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"content": "\u003cp>Former Uber engineer Eddy Hernandez said it started with the yes on Proposition 22 Zoom backgrounds that began appearing around the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. Then employees were offered free Proposition 22 T-shirts, managers and executives talked about the proposition in meetings and Hernandez got the sense that bonuses and promotions would go to people who worked on projects related to promoting the proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he felt a constant push to support the proposition at work. He didn’t like feeling that kind of political pressure on the job. On top of that, Hernandez opposes the ballot initiative, and he did not feel comfortable having that viewpoint. If the proposition passes, so-called gig economy companies such as Uber, Lyft and Instacart would be exempted from state labor law and allowed to continue classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was stripped of my voice because if I said anything there would be a conflict of interest or it would affect the financials of the company. That’s a weird place to be in. It’s something I didn’t want to normalize,” he said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eddy Hernandez, former Uber engineer\"]‘I felt like I was stripped of my voice because if I said anything there would be a conflict of interest or it would affect the financials of the company … It’s something I didn’t want to normalize.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, in the middle of the pandemic and without another job, he decided he would quit. At the end of September, he handed in his resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, \u003ca href=\"https://news.techworkerscoalition.org/2020/10/30/issue-13/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who has since written a public letter about leaving Uber\u003c/a> and his opposition to Proposition 22, is not the first employee to speak out about this kind of pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers at Uber tried, unsuccessfully, to sue the company over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in-app pop-ups soliciting their support\u003c/a>. Current Uber employee Kurt Nelson also wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2020/10/06/im-a-software-engineer-at-uber-im-voting-against-prop-22/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">op-ed in TechCrunch\u003c/a> about opposing Proposition 22, and later described yes on Proposition 22 pressure at the company, similar to what Hernandez experienced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he only started working there in 2019 because the team that was hiring said the company was really changing its culture. He was apprehensive, but eventually took the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year, Hernandez said he realized the company has not changed from its past, and that there was no real interest for social good — just economic gain for the company and those who worked there. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he was alarmed by an email he said he received from Uber asking him to tell his family and friends why he supported Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said there were only two company-wide emails related to Proposition 22. White said that the second email said: “As always, lending your voice, your vote, or your time to Prop. 22 is entirely up to you. With that being said, here are some ways to pitch in, if you choose.” [aside postID=\"news_11843123\" label=\"More on Proposition 22\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the coronavirus, Hernandez said the pressure to support Proposition 22 grew. He saw more and more managers start putting the yes on Proposition 22 backgrounds on Zoom, and the company offered to give a free “yes-on-prop-22” T-shirt to any employee who wanted one and many employees started working on yes on Proposition 22 products, like pop-ups urging drivers to vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is an internal wiki page at Uber with company initiatives and priorities that employees look at to know what is important to talk about in performance review meetings, Hernandez said. He saw Proposition 22 listed there, which he felt meant that employees who did work on Proposition 22-related projects would have an easier chance of being rewarded with bonuses and promotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These materials are not what managers use as a guide for performance reviews. There is a lot displayed on the site that is not relevant to everyone,” Uber spokesperson White wrote in an email. “It is simply a general sense of what’s important to the company as a whole, which Prop. 22 obviously is.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “an employee’s position on Prop. 22 has never and in no way will factor into performance reviews.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he was alarmed by an email he said he received from Uber asking him to tell his family and friends why he supported Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said there were only two company-wide emails related to Proposition 22. White said that the second email said: “As always, lending your voice, your vote, or your time to Prop. 22 is entirely up to you. With that being said, here are some ways to pitch in, if you choose.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the coronavirus, Hernandez said the pressure to support Proposition 22 grew. He saw more and more managers start putting the yes on Proposition 22 backgrounds on Zoom, and the company offered to give a free “yes-on-prop-22” T-shirt to any employee who wanted one and many employees started working on yes on Proposition 22 products, like pop-ups urging drivers to vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is an internal wiki page at Uber with company initiatives and priorities that employees look at to know what is important to talk about in performance review meetings, Hernandez said. He saw Proposition 22 listed there, which he felt meant that employees who did work on Proposition 22-related projects would have an easier chance of being rewarded with bonuses and promotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These materials are not what managers use as a guide for performance reviews. There is a lot displayed on the site that is not relevant to everyone,” Uber spokesperson White wrote in an email. “It is simply a general sense of what’s important to the company as a whole, which Prop. 22 obviously is.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “an employee’s position on Prop. 22 has never and in no way will factor into performance reviews.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Election 2020: Final Stretch, Voting Challenges, Prop 21\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With Election Day just five days away, the campaigns of President Trump and Democratic rival Joe Biden are making their closing pitches to the electorate in an election season upended by the pandemic. Roughly 80 million voters have already cast their ballots by mail as coronavirus cases spike throughout much of the U.S., including Wisconsin, Iowa and other electoral battlegrounds. Hundreds of lawsuits have been filed to challenge changes spurred by the public health crisis to how Americans are voting this year. This week, the Supreme Court gave conflicting decisions on accepting mail-in ballots that arrive after Nov. 3 in the swing states of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Meanwhile, in California, a poll released this week by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies surveyed opinions on the dozen statewide ballot measures, including Proposition 16, which would lift a ban on affirmative action, and Proposition 21, an effort to expand rent control in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Lost in a Gallup’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We hear from W. Joseph Campbell, an academic and author of the new book “Lost in a Gallup,” which reveals the fraught history of polling in U.S. elections including, most notably, the 2016 presidential race, when seasoned pollsters and media outlets wrongly predicted a Hillary Clinton victory. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">W. Joseph Campbell, author, “Lost in a Gallup,” and professor, American University School of Communication\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dating and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new national poll conducted by the Associated Press shows that 85% of registered voters describe Americans as being greatly divided in their values. As political partisanship has grown, studies also show the number of marriages between people in different political parties shrinking significantly. Popular dating sites such as Bumble, Tinder and Hinge allow users to prominently display their political beliefs and filter prospective dates according to political affiliation or stances such as allyship with Black Lives Matter, for example. But what happens when two young people with opposing political views meet for a first date, socially distanced, over Zoom? The podcast Dateable recently conducted this social experiment and learned how a political discussion can change perceptions between two people seeking romantic connection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Krafchick, co-host, Dateable Podcast\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yue Xu, co-host, Dateable Podcast\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Pumpkin Patch Treat\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We end the show this week with the autumnal sights and sounds of a pumpkin patch — a beloved, seasonal ritual that evokes memories of russet leaves, a bracing breeze, kids clambering up towers of haystacks and scooping up plump gourds to take home and transform into spooky jack-o’-lanterns. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Election 2020: Final Stretch, Voting Challenges, Prop 21\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With Election Day just five days away, the campaigns of President Trump and Democratic rival Joe Biden are making their closing pitches to the electorate in an election season upended by the pandemic. Roughly 80 million voters have already cast their ballots by mail as coronavirus cases spike throughout much of the U.S., including Wisconsin, Iowa and other electoral battlegrounds. Hundreds of lawsuits have been filed to challenge changes spurred by the public health crisis to how Americans are voting this year. This week, the Supreme Court gave conflicting decisions on accepting mail-in ballots that arrive after Nov. 3 in the swing states of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Meanwhile, in California, a poll released this week by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies surveyed opinions on the dozen statewide ballot measures, including Proposition 16, which would lift a ban on affirmative action, and Proposition 21, an effort to expand rent control in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Lost in a Gallup’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We hear from W. Joseph Campbell, an academic and author of the new book “Lost in a Gallup,” which reveals the fraught history of polling in U.S. elections including, most notably, the 2016 presidential race, when seasoned pollsters and media outlets wrongly predicted a Hillary Clinton victory. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">W. Joseph Campbell, author, “Lost in a Gallup,” and professor, American University School of Communication\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dating and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new national poll conducted by the Associated Press shows that 85% of registered voters describe Americans as being greatly divided in their values. As political partisanship has grown, studies also show the number of marriages between people in different political parties shrinking significantly. Popular dating sites such as Bumble, Tinder and Hinge allow users to prominently display their political beliefs and filter prospective dates according to political affiliation or stances such as allyship with Black Lives Matter, for example. But what happens when two young people with opposing political views meet for a first date, socially distanced, over Zoom? The podcast Dateable recently conducted this social experiment and learned how a political discussion can change perceptions between two people seeking romantic connection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Political action committees (PACs) spent more than $3 million on the city council race in Santa Clara, a city of roughly 130,000 people in the heart of Silicon Valley. That outlay of cash is raising eyebrows among voters — and even the candidates themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears that one is trying to gain some private benefit from [those donations] and put private interests ahead of the public interests,” said John Pelissero, a senior fellow at Santa Clara University’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Markkula Center for Applied Ethics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money, most of it from Jed York, the owner of the San Francisco 49ers football team, highlights an ongoing conflict between the team and the Santa Clara City Council. York’s money is flowing to a block of city council candidates that largely come from outside of politics and are challenging incumbents or candidates backed by the current council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in late September, York began donating money to a PAC founded by former Congressman Mike Honda, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CEGFVR/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens for Efficient Government and Full Voting Rights\u003c/a>. Independent expenditure documents show that York donated $250,000 on Sept. 30, $800,000 on Oct. 1, $300,000 on Oct. 6, $950,000 on Oct. 13 and $600,000 on Oct. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that money is going towards campaign mailers and television ads supporting four candidates: Suds Jain, Harbir Bhatia, Kevin Park and Anthony Becker. The PAC is also spending on ads attacking incumbent candidates Kathy Watanabe and Teresa O’Neill as well as Robert Mezzetti and Bob O’Keefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2014, York and the City Council have been at odds over the management of Levi’s Stadium, which was built for the 49ers to play in. The two parties have fought over a number of issues, including curfews for events held at the stadium, changes in management agreements, the payment of stadium employees and late rent payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these disagreements escalated, York has become increasingly involved in local politics. During the March elections, York started a PAC called No on C-Santa Clarans for Full Voting Rights, which worked towards defeating the local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803793/santa-claras-measure-c-a-fight-over-dark-money-and-district-lines\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would have condensed the city’s six voting districts into three. York donated $330,000 to defeat the measure, and it eventually failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, with nearly $3 million in donations, York’s involvement has risen to a whole new scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>49ers spokesman Rahul Chandhok said the team wants to support candidates that represent diversity and will uphold voting rights in the city the football team calls home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park, who is running for a council seat in District 4, has raised about $16,000 on his own. Honda’s PAC — funded by York — spent more than $370,000 on mailers and ads supporting his run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"election 2020 coverage\" tag=\"election-2020\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park thinks that the candidates who are benefiting from York’s support are increasingly being grouped together in the minds of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re running individual campaigns,” said Park. “But people understand there is a fight between the incumbent-backed candidates and the independent candidates. It is a little bit of a battle of one team versus another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park said he was surprised to learn that York backed his campaign, especially since he was opposed to the football team’s moving to Santa Clara back in 2014. But over the past few years, Park has felt the city hasn’t cooperated with the 49ers and has failed to talk to them reasonably. He figures Jed York supports his run because he can be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 49ers are more willing to work with a group of people that opposes them but is willing to talk, as opposed to a group of people, like the current city council, that opposes them but doesn’t want to talk,” Park said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Neill, the incumbent who is running against Park, is suspicious of York’s motives. She has been on the city council since 2007 and feels that the 49ers are a behemoth and that it requires skill, patience and skepticism to handle their complicated contract. She said that she has tried to cooperate and “play nice” with the football team, but got “steamrolled” in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared — not for myself — I will be fine,” O’Neill said. “But I’m scared for Santa Clara because I don’t think some of these people that are running, I don’t think they realize what they’re up against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\" Jessica Levinson, Loyola Marymount Law School professor\"]‘The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not alone in her skepticism. \u003ca href=\"https://scpoapac.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Santa Clara Police Association PAC\u003c/a> has spent a little more than $70,000 on a campaign supporting the incumbent and city council-backed candidates and opposing the political newcomers. In early October, the association created a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/d9BiyOFwPrw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">satirical video\u003c/a> mocking York’s expenditures on his candidates of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia is running for the District 1 seat and, like Park, was confused by York’s support. She is nervous of what voters will think of all this money backing her campaign and resents the idea that she is bought and paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe all the PACs just should have stayed out,” Bhatia said. “We had such a great grassroots campaign. It’s not like we waited until [the 49ers] got involved. We’ve been working our butts off for the last five months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia said she wishes that money had gone towards building affordable housing in the city or towards education. Before York started donating millions to support her run, she felt she was able to discuss the issues that face her city with voters. Now, she said, all anyone wants to talk about is the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson said that voters and candidates can only speculate about the true motivations of donors who give large sums of money towards political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s anything inherently evil about spending large sums of independent expenditures,” Levinson said. “I think it raises a whole host of questions about the influence of money in politics and the best way to run elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed out that since the Supreme Court’s ruling in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/1017/when-money-became-speech-the-rise-of-the-super-pac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens United \u003c/a>case, independent expenditures, or money spent by a political organization without guidance from candidates, are considered a form of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of [York’s] goal of diversifying the city council, I think most people would view that as a laudable goal, and we can ask ourselves whether the ends justify the means,” she said. “The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Political action committees (PACs) spent more than $3 million on the city council race in Santa Clara, a city of roughly 130,000 people in the heart of Silicon Valley. That outlay of cash is raising eyebrows among voters — and even the candidates themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears that one is trying to gain some private benefit from [those donations] and put private interests ahead of the public interests,” said John Pelissero, a senior fellow at Santa Clara University’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Markkula Center for Applied Ethics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money, most of it from Jed York, the owner of the San Francisco 49ers football team, highlights an ongoing conflict between the team and the Santa Clara City Council. York’s money is flowing to a block of city council candidates that largely come from outside of politics and are challenging incumbents or candidates backed by the current council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in late September, York began donating money to a PAC founded by former Congressman Mike Honda, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CEGFVR/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens for Efficient Government and Full Voting Rights\u003c/a>. Independent expenditure documents show that York donated $250,000 on Sept. 30, $800,000 on Oct. 1, $300,000 on Oct. 6, $950,000 on Oct. 13 and $600,000 on Oct. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that money is going towards campaign mailers and television ads supporting four candidates: Suds Jain, Harbir Bhatia, Kevin Park and Anthony Becker. The PAC is also spending on ads attacking incumbent candidates Kathy Watanabe and Teresa O’Neill as well as Robert Mezzetti and Bob O’Keefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2014, York and the City Council have been at odds over the management of Levi’s Stadium, which was built for the 49ers to play in. The two parties have fought over a number of issues, including curfews for events held at the stadium, changes in management agreements, the payment of stadium employees and late rent payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these disagreements escalated, York has become increasingly involved in local politics. During the March elections, York started a PAC called No on C-Santa Clarans for Full Voting Rights, which worked towards defeating the local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803793/santa-claras-measure-c-a-fight-over-dark-money-and-district-lines\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would have condensed the city’s six voting districts into three. York donated $330,000 to defeat the measure, and it eventually failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, with nearly $3 million in donations, York’s involvement has risen to a whole new scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>49ers spokesman Rahul Chandhok said the team wants to support candidates that represent diversity and will uphold voting rights in the city the football team calls home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park, who is running for a council seat in District 4, has raised about $16,000 on his own. Honda’s PAC — funded by York — spent more than $370,000 on mailers and ads supporting his run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park thinks that the candidates who are benefiting from York’s support are increasingly being grouped together in the minds of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re running individual campaigns,” said Park. “But people understand there is a fight between the incumbent-backed candidates and the independent candidates. It is a little bit of a battle of one team versus another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park said he was surprised to learn that York backed his campaign, especially since he was opposed to the football team’s moving to Santa Clara back in 2014. But over the past few years, Park has felt the city hasn’t cooperated with the 49ers and has failed to talk to them reasonably. He figures Jed York supports his run because he can be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 49ers are more willing to work with a group of people that opposes them but is willing to talk, as opposed to a group of people, like the current city council, that opposes them but doesn’t want to talk,” Park said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Neill, the incumbent who is running against Park, is suspicious of York’s motives. She has been on the city council since 2007 and feels that the 49ers are a behemoth and that it requires skill, patience and skepticism to handle their complicated contract. She said that she has tried to cooperate and “play nice” with the football team, but got “steamrolled” in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared — not for myself — I will be fine,” O’Neill said. “But I’m scared for Santa Clara because I don’t think some of these people that are running, I don’t think they realize what they’re up against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not alone in her skepticism. \u003ca href=\"https://scpoapac.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Santa Clara Police Association PAC\u003c/a> has spent a little more than $70,000 on a campaign supporting the incumbent and city council-backed candidates and opposing the political newcomers. In early October, the association created a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/d9BiyOFwPrw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">satirical video\u003c/a> mocking York’s expenditures on his candidates of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia is running for the District 1 seat and, like Park, was confused by York’s support. She is nervous of what voters will think of all this money backing her campaign and resents the idea that she is bought and paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe all the PACs just should have stayed out,” Bhatia said. “We had such a great grassroots campaign. It’s not like we waited until [the 49ers] got involved. We’ve been working our butts off for the last five months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia said she wishes that money had gone towards building affordable housing in the city or towards education. Before York started donating millions to support her run, she felt she was able to discuss the issues that face her city with voters. Now, she said, all anyone wants to talk about is the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson said that voters and candidates can only speculate about the true motivations of donors who give large sums of money towards political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s anything inherently evil about spending large sums of independent expenditures,” Levinson said. “I think it raises a whole host of questions about the influence of money in politics and the best way to run elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed out that since the Supreme Court’s ruling in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/1017/when-money-became-speech-the-rise-of-the-super-pac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens United \u003c/a>case, independent expenditures, or money spent by a political organization without guidance from candidates, are considered a form of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of [York’s] goal of diversifying the city council, I think most people would view that as a laudable goal, and we can ask ourselves whether the ends justify the means,” she said. “The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration’s family separation policy was marked by “reckless incompetence and intentional cruelty,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/20400755/the_trump_administration_family_separation_policy_trauma_destruction_and_chaos.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released Thursday by the U.S. House Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new report, released as the result of a 21-month investigation, shows that the administration’s plan to separate families at the U.S.-Mexico border began much earlier than many knew: within weeks of President Trump’s inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an outrageous, shameful chapter in America’s history,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-San Jose, who serves on the Judiciary Committee and chairs the House Immigration Subcommittee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep. Zoe Lofgren\"]‘Either it was an intentional human rights abuse or it was [done] with such a reckless disregard that it might as well have been an intentional human rights abuse.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also found that while a formal process of separations didn’t start until the summer of 2017, that spring saw a spike in family separations. The percentage of children in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) as a result of family separation jumped from 0.3% in November 2016 to 2.6% in March 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the report details information that has been widespread in the more than three years since separations began, it highlights the lack of communication between agencies under the Department of Homeland Security; particularly U.S. Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of this disorganization happened in July 2018, according to the report, after U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego ordered the youngest group of separated children to be reunified with their parents. On July 16, 2018, “37 ‘tender age’ children were approved for reunification with their parents at an ICE detention facility.” But, after waiting eight hours at the facility, “ICE still had not processed any of the parents.” ORR officials then took the children back to the buses, where they waited until late in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1802px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1802\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png 1802w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-800x337.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1020x429.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1536x646.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1802px) 100vw, 1802px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to the report, inconsistent guidance — as displayed here — made the separation process “chaotic and even more cruel than necessary.” \u003ccite>(House Judiciary Committee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she was struck by the widespread knowledge of the program and the complicity of people within the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the way from the secretary of Homeland Security to the attorney general to the head of the Border Patrol: They knew that they were taking these children away and they lacked the capacity to track them with their parents or to ever reunite them,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, court documents detailed that lawyers and advocates were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843100/parents-of-545-children-separated-at-u-s-mexico-border-still-cant-be-found\">unable to find the parents of hundreds of children\u003c/a> who’d been separated in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the committee’s report, during that initial five-month pilot program in El Paso, Texas, where many of those 545 families were separated, Trump administration officials “discovered that the government was unable to track separated family members in a way that allowed for later reunification of children with their parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And, knowing that, they went ahead and took thousands of children away from their parents anyway,” Lofgren said. “Either it was an intentional human rights abuse or it was [done] with such a reckless disregard that it might as well have been an intentional human rights abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='family-separation']This week, a group of doctors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843880/us-treatment-of-migrant-children-falls-under-un-definition-of-torture-doctors-say\">published a paper in the medical journal Pediatrics\u003c/a> alleging that the federal government’s treatment of separated families amounts to torture under international law. Lofgren said she agrees with that assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Children were taken from their parents without even being told what was going on. They never had a chance to even say goodbye to their parents. They were traumatized and removed to remote locations. Really there’s no excuse for it, and it really is torture in some cases,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to redress the policy of family separation, and numerous other issues at the border, Lofgren said she’s working on a comprehensive rewrite of the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/laws-and-policy/legislation/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act hasn’t really been rewritten in its entirety since 1965, and it doesn’t well-serve the United States at this point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren plans to release the new version before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also found that while a formal process of separations didn’t start until the summer of 2017, that spring saw a spike in family separations. The percentage of children in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) as a result of family separation jumped from 0.3% in November 2016 to 2.6% in March 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the report details information that has been widespread in the more than three years since separations began, it highlights the lack of communication between agencies under the Department of Homeland Security; particularly U.S. Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of this disorganization happened in July 2018, according to the report, after U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego ordered the youngest group of separated children to be reunified with their parents. On July 16, 2018, “37 ‘tender age’ children were approved for reunification with their parents at an ICE detention facility.” But, after waiting eight hours at the facility, “ICE still had not processed any of the parents.” ORR officials then took the children back to the buses, where they waited until late in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1802px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1802\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png 1802w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-800x337.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1020x429.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1536x646.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1802px) 100vw, 1802px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to the report, inconsistent guidance — as displayed here — made the separation process “chaotic and even more cruel than necessary.” \u003ccite>(House Judiciary Committee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she was struck by the widespread knowledge of the program and the complicity of people within the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the way from the secretary of Homeland Security to the attorney general to the head of the Border Patrol: They knew that they were taking these children away and they lacked the capacity to track them with their parents or to ever reunite them,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, court documents detailed that lawyers and advocates were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843100/parents-of-545-children-separated-at-u-s-mexico-border-still-cant-be-found\">unable to find the parents of hundreds of children\u003c/a> who’d been separated in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This week, a group of doctors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843880/us-treatment-of-migrant-children-falls-under-un-definition-of-torture-doctors-say\">published a paper in the medical journal Pediatrics\u003c/a> alleging that the federal government’s treatment of separated families amounts to torture under international law. Lofgren said she agrees with that assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Children were taken from their parents without even being told what was going on. They never had a chance to even say goodbye to their parents. They were traumatized and removed to remote locations. Really there’s no excuse for it, and it really is torture in some cases,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to redress the policy of family separation, and numerous other issues at the border, Lofgren said she’s working on a comprehensive rewrite of the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/laws-and-policy/legislation/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act hasn’t really been rewritten in its entirety since 1965, and it doesn’t well-serve the United States at this point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren plans to release the new version before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With just five days to go before Election Day, Brianna Noble mounted up, put her ballot in her saddle bag and rode out. She was joined by several dozen people and two other riders in a “Ride Out to Vote” event that traveled from Laney College to a designated ballot drop box in front of the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voting is important,” Noble said simply, when asked why she organized the event. “Just vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844482\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844482\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L) and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L), and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Noble, the founder of the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.mulattomeadows.com/humble\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Humble\u003c/a>, which mentors youth through horseback riding, said she especially wanted to get out the vote in her own community, among “people that look like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rachel Royce, president of Metropolitan Horsemen's Association\"]‘If you want to have some change, you have to step up.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time you bring horses around to do anything, people pay attention,” Noble said. “I’m going to try to use that ‘Look, a horse!’ moment as much as I can, to influence my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were certainly plenty of people who said, “Look a horse!” when Noble rode through the streets of Oakland during a Black Lives Matter protest in June. As the nation was roiled with anger and anguish over the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, Noble’s image quickly became a beacon of strength. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822227/oaklands-protest-rider-on-why-she-took-to-horseback-for-george-floyd\">Photos of her\u003c/a> astride her Appaloosa, Dapper Dan, with her fist raised in the air, went viral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elka Karl and her son Uli ride their bikes to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was such power in that image for me, especially in the context of the protest and especially in the context of all these images of police officers with their knees on the necks of Black men,“ said Molly Gore, one of the coordinators of Thursday’s ride to the ballot box. “To see Brianna on her horse evoked such power and such hope and such courage at a time that felt so disempowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ride included people strolling along on foot and pedaling bicycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very important in this day and age, if you want to have some change, you have to step up,” said Rachel Royce, one of the equestrians at the march and the president of the Metropolitan Horsemen’s Association. “That’s why I’m here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everybody should just go out and exercise their right to vote,” said Dale Johnson, who said his grandparents were born in the segregated South in the early 1900s. “No matter where you fall on the spectrum, I think it’s important that everyone get their voice out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The riders didn’t need a permit for the day’s event, said Gore, because the city of Oakland considers horses similar to vehicles — as long as they ride responsibly and observe traffic rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland march was one of several similar events taking place around the country, including in Maryland and Pennsylvania, as part of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.fucktalkinggovote.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fuck Talking. Go Vote\u003c/a>,” a project of the Compton Cowboys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With stables located in the heart of the city of Compton, the Cowboys’ mission is to “provide a positive influence on inner-city youth and to combat negative stereotypes about African-Americans.” When the \u003ca href=\"https://c4aa.org/2020/10/unstoppable-voters-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Unstoppable Voters Project\u003c/a> offered funding to support creative ways to get people to the polls, Compton Cowboys co-founder Randy Savvy had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844476\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844476\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble's horse, Dapper Dan, wears her 'I Voted' sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble’s horse Dapper Dan wears her ‘I Voted’ sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Superior Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We wanted it to be loud and very different and something that will create shock value,” Savvy said, who is also known by the last name Hook. “It’s all about getting people out and community and civic engagement and participating in the democratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their video, the Cowboys make a powerful pitch for voting: “The future of our country is at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always felt like the cowboy represents being a force for some type of change, like a trailblazer,” Savvy says in the video. “Somebody who, when there wasn’t a way, they made one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/RNcjxuXuZcI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have a lot of reason to feel that their vote doesn’t matter right now and to be disillusioned by what we’re calling a democracy that isn’t actually serving the people,” said co-coordinator Gore. “It points to this idea that your vote is your voice and you can talk as much as you want … but the way we effect change in the system is through voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noble’s nonprofit Humble also filmed a video, “Ride Out to Vote,” featuring riders galloping across the Bay Area, from Fort Funston in San Francisco to Wildcat Canyon Regional Park in Richmond to Gilroy. The video plays on a Pony Express theme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/n-p0d4URc_4\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every vote counts. Get yours in by Nov. 3,” the video concludes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With just five days to go before Election Day, Brianna Noble mounted up, put her ballot in her saddle bag and rode out. She was joined by several dozen people and two other riders in a “Ride Out to Vote” event that traveled from Laney College to a designated ballot drop box in front of the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voting is important,” Noble said simply, when asked why she organized the event. “Just vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844482\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844482\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L) and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L), and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Noble, the founder of the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.mulattomeadows.com/humble\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Humble\u003c/a>, which mentors youth through horseback riding, said she especially wanted to get out the vote in her own community, among “people that look like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time you bring horses around to do anything, people pay attention,” Noble said. “I’m going to try to use that ‘Look, a horse!’ moment as much as I can, to influence my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were certainly plenty of people who said, “Look a horse!” when Noble rode through the streets of Oakland during a Black Lives Matter protest in June. As the nation was roiled with anger and anguish over the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, Noble’s image quickly became a beacon of strength. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822227/oaklands-protest-rider-on-why-she-took-to-horseback-for-george-floyd\">Photos of her\u003c/a> astride her Appaloosa, Dapper Dan, with her fist raised in the air, went viral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elka Karl and her son Uli ride their bikes to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was such power in that image for me, especially in the context of the protest and especially in the context of all these images of police officers with their knees on the necks of Black men,“ said Molly Gore, one of the coordinators of Thursday’s ride to the ballot box. “To see Brianna on her horse evoked such power and such hope and such courage at a time that felt so disempowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ride included people strolling along on foot and pedaling bicycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The riders didn’t need a permit for the day’s event, said Gore, because the city of Oakland considers horses similar to vehicles — as long as they ride responsibly and observe traffic rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland march was one of several similar events taking place around the country, including in Maryland and Pennsylvania, as part of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.fucktalkinggovote.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fuck Talking. Go Vote\u003c/a>,” a project of the Compton Cowboys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With stables located in the heart of the city of Compton, the Cowboys’ mission is to “provide a positive influence on inner-city youth and to combat negative stereotypes about African-Americans.” When the \u003ca href=\"https://c4aa.org/2020/10/unstoppable-voters-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Unstoppable Voters Project\u003c/a> offered funding to support creative ways to get people to the polls, Compton Cowboys co-founder Randy Savvy had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844476\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844476\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble's horse, Dapper Dan, wears her 'I Voted' sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble’s horse Dapper Dan wears her ‘I Voted’ sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Superior Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We wanted it to be loud and very different and something that will create shock value,” Savvy said, who is also known by the last name Hook. “It’s all about getting people out and community and civic engagement and participating in the democratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their video, the Cowboys make a powerful pitch for voting: “The future of our country is at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always felt like the cowboy represents being a force for some type of change, like a trailblazer,” Savvy says in the video. “Somebody who, when there wasn’t a way, they made one.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/RNcjxuXuZcI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/RNcjxuXuZcI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“People have a lot of reason to feel that their vote doesn’t matter right now and to be disillusioned by what we’re calling a democracy that isn’t actually serving the people,” said co-coordinator Gore. “It points to this idea that your vote is your voice and you can talk as much as you want … but the way we effect change in the system is through voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noble’s nonprofit Humble also filmed a video, “Ride Out to Vote,” featuring riders galloping across the Bay Area, from Fort Funston in San Francisco to Wildcat Canyon Regional Park in Richmond to Gilroy. The video plays on a Pony Express theme.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/n-p0d4URc_4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/n-p0d4URc_4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“Every vote counts. Get yours in by Nov. 3,” the video concludes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Contra Costa County election officials have confirmed that ballots deposited into a drop box located at Richmond City Hall on Oct. 12 have gone missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Konopasek, Contra Costa’s assistant registrar of voters, said Thursday that county officials do not know why “dozens, max” of ballots that were placed in the drop box at Richmond City Hall cannot be accounted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said a two-person team from his office collected 84 ballots from that drop box on Oct. 12, a pick-up that happens six days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Scott Konopasek, assistant registrar of voters for Contra Costa County\"]‘I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are aware of reports by dozens of voters, and claims on social media, that they deposited their ballot into the Richmond City Hall drop box on Oct. 12 and the county has not been able to confirm receipt of the ballot,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballots could have been improperly processed and are not showing up as having been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that happened and we don’t know why it happened … but we’re making sure the voters get to vote,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office found about 40 of those voters through “sleuthing” phone numbers and Nextdoor social media posts, he said. Those voters were able to take advantage of various ways to recast their ballots. “We’ve re-mailed ballots to most of them, and then others we’ve told how to vote in person between now and Election Day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Konopasek said he does not know if all the voters whose ballots may have disappeared from that drop box on Oct. 12 know their ballot went missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County Elections Department has 37 drop boxes stationed throughout the county; the Richmond City Hall box is one of three in that city. Nearly 150,000 ballots had been returned from those drop boxes as of Thursday morning, Konopasek said, who stressed that this one Richmond box is the only one with which problems have arisen. About 370,000 total ballots have been returned in Contra Costa County so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that [it] feeds into whole narrative of discrediting our election processes in the country,” he said. “Yeah something happened, something that shouldn’t happen, but you can’t extrapolate that to the whole system being corrupt or broken or that there’s any kind of systemic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation turned up no evidence of physical tampering with the drop box, Konopasek said, nor evidence of nefarious actions by elections workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is,” said Konopasek, who said the investigation will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11835370,news_11841059,news_11841201 label='Voting Resources']But there’s a “glass half full” element to this, as Konopasek put it. It’s thanks to an online ballot-tracking tool the county is using for the first time that voters could see there was a problem in the first place. The missing ballots were also cast early enough for those problems to be discovered, and for those voters to be offered a second opportunity to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said discussions have already taken place about installing electronic surveillance covering the drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County voters who want to verify receipt of their ballot can \u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us/\">use the county’s “Track My Vote by Mail” feature\u003c/a> or call the Elections Department at (925) 335-7800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said the 150,000 drop box ballots are among 370,000 overall ballots returned by Contra Costa voters as of Thursday morning — representing 52% of the county’s registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters in Contra Costa are voting early, and are paying attention to what’s going on,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay City News and KQED’s Tara Siler contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Contra Costa County election officials have confirmed that ballots deposited into a drop box located at Richmond City Hall on Oct. 12 have gone missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Konopasek, Contra Costa’s assistant registrar of voters, said Thursday that county officials do not know why “dozens, max” of ballots that were placed in the drop box at Richmond City Hall cannot be accounted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said a two-person team from his office collected 84 ballots from that drop box on Oct. 12, a pick-up that happens six days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are aware of reports by dozens of voters, and claims on social media, that they deposited their ballot into the Richmond City Hall drop box on Oct. 12 and the county has not been able to confirm receipt of the ballot,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballots could have been improperly processed and are not showing up as having been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that happened and we don’t know why it happened … but we’re making sure the voters get to vote,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office found about 40 of those voters through “sleuthing” phone numbers and Nextdoor social media posts, he said. Those voters were able to take advantage of various ways to recast their ballots. “We’ve re-mailed ballots to most of them, and then others we’ve told how to vote in person between now and Election Day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Konopasek said he does not know if all the voters whose ballots may have disappeared from that drop box on Oct. 12 know their ballot went missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County Elections Department has 37 drop boxes stationed throughout the county; the Richmond City Hall box is one of three in that city. Nearly 150,000 ballots had been returned from those drop boxes as of Thursday morning, Konopasek said, who stressed that this one Richmond box is the only one with which problems have arisen. About 370,000 total ballots have been returned in Contra Costa County so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that [it] feeds into whole narrative of discrediting our election processes in the country,” he said. “Yeah something happened, something that shouldn’t happen, but you can’t extrapolate that to the whole system being corrupt or broken or that there’s any kind of systemic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation turned up no evidence of physical tampering with the drop box, Konopasek said, nor evidence of nefarious actions by elections workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is,” said Konopasek, who said the investigation will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But there’s a “glass half full” element to this, as Konopasek put it. It’s thanks to an online ballot-tracking tool the county is using for the first time that voters could see there was a problem in the first place. The missing ballots were also cast early enough for those problems to be discovered, and for those voters to be offered a second opportunity to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said discussions have already taken place about installing electronic surveillance covering the drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County voters who want to verify receipt of their ballot can \u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us/\">use the county’s “Track My Vote by Mail” feature\u003c/a> or call the Elections Department at (925) 335-7800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said the 150,000 drop box ballots are among 370,000 overall ballots returned by Contra Costa voters as of Thursday morning — representing 52% of the county’s registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters in Contra Costa are voting early, and are paying attention to what’s going on,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay City News and KQED’s Tara Siler contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In northern Los Angeles County, a natural political experiment is playing out in one of the state’s fiercest electoral battlegrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pair of Santa Clarita Republicans, freshman Congressman Mike Garcia and state Sen. Scott Wilk, are charting different political paths as they try to defend seats in two overlapping swing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk is seeking a second term in the state Senate after two terms in the Assembly. He’s among the most moderate members of the legislature and crossed over to vote with Democrats on a number of high profile bills during the last legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia is running for election to a full term in the House of Representatives. He won a special House election in May, flipping a newly Democratic seat back to Republican control. Buoyed by an endorsement from President Donald Trump, Garcia has stood by the president and largely aligned himself with the GOP minority in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shared territory between the 25th Congressional district and the 21st state Senate district, and the differences between Garcia and Wilk’s campaigns could create a “ticket-splitting” scenario, in which voters choose Wilk, but not Garcia, or vice versa, said Republican strategist Rob Stutzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It will be interesting to see what happens,” he said. “If Garcia were to lose and Wilk were to win, with Wilk outperforming Garcia within the overlaying area … it could be an indication of the more veteran and better known politician who has had more chance to deliver constituent services, like Wilk, outperforming a new federal candidate.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It also may indicate that voters are looking at how the state is governed separately from how they’re looking at national politics,” Stutzman said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Antelope and Santa Clarita valleys are going through a political transition. These exurbs of Los Angeles have grown and diversified, and transplants from the city of Los Angeles have helped turn the traditionally conservative High Desert into an electoral battleground — home to more liberal cities like Lancaster and Palmdale and purple suburbs like Santa Clarita.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 25th Congressional District and 21st State Senate District cover both valleys, with the congressional district map stretching west into Ventura County, and the senate district spanning east to cover parts of the Apple Valley. Democrats now hold a roughly seven-point registration advantage over Republicans in both districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leftward shifts were evident in 2018, when Democrats claimed the 25th Congressional District as part of the “Blue Wave,” with Katie Hill knocking off incumbent Republican Steve Knight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Hill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783343/democratic-congresswoman-katie-hill-resigns-over-inappropriate-relationships\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned from the seat\u003c/a> amid a sex scandal, and in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814835/campaigning-from-home-how-the-pandemic-is-shaping-californias-first-coronavirus-era-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">May special election held to fill the seat\u003c/a>, Republican businessman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101877508/republicans-win-closely-watched-california-special-election-to-fill-katie-hills-house-seat\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mike Garcia defeated Democratic Assemblywoman Christy Smith\u003c/a> by an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818072/republicans-win-back-socal-congressional-seat-democrats-flipped-in-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">impressive ten-point margin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia was bolstered in that race by late support from President Donald Trump, who tweeted multiple endorsements of the former Navy fighter pilot in the closing days of the campaign. And despite the headwinds facing Trump and the Republican Party in his district, Garcia has done little to break with party orthodoxy during his five months in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/congress-trump-score/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FiveThirtyEight’s tracker of key votes in Congress\u003c/a>, Garcia has sided with Trump on 10 of 11 major votes during his brief time in the House, including votes against Democratic-led bills on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/25/883263263/house-approves-police-reform-bill-but-issue-stalled-amid-partisan-standoff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">police reform\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/01/us/house-infrastructure-package-coronavirus.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">infrastructure funding\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/house-democrats-push-through-first-bill-in-a-decade-expanding-affordable-care-act/2020/06/29/350d3046-ba0f-11ea-8cf5-9c1b8d7f84c6_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">health care subsidies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on Trump’s performance in the 25th district during the 2016 election, the model expects Garcia to side with Trump’s position on just 9% of votes. The difference between Garcia’s expected and actual alignment with Trump (which FiveThirtyEight calls the “Trump plus-minus”) comes out to 81.8% — the highest mark of any Congressmember during Trump’s time in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond his votes, Garcia has avoided the kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/10/11/gop-rep-steve-knight-distances-himself-from-trump-in-tight-ca-race.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">delicate criticism of the president\u003c/a> voiced by Steve Knight, the Republican who held the seat from 2015-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I would say a candidate like Garcia has committed to a strategy that his reelection becomes reliant upon the president likely winning that congressional district,” Stutzman said. “He has decided not only does he have nowhere to hide from the president, but let’s go all in and try to optimize and basically run a base election strategy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the only general election debate between Garcia and Smith, held last week by the Santa Clarita Valley Chamber of Commerce, Garcia defended his independence and votes on legislation like the $1.5 billion infrastructure bill, which he said “would have raised our taxes and made our lives more painful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m loyal to my country,” Garcia said. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I don’t have loyalties to my party, I don’t have loyalties to any individuals.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he represents many of the same communities as Garcia, Scott Wilk has positioned himself as a moderate in the California State Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis conducted by CalMatters at the start of the legislative session in 2019 found that Wilk had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/most-popular-bill-california-legislature-bipartisan-coauthors/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the highest percentage of bills co-authored with a member of the opposing party\u003c/a> of any legislator in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued to work across the aisle this year, voting with Democrats to ban police officers from using chokeholds and carotid restraints, and casting the Senate’s only Republican vote in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826042/california-voters-to-decide-on-restoring-affirmative-action-allowing-parolees-to-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">placing Proposition 16 and Proposition 17 on the ballot\u003c/a>, which would end California’s ban on affirmative action and restore voting rights for parolees, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Wilk received the highest rating given to a Republican on legislative scorecards published by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.calafscme.org/legislator-scores-2019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cft.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/cft_2019_legislative_scorecard_0.pdf?1570824278\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Federation of Teachers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.plannedparenthoodaction.org/uploads/filer_public/e6/93/e6938d55-bd42-46dc-97d6-6f1267960b43/2019_scorecard.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Planned Parenthood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk described his style as working “to try to get to yes,” in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WGrEV4n7Ff4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">interview last month with KHTS\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I work with the majority party when they’re right and I oppose or try to get things amended when they’re wrong to bring better policies to Sacramento,” Wilk said. “Because honestly I think bipartisan solutions are the best and the longest lasting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843856\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843856\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"478\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Garcia is running for Congress in the 25th District. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The differences between the political climate in Congress and the state Legislature could rationalize the approaches of Wilk and Garcia for voters, said Mark Hershey, a Republican activist in Santa Clarita, who says he fully supports both candidates. [aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"More Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Garcia does align himself with Trump, but I think it’s mostly that he aligns himself with the principles that the president has: protect the border, smaller taxes, strong military,” said Hershey, who chairs the GOP’s 38th Assembly District Central Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To get stuff done Wilk has got to reach across because it’s a [Democratic] supermajority,” Hershey said. “So he has to kind of blend with them and he’s very good at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wilk’s bipartisan efforts haven’t shielded him from a fierce challenge from Democratic candidate Kipp Mueller, who has called out Wilk’s past opposition to gun control legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the very same groups that gave Wilk a positive rating for his votes, including the California Federation of Teachers and Planned Parenthood, have donated to Mueller’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Congressman Mike Garcia and State Sen. Scott Wilk are charting different paths as they defend swing districts.",
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"title": "North of Los Angeles, Two Republicans Chart Different Paths for Political Survival | KQED",
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"headline": "North of Los Angeles, Two Republicans Chart Different Paths for Political Survival",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In northern Los Angeles County, a natural political experiment is playing out in one of the state’s fiercest electoral battlegrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pair of Santa Clarita Republicans, freshman Congressman Mike Garcia and state Sen. Scott Wilk, are charting different political paths as they try to defend seats in two overlapping swing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk is seeking a second term in the state Senate after two terms in the Assembly. He’s among the most moderate members of the legislature and crossed over to vote with Democrats on a number of high profile bills during the last legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia is running for election to a full term in the House of Representatives. He won a special House election in May, flipping a newly Democratic seat back to Republican control. Buoyed by an endorsement from President Donald Trump, Garcia has stood by the president and largely aligned himself with the GOP minority in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shared territory between the 25th Congressional district and the 21st state Senate district, and the differences between Garcia and Wilk’s campaigns could create a “ticket-splitting” scenario, in which voters choose Wilk, but not Garcia, or vice versa, said Republican strategist Rob Stutzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It will be interesting to see what happens,” he said. “If Garcia were to lose and Wilk were to win, with Wilk outperforming Garcia within the overlaying area … it could be an indication of the more veteran and better known politician who has had more chance to deliver constituent services, like Wilk, outperforming a new federal candidate.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It also may indicate that voters are looking at how the state is governed separately from how they’re looking at national politics,” Stutzman said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Antelope and Santa Clarita valleys are going through a political transition. These exurbs of Los Angeles have grown and diversified, and transplants from the city of Los Angeles have helped turn the traditionally conservative High Desert into an electoral battleground — home to more liberal cities like Lancaster and Palmdale and purple suburbs like Santa Clarita.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 25th Congressional District and 21st State Senate District cover both valleys, with the congressional district map stretching west into Ventura County, and the senate district spanning east to cover parts of the Apple Valley. Democrats now hold a roughly seven-point registration advantage over Republicans in both districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leftward shifts were evident in 2018, when Democrats claimed the 25th Congressional District as part of the “Blue Wave,” with Katie Hill knocking off incumbent Republican Steve Knight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Hill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783343/democratic-congresswoman-katie-hill-resigns-over-inappropriate-relationships\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned from the seat\u003c/a> amid a sex scandal, and in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814835/campaigning-from-home-how-the-pandemic-is-shaping-californias-first-coronavirus-era-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">May special election held to fill the seat\u003c/a>, Republican businessman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101877508/republicans-win-closely-watched-california-special-election-to-fill-katie-hills-house-seat\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mike Garcia defeated Democratic Assemblywoman Christy Smith\u003c/a> by an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818072/republicans-win-back-socal-congressional-seat-democrats-flipped-in-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">impressive ten-point margin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia was bolstered in that race by late support from President Donald Trump, who tweeted multiple endorsements of the former Navy fighter pilot in the closing days of the campaign. And despite the headwinds facing Trump and the Republican Party in his district, Garcia has done little to break with party orthodoxy during his five months in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/congress-trump-score/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FiveThirtyEight’s tracker of key votes in Congress\u003c/a>, Garcia has sided with Trump on 10 of 11 major votes during his brief time in the House, including votes against Democratic-led bills on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/25/883263263/house-approves-police-reform-bill-but-issue-stalled-amid-partisan-standoff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">police reform\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/01/us/house-infrastructure-package-coronavirus.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">infrastructure funding\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/house-democrats-push-through-first-bill-in-a-decade-expanding-affordable-care-act/2020/06/29/350d3046-ba0f-11ea-8cf5-9c1b8d7f84c6_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">health care subsidies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on Trump’s performance in the 25th district during the 2016 election, the model expects Garcia to side with Trump’s position on just 9% of votes. The difference between Garcia’s expected and actual alignment with Trump (which FiveThirtyEight calls the “Trump plus-minus”) comes out to 81.8% — the highest mark of any Congressmember during Trump’s time in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond his votes, Garcia has avoided the kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/10/11/gop-rep-steve-knight-distances-himself-from-trump-in-tight-ca-race.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">delicate criticism of the president\u003c/a> voiced by Steve Knight, the Republican who held the seat from 2015-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I would say a candidate like Garcia has committed to a strategy that his reelection becomes reliant upon the president likely winning that congressional district,” Stutzman said. “He has decided not only does he have nowhere to hide from the president, but let’s go all in and try to optimize and basically run a base election strategy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the only general election debate between Garcia and Smith, held last week by the Santa Clarita Valley Chamber of Commerce, Garcia defended his independence and votes on legislation like the $1.5 billion infrastructure bill, which he said “would have raised our taxes and made our lives more painful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m loyal to my country,” Garcia said. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I don’t have loyalties to my party, I don’t have loyalties to any individuals.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he represents many of the same communities as Garcia, Scott Wilk has positioned himself as a moderate in the California State Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis conducted by CalMatters at the start of the legislative session in 2019 found that Wilk had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/most-popular-bill-california-legislature-bipartisan-coauthors/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the highest percentage of bills co-authored with a member of the opposing party\u003c/a> of any legislator in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued to work across the aisle this year, voting with Democrats to ban police officers from using chokeholds and carotid restraints, and casting the Senate’s only Republican vote in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826042/california-voters-to-decide-on-restoring-affirmative-action-allowing-parolees-to-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">placing Proposition 16 and Proposition 17 on the ballot\u003c/a>, which would end California’s ban on affirmative action and restore voting rights for parolees, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Wilk received the highest rating given to a Republican on legislative scorecards published by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.calafscme.org/legislator-scores-2019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cft.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/cft_2019_legislative_scorecard_0.pdf?1570824278\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Federation of Teachers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.plannedparenthoodaction.org/uploads/filer_public/e6/93/e6938d55-bd42-46dc-97d6-6f1267960b43/2019_scorecard.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Planned Parenthood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk described his style as working “to try to get to yes,” in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WGrEV4n7Ff4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">interview last month with KHTS\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I work with the majority party when they’re right and I oppose or try to get things amended when they’re wrong to bring better policies to Sacramento,” Wilk said. “Because honestly I think bipartisan solutions are the best and the longest lasting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843856\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843856\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"478\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Garcia is running for Congress in the 25th District. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The differences between the political climate in Congress and the state Legislature could rationalize the approaches of Wilk and Garcia for voters, said Mark Hershey, a Republican activist in Santa Clarita, who says he fully supports both candidates. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Garcia does align himself with Trump, but I think it’s mostly that he aligns himself with the principles that the president has: protect the border, smaller taxes, strong military,” said Hershey, who chairs the GOP’s 38th Assembly District Central Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To get stuff done Wilk has got to reach across because it’s a [Democratic] supermajority,” Hershey said. “So he has to kind of blend with them and he’s very good at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wilk’s bipartisan efforts haven’t shielded him from a fierce challenge from Democratic candidate Kipp Mueller, who has called out Wilk’s past opposition to gun control legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the very same groups that gave Wilk a positive rating for his votes, including the California Federation of Teachers and Planned Parenthood, have donated to Mueller’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure",
"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure",
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"headTitle": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Election 2020\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,KQED's California Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45342_001_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11833598 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/09182019_uber-lyft-qut-1020x640.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841547,news_11841059 label='Election 2020 Resources']In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep Barbara Lee\"]‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’[/pullquote]PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11842964 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Uber-Driver-1020x701.jpg']Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David McCuan, Sonoma State University\"]‘It is the holy grail of political communication.’[/pullquote]Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state's most expensive ballot measure ever would lock-in a new category of worker in California - and it would be nearly impossible to change.",
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"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Misty Masvalo has been living in a retrofitted van for the past few years. She’s added solar panels, a propane stovetop and a sink operated by a foot pump. She’s working on installing a compostable toilet, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like [the van] is a little beach shack on wheels,” Masvalo said. “I have to make it a little comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo wants to find permanent housing, but can’t see how that’s going to happen, unless the price of housing drops substantially — or her wages rise substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her wages as a part-time yoga instructor and preschool teacher have never been enough to make it easy to keep a roof over her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers in general don’t make great money, but early childhood educators are especially affected by low wages,” Masvalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving several times between different apartments in the region, Masvalo decided to cash out her savings and buy the van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she’s watching a local measure on Mountain View’s November ballot. Measure C would ban oversized vehicles, or any vehicle “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=32778\">which exceeds 22 feet in length or 7 feet in width or 7 feet in height,\u003c/a>” from parking on streets that are 40 feet or narrower, unless the vehicle is parked for short duration activities like loading and unloading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more people like Masvalo park along major thoroughfares and back roads, the Mountain View City Council has come under pressure from homeowners who complain that oversized vehicles block bike lanes and line of sight for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of talking about a “safe parking” program, the city finally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782096/after-mountain-view-approves-rv-ban-housing-advocates-vow-to-fight-it-at-ballot-box\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">created one in 2019\u003c/a>. People can park their RVs or oversized vans in sections of dedicated parking lots, as long as they agree to sign up for social services and support to find permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View resident Prody Hazarika supports Measure C, because he thinks people should use the safe parking program instead of parking on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to encourage the right path,” he said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880303/election-2020-mountain-view-moves-to-keep-a-ban-on-rvs\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “That can only be accomplished where you have parking lots where you can get better in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazarika believes that Measure C gives homeowners a voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Homeowners] have a right to demand safe streets and good community living,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentiments are echoed by Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga. She also doesn’t believe RVs are a permanent solution to housing and said Measure C would encourage people to find more stable housing or to use the city-funded safe parking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’m really proud of is the safe lots that we’ve opened,” she said. “They are successful and I’m open to adding more spaces if we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/safe_parking_program.asp\">Mountain View’s Safe Parking program\u003c/a> is the largest of its kind in Santa Clara County, with 75 spots located across the city. But according to a Safe Parking report from September, the city’s homeless population has grown over the years, from 276 in 2015 to about 606 in 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://movemv.org/\">Move Mountain View\u003c/a>, a nonprofit which helps run the safe parking program, says safe parking lots are often filled, leaving many on the waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite evidence that most homeless individuals are local, many of Measure C’s supporters hold a widely held belief that those living in vehicles come from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain View has become known for the services that we provide, so other cities are telling folks to come here,” said former mayor Lisa Matichak during a recent forum on housing hosted by the \u003ca href=\"https://mvmha.com/\">Mountain View Mobile Home Alliance\u003c/a>. Matichak is one of four former Mountain View mayors currently running for a city council seat this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move Mountain View said participants of the program are asked whether they live in Mountain View before they can qualify for a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need reciprocity,” said former mayor Lenny Siegel, who is also running for a city council seat. A long-time affordable housing advocate, he opposes Measure C because he feels it pushes people out before providing an alternative housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t throw people out until there’s a place to go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo’s van is eight feet tall, which means she’d be affected by Measure C if it passes. She feels her job is important to the Mountain View community and wants be able to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to take care of your children so that you can work your eight plus hours a day and make your wonderful annual salary?” she asked. “We’re just doing our best to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Misty Masvalo has been living in a retrofitted van for the past few years. She’s added solar panels, a propane stovetop and a sink operated by a foot pump. She’s working on installing a compostable toilet, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like [the van] is a little beach shack on wheels,” Masvalo said. “I have to make it a little comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo wants to find permanent housing, but can’t see how that’s going to happen, unless the price of housing drops substantially — or her wages rise substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her wages as a part-time yoga instructor and preschool teacher have never been enough to make it easy to keep a roof over her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers in general don’t make great money, but early childhood educators are especially affected by low wages,” Masvalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving several times between different apartments in the region, Masvalo decided to cash out her savings and buy the van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she’s watching a local measure on Mountain View’s November ballot. Measure C would ban oversized vehicles, or any vehicle “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=32778\">which exceeds 22 feet in length or 7 feet in width or 7 feet in height,\u003c/a>” from parking on streets that are 40 feet or narrower, unless the vehicle is parked for short duration activities like loading and unloading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more people like Masvalo park along major thoroughfares and back roads, the Mountain View City Council has come under pressure from homeowners who complain that oversized vehicles block bike lanes and line of sight for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of talking about a “safe parking” program, the city finally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782096/after-mountain-view-approves-rv-ban-housing-advocates-vow-to-fight-it-at-ballot-box\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">created one in 2019\u003c/a>. People can park their RVs or oversized vans in sections of dedicated parking lots, as long as they agree to sign up for social services and support to find permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View resident Prody Hazarika supports Measure C, because he thinks people should use the safe parking program instead of parking on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to encourage the right path,” he said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880303/election-2020-mountain-view-moves-to-keep-a-ban-on-rvs\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “That can only be accomplished where you have parking lots where you can get better in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazarika believes that Measure C gives homeowners a voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Homeowners] have a right to demand safe streets and good community living,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentiments are echoed by Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga. She also doesn’t believe RVs are a permanent solution to housing and said Measure C would encourage people to find more stable housing or to use the city-funded safe parking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’m really proud of is the safe lots that we’ve opened,” she said. “They are successful and I’m open to adding more spaces if we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/safe_parking_program.asp\">Mountain View’s Safe Parking program\u003c/a> is the largest of its kind in Santa Clara County, with 75 spots located across the city. But according to a Safe Parking report from September, the city’s homeless population has grown over the years, from 276 in 2015 to about 606 in 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://movemv.org/\">Move Mountain View\u003c/a>, a nonprofit which helps run the safe parking program, says safe parking lots are often filled, leaving many on the waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite evidence that most homeless individuals are local, many of Measure C’s supporters hold a widely held belief that those living in vehicles come from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain View has become known for the services that we provide, so other cities are telling folks to come here,” said former mayor Lisa Matichak during a recent forum on housing hosted by the \u003ca href=\"https://mvmha.com/\">Mountain View Mobile Home Alliance\u003c/a>. Matichak is one of four former Mountain View mayors currently running for a city council seat this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move Mountain View said participants of the program are asked whether they live in Mountain View before they can qualify for a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need reciprocity,” said former mayor Lenny Siegel, who is also running for a city council seat. A long-time affordable housing advocate, he opposes Measure C because he feels it pushes people out before providing an alternative housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t throw people out until there’s a place to go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo’s van is eight feet tall, which means she’d be affected by Measure C if it passes. She feels her job is important to the Mountain View community and wants be able to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to take care of your children so that you can work your eight plus hours a day and make your wonderful annual salary?” she asked. “We’re just doing our best to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Gig Companies Are Making Their Workers Promote Prop. 22",
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"content": "\u003cp>Even as gig companies \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_22,_App-Based_Drivers_as_Contractors_and_Labor_Policies_Initiative_(2020)\">spend a record amount\u003c/a> of advertising money on Proposition 22, they’re making their gig workers help them market the ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 would create a carve out from \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">California labor law\u003c/a> to allow a handful of gig companies to continue classifying their workers as contractors, making them ineligible for employee protections and benefits like unemployment insurance and workers compensation. Lyft, Uber, Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates have spent almost $200 million on the pro-Proposition 22 campaign. Where does the money go? Ads, obviously, and political consultants – but it’s also going to in-app messages, flyers and takeout packaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"William Gould, Stanford University law professor\"]‘If ever there was compelled speech, and an interference with a right of freedom of speech, which is protected in California for private sector workers, this is it.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve taken a ride with Uber or Lyft recently, you’ve probably seen a pro-Proposition 22 ad in the app. That marketing is also directed at drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month at work, Hector Castellanos started seeing it while he was driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop 22” or “Okay.” At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Proposition 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 577px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"577\" height=\"575\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg 577w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510-160x159.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 577px) 100vw, 577px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from Uber driver Hector Castellanos’ phone. There was no option for him to click ‘no’ to close the pop up. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Hector Castellanos)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the work day, he kept seeing the pop up again and again. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was particularly upsetting to Castellanos because he opposes Proposition 22. A few years ago, he got into an accident while driving for Lyft and needed surgery on his shoulder. He couldn’t work for eight months, and because he is not an employee, he did not get worker’s compensation. His oldest daughter had to drop out of college and go to work to help the family pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was something that really got to my heart,” Castellanos says, “I was probably just one case in thousands like me.” He decided drivers like him had to be employees to get basic protections like guaranteed minimum wage and workers compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson says the company changed the pop up recently to be more informational and give drivers an option to close it. Also, the spokesperson said that the pop up should have only appeared one time when drivers go offline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But drivers sometimes log off when they switch between all different apps they work for, which means they could have to click through the pop up repeatedly. Castellanos estimates that he was seeing it 25 or 30 times a day.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SamWHarnett/status/1318289882347786240?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber isn’t the only company using workers to spread pro-Proposition 22 messages to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/7kp5yq/instacart-asked-its-gig-workers-to-distribute-propaganda-that-would-hurt-them\">Instacart asked workers through the app\u003c/a> to put pro-Proposition 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/2020/10/16/21520005/doordash-prop-22-gig-workers-ab5-apps\">DoorDash is providing free pro-Proposition 22 food delivery bags\u003c/a> to restaurants, which workers then have to use to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-470x470.jpg 470w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the millions of pro-Proposition 22 delivery bags that DoorDash sent to restaurants, and that gig workers have to use to deliver food to customers. \u003ccite>(DoorDash)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor William Gould says all three of these instances could be violating the protected speech of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was compelled speech, and an interference with a right of freedom of speech, which is protected in California for private sector workers, this is it,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federally these workers have little protection. Since the Supreme Court protected the speech of corporations as if they were people in its 2010 Citizens United decision, companies have had far more ability to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/may/07/politics-at-work-employee-mobilization-lobbying\">mobilize their workers toward particular political goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However what these gig companies have made workers do “could be in violation of California \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1101&lawCode=LAB\">labor code sections 1101 and 1102\u003c/a>,” said David Levine, a law professor at UC Hastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those sections prevent an employer from attempting to control or direct the political activities or affiliations of their employees. The gig companies contend their workers are actually contractors not employees – which means they would not be protected by these sections of the labor code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that very employment status is the central issue at stake with Proposition 22 – and if it passes, gig companies would have a much easier time having workers distribute political materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the assertion that distributing these materials infringed on freedom of speech, a spokesperson for the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign said “Each company is communicating with their customers in various ways because of the high stakes in this election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says it has sent more than 4 million of the bags to over 600 restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Update: \u003c/em>\u003cem>A spokesperson for DoorDash says more than 4 million bags have been requested by restaurants, but that the company has only sent out around 150 thousand.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Even as gig companies \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_22,_App-Based_Drivers_as_Contractors_and_Labor_Policies_Initiative_(2020)\">spend a record amount\u003c/a> of advertising money on Proposition 22, they’re making their gig workers help them market the ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 would create a carve out from \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">California labor law\u003c/a> to allow a handful of gig companies to continue classifying their workers as contractors, making them ineligible for employee protections and benefits like unemployment insurance and workers compensation. Lyft, Uber, Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates have spent almost $200 million on the pro-Proposition 22 campaign. Where does the money go? Ads, obviously, and political consultants – but it’s also going to in-app messages, flyers and takeout packaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve taken a ride with Uber or Lyft recently, you’ve probably seen a pro-Proposition 22 ad in the app. That marketing is also directed at drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month at work, Hector Castellanos started seeing it while he was driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop 22” or “Okay.” At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Proposition 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 577px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"577\" height=\"575\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg 577w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510-160x159.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 577px) 100vw, 577px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from Uber driver Hector Castellanos’ phone. There was no option for him to click ‘no’ to close the pop up. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Hector Castellanos)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the work day, he kept seeing the pop up again and again. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was particularly upsetting to Castellanos because he opposes Proposition 22. A few years ago, he got into an accident while driving for Lyft and needed surgery on his shoulder. He couldn’t work for eight months, and because he is not an employee, he did not get worker’s compensation. His oldest daughter had to drop out of college and go to work to help the family pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was something that really got to my heart,” Castellanos says, “I was probably just one case in thousands like me.” He decided drivers like him had to be employees to get basic protections like guaranteed minimum wage and workers compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson says the company changed the pop up recently to be more informational and give drivers an option to close it. Also, the spokesperson said that the pop up should have only appeared one time when drivers go offline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But drivers sometimes log off when they switch between all different apps they work for, which means they could have to click through the pop up repeatedly. Castellanos estimates that he was seeing it 25 or 30 times a day.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber isn’t the only company using workers to spread pro-Proposition 22 messages to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/7kp5yq/instacart-asked-its-gig-workers-to-distribute-propaganda-that-would-hurt-them\">Instacart asked workers through the app\u003c/a> to put pro-Proposition 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/2020/10/16/21520005/doordash-prop-22-gig-workers-ab5-apps\">DoorDash is providing free pro-Proposition 22 food delivery bags\u003c/a> to restaurants, which workers then have to use to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-470x470.jpg 470w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the millions of pro-Proposition 22 delivery bags that DoorDash sent to restaurants, and that gig workers have to use to deliver food to customers. \u003ccite>(DoorDash)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor William Gould says all three of these instances could be violating the protected speech of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was compelled speech, and an interference with a right of freedom of speech, which is protected in California for private sector workers, this is it,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federally these workers have little protection. Since the Supreme Court protected the speech of corporations as if they were people in its 2010 Citizens United decision, companies have had far more ability to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/may/07/politics-at-work-employee-mobilization-lobbying\">mobilize their workers toward particular political goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However what these gig companies have made workers do “could be in violation of California \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1101&lawCode=LAB\">labor code sections 1101 and 1102\u003c/a>,” said David Levine, a law professor at UC Hastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those sections prevent an employer from attempting to control or direct the political activities or affiliations of their employees. The gig companies contend their workers are actually contractors not employees – which means they would not be protected by these sections of the labor code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that very employment status is the central issue at stake with Proposition 22 – and if it passes, gig companies would have a much easier time having workers distribute political materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the assertion that distributing these materials infringed on freedom of speech, a spokesperson for the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign said “Each company is communicating with their customers in various ways because of the high stakes in this election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says it has sent more than 4 million of the bags to over 600 restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Update: \u003c/em>\u003cem>A spokesperson for DoorDash says more than 4 million bags have been requested by restaurants, but that the company has only sent out around 150 thousand.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At a recent rally in Pennsylvania, President Trump appealed directly to the voting bloc he knows he needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suburban women, will you please like me?” he pleaded as the crowd cheered. “I saved your damn neighborhood!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was referring to his efforts to dismantle an Obama-era federal rule \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/23/894794169/president-trump-to-repeal-obama-era-fair-housing-rule-aimed-to-combat-racial-bia\">meant to combat housing segregation\u003c/a>. Trump said he’s helping to preserve “once thriving” suburbs and help homeowners, both of which are thinly-veiled ways to play up racial and economic divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1278136326647406593\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bonnie Keller, a 64-year-old white woman who lives in a suburban area in Fresno, said she’s not swayed by Trump’s argument. Keller said she’s Christian and leans Republican, but Trump’s crude demeanor turns her off. She didn’t vote for him in 2016 and won’t vote for him now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wasn’t impressed from the get go,” Keller said. “That is just my complete distaste of his behavior. It is not professional in my book. He is not a leader who has qualities I respect and admire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a lot of suburban, white women supported Trump. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exit-polls\">Exit polls\u003c/a> from 2016 show that Trump won 49% of suburban voters, and 52% of all votes cast by white women. Historically, white, suburban women have supported the Republican nominee — something former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/09/481433789/hillary-clinton-fights-to-win-over-her-own-demographic-white-women\">battled against\u003c/a> four years ago — which helps explain why Trump is so desperate to get those voters now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the numbers look different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The polling is showing that Trump is losing support among women, period,” said Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy at University of Southern California. “Particularly when it comes to his demeanor. Some of the things that he said, the actions he’s taken with regard to the coronavirus, with race relations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and national surveys back Romero’s assertion. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2020.pdf\">September poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California found that 65% of likely women voters support Democrat Joe Biden. And a \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/powered-trust-pandemic-biden-leads-12-points-nationwide/story?id=73528233\">recent national poll\u003c/a> conducted for ABC and the Washington Post found that among likely women voters, 59% support Biden. That result includes 62% of all suburban women, and 54% of suburban white women. \u003ca href=\"https://cawp.rutgers.edu/presidential-poll-tracking-2020#GGN\">Other polls\u003c/a> find similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"MORE ELECTION COVERAGE\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Trump thinks he’s tapped into what women voters are looking for. At the end of the day, he thinks that could overshadow any issues they have with his personality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know what women want? More than anything else? They want safety, security and they want to be able to have their houses,” Trump said at a recent rally in North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That message resonated with Chico resident Jenni Schaeffer, who is 56 years old, white and lives alone. She said Trump is a narcissist and drives her crazy. But she’s also worried about her safety and is planning to get a concealed carry permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to policies and stuff, I don’t want someone taking my guns away,” Schaeffer said. “As a woman, that’s my only equalizer. And I think Biden and Harris will take that away from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaeffer is also strongly anti-abortion, another policy she aligns with Trump on. So, while she doesn’t like his tweets or the things he says, she’ll likely vote to give him a second term. And as the election draws closer, Trump is hoping there are more women like her who back his policies, if not his persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>But Bonnie Keller, a 64-year-old white woman who lives in a suburban area in Fresno, said she’s not swayed by Trump’s argument. Keller said she’s Christian and leans Republican, but Trump’s crude demeanor turns her off. She didn’t vote for him in 2016 and won’t vote for him now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wasn’t impressed from the get go,” Keller said. “That is just my complete distaste of his behavior. It is not professional in my book. He is not a leader who has qualities I respect and admire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a lot of suburban, white women supported Trump. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exit-polls\">Exit polls\u003c/a> from 2016 show that Trump won 49% of suburban voters, and 52% of all votes cast by white women. Historically, white, suburban women have supported the Republican nominee — something former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/09/481433789/hillary-clinton-fights-to-win-over-her-own-demographic-white-women\">battled against\u003c/a> four years ago — which helps explain why Trump is so desperate to get those voters now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the numbers look different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The polling is showing that Trump is losing support among women, period,” said Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy at University of Southern California. “Particularly when it comes to his demeanor. Some of the things that he said, the actions he’s taken with regard to the coronavirus, with race relations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
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},
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
},
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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