second measure was actually written by Jerry Brown. I think there was a sense that they had gone as far as they could in the legislature to help reduce the prison population and that they needed to ask voters to change the law so that far more felons could go before the parole board earlier. So this was a, was a measure that really allowed a broader class of prison inmates to potentially apply for rehabilitative programs and then asked the parole board to release them early. It didn’t guarantee any early releases, but it has resulted in thousands of inmates getting out, you know, in some cases years before they would have even been eligible to ask for that release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:05:34] And then we get from those to where we are today, voting on Prop 20, our criminal sentencing prop. Marissa, I understand that Prop 20 would change four things. Let’s start in on what it would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:05:47] Broadly, this is a ballot measure written by law enforcement – from their perspective, fixing some of the problems with those earlier reforms. It would reduce the number of people eligible to go before the parole board by bringing in a whole bigger group of crimes, sort of doubling the list of people that are just ineligible to ask for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:06:09] OK, that’s the first part. What’s the second thing it does?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:06:12] It would also make it a lot easier to charge people with felony theft by lowering back the dollar threshold. So, this would say instead of $900 it’s at $450.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:06:23] And the third thing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:06:24] It would also kind of, I would say, tie the board of parole hearings, hands a little bit more by requiring them to look a lot more broadly at an inmate’s history when they’re considering release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:06:38] And finally, and I would say this might be the least controversial aspect of it, it would reinstate DNA collection for people who have been convicted of a long list of misdemeanors. Right now, if you, if you get a misdemeanor conviction they do not collect your DNA and put it in the state and federal database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:07:00] And I know you’ve been talking with folks on both sides of this issue. You know, give me a broad sense of what people are saying on the yes side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:07:07] So, this is broadly supported by the kind of typical law and order groups that you might expect to be pushing harsher criminal sentencing laws. We’re talking police unions, we’re talking some of the more conservative prosecutors in the state. Even one victims group that was really instrumental in the 90s in pushing things like three strikes. They basically say that the reforms of the past decade or so went too far, that violent offenders are getting out of prison who shouldn’t be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:07:36] One of those earlier reform measures that passed relied on a list that the state has that delineates which crimes are considered violent. People convicted of those violent crimes were not eligible for early parole. But if someone’s crime wasn’t on that list, they technically were.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:07:52] So that is a pretty limited list. It does include things like murder and rape, but there’s some specifics within the code, like rape of an unconscious person isn’t included on that list. And so Richard Temple, the consultant for the yes side, says that essentially voters were misled by \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/proposition57/\">Prop 57\u003c/a> and some of these other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard Temple clip\u003c/strong> [00:08:12] It was designed for nonviolent offenders. That’s what voters were told – that’s what the governor promised, even afterwards, if there was any situation his administration would fix it by regulations. Both did not happen. So, there are violent crimes that under California law are not classified as violence, and therefore these criminals are allowed early release, which is not what Proposition 57 promised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:08:36] I think folks pushing some of these earlier reforms didn’t talk very deeply about what which statute, you know, would be considered a violent offense versus which wouldn’t. But the parole board still has a lot of discretion here, it’s largely made up of former law enforcement officials. And what the other side would say to that is, well, it’s very unusual that you would be in prison for just, say, rape of an unconscious person. There’s probably other charges, and the parole board is going to look at the whole picture, not just go kind of by the nitty gritty of what the statutes say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:09:09] And what about those who are lining up against it? What do they think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:09:12] So, the biggest name is Governor Jerry Brown, who helped draft some of these earlier reforms that this would roll back. But this is kind of also a who’s who of the Democratic establishment, including the current governor, Gavin Newsom. And additionally, a lot of the public employee unions and other big kind of left leaning labor organizations. There’s also some groups representing victims that are against this measure. And these are folks who have tried to kind of reframe the discussion around who is a victim, who is a survivor of crime – they more represent communities of color, people who maybe live in places where, yes, they’ve been victims of crime, but they or their family members have also been accused of crimes. And they see healing needs to happen at the community level and worry that locking more people up won’t actually help victims, but actually hurt them by taking money away from victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:10:04] I think I find it pretty interesting that some of the, you know, people that you spoke with are victims of crimes that I would have assumed would have been in favor of keeping people in prison longer, but they actually come out on the other side of things. Why is that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:10:19] Take someone like Sophora Acheson, she’s executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.rubysplace.org/\">Ruby’s Place\u003c/a>, it’s a domestic violence shelter. She was on a call recently where she talked about being a survivor of child sexual abuse and domestic violence. And, you know, she felt like the idea that sending somebody who harms you to prison is not actually a long term solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sophora Acheson\u003c/strong> [00:10:41] It provided temporary sense of safety when the person that caused me harm was in jail, but it didn’t change their behavior. And where the healing really came in for me is from the services, from counseling, from shelter, from case management. And also the rehabilitation services of those that caused harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:11:07] I think that they are really a new voice in this whole debate that has been dominated for a long time by people who really favored a harsher approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:20] And let’s talk a little bit about the spending on this campaign. What have you seen so far?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:11:24] Proposition 20 is being far outspent and outraised so far by their opponents. They have about a million and a half in the bank, and they have not really raised a ton of money this year. On the other hand, you have, you know, Governor Jerry Brown putting a million dollars into defeating this measure. You also have some foundations and other sort of good government and civil rights groups who have put money into it. And so, the no side actually has over five million dollars in the bank, and I think we’re going to see them being, like, ramping up their campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:11:57] All right. Well, politics correspondent Marisa Lagos, thanks for your help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong> [00:12:01] My pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:12:04] A quick recap: A vote yes on Proposition 20 says you want to take early parole away as an option for some crimes. Recategorize certain types of theft and fraud crimes, so they could be charged as a misdemeanor or a felony instead, of just as a misdemeanor. And require DNA collection from people convicted of certain misdemeanors. A no vote means you think the current laws should stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:12:32] We’ll be back Monday with more Bay Curious Prop Fest. Some big ones are still on deck; props that deal with rent control, how companies like Uber and Lyft classify their workers, and whether or not California jails should use cash bail. Bay Curious Prop Fest is produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/katrinaschwartz\">Katrina Schwartz\u003c/a>, Rob Speight and me, Olivia Allen-Price, with help from all of our smart friends in the KQED newsroom. You can find audio and transcripts of these episodes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curiou.org/PropFest.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:13:07] If you want to learn more about the local measures on your ballot around the Bay Area, I highly recommend \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>. You can select the county where you live and see all sorts of interesting stuff about what’s on the ballot there. Find it at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED.org/elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/strong> [00:13:25] Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. Thanks so much for listening, and I hope you all have a great weekend.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After you fill out your vote-by-mail ballot and drop it in a mailbox, ballot drop box or voting location, remember you can also \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreballottracking\">track it online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the latest overpackaged gizmo you’ve bought online can be tracked every step of the way, surely we can track our individual contributions to the democratic process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location\">vote right now in person\u003c/a> if that’s your preference, since every county registrar in the Bay Area opened for voting on October 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now hop to it and vote!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After you fill out your vote-by-mail ballot and drop it in a mailbox, ballot drop box or voting location, remember you can also \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreballottracking\">track it online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the latest overpackaged gizmo you’ve bought online can be tracked every step of the way, surely we can track our individual contributions to the democratic process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location\">vote right now in person\u003c/a> if that’s your preference, since every county registrar in the Bay Area opened for voting on October 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now hop to it and vote!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Debates between the Democratic and Republican candidates for vice president are typically the undercard of presidential campaigns, a relatively unimportant contest squeezed in between the main events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in this topsy turvy election year, President Donald Trump’s hospitalization for COVID-19 and Joe Biden’s age might give Wednesday night’s faceoff between Vice President Mike Pence and Sen. Kamala Harris an unusually large audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This may be the most consequential vice presidential debate in American political history,” said Dan Schur, who teaches political science at USC and UC Berkeley. He acknowledges there’s not much competition for that title, since no VP debate in history has ever really resulted in more than memorable soundbites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stakes are much higher now because, without sounding ghoulish, more and more Americans are going to be wondering whether either Donald Trump or Joe Biden would be able to serve for four full years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schnur, who sat in on debate preparation for George W. Bush and Sen. John McCain, said the key is to try and plan for the unexpected, which by definition is hard to do. Former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg is playing the part of VP Pence in debate preparation for Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debate preparation, if it’s done well, is usually less about content and more about presentation,” Schnur said. “If the candidates themselves do their job right, they’re going to be familiar with the substance of the types of policy matters that they’re going to get asked about in the debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Kamala Harris, the stakes are huge. A strong performance will help cement Joe Biden’s current advantage in the polls. If she slips up or looks shaky, it creates an opening for Trump to make her the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barbara O’Connor, an emeritus professor of communications at Cal State Sacramento, said Harris “has got to make herself believable and honest, answer questions and play by the rules in order to attract the suburban women that people say [have] still not made up their minds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Connor, who was a debate coach at USC, Georgetown and Cal State Sacramento, added that Harris has to debate in a way that doesn’t turn off undecided voters and suburban women. “I think coming off as an attack dog and being vicious, which she can be,” would be a mistake, O’Connor said. “We’ve all seen it. That would scare them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suburban women are considered a key demographic Trump won in 2016 – but \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/10/01/president-trump-gets-suburbs-all-wrong/\">polls show he’s losing them now\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Harris’s most powerful moments have been as a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, questioning Trump administration officials and Supreme Court nominees like Brett Kavanaugh. But Schnur said that prosecutorial style might not serve Harris well Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Barack Obama once noted, he always felt that he needed to be more restrained and less aggressive on the public stage, simply so he didn’t, in \u003ci>his\u003c/i> words, not mine, come across as an ‘angry Black man.’ And for Harris, both as a woman and a woman of color, that challenge may be even greater,” Schnur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside link1=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/06/919107935/pence-and-harris-debate-wednesday-heres-what-you-need-to-know,Pence And Harris Debate Wednesday. Here's What You Need To Know\" hero=\"https://media.npr.org/assets/img/2020/10/05/2020-10-5-pence-harris-faq-2_custom-e977bfc8f4781dbf13502d19333d348f1ea0d6fe-s1600-c85.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassandra Pye, a Republican consultant who previously worked for Arnold Schwarzenegger, said “I always worry in these situations about that phenomenon known as ‘running [for office] in heels.’ And now we’ll add a woman of color, you know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pye notes that women candidates and officeholders often face a double standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what it will be in this case, but women do face the additional scrutiny that male candidates don’t typically face,” Pye said, adding that “if I never hear about Hillary Clinton’s pantsuits again, I’d be perfectly happy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphe Sonenshein of the Pat Brown Institute for Public Affairs at Cal State Los Angeles was on a panel of questioners for a U.S. Senate debate in 2016 with Harris and her general election opponent, Rep. Loretta Sanchez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was only a few feet away and she was very much in command of her spot on the stage, let’s put it that way,” Sonenshein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election2020']Harris’s debate performance before the presidential primaries was often uneven, with moments that went viral but also answers that seemed wooden or unnatural. It left voters wondering who she really was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonenshein said he hopes Harris communicates the kind of authenticity she showed on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She really generates a great deal of charisma and warmth and engagement. And some of that should be part of her presentation,” Sonenshein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris will be up against a steady and calm debater in Vice President Pence. As a former member of Congress and governor of Indiana, he’s used to debating and unlike President Trump, Pence will follow the rules and be polite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the problem is that he has to defend the president at all times, no matter what,” said Sonenshein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The largest audience ever for a vice presidential debate was in 2008, when 70 million people watched Joe Biden debate Sarah Palin, who was relatively unknown and a curiosity to many voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday night’s event in Salt Lake City, Utah will surely be the largest audience Kamala Harris has ever had. Barbara O’Connor said Harris will be the main draw for voters who want to get a better sense of the person who could be eventually be president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s wondering, you know, and I think people who are legitimately undecided will be watching with great interest,” O’Connor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the two campaigns already in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/vp-debate-coronavirus-safety/2020/10/06/ee44fa00-07e7-11eb-a166-dc429b380d10_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disagreement\u003c/a> over the placement of plexiglass dividers at the debate came word Tuesday afternoon that Stephen Miller, one of President Trump’s top advisers and husband of Pence’s communications director, tested positive for COVID-19. That could further complicate a debate that already has a high level of drama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Debates between the Democratic and Republican candidates for vice president are typically the undercard of presidential campaigns, a relatively unimportant contest squeezed in between the main events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in this topsy turvy election year, President Donald Trump’s hospitalization for COVID-19 and Joe Biden’s age might give Wednesday night’s faceoff between Vice President Mike Pence and Sen. Kamala Harris an unusually large audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This may be the most consequential vice presidential debate in American political history,” said Dan Schur, who teaches political science at USC and UC Berkeley. He acknowledges there’s not much competition for that title, since no VP debate in history has ever really resulted in more than memorable soundbites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stakes are much higher now because, without sounding ghoulish, more and more Americans are going to be wondering whether either Donald Trump or Joe Biden would be able to serve for four full years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schnur, who sat in on debate preparation for George W. Bush and Sen. John McCain, said the key is to try and plan for the unexpected, which by definition is hard to do. Former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg is playing the part of VP Pence in debate preparation for Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debate preparation, if it’s done well, is usually less about content and more about presentation,” Schnur said. “If the candidates themselves do their job right, they’re going to be familiar with the substance of the types of policy matters that they’re going to get asked about in the debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Kamala Harris, the stakes are huge. A strong performance will help cement Joe Biden’s current advantage in the polls. If she slips up or looks shaky, it creates an opening for Trump to make her the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barbara O’Connor, an emeritus professor of communications at Cal State Sacramento, said Harris “has got to make herself believable and honest, answer questions and play by the rules in order to attract the suburban women that people say [have] still not made up their minds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Connor, who was a debate coach at USC, Georgetown and Cal State Sacramento, added that Harris has to debate in a way that doesn’t turn off undecided voters and suburban women. “I think coming off as an attack dog and being vicious, which she can be,” would be a mistake, O’Connor said. “We’ve all seen it. That would scare them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suburban women are considered a key demographic Trump won in 2016 – but \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/10/01/president-trump-gets-suburbs-all-wrong/\">polls show he’s losing them now\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Harris’s most powerful moments have been as a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, questioning Trump administration officials and Supreme Court nominees like Brett Kavanaugh. But Schnur said that prosecutorial style might not serve Harris well Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Barack Obama once noted, he always felt that he needed to be more restrained and less aggressive on the public stage, simply so he didn’t, in \u003ci>his\u003c/i> words, not mine, come across as an ‘angry Black man.’ And for Harris, both as a woman and a woman of color, that challenge may be even greater,” Schnur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassandra Pye, a Republican consultant who previously worked for Arnold Schwarzenegger, said “I always worry in these situations about that phenomenon known as ‘running [for office] in heels.’ And now we’ll add a woman of color, you know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pye notes that women candidates and officeholders often face a double standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what it will be in this case, but women do face the additional scrutiny that male candidates don’t typically face,” Pye said, adding that “if I never hear about Hillary Clinton’s pantsuits again, I’d be perfectly happy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raphe Sonenshein of the Pat Brown Institute for Public Affairs at Cal State Los Angeles was on a panel of questioners for a U.S. Senate debate in 2016 with Harris and her general election opponent, Rep. Loretta Sanchez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was only a few feet away and she was very much in command of her spot on the stage, let’s put it that way,” Sonenshein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Harris’s debate performance before the presidential primaries was often uneven, with moments that went viral but also answers that seemed wooden or unnatural. It left voters wondering who she really was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonenshein said he hopes Harris communicates the kind of authenticity she showed on the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She really generates a great deal of charisma and warmth and engagement. And some of that should be part of her presentation,” Sonenshein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris will be up against a steady and calm debater in Vice President Pence. As a former member of Congress and governor of Indiana, he’s used to debating and unlike President Trump, Pence will follow the rules and be polite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the problem is that he has to defend the president at all times, no matter what,” said Sonenshein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The largest audience ever for a vice presidential debate was in 2008, when 70 million people watched Joe Biden debate Sarah Palin, who was relatively unknown and a curiosity to many voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday night’s event in Salt Lake City, Utah will surely be the largest audience Kamala Harris has ever had. Barbara O’Connor said Harris will be the main draw for voters who want to get a better sense of the person who could be eventually be president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s wondering, you know, and I think people who are legitimately undecided will be watching with great interest,” O’Connor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the two campaigns already in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/vp-debate-coronavirus-safety/2020/10/06/ee44fa00-07e7-11eb-a166-dc429b380d10_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disagreement\u003c/a> over the placement of plexiglass dividers at the debate came word Tuesday afternoon that Stephen Miller, one of President Trump’s top advisers and husband of Pence’s communications director, tested positive for COVID-19. That could further complicate a debate that already has a high level of drama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "‘Contentious’ Scenarios Arise for Ballot and Presidency If Trump’s Health Declines | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/02/919385151/president-trump-and-first-lady-test-positive-for-covid-19\">positive coronavirus test\u003c/a> has set off contingency possibilities that center on some key questions: What if COVID-19 renders the president incapable of executing the duties of his office? How would that affect the government — and the election that is now just one month away?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some significant concerns if things were to worsen,” says John Fortier, the former executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aei.org/profile/continuity-of-government-commission/\">Continuity of Government Commission\u003c/a>, a group set up in the wake of the 9/11 attacks on the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scenarios are clear, such as the president possibly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/02/919400859/what-happens-if-the-president-is-incapacitated-the-25th-amendment-charts-a-cours\">invoking the 25th Amendment\u003c/a> to briefly transfer power to Vice President Pence, as many presidents have done with their second-in-command before an elective surgery. But others are very murky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What would be a little harder is if the president got sick enough that he wasn’t able to make the determination,” Fortier tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things would get much more complicated, he adds, if Trump were to disagree with an assessment deeming him unable to perform. The challenges would only multiply if Trump’s health also required his removal from the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Friday, these questions remained hypothetical. White House chief of staff Mark Meadows told reporters Friday that the president has “mild symptoms.” First lady Melania Trump then tweeted that she too has “mild symptoms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people never develop symptoms after being infected by the coronavirus. But the seriousness of the disease is raising questions about what might happen if the 74-year-old president, whose age and weight put him at increased risk, falls seriously ill. What would happen, for instance, if he spends time in intensive care as U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson — who is roughly 20 years younger than Trump — did earlier this year during his bout with COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. system has several layers of escalation for such circumstances, Fortier says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a president is too ill to make a determination about their health, he says, “There’s still a provision in the Constitution where you can have the vice president, a majority of the Cabinet, say it’s time for the vice president to take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most contentious situation, Fortier says, would emerge if the president thinks otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress might have to decide whether to keep the president on, or to keep the vice president,” he says. “So it could go further down the line, but, you know, that would be the more extreme version.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the November election date looming, it would be “very difficult” to replace Trump on the ballot if he has to withdraw, says Fortier, who currently leads the government studies program at the Bipartisan Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is more complicated than when vice presidential candidate Tom Eagleton was replaced as George McGovern’s running mate in 1972 due to mental health issues, Fortier says. For one thing, that switch came during the summer. At this point, the 2020 ballots are already out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Could the president’s name be removed from the ballot? I think it would be very difficult,” Fortier says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other potential issues are tied to the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our election of president, we’re really not voting for president, but we’re voting for these electors in the Electoral College,” Fortier says. “They are still there on the ballot, even if you don’t see them in your state’s ballot. They are behind those names.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Election Coverage' tag='election-2020']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the Nov. 3 vote, the U.S. system has two more important dates this year: Dec. 8 is the deadline for resolving election disputes and completing any state recounts and court contests, and Dec. 14 is the day \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/the-electoral-college.aspx\">electors will meet \u003c/a>in each state to vote and sign their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, there is a possibility that even if Donald Trump’s name is still on the ballot and he were to have withdrawn, that those electors could still end up voting for the Republican ticket, whatever that is, in December.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortier also describes a scenario in which Trump formally withdraws from the race but still wins the November vote — potentially leaving the electors to select a president who wasn’t a candidate for that office on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically those electors, many of them at least, have the freedom to choose another person,” Fortier says. “We assume that would be coordinated by the party. And of course, there would be great questions about the legitimacy for the American public. But constitutionally, it’s possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is another possible outcome under that remote scenario. If Republicans can’t agree on who should replace Trump as the winning candidate, the decision on who takes over the presidency would then go to the House of Representatives, which would vote to select a new leader from among the top finishers in the election. That extraordinary scenario would give one vote to each state delegation, rather than to each member. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=%27Contentious%27+Scenarios+Arise+For+Ballot+And+Presidency+If+Trump%27s+Health+Declines&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/02/919385151/president-trump-and-first-lady-test-positive-for-covid-19\">positive coronavirus test\u003c/a> has set off contingency possibilities that center on some key questions: What if COVID-19 renders the president incapable of executing the duties of his office? How would that affect the government — and the election that is now just one month away?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some significant concerns if things were to worsen,” says John Fortier, the former executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aei.org/profile/continuity-of-government-commission/\">Continuity of Government Commission\u003c/a>, a group set up in the wake of the 9/11 attacks on the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scenarios are clear, such as the president possibly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/latest-updates-trump-covid-19-results/2020/10/02/919400859/what-happens-if-the-president-is-incapacitated-the-25th-amendment-charts-a-cours\">invoking the 25th Amendment\u003c/a> to briefly transfer power to Vice President Pence, as many presidents have done with their second-in-command before an elective surgery. But others are very murky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What would be a little harder is if the president got sick enough that he wasn’t able to make the determination,” Fortier tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things would get much more complicated, he adds, if Trump were to disagree with an assessment deeming him unable to perform. The challenges would only multiply if Trump’s health also required his removal from the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Friday, these questions remained hypothetical. White House chief of staff Mark Meadows told reporters Friday that the president has “mild symptoms.” First lady Melania Trump then tweeted that she too has “mild symptoms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people never develop symptoms after being infected by the coronavirus. But the seriousness of the disease is raising questions about what might happen if the 74-year-old president, whose age and weight put him at increased risk, falls seriously ill. What would happen, for instance, if he spends time in intensive care as U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson — who is roughly 20 years younger than Trump — did earlier this year during his bout with COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. system has several layers of escalation for such circumstances, Fortier says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a president is too ill to make a determination about their health, he says, “There’s still a provision in the Constitution where you can have the vice president, a majority of the Cabinet, say it’s time for the vice president to take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most contentious situation, Fortier says, would emerge if the president thinks otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress might have to decide whether to keep the president on, or to keep the vice president,” he says. “So it could go further down the line, but, you know, that would be the more extreme version.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the November election date looming, it would be “very difficult” to replace Trump on the ballot if he has to withdraw, says Fortier, who currently leads the government studies program at the Bipartisan Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is more complicated than when vice presidential candidate Tom Eagleton was replaced as George McGovern’s running mate in 1972 due to mental health issues, Fortier says. For one thing, that switch came during the summer. At this point, the 2020 ballots are already out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Could the president’s name be removed from the ballot? I think it would be very difficult,” Fortier says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other potential issues are tied to the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our election of president, we’re really not voting for president, but we’re voting for these electors in the Electoral College,” Fortier says. “They are still there on the ballot, even if you don’t see them in your state’s ballot. They are behind those names.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the Nov. 3 vote, the U.S. system has two more important dates this year: Dec. 8 is the deadline for resolving election disputes and completing any state recounts and court contests, and Dec. 14 is the day \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/the-electoral-college.aspx\">electors will meet \u003c/a>in each state to vote and sign their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, there is a possibility that even if Donald Trump’s name is still on the ballot and he were to have withdrawn, that those electors could still end up voting for the Republican ticket, whatever that is, in December.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortier also describes a scenario in which Trump formally withdraws from the race but still wins the November vote — potentially leaving the electors to select a president who wasn’t a candidate for that office on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically those electors, many of them at least, have the freedom to choose another person,” Fortier says. “We assume that would be coordinated by the party. And of course, there would be great questions about the legitimacy for the American public. But constitutionally, it’s possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is another possible outcome under that remote scenario. If Republicans can’t agree on who should replace Trump as the winning candidate, the decision on who takes over the presidency would then go to the House of Representatives, which would vote to select a new leader from among the top finishers in the election. That extraordinary scenario would give one vote to each state delegation, rather than to each member. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=%27Contentious%27+Scenarios+Arise+For+Ballot+And+Presidency+If+Trump%27s+Health+Declines&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-judge-extends-census-deadline-bay-area-communities-hustle-to-get-all-residents-counted",
"title": "As Judge Extends Census Deadline, Bay Area Communities Hustle to Get All Residents Counted",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.[aside tag=\"census\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count\"]‘As the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.’[/pullquote] Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If nothing else, the folks on the streets, in encampments, they have a sense of community, because sometimes that’s all they have,” Montoya said. “That’s a key word out here: community.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau completed an intensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/fact-sheets/2020/dec/2020-census-counts-homeless.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">three-day operation\u003c/a> to count people experiencing homelessness this week, but county leaders and homeless service providers around the Bay Area — not convinced that everyone has been reached — are sending out their own teams looking for folks who’ve been missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, Robbi Montoya and Annette Moretti, of the Dorothy Day House shelter, visited homeless encampments in freeway underpasses and walked the downtown streets all week, with the census website bookmarked on their computer tablets, and sacks filled with new socks and granola bars to give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839883\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_3771-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A team of U.S. Census Bureau enumerators heads out for an overnight count of people experiencing homelessness, on Telegraph Ave. in Oakland, Calif., on Sep. 23, 2020. \u003ccite>(Reid Cramer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside a tent on Howard Way, Montoya interviewed a man named Michael, and Moretti struck up a conversation with Anthony Welch, 30, a familiar face from the Dorothy Day breakfast program. Welch said he had heard of the census, but hadn’t participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had he been homeless back on April 1, the official “census day”? “Yes, I was… am,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Was he living in Berkeley then? Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spelled his name and gave his date of birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Okay, and you can — but you don’t have to — give your phone number,” Moretti went on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have a phone number,” Welch said. But yes, he added, he could surely use a pair of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few minutes, Montoya and Moretti continued on, toward a pair of men sitting outside the library. A similar effort was underway in Fremont, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, among other cities, according to county officials in charge of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839888\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-800x611.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1020x779.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1536x1173.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-2048x1564.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Cropped_IMG_1819-1920x1466.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House helps people experiencing homelessness get counted in the 2020 Census in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839322/bay-area-advocates-fear-census-homeless-count-will-come-up-short\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">local governments are anxious\u003c/a> to ensure that all their residents are counted, as the 2020 Census will be the basis of political representation and federal funding formulas for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra push by community advocates to reach unhoused people, comes as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/24/912071784/court-orders-census-counting-to-continue-through-oct-31-appeal-expected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a federal judge in San Jose ruled\u003c/a> Thursday evening that the census bureau cannot stop its counting operation at the end of September, as planned, but must continue until October 31 — which was the original pandemic-adjusted plan.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Relying on internal census documents, U.S. District \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7217559-National-Urban-League-Sept-24-2020-Order.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Judge Lucy Koh found\u003c/a> that shortening the time frame, which the Trump administration did abruptly this summer, was likely to yield fatally flawed data that would not pass Constitutional muster for apportioning Congressional seats among the states and drawing legislative district lines. The federal government is expected to appeal Koh’s ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the census bureau issued a statement saying it will comply with the court’s order and continue its so-called \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/press-kits/nonresponse-followup.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nonresponse Followup\u003c/a> operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office of general counsel is evaluating the ultimate impact of the order on the 2020 Census,” the press release said. “Field staff have been instructed to continue with current operations until updates can be provided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes as welcome news to one field supervisor working for the census bureau in a North Bay county hard hit by the recent wildfires. The person, who was not authorized to speak to the media and did not want to be identified, said the operation has been a “disaster,” in part because so many homes have burned up, and more time is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to get it done by the 30th,” the supervisor said. “But we’re definitely close enough to get it done by October 30. We’re probably two weeks out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11836966/cutting-census-staff-in-wildfire-zones-threatens-accurate-count-workers-warn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Counting those displaced by the wildfires\u003c/a> is especially tricky, and many of the door to door “enumerators” in the fire zone have been going above and beyond their assigned duties to try to track down phone numbers to locate evacuated families, the supervisor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Ditas Katague, director of California Complete Count, the state’s outreach effort — which has invested almost $190 million into promoting census participation, hailed the judge’s ruling, and noted that Californians who haven’t yet been counted can also go online to \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my2020census.gov\u003c/a> to fill out the census form themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the time being, the ruling by Judge Koh helps alleviate the pressures of the current enumeration timeline to better achieve a complete count,” said Katague. “However, as the legal battle continues, Californians should not wait — the time is now… to ensure you, your family and your community get your fair share of resources and representation for the next 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census Bureau officials emphasized that the \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/response-rates/nrfu.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">count is close to complete\u003c/a>, as 97% of all households nationally — and close to 98% in California — have been enumerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as documents disclosed in the lawsuit show, census officials insist that “in order to achieve an acceptable level of accuracy, 99% of Housing Units in every state must be resolved.” That was achieved in 2010, according to the census bureau, but would be in jeopardy if the count were ended on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley Public Library was shuttered because of the coronavirus pandemic, but a big banner promoting the 2020 Census hung over the door. In the shade, Moretti interviewed a talkative, older man with deep roots in the Bay Area, who agreed to accept her help to fill out the census questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839884\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11839884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/1920_IMG_1832-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Douglas Allen Freitag (L) tells Annette Moretti of Dorothy Day House about his family roots going back to the 1906 earthquake in San Francisco, as she helps him get counted in the 2020 Census, on Kittredge Street in Berkeley on Sep. 24, 2020. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My name is Douglas Allen Freitag,” he told her, as she tapped at the screen on her tablet. “Allen with two Ls. My father was born here in Berkeley. His parents met during the earthquake in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting nearby, Abraham Santo said he had already been counted. He said he thought more people would participate in the census if they knew what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya, the program director from Dorothy Day House, agreed. People who lack a home of their own may feel distrust about participating in a government count, she said, but the census is something most would get behind if they understood it was for the long-term benefit of the whole community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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