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"content": "\u003cp>There are only a few days left until Election Day on Nov. 5, 2024. And beyond the presidential race, voters in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">have a long list of important issues to vote on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">return your mail-in ballot \u003c/a>at this stage, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">early in-person voting is now also available across the Bay Area\u003c/a>. And, of course, you can go to a vote site on Election Day itself and vote in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">When is my last chance to request time off to vote on Nov. 5?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But what if you’ll be working on Nov. 5? Can you request time off from work to go vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The quick answer is: Yes, in California, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">voters can take as much time off from work on Election Day as they need to go and vote at a polling booth. \u003c/a>But \u003cem>only \u003c/em>two hours of that time will be paid, and if you work Monday-Friday you’ll need to \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">request this time as soon as possible\u003c/a>, and by Friday Nov. 1 at the very latest .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While employers are required by state law to respect the time workers need to go vote, there are a few things to keep in mind. Keep reading for what you need to know about requesting time off from your employer to vote on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What to know about rights as a worker and a voter on Election Day\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"request-time-off-to-vote\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>You need to give advance notice ASAP\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re scheduled to work on Nov. 5 and are planning to vote in person, let your boss know \u003cem>as soon as possible\u003c/em> that you will need to take some time off that day. This is important because state law allows employers \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">to require advance notice for any voting-related scheduling requests\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How far in advance of Election Day do you need to ask your boss for time to go vote? According to the California Elections Code, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">you must notify your employer at least two working days prior to the election\u003c/a>. So, if you work Monday through Friday and Election Day is on Tuesday, Nov. 5, you should talk to your boss by Friday, Nov. 1, about taking time off to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consider how much time off to request and when you’ll vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you have this conversation with your boss, let them know how much time you think you need to go to the polling station, fill out your ballot and come back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can have more than two hours off, but only two of those must be paid, said Brittany Stonesifer, senior staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Northern California.[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']“If you’re supposed to work an eight-hour shift, and you spend two of those hours voting on Election Day and six of them working, your pay stubs should reflect eight hours of paid work [for that day],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, figure out with your boss ahead of time \u003cem>when \u003c/em>during the day is best to go vote. State law specifies that the hours you take off should be at the beginning or end of your regular work shift, whichever option gives you more time to vote and takes less time from your shift. You \u003cem>can \u003c/em>ask for time in the middle of the day, but your employer is not required to give you that specific block of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are open statewide on Nov. 5 for Election Day from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m., and you can find your polling place using \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/polling-place\">California’s Find Your Polling Place\u003c/a> tool. Keep in mind that Bay Area counties have different rules about where you can cast your ballot. Voters registered in Contra Costa, San Francisco and Solano counties are assigned to a specific location for in-person voting. Voters in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Sonoma counties can cast their ballots at any voting center in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your travel time can be included in your time off to vote \u003c/strong>—\u003cstrong> it just might not be paid\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if where you work is quite far from where you need to vote, and you may need more than two hours to go vote and come back?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After two hours, your employer is not required to pay you for that time,” Stonesifer said. A worker can still take the time they need to finish voting, she adds, “but they just won’t be paid after the two hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the two-hour mark is approaching and you’re still in line waiting to vote, another option is to return to the polling place \u003cem>once \u003c/em>your shift is done if it ends before 8 p.m. Remember that polling stations in California are open till 8 p.m. and if you’re still in line when the clock strikes 8 p.m., Stonesifer recommends that voters “should stay in line, because they have the right to vote if they’re in line when polls close, however long that line is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Remember that voting by mail is still an option\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re reading this ahead of Nov. 5, and you already know that your schedule will be packed with work and personal stuff, another option is to fill out the ballot you automatically received in the mail during your free time before Election Day and return it — to make sure you don’t miss the opportunity to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mail-in ballots can be submitted into a official drop box or at a voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5 — both of which are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011386/why-is-my-county-saying-i-should-mail-in-my-ballot-a-whole-week-before-election-day\">recommended at this stage over mailing your ballot via USPS\u003c/a>, to make sure it reaches your county elections office in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do still choose to mail your ballot, the return postage is already paid but USPS must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count, so avoid using a USPS collection box that’s already had its last collection for the day on Nov. 5. Many boxes have their last collection at 5 p.m., or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have more tips on how to submit your ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide#faq\">in the FAQ section of KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I spoke to my boss and they rejected my request for time off to vote. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are eligible to vote in California and asked your employer for time to go and vote on Nov. 5, at least two working days in advance, and they rejected your request, they could be in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an employer threatens a worker for making this request, the ACLU’s Stonesifer said this “would be a violation of that person’s voting rights — that is not legal to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your employer might not be familiar with the state’s voting laws, so consider sharing the Secretary of State’s \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">Notice To Employers Regarding Employee Time Off For Voting (PDF)\u003c/a> when discussing the request. This document confirms that California law protects the right of voters to take time off from work to vote in person on Election Day and that employers are required to respect this right. State law also requires all employers to post this notice somewhere in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One more thing your boss is not allowed to do: Employers cannot require workers to bring or complete their vote-by-mail ballots at work. That is, your boss cannot tell you to “just bring in your ballot on Nov. 5 and complete it during your shift” as an alternative to giving you time off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s prohibited under state law because, obviously, that could open up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">opportunities for influencing people’s votes unfairly\u003c/a>,” Stonesifer said. “People have the right to vote with their vote-by-mail ballot if they choose, or they can go and vote in person if they prefer or need to. And it’s not up to the employer to influence that decision in any way.” (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">Read KQED’s guide on how to keep your voting choices private\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re still having trouble with your employer, you have a few options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call the Secretary of State’s Voter Hotline at 800-345-VOTE (8683). You can discuss your specific situation or request more information on how to talk to your employer about voting rights.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the ACLU of Northern California at 415-621-2488 or \u003ca href=\"https://intake.aclunc.org/\">submit an online form\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law at their Election Protection hotline: 866-OUR-VOTE.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But remember: It’s \u003cem>a\u003c/em> \u003cem>lot \u003c/em>easier to get support for your situation ahead of time than on Nov. 5 itself, as both the Secretary of State and legal aid groups will be a lot busier that day. This is yet another reason to make a plan for voting — and talk to your employer about Election Day — as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This guide includes reporting from KQED’s Carly Severn, and was originally published on Oct. 14.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There are only a few days left until Election Day on Nov. 5, 2024. And beyond the presidential race, voters in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">have a long list of important issues to vote on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">return your mail-in ballot \u003c/a>at this stage, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">early in-person voting is now also available across the Bay Area\u003c/a>. And, of course, you can go to a vote site on Election Day itself and vote in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">When is my last chance to request time off to vote on Nov. 5?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But what if you’ll be working on Nov. 5? Can you request time off from work to go vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The quick answer is: Yes, in California, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">voters can take as much time off from work on Election Day as they need to go and vote at a polling booth. \u003c/a>But \u003cem>only \u003c/em>two hours of that time will be paid, and if you work Monday-Friday you’ll need to \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">request this time as soon as possible\u003c/a>, and by Friday Nov. 1 at the very latest .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While employers are required by state law to respect the time workers need to go vote, there are a few things to keep in mind. Keep reading for what you need to know about requesting time off from your employer to vote on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What to know about rights as a worker and a voter on Election Day\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"request-time-off-to-vote\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>You need to give advance notice ASAP\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re scheduled to work on Nov. 5 and are planning to vote in person, let your boss know \u003cem>as soon as possible\u003c/em> that you will need to take some time off that day. This is important because state law allows employers \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">to require advance notice for any voting-related scheduling requests\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How far in advance of Election Day do you need to ask your boss for time to go vote? According to the California Elections Code, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">you must notify your employer at least two working days prior to the election\u003c/a>. So, if you work Monday through Friday and Election Day is on Tuesday, Nov. 5, you should talk to your boss by Friday, Nov. 1, about taking time off to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consider how much time off to request and when you’ll vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you have this conversation with your boss, let them know how much time you think you need to go to the polling station, fill out your ballot and come back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can have more than two hours off, but only two of those must be paid, said Brittany Stonesifer, senior staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Northern California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you’re supposed to work an eight-hour shift, and you spend two of those hours voting on Election Day and six of them working, your pay stubs should reflect eight hours of paid work [for that day],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, figure out with your boss ahead of time \u003cem>when \u003c/em>during the day is best to go vote. State law specifies that the hours you take off should be at the beginning or end of your regular work shift, whichever option gives you more time to vote and takes less time from your shift. You \u003cem>can \u003c/em>ask for time in the middle of the day, but your employer is not required to give you that specific block of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are open statewide on Nov. 5 for Election Day from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m., and you can find your polling place using \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/polling-place\">California’s Find Your Polling Place\u003c/a> tool. Keep in mind that Bay Area counties have different rules about where you can cast your ballot. Voters registered in Contra Costa, San Francisco and Solano counties are assigned to a specific location for in-person voting. Voters in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Sonoma counties can cast their ballots at any voting center in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your travel time can be included in your time off to vote \u003c/strong>—\u003cstrong> it just might not be paid\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if where you work is quite far from where you need to vote, and you may need more than two hours to go vote and come back?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After two hours, your employer is not required to pay you for that time,” Stonesifer said. A worker can still take the time they need to finish voting, she adds, “but they just won’t be paid after the two hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the two-hour mark is approaching and you’re still in line waiting to vote, another option is to return to the polling place \u003cem>once \u003c/em>your shift is done if it ends before 8 p.m. Remember that polling stations in California are open till 8 p.m. and if you’re still in line when the clock strikes 8 p.m., Stonesifer recommends that voters “should stay in line, because they have the right to vote if they’re in line when polls close, however long that line is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Remember that voting by mail is still an option\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re reading this ahead of Nov. 5, and you already know that your schedule will be packed with work and personal stuff, another option is to fill out the ballot you automatically received in the mail during your free time before Election Day and return it — to make sure you don’t miss the opportunity to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mail-in ballots can be submitted into a official drop box or at a voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5 — both of which are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011386/why-is-my-county-saying-i-should-mail-in-my-ballot-a-whole-week-before-election-day\">recommended at this stage over mailing your ballot via USPS\u003c/a>, to make sure it reaches your county elections office in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do still choose to mail your ballot, the return postage is already paid but USPS must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count, so avoid using a USPS collection box that’s already had its last collection for the day on Nov. 5. Many boxes have their last collection at 5 p.m., or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have more tips on how to submit your ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide#faq\">in the FAQ section of KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I spoke to my boss and they rejected my request for time off to vote. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are eligible to vote in California and asked your employer for time to go and vote on Nov. 5, at least two working days in advance, and they rejected your request, they could be in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an employer threatens a worker for making this request, the ACLU’s Stonesifer said this “would be a violation of that person’s voting rights — that is not legal to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your employer might not be familiar with the state’s voting laws, so consider sharing the Secretary of State’s \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">Notice To Employers Regarding Employee Time Off For Voting (PDF)\u003c/a> when discussing the request. This document confirms that California law protects the right of voters to take time off from work to vote in person on Election Day and that employers are required to respect this right. State law also requires all employers to post this notice somewhere in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One more thing your boss is not allowed to do: Employers cannot require workers to bring or complete their vote-by-mail ballots at work. That is, your boss cannot tell you to “just bring in your ballot on Nov. 5 and complete it during your shift” as an alternative to giving you time off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s prohibited under state law because, obviously, that could open up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">opportunities for influencing people’s votes unfairly\u003c/a>,” Stonesifer said. “People have the right to vote with their vote-by-mail ballot if they choose, or they can go and vote in person if they prefer or need to. And it’s not up to the employer to influence that decision in any way.” (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">Read KQED’s guide on how to keep your voting choices private\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re still having trouble with your employer, you have a few options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call the Secretary of State’s Voter Hotline at 800-345-VOTE (8683). You can discuss your specific situation or request more information on how to talk to your employer about voting rights.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the ACLU of Northern California at 415-621-2488 or \u003ca href=\"https://intake.aclunc.org/\">submit an online form\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law at their Election Protection hotline: 866-OUR-VOTE.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But remember: It’s \u003cem>a\u003c/em> \u003cem>lot \u003c/em>easier to get support for your situation ahead of time than on Nov. 5 itself, as both the Secretary of State and legal aid groups will be a lot busier that day. This is yet another reason to make a plan for voting — and talk to your employer about Election Day — as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This guide includes reporting from KQED’s Carly Severn, and was originally published on Oct. 14.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger held up the idea of bipartisanship and noted that his time as governor taught him “to love policy and ignore politics.” He said that while he isn’t pleased with either party, a second Trump administration would only leave the country “angrier, more divided, and more hateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate who won’t respect your vote unless it is for him, a candidate who will send his followers to storm the Capitol while he watches with a Diet Coke, a candidate who has shown no ability to work to pass any policy besides a tax cut that helped his donors and other rich people like me but helped no one else … a candidate who thinks Americans who disagree with him are the bigger enemies than China, Russia, or North Korea — that won’t solve our problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger continued that it’s time “to close the door on this chapter of American history” and move forward as a country — and that even though he has plenty of disagreements with their platform, the only way to do that is with Harris and running mate Tim Walz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vote this week,” he said. “Turn the page and put this junk behind us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12009870,news_12008793\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With control of the House at stake, California’s 47th Congressional District has become a battleground for the national partisan divide. Shifting demographics and a gap in college education levels are reshaping the Orange County electorate.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s very unlikely — but \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2024-election-forecast/\">theoretically possible\u003c/a> — that the presidential election ends with a 269–269 tie in the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would mean that neither Kamala Harris nor Donald Trump, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/15/nx-s1-5153420/swing-state-map-donald-trump-kamala-harris-polls\">locked in a toss-up race\u003c/a>, wins enough electoral votes to become president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hasn’t happened in modern American politics — \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1800\">it did happen back in 1800\u003c/a> — and after a renewed effort to change how Nebraska allocates its electoral votes \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/24/nx-s1-5123871/a-republican-push-to-change-how-nebraska-awards-its-electoral-votes-stalls\">failed\u003c/a>, the prospect of a tie is now looking even less[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]But if this year’s election did end 269–269, the U.S. Constitution does have a plan for what happens next. Experts and scholars point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-happens-if-trump-and-biden-tie-in-the-electoral-college/\">Article II\u003c/a> as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/what-happens-when-there-is-a-tie-in-the-electoral-college\">12th Amendment\u003c/a> to outline how this would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who has written a lot about presidential elections and presidential nominations, said we “have a pretty good rulebook” for where things go if there is a tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, she said, the election moves to the U.S. House of Representatives, where the newly elected members of Congress would first have to be sworn in and then vote on who becomes president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each state – regardless of the size of the state’s delegation – would then get one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if they would deliberate or not or just take a poll,” Kamarck said. “In some cases, it’d be pretty easy. And they would cast their vote for one of the people who finished in the Electoral College.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it is unlikely \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5111891/independent-third-party-candidates-swing-state-ballots\">third-party candidates\u003c/a> will win any electoral votes this year, so each state would have to vote for either Trump or Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n“The Constitution says you need a majority of the House delegations,” Kamarck said. “So that would be 26 House delegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans currently have an edge if it were to come to this because the party right now has control of 26 U.S. House delegations, compared to the 22 controlled by Democrats. Two states — Minnesota and North Carolina — have split delegations. This, of course, could all change depending on what happens in this year’s general election.[aside postID=lowdown_3825 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2016/10/RS59244_Early_Voting_003-qut-1020x681.jpg']“What we’re really saying here is if the Electoral College was really in a tie, then the outcome of House races and Senate races would be absolutely critical to the outcome of the [presidential] election,” Kamarck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar process, she said, would play out in the U.S. Senate to decide who would become vice president. In that case, though, each senator gets a vote — instead of one vote per state like in the House. The candidate that gets to 51 votes becomes the vice president. And because these are separate votes, it’s possible that the president and vice president could end up being from different political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the House can’t get to 26 votes for a presidential candidate the first time, they would have to keep voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if no candidate gets to 26 by Inauguration Day, the person chosen as vice president by the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R40504/7\">will be acting president\u003c/a> while the House continues to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The House keeps voting and voting until the tie is broken,” Kamarck said. “So, there is an end to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "It’s very unlikely — but theoretically possible — that the presidential election ends with an Electoral College tie. If it did come to pass, here's how the next president would be determined.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s very unlikely — but \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2024-election-forecast/\">theoretically possible\u003c/a> — that the presidential election ends with a 269–269 tie in the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would mean that neither Kamala Harris nor Donald Trump, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/15/nx-s1-5153420/swing-state-map-donald-trump-kamala-harris-polls\">locked in a toss-up race\u003c/a>, wins enough electoral votes to become president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hasn’t happened in modern American politics — \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1800\">it did happen back in 1800\u003c/a> — and after a renewed effort to change how Nebraska allocates its electoral votes \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/24/nx-s1-5123871/a-republican-push-to-change-how-nebraska-awards-its-electoral-votes-stalls\">failed\u003c/a>, the prospect of a tie is now looking even less\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But if this year’s election did end 269–269, the U.S. Constitution does have a plan for what happens next. Experts and scholars point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-happens-if-trump-and-biden-tie-in-the-electoral-college/\">Article II\u003c/a> as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/what-happens-when-there-is-a-tie-in-the-electoral-college\">12th Amendment\u003c/a> to outline how this would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who has written a lot about presidential elections and presidential nominations, said we “have a pretty good rulebook” for where things go if there is a tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, she said, the election moves to the U.S. House of Representatives, where the newly elected members of Congress would first have to be sworn in and then vote on who becomes president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each state – regardless of the size of the state’s delegation – would then get one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if they would deliberate or not or just take a poll,” Kamarck said. “In some cases, it’d be pretty easy. And they would cast their vote for one of the people who finished in the Electoral College.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it is unlikely \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5111891/independent-third-party-candidates-swing-state-ballots\">third-party candidates\u003c/a> will win any electoral votes this year, so each state would have to vote for either Trump or Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“The Constitution says you need a majority of the House delegations,” Kamarck said. “So that would be 26 House delegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans currently have an edge if it were to come to this because the party right now has control of 26 U.S. House delegations, compared to the 22 controlled by Democrats. Two states — Minnesota and North Carolina — have split delegations. This, of course, could all change depending on what happens in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we’re really saying here is if the Electoral College was really in a tie, then the outcome of House races and Senate races would be absolutely critical to the outcome of the [presidential] election,” Kamarck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar process, she said, would play out in the U.S. Senate to decide who would become vice president. In that case, though, each senator gets a vote — instead of one vote per state like in the House. The candidate that gets to 51 votes becomes the vice president. And because these are separate votes, it’s possible that the president and vice president could end up being from different political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the House can’t get to 26 votes for a presidential candidate the first time, they would have to keep voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if no candidate gets to 26 by Inauguration Day, the person chosen as vice president by the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R40504/7\">will be acting president\u003c/a> while the House continues to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The House keeps voting and voting until the tie is broken,” Kamarck said. “So, there is an end to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11996329 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-685195553.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If Californians vote to approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007197/transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control\">a rent control measure on the ballot\u003c/a>, thousands of Berkeley tenants could immediately see new limits on how much their landlords can raise their rent each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families who are living in units that aren’t right for them will have a chance to move without losing their affordability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a longtime tenant lawyer and chair of the city’s rent board. “For some people, it will keep them housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same scenario, in which the city could cap rent increases on single-family homes and apartments more than 20 years old and units with new tenants, is a nightmare for Krista Gulbransen, who heads the Berkeley Property Owners Association, representing the city’s landlords. “We would revert back to the 1980s, and it wouldn’t just be roller skates or rainbow headbands. It would be a lot worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008424]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would repeal a state housing law limiting how cities can regulate rents, letting local governments make that decision. Most California cities wouldn’t see an immediate change. However, in a few cities like Berkeley, local laws already contain language, allowing much more sweeping regulation than current state law. In those cities and in others where left-leaning elected officials have expressed public support for expanding rent control, renters could see the soonest benefit from Proposition 33 — and landlords the soonest headaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 cities in California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/california-rent-control-law.html\">place some limits on rent increases\u003c/a>, with caps ranging from 3% to 10% annually for covered units, some pegged to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the state level, California caps rent increases for apartments and corporate-owned houses more than 15 years old at 10% per year — a rate that tenant advocates have said can still place a significant burden on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those local ordinances were once much stricter. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, concern about soaring housing costs led a few cities to limit rent increases even when a new tenant moves in — known as vacancy control. However, the 1995 law that Proposition 33 would repeal, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, put a stop to that, along with any rent control on single-family homes or those built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the ban on rent control for single-family homes that most bothers Melvin Willis, a city council member in Richmond, one of the Bay Area’s few remaining solidly working-class cities. Many families in his district rent their houses, he said, and some complain to him about steep rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard conversation to have with someone when they say, ‘My rent increased, but we have rent control,’ ” he said. Willis recalled explaining to one family whose rent had doubled that the city’s 3% cap on rent bumps doesn’t apply to single-family homes. “I’ve had that conversation multiple times and it doesn’t feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s rent ordinance leaves out any housing “exempt from rent control pursuant to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.” Willis and other affordable housing advocates take that to mean that if Costa-Hawkins goes away, single-family homes and other dwellings that the state law excluded would automatically fall under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Traylor, the executive director of Richmond’s rent program, was more cautious. The ordinance could be referring to units actually exempt under Costa-Hawkins, he said, or just the types of units, like single-family homes, that Costa-Hawkins excluded. If Proposition 33 passes, he said, the rent program’s general counsel would have to recommend how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city supervisors avoided that ambiguity by unanimously passing legislation that would kick in if Proposition 33 passes, bringing rent control to an estimated 16,000 additional units. Mayor London Breed has said \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/15/rent-control-san-francisco-prop-33-london-breed/\">she will sign it\u003c/a> if the proposition passes, the San Francisco Standard reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco belongs to a group of cities — along with Berkeley, Oakland, Los Angeles, and the southern California cities of West Hollywood and Santa Monica — with longstanding rent control that current state law especially constrains. That’s because Costa-Hawkins grandfathered in any exemptions they had for more newly built units. So, in San Francisco, apartments built after 1979 are considered “new construction” and exempt from rent control. In Los Angeles, it’s 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s completely arbitrary that we can create rent control for buildings from 1978, but we can’t do it for 1980,” said Los Angeles City Council member Hugo Soto-Martínez, pointing to the city’s homelessness crisis. “Every year, we continue to lose more of our rent-stabilized housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council last week passed a resolution, authored by Soto-Martínez, endorsing Proposition 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of actions by cities trouble landlords, who point out that their costs for utilities and insurance are rising, in some cases, outpacing inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email newsletter sent to housing providers Friday, real estate firm Bornstein Law warned its clients that “there is a real possibility that Proposition 33 will pass because of the widespread belief that the rents are too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm urged landlords, in preparation for the potential policy shift, “to raise the rents to market rate if landlords are able to do so” and to consider offering voluntary buyouts to tenants paying below-market rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 opponents have also raised concerns that cities will enact rent control so strict it will stifle new housing construction at a time when the state desperately needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done so much to remove barriers to building housing and to incentivize affordable housing construction, but Proposition 33 would give NIMBY cities a really powerful weapon to do an end run around those rules,” said Nathan Click, a spokesperson for the No on 33 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, San Francisco shows that, given the flexibility to craft new policies, even cities with strong histories of tenant advocacy might opt for more modest changes to rent control that can win broad political support. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had originally proposed that the city expand rent control to cover housing built before 2024 but walked that back to 1994, an idea that won backing from both the city government’s progressive and moderate wings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local rent control expansion “is also going to depend on not just tenant and housing organizations but other civil society organizations in those communities,” said Shanti Singh, legislative director for Tenants Together. “Are they going to be ready to or willing to push for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Pastor, director of the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute, said his research shows that rent stabilization without vacancy control helps prevent displacement by keeping rents more affordable while avoiding slowing new construction since there are still incentives to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If cities start capping rent increases when new tenants move in, he said, the effects become more difficult to predict. That’s in part because the last time California cities experimented with vacancy control was more than 30 years ago — back when more multifamily housing was being built and before the tech boom put unprecedented pressure on Northern California’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that is likely, he said: California would see geographic variation, with more progressive coastal cities putting in stricter rent caps while inland cities with moderate politics seek to lure development with looser rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the proponents of Prop. 33 think this will solve our housing crisis, they’re mistaken,” he said. “If the opponents of Prop. 33 think that this will result in housing armageddon, they’re mistaken as well.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 33 would allow local governments to expand rent control — and elected officials in San Francisco and Los Angeles have already shown interest in doing so.",
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"title": "If Proposition 33 Passes, These Bay Area Cities Would See Big Rent Control Changes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If Californians vote to approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007197/transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control\">a rent control measure on the ballot\u003c/a>, thousands of Berkeley tenants could immediately see new limits on how much their landlords can raise their rent each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families who are living in units that aren’t right for them will have a chance to move without losing their affordability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a longtime tenant lawyer and chair of the city’s rent board. “For some people, it will keep them housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same scenario, in which the city could cap rent increases on single-family homes and apartments more than 20 years old and units with new tenants, is a nightmare for Krista Gulbransen, who heads the Berkeley Property Owners Association, representing the city’s landlords. “We would revert back to the 1980s, and it wouldn’t just be roller skates or rainbow headbands. It would be a lot worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would repeal a state housing law limiting how cities can regulate rents, letting local governments make that decision. Most California cities wouldn’t see an immediate change. However, in a few cities like Berkeley, local laws already contain language, allowing much more sweeping regulation than current state law. In those cities and in others where left-leaning elected officials have expressed public support for expanding rent control, renters could see the soonest benefit from Proposition 33 — and landlords the soonest headaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 cities in California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/california-rent-control-law.html\">place some limits on rent increases\u003c/a>, with caps ranging from 3% to 10% annually for covered units, some pegged to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the state level, California caps rent increases for apartments and corporate-owned houses more than 15 years old at 10% per year — a rate that tenant advocates have said can still place a significant burden on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those local ordinances were once much stricter. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, concern about soaring housing costs led a few cities to limit rent increases even when a new tenant moves in — known as vacancy control. However, the 1995 law that Proposition 33 would repeal, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, put a stop to that, along with any rent control on single-family homes or those built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the ban on rent control for single-family homes that most bothers Melvin Willis, a city council member in Richmond, one of the Bay Area’s few remaining solidly working-class cities. Many families in his district rent their houses, he said, and some complain to him about steep rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard conversation to have with someone when they say, ‘My rent increased, but we have rent control,’ ” he said. Willis recalled explaining to one family whose rent had doubled that the city’s 3% cap on rent bumps doesn’t apply to single-family homes. “I’ve had that conversation multiple times and it doesn’t feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s rent ordinance leaves out any housing “exempt from rent control pursuant to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.” Willis and other affordable housing advocates take that to mean that if Costa-Hawkins goes away, single-family homes and other dwellings that the state law excluded would automatically fall under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Traylor, the executive director of Richmond’s rent program, was more cautious. The ordinance could be referring to units actually exempt under Costa-Hawkins, he said, or just the types of units, like single-family homes, that Costa-Hawkins excluded. If Proposition 33 passes, he said, the rent program’s general counsel would have to recommend how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city supervisors avoided that ambiguity by unanimously passing legislation that would kick in if Proposition 33 passes, bringing rent control to an estimated 16,000 additional units. Mayor London Breed has said \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/15/rent-control-san-francisco-prop-33-london-breed/\">she will sign it\u003c/a> if the proposition passes, the San Francisco Standard reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco belongs to a group of cities — along with Berkeley, Oakland, Los Angeles, and the southern California cities of West Hollywood and Santa Monica — with longstanding rent control that current state law especially constrains. That’s because Costa-Hawkins grandfathered in any exemptions they had for more newly built units. So, in San Francisco, apartments built after 1979 are considered “new construction” and exempt from rent control. In Los Angeles, it’s 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s completely arbitrary that we can create rent control for buildings from 1978, but we can’t do it for 1980,” said Los Angeles City Council member Hugo Soto-Martínez, pointing to the city’s homelessness crisis. “Every year, we continue to lose more of our rent-stabilized housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council last week passed a resolution, authored by Soto-Martínez, endorsing Proposition 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of actions by cities trouble landlords, who point out that their costs for utilities and insurance are rising, in some cases, outpacing inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email newsletter sent to housing providers Friday, real estate firm Bornstein Law warned its clients that “there is a real possibility that Proposition 33 will pass because of the widespread belief that the rents are too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm urged landlords, in preparation for the potential policy shift, “to raise the rents to market rate if landlords are able to do so” and to consider offering voluntary buyouts to tenants paying below-market rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 opponents have also raised concerns that cities will enact rent control so strict it will stifle new housing construction at a time when the state desperately needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done so much to remove barriers to building housing and to incentivize affordable housing construction, but Proposition 33 would give NIMBY cities a really powerful weapon to do an end run around those rules,” said Nathan Click, a spokesperson for the No on 33 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, San Francisco shows that, given the flexibility to craft new policies, even cities with strong histories of tenant advocacy might opt for more modest changes to rent control that can win broad political support. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had originally proposed that the city expand rent control to cover housing built before 2024 but walked that back to 1994, an idea that won backing from both the city government’s progressive and moderate wings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local rent control expansion “is also going to depend on not just tenant and housing organizations but other civil society organizations in those communities,” said Shanti Singh, legislative director for Tenants Together. “Are they going to be ready to or willing to push for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Pastor, director of the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute, said his research shows that rent stabilization without vacancy control helps prevent displacement by keeping rents more affordable while avoiding slowing new construction since there are still incentives to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If cities start capping rent increases when new tenants move in, he said, the effects become more difficult to predict. That’s in part because the last time California cities experimented with vacancy control was more than 30 years ago — back when more multifamily housing was being built and before the tech boom put unprecedented pressure on Northern California’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that is likely, he said: California would see geographic variation, with more progressive coastal cities putting in stricter rent caps while inland cities with moderate politics seek to lure development with looser rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the proponents of Prop. 33 think this will solve our housing crisis, they’re mistaken,” he said. “If the opponents of Prop. 33 think that this will result in housing armageddon, they’re mistaken as well.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "tough-on-crime-initiative-divides-south-bay-democratic-candidates",
"title": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates",
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"headTitle": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">tough-on-crime ballot measure\u003c/a> has emerged as a potentially potent wedge issue in the three South Bay races that each pit two Democrats against each other in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a closely-watched race for Congress and two campaigns for state Assembly in Santa Clara County, candidates have come under attack for opposing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> — even in one election where neither candidate plans to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to charge a felony for some drug possession and theft crimes in California by rolling back some of the reforms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">passed by voters in a 2014 ballot measure, Proposition 47\u003c/a>. Poll after poll has shown Proposition 36 receiving wide backing from voters, even in the liberal Bay Area — putting Democrats who oppose the measure or have concerns about its language in an awkward position while creating an opening for campaigns and outside groups to draw a clear contrast between candidates from the same political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay divide is hardly unique this election cycle: Well-known Democrats are on both sides of the Proposition 36 campaign, with state leaders largely opposing the measure, many local officials throwing their support behind it — and other Democrats refusing to take a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, including the Democratic mayor of the region’s largest city, San José’s Matt Mahan, contend that tougher sentences are needed to discourage rising shoplifting and serve as a stick to compel drug users to accept treatment. Opponents, chiefly the state’s Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, argue there is no connection between previous reforms and theft and that longer sentences will invariably lead to expensive incarceration, not treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of when politics is local and not really about partisanship, but it’s about people’s feelings and perceptions,” said Mark Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “It might not actually have to do with the numbers of crimes, but it’s their fears of vulnerability and their interest in trying to do something about those fears.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll released by the PPIC last week found that 73% of likely voters plan to vote yes on Proposition 36 — with an equal share of Bay Area voters in support. A late September survey from the Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies was less bullish but still found a comfortable 60% of likely voters in support. Faced with that signal from the electorate, many high-profile California Democrats, from Sen. Laphonza Butler to Vice President Kamala Harris, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">have refused to make their position on the measure public\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the reasons that candidates at all levels are not necessarily eager to go out and take a stand on this because it could be a wedge issue,” Baldassare said. “And the candidates and campaigns are not quite sure how voters are going to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the South Bay’s marquee race for Congress, in the 16th District, Democrats Sam Liccardo and Evan Low had said little about Proposition 36 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRbxdAxjZ_M&t=2507s\">until they found themselves on opposite sides of the measure in a debate\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district,Learn about the U.S. House of Representatives, District 16 Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, called the measure “an imperfect proposition” but said it would restore participation in drug courts, programs that offer a chance at reduced punishment if participants complete treatment. With new felony sentences, Liccardo said, judges can present a clear choice for defendants between treatment and time behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now that choice is never presented, as a result our drug courts are completely empty,” Liccardo said. “This is the one mechanism we have to actually break the connection between substance abuse and crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low countered by declaring his opposition: “I refuse to go back to the era of mass incarceration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touting his work as a state assemblymember, Low said his votes for bills this year aim to combat retail theft in a different way: by making it easier for police to arrest suspects and aggregate charges rather than by increasing sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fundamental role of government is keeping our communities safe, but we must do so in a surgical way,” said Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within days, an independent group supporting Liccardo, largely funded by former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, jumped at the divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group Neighbors for Results sent a mailer across the district contrasting the candidates’ positions on Proposition 36 and accusing Low of opposing “the common-sense plan to address retail thefts and save consumers billions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Proposition 36 mailer paid for by Neighbors for Results. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar mailer has landed in mailboxes from Cupertino to Sunnyvale, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-26th-district\">two Democrats are running for the 26th Assembly District seat\u003c/a> currently held by Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Ahrens, a Foothill-DeAnza Community College District trustee and Low’s district director, is running against fellow Democrat Tara Sreekrishnan, a Santa Clara County Board of Education member and legislative advisor to state Sen. Dave Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who Can You Trust to Keep Us Safe?” asked the mailer from a pro-Ahrens super-PAC funded by real estate and landlord lobbies, which added: “Tara opposes Prop 36 to hold criminals accountable and toughen penalties for retail theft and drug crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the mailer failed to mention: Ahrens does not support Proposition 36 either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he remains neutral on the initiative and won’t vote either yes or no. At a recent forum sponsored by the League of Women Voters, Ahrens and Sreekrishnan sounded similar concerns about legislating crime and punishment at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to focus on enforcing [existing] laws rather than another ballot measure,” Sreekrishnan said, while Ahrens added (without revealing he would leave the question blank on his ballot): “We cannot be continuing to govern by tying the hands of the legislature continually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the mailers attacking Low and Sreekrishnan were funded by outside groups, operating independently from the Liccardo and Ahrens campaigns. Political strategist Marva Diaz said these groups are searching for any compelling contrast, even if their interests aren’t directly tied to public safety, because it’s harder for voters to differentiate among two candidates from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some of the Dem vs. Dem races, what’s really happening is it becomes the issue to define who is the progressive member and who is the more moderate member,” said Diaz, who serves as the publisher of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan election analysis service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011384\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents of Proposition 36 hold signs at a rally in a San Francisco bookstore on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a third South Bay race, the fight over Proposition 36 is playing out in the open. Democrat Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto city councilmember, has made no secret of her support for the measure as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-23rd-district\">campaigns to unseat Democratic Assemblymember Marc Berman in the 23rd District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou writes on her website that Proposition 36 is a “good example” of when “State officials too often drift apart from their communities and focus on big donors, special interests and ideological pressure groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop 36 also divides our Assembly District 23: I myself support Prop 36 and recommend a “Yes” vote, and if elected I’ll support related measures where sensible; My opponent, Marc Berman, has been a leading opponent of Prop 36,” Kou wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike many Democrats, Berman has not been shy with his opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing to emphasize about [Proposition] 36 is the millions of dollars that it will cost the state, that it will cost our counties if it passes, and how it will take money away from diversion programs,” Berman told KQED. “Instead, it will lock people up for stealing remarkably low-cost items. That third theft, even if it’s a burrito, even if it’s diapers for your kids, could all of a sudden be a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said there is still some risk for campaigns looking to capitalize on the strong polling in favor of Proposition 36. Support for propositions typically narrows closer to the election, and if the measure’s margins slip in the Bay Area, the pro-36 messaging could rub some voters the wrong way, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t know who you are losing, especially with a mailer — it could be going to a household that is split on that issue, and you don’t know how to segment that out,” Diaz said. “It raises a lot of flags, and it becomes risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing seems certain: Proposition 36 is catching the attention of voters. 28% of likely voters told the PPIC they were more interested in Proposition 36 than any other state measure on the ballot, comfortably ahead of the 17% who said they were most interested in Proposition 33, which would allow the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 36, which would increase criminal penalties, is dividing Democrats and resulting in pointed attacks in several South Bay races that pit members of the same party against one another.",
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"title": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates | KQED",
"description": "Proposition 36, which would increase criminal penalties, is dividing Democrats and resulting in pointed attacks in several South Bay races that pit members of the same party against one another.",
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"headline": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">tough-on-crime ballot measure\u003c/a> has emerged as a potentially potent wedge issue in the three South Bay races that each pit two Democrats against each other in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a closely-watched race for Congress and two campaigns for state Assembly in Santa Clara County, candidates have come under attack for opposing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> — even in one election where neither candidate plans to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to charge a felony for some drug possession and theft crimes in California by rolling back some of the reforms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">passed by voters in a 2014 ballot measure, Proposition 47\u003c/a>. Poll after poll has shown Proposition 36 receiving wide backing from voters, even in the liberal Bay Area — putting Democrats who oppose the measure or have concerns about its language in an awkward position while creating an opening for campaigns and outside groups to draw a clear contrast between candidates from the same political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay divide is hardly unique this election cycle: Well-known Democrats are on both sides of the Proposition 36 campaign, with state leaders largely opposing the measure, many local officials throwing their support behind it — and other Democrats refusing to take a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, including the Democratic mayor of the region’s largest city, San José’s Matt Mahan, contend that tougher sentences are needed to discourage rising shoplifting and serve as a stick to compel drug users to accept treatment. Opponents, chiefly the state’s Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, argue there is no connection between previous reforms and theft and that longer sentences will invariably lead to expensive incarceration, not treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of when politics is local and not really about partisanship, but it’s about people’s feelings and perceptions,” said Mark Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “It might not actually have to do with the numbers of crimes, but it’s their fears of vulnerability and their interest in trying to do something about those fears.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll released by the PPIC last week found that 73% of likely voters plan to vote yes on Proposition 36 — with an equal share of Bay Area voters in support. A late September survey from the Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies was less bullish but still found a comfortable 60% of likely voters in support. Faced with that signal from the electorate, many high-profile California Democrats, from Sen. Laphonza Butler to Vice President Kamala Harris, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">have refused to make their position on the measure public\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the reasons that candidates at all levels are not necessarily eager to go out and take a stand on this because it could be a wedge issue,” Baldassare said. “And the candidates and campaigns are not quite sure how voters are going to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the South Bay’s marquee race for Congress, in the 16th District, Democrats Sam Liccardo and Evan Low had said little about Proposition 36 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRbxdAxjZ_M&t=2507s\">until they found themselves on opposite sides of the measure in a debate\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, called the measure “an imperfect proposition” but said it would restore participation in drug courts, programs that offer a chance at reduced punishment if participants complete treatment. With new felony sentences, Liccardo said, judges can present a clear choice for defendants between treatment and time behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now that choice is never presented, as a result our drug courts are completely empty,” Liccardo said. “This is the one mechanism we have to actually break the connection between substance abuse and crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low countered by declaring his opposition: “I refuse to go back to the era of mass incarceration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touting his work as a state assemblymember, Low said his votes for bills this year aim to combat retail theft in a different way: by making it easier for police to arrest suspects and aggregate charges rather than by increasing sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fundamental role of government is keeping our communities safe, but we must do so in a surgical way,” said Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within days, an independent group supporting Liccardo, largely funded by former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, jumped at the divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group Neighbors for Results sent a mailer across the district contrasting the candidates’ positions on Proposition 36 and accusing Low of opposing “the common-sense plan to address retail thefts and save consumers billions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Proposition 36 mailer paid for by Neighbors for Results. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar mailer has landed in mailboxes from Cupertino to Sunnyvale, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-26th-district\">two Democrats are running for the 26th Assembly District seat\u003c/a> currently held by Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Ahrens, a Foothill-DeAnza Community College District trustee and Low’s district director, is running against fellow Democrat Tara Sreekrishnan, a Santa Clara County Board of Education member and legislative advisor to state Sen. Dave Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who Can You Trust to Keep Us Safe?” asked the mailer from a pro-Ahrens super-PAC funded by real estate and landlord lobbies, which added: “Tara opposes Prop 36 to hold criminals accountable and toughen penalties for retail theft and drug crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the mailer failed to mention: Ahrens does not support Proposition 36 either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he remains neutral on the initiative and won’t vote either yes or no. At a recent forum sponsored by the League of Women Voters, Ahrens and Sreekrishnan sounded similar concerns about legislating crime and punishment at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to focus on enforcing [existing] laws rather than another ballot measure,” Sreekrishnan said, while Ahrens added (without revealing he would leave the question blank on his ballot): “We cannot be continuing to govern by tying the hands of the legislature continually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the mailers attacking Low and Sreekrishnan were funded by outside groups, operating independently from the Liccardo and Ahrens campaigns. Political strategist Marva Diaz said these groups are searching for any compelling contrast, even if their interests aren’t directly tied to public safety, because it’s harder for voters to differentiate among two candidates from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some of the Dem vs. Dem races, what’s really happening is it becomes the issue to define who is the progressive member and who is the more moderate member,” said Diaz, who serves as the publisher of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan election analysis service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011384\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents of Proposition 36 hold signs at a rally in a San Francisco bookstore on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a third South Bay race, the fight over Proposition 36 is playing out in the open. Democrat Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto city councilmember, has made no secret of her support for the measure as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-23rd-district\">campaigns to unseat Democratic Assemblymember Marc Berman in the 23rd District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou writes on her website that Proposition 36 is a “good example” of when “State officials too often drift apart from their communities and focus on big donors, special interests and ideological pressure groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop 36 also divides our Assembly District 23: I myself support Prop 36 and recommend a “Yes” vote, and if elected I’ll support related measures where sensible; My opponent, Marc Berman, has been a leading opponent of Prop 36,” Kou wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike many Democrats, Berman has not been shy with his opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing to emphasize about [Proposition] 36 is the millions of dollars that it will cost the state, that it will cost our counties if it passes, and how it will take money away from diversion programs,” Berman told KQED. “Instead, it will lock people up for stealing remarkably low-cost items. That third theft, even if it’s a burrito, even if it’s diapers for your kids, could all of a sudden be a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said there is still some risk for campaigns looking to capitalize on the strong polling in favor of Proposition 36. Support for propositions typically narrows closer to the election, and if the measure’s margins slip in the Bay Area, the pro-36 messaging could rub some voters the wrong way, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t know who you are losing, especially with a mailer — it could be going to a household that is split on that issue, and you don’t know how to segment that out,” Diaz said. “It raises a lot of flags, and it becomes risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing seems certain: Proposition 36 is catching the attention of voters. 28% of likely voters told the PPIC they were more interested in Proposition 36 than any other state measure on the ballot, comfortably ahead of the 17% who said they were most interested in Proposition 33, which would allow the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "these-gen-z-voters-are-choosing-kamala-harris-but-gaza-is-still-a-sticking-point",
"title": "These Gen Z Voters Are Choosing Kamala Harris. But Gaza Is Still a Sticking Point",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]ix months ago, young people began camping out on college campuses across the country, demanding that President Joe Biden stop military aid to Israel and force an immediate cease-fire. Weeks later, high schoolers joined in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, 18-year-old Anaya Sayal was finishing her senior year in San Ramon. Halimah Houston, 20, was in her first year of community college in Richmond. Both were so upset by Biden’s support of Israel that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996920/young-voters-seek-more-from-harris-on-climate-action-and-a-cease-fire-in-israel\">they told KQED they wouldn’t vote for him\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s seeing him as ‘Genocide Joe,’” Houston said about President Joe Biden this spring. “It’s just like disappointment after disappointment; that’s what was going through my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston and Sayal believed he wouldn’t take an outright stance against the war because he was too “scared” of losing voters. “So much of the older generations support Israel, but it’s a lot of the younger generations that are supporting Palestine,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two first-time voters watched through gritted teeth the ups and downs of the election cycle — from Biden as the Democratic nominee and two assassination attempts on Trump to the presidential debate and Biden’s decision to step down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the only other option is Trump,” said Sayal, who is now in her first semester at UCLA. “You just got to pick the better of the two because there are no great options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Sayal and Houston breathed sighs of relief when Vice President Kamala Harris became the Democratic nominee in August. The hope of change made it somewhat easy for the two to envision Harris as the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a lot more excited now because before, it was just choosing between the better of the two evils,” Sayal said. “Overall, she would do a better job in office than Biden. But I think she’ll probably come under more scrutiny because she’s a woman of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011322\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First-time voter Anaya Sayal poses for a photo on the UCLA campus. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anaya Sayal)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Political science experts don’t think the two young women’s last-minute switch is an anomaly. They believe that if enough young people turn out on Nov. 5, they could help sway the election because 18- to 24-year-olds are more numerous than older Americans who vote more frequently. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/fandomvote\">not all young people have changed their minds\u003c/a> like Houston and Sayal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, the war in Gaza remains a top concern. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007970/1-year-later-the-impact-of-oct-7-siege-of-gaza-on-life-in-the-bay-area\">More than one year has passed\u003c/a> since the Hamas-led attack on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people in Israel. Since then, Israel has continued its unrelenting military assault on Gaza, which has killed more than 42,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/08/23/g-s1-19232/kamala-harris-israel-gaza-dnc\">Harris said she was pushing for a cease-fire at an August rally in Arizona\u003c/a>, Houston and Sayal felt slightly better about her as the presidential nominee. But she’s also supported Israel’s right to defend itself and hasn’t said the U.S. should halt aid to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to see the action, and I hope it comes to fruition soon,” Houston said. “By voting for Harris, I feel like there’s a shot of getting a cease-fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000903/some-california-democrats-want-an-arms-embargo-on-israel-how-far-will-they-push-kamala-harris\">not all progressive first-time voters support Harris\u003c/a> due to frustrations over the U.S.’s support for Israel. Aniya Butler, a 19-year-old from Oakland, said she won’t vote for president this election and, instead, will focus on local priorities as a climate organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young Black woman, Butler sees a vote for Harris as a betrayal to her ancestors because of the candidate’s lack of action on a cease-fire. Butler identifies with the struggles of Palestinians because her own family experienced slavery. She also said that not voting for president won’t impact California much because the state is deeply blue, and Harris is all but guaranteed to win its electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aniya Butler poses for a portrait at Dimond Park in Oakland on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With these atrocities now to be on camera for all of us to see — Kamala, as a Black woman, has the responsibility to somehow ease and end that pain as someone who is literally the vice president of the United States,” said Butler, currently taking a gap year before starting at Wesleyan University in Connecticut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has not handled it well at all. It’s absolutely disgusting,” Butler added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Social media’s influence on young voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Polling experts like Mark Baldassare with the Public Policy Institute of California aren’t surprised that young voters like Houston and Sayal would shift their positions on voting for Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An election that was in the abstract after the March primary has now become very real, and the choices people have to make are real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said the candidate’s use of social media to sway young voters — from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">the brat-ification of Harris’ campaign\u003c/a> to a fake AI-generated Taylor Swift endorsement of Trump — is shaping how young people vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more they see on social media, the more likely they are to go from being an infrequent voter to a voter this time because they want their voices to be heard,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_13967133]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he said that Harris and Trump’s use of social media over the last six months has shown mixed results. For some young voters like Sayal, Harris’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997449/why-kamala-harris-is-having-a-brat-summer\">use of brat-green on social media\u003c/a> and her appearances on podcasts like “Call Her Daddy” helped convince them to support her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like, for the first time, a political candidate was trying to do something towards getting the attention of Gen Z,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Butler, the attention the election has gained on social media, combined with images of war and human suffering, reinforced her view that Harris isn’t taking a cease-fire seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it serves as a reminder that times are oppressed for me, but they’re not [as] rough compared to what other people are experiencing right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cathy Cohen, a University of Chicago political science professor and author of \u003ca href=\"https://genforwardsurvey.com/all-genforward-data/?fm=10&fy=2024\">a national poll of young voters by GenForward\u003c/a> and the university’s Institute of Politics, said her recent polling mirrors some young voters’ feelings, showing social media has garnered “excitement” for some voters but notes a “significant portion” would prefer a choice apart from Harris or Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of the issues animating their disgust and unhappiness prior to Harris joining the field still animate their concerns,” she said. “They’ve been told the importance of this election. They feel better about the choices, but they’re still not satisfied with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A larger share of the pie’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cohen’s October poll found that 52% of young voters aged 18 to 26 said they would definitely vote. When asked which issue is the country’s most important problem, Gaza ranked behind economic growth, inflation, income equality, immigration and threats to American democracy. Only 4% of the 18- to 26-year-olds she polled cited Gaza as their top concern. Another recent poll from Harvard \u003ca href=\"https://iop.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/2024-09/240922_Harvard%20IOP_Fall%202024%20Topline.pdf\">shows that just 1%\u003c/a> of young Americans surveyed ranked Gaza as the most concerning issue during this election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does surprise me,” she said. “We found that significant numbers of young people say that they don’t have an opinion on Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students at a Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on Apr. 23. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her team also asked which candidate would best handle the war in Gaza and secure a cease-fire — 37% said Trump, and 22% of 18- to 26-year-olds said Harris. Cohen said her polling showcases a pervasive idea that Trump is a “strong leader,” and his promises to end the war in Ukraine may mean he would help end the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that Black and AAPI young people felt Harris would handle the war in Gaza better than Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other political experts like Baldassare predict a turnout similar to 2020 when around 50% of eligible voters aged 18 to 24 participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think things are in place at this point for having a high turnout, perhaps exceeding what we saw in 2020,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Baldassare’s polling found that 26% of young voters — which he defines as 18 to 44 — in California were satisfied with the candidate choices this election. By September, that number had doubled to 50%, with “most of the change occurring among people who say they’re voting for Harris and Walz.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a significant increase among the younger voters in California between April and September,” he said. “At this point in California, targeting young voters is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that half of all young voters in California could turn out in this election is significant. Mindy Romero, director of the USC Center for Inclusive Democracy, notes that not all young voters agree on who should be president or how the next president should handle the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people care very much about the world around them, and they want to take action, but because of the disconnection they feel from the political process, and how it doesn’t bring them in, some will feel like voting is not an actionable stamp on the issues they care about,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romero is unsure if young voters will turn out in force in November even though it’s “an enormously consequential election.” But she said if young people exercised their voting power at the polls, they could make a difference. She said voters between 18 and 24 outnumber those aged 65 to 74, who typically turn out in large numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they voted at the same rate as older voters, they would have a larger share of the pie of voters who broke up the power of voters in November,” she said. “If that happened every election, my God, things would change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sayal, now surrounded by young people at UCLA, longs for the day the presidential race isn’t defined by a two-party system. She’s excited that Harris could become the first woman of color to be president. Sayal knows the race is close but has hope that more Gen Z young adults will be eligible to vote in this election than four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s definitely a lot more. And I think younger Gen Z voters are more likely to vote for Harris,” she said. “I think we could break the election.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As Election Day nears, young Bay Area voters are grappling with whether to support Kamala Harris despite their frustration over U.S. policy in Gaza. Political experts say younger voters could impact the outcome if they turn out in force.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ix months ago, young people began camping out on college campuses across the country, demanding that President Joe Biden stop military aid to Israel and force an immediate cease-fire. Weeks later, high schoolers joined in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, 18-year-old Anaya Sayal was finishing her senior year in San Ramon. Halimah Houston, 20, was in her first year of community college in Richmond. Both were so upset by Biden’s support of Israel that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996920/young-voters-seek-more-from-harris-on-climate-action-and-a-cease-fire-in-israel\">they told KQED they wouldn’t vote for him\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s seeing him as ‘Genocide Joe,’” Houston said about President Joe Biden this spring. “It’s just like disappointment after disappointment; that’s what was going through my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston and Sayal believed he wouldn’t take an outright stance against the war because he was too “scared” of losing voters. “So much of the older generations support Israel, but it’s a lot of the younger generations that are supporting Palestine,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two first-time voters watched through gritted teeth the ups and downs of the election cycle — from Biden as the Democratic nominee and two assassination attempts on Trump to the presidential debate and Biden’s decision to step down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the only other option is Trump,” said Sayal, who is now in her first semester at UCLA. “You just got to pick the better of the two because there are no great options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Sayal and Houston breathed sighs of relief when Vice President Kamala Harris became the Democratic nominee in August. The hope of change made it somewhat easy for the two to envision Harris as the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a lot more excited now because before, it was just choosing between the better of the two evils,” Sayal said. “Overall, she would do a better job in office than Biden. But I think she’ll probably come under more scrutiny because she’s a woman of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011322\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First-time voter Anaya Sayal poses for a photo on the UCLA campus. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anaya Sayal)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Political science experts don’t think the two young women’s last-minute switch is an anomaly. They believe that if enough young people turn out on Nov. 5, they could help sway the election because 18- to 24-year-olds are more numerous than older Americans who vote more frequently. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/fandomvote\">not all young people have changed their minds\u003c/a> like Houston and Sayal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, the war in Gaza remains a top concern. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007970/1-year-later-the-impact-of-oct-7-siege-of-gaza-on-life-in-the-bay-area\">More than one year has passed\u003c/a> since the Hamas-led attack on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people in Israel. Since then, Israel has continued its unrelenting military assault on Gaza, which has killed more than 42,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/08/23/g-s1-19232/kamala-harris-israel-gaza-dnc\">Harris said she was pushing for a cease-fire at an August rally in Arizona\u003c/a>, Houston and Sayal felt slightly better about her as the presidential nominee. But she’s also supported Israel’s right to defend itself and hasn’t said the U.S. should halt aid to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to see the action, and I hope it comes to fruition soon,” Houston said. “By voting for Harris, I feel like there’s a shot of getting a cease-fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000903/some-california-democrats-want-an-arms-embargo-on-israel-how-far-will-they-push-kamala-harris\">not all progressive first-time voters support Harris\u003c/a> due to frustrations over the U.S.’s support for Israel. Aniya Butler, a 19-year-old from Oakland, said she won’t vote for president this election and, instead, will focus on local priorities as a climate organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young Black woman, Butler sees a vote for Harris as a betrayal to her ancestors because of the candidate’s lack of action on a cease-fire. Butler identifies with the struggles of Palestinians because her own family experienced slavery. She also said that not voting for president won’t impact California much because the state is deeply blue, and Harris is all but guaranteed to win its electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aniya Butler poses for a portrait at Dimond Park in Oakland on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With these atrocities now to be on camera for all of us to see — Kamala, as a Black woman, has the responsibility to somehow ease and end that pain as someone who is literally the vice president of the United States,” said Butler, currently taking a gap year before starting at Wesleyan University in Connecticut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has not handled it well at all. It’s absolutely disgusting,” Butler added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Social media’s influence on young voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Polling experts like Mark Baldassare with the Public Policy Institute of California aren’t surprised that young voters like Houston and Sayal would shift their positions on voting for Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An election that was in the abstract after the March primary has now become very real, and the choices people have to make are real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said the candidate’s use of social media to sway young voters — from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">the brat-ification of Harris’ campaign\u003c/a> to a fake AI-generated Taylor Swift endorsement of Trump — is shaping how young people vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more they see on social media, the more likely they are to go from being an infrequent voter to a voter this time because they want their voices to be heard,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he said that Harris and Trump’s use of social media over the last six months has shown mixed results. For some young voters like Sayal, Harris’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997449/why-kamala-harris-is-having-a-brat-summer\">use of brat-green on social media\u003c/a> and her appearances on podcasts like “Call Her Daddy” helped convince them to support her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like, for the first time, a political candidate was trying to do something towards getting the attention of Gen Z,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Butler, the attention the election has gained on social media, combined with images of war and human suffering, reinforced her view that Harris isn’t taking a cease-fire seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it serves as a reminder that times are oppressed for me, but they’re not [as] rough compared to what other people are experiencing right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cathy Cohen, a University of Chicago political science professor and author of \u003ca href=\"https://genforwardsurvey.com/all-genforward-data/?fm=10&fy=2024\">a national poll of young voters by GenForward\u003c/a> and the university’s Institute of Politics, said her recent polling mirrors some young voters’ feelings, showing social media has garnered “excitement” for some voters but notes a “significant portion” would prefer a choice apart from Harris or Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of the issues animating their disgust and unhappiness prior to Harris joining the field still animate their concerns,” she said. “They’ve been told the importance of this election. They feel better about the choices, but they’re still not satisfied with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A larger share of the pie’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cohen’s October poll found that 52% of young voters aged 18 to 26 said they would definitely vote. When asked which issue is the country’s most important problem, Gaza ranked behind economic growth, inflation, income equality, immigration and threats to American democracy. Only 4% of the 18- to 26-year-olds she polled cited Gaza as their top concern. Another recent poll from Harvard \u003ca href=\"https://iop.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/2024-09/240922_Harvard%20IOP_Fall%202024%20Topline.pdf\">shows that just 1%\u003c/a> of young Americans surveyed ranked Gaza as the most concerning issue during this election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does surprise me,” she said. “We found that significant numbers of young people say that they don’t have an opinion on Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students at a Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on Apr. 23. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her team also asked which candidate would best handle the war in Gaza and secure a cease-fire — 37% said Trump, and 22% of 18- to 26-year-olds said Harris. Cohen said her polling showcases a pervasive idea that Trump is a “strong leader,” and his promises to end the war in Ukraine may mean he would help end the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that Black and AAPI young people felt Harris would handle the war in Gaza better than Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other political experts like Baldassare predict a turnout similar to 2020 when around 50% of eligible voters aged 18 to 24 participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think things are in place at this point for having a high turnout, perhaps exceeding what we saw in 2020,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Baldassare’s polling found that 26% of young voters — which he defines as 18 to 44 — in California were satisfied with the candidate choices this election. By September, that number had doubled to 50%, with “most of the change occurring among people who say they’re voting for Harris and Walz.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a significant increase among the younger voters in California between April and September,” he said. “At this point in California, targeting young voters is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that half of all young voters in California could turn out in this election is significant. Mindy Romero, director of the USC Center for Inclusive Democracy, notes that not all young voters agree on who should be president or how the next president should handle the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people care very much about the world around them, and they want to take action, but because of the disconnection they feel from the political process, and how it doesn’t bring them in, some will feel like voting is not an actionable stamp on the issues they care about,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romero is unsure if young voters will turn out in force in November even though it’s “an enormously consequential election.” But she said if young people exercised their voting power at the polls, they could make a difference. She said voters between 18 and 24 outnumber those aged 65 to 74, who typically turn out in large numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they voted at the same rate as older voters, they would have a larger share of the pie of voters who broke up the power of voters in November,” she said. “If that happened every election, my God, things would change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sayal, now surrounded by young people at UCLA, longs for the day the presidential race isn’t defined by a two-party system. She’s excited that Harris could become the first woman of color to be president. Sayal knows the race is close but has hope that more Gen Z young adults will be eligible to vote in this election than four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s definitely a lot more. And I think younger Gen Z voters are more likely to vote for Harris,” she said. “I think we could break the election.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-is-my-county-saying-i-should-mail-in-my-ballot-a-whole-week-before-election-day",
"title": "Why Is My County Saying I Should Mail in My Ballot A Whole Week Before Election Day?",
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"headTitle": "Why Is My County Saying I Should Mail in My Ballot A Whole Week Before Election Day? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>With Election Day — your last day to vote — just a week away, Bay Area election officials are urging voters to mail their completed ballots by Tuesday, Oct. 29 at the latest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement from the Coalition of Bay Area Election Officials about “important mail ballot deadlines approaching,” election officials from 10 greater Bay Area counties, including Monterey, said the “last recommended day to mail your ballot is Tuesday, October 29.” Your own ballot may have a slightly different recommended date by which you should mail your ballot; for example, Alameda County’s ballot recommends getting it in by Thursday, Oct. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-deadline-mail\">Can I still mail my ballot after Tuesday?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-drop-box\">What are my alternatives to USPS for submitting my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that the final, legal deadline for mailing your ballot through the U.S. Postal Service (USPS) \u003ci>hasn’t \u003c/i>actually changed. That deadline is still Election Day — Tuesday, Nov. 5 — because ballots that are postmarked on or by that day will still be accepted and counted by your county elections office.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]But in order to count your ballot, your county elections office must receive it no later than Nov. 12, one week after Election Day. And this is why Bay Area election officials are urging voters to err on the side of caution and mail their ballots as soon as possible, said Deva Proto, Sonoma County’s voter registrar — so that USPS has ample time to deliver them where they need to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to be a high-turnout election,” Proto said. “So we want to make sure that everybody’s voice is a part of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what you need to know about the deadline for mailing your ballot — and your alternatives to using USPS to submit it — all the way up until polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>If the Nov. 5 deadline to mail my ballot hasn’t changed, why are election officials recommending I do it this week instead?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s about making sure USPS processes your ballot in time for it to reach your county’s elections office for your vote to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earlier you mail your ballot, the sooner it should reach your county — and the sooner your vote will be tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting your ballot in earlier also leaves more time for your county to address any potential issues with it — like\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\"> if you made a mistake and corrected it or if there’s an issue with the \u003c/a>signature on your envelope. If your county’s election office detects a mismatch with the signature on your ballot envelope, or if it’s missing altogether, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is USPS experiencing delays that are prompting this recommendation?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Proto said, from Sonoma County — this is still “just a general recommendation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything we’re seeing so far, it seems like the post office is working really well to prioritize and get those ballots back,” she said. “And we are in communication with USPS, as are election officials as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the 2024 general election, the nation’s postal network is operating effectively without any major reported disruptions,” USPS said in a statement. The agency is echoing the call of local election officials to mail your ballot one week before Election Day, noting that “it would [be] a good idea to mail it by this Tuesday (October 29).”[aside postID=\"news_12008419\" hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1280030498-1020x680.jpg']“The Postal Service remains fully ready to successfully deliver the nation’s mail-in ballots for voters who choose to use us to vote,” USPS said in its statement. “[E]ven for return ballots that are entered in our system after Tuesday, we will continue to deploy our “extraordinary measures,” which are designed to accelerate the delivery of Ballot Mail in the final weeks of the election season.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures include extra deliveries and collections, special pick-ups, and “specialized sort plans at processing facilities to expedite delivery to boards of elections,” USPS said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is there a chance that my ballot won’t reach my county elections office through USPS in time to be counted, even if it was postmarked by Nov. 5?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, Proto said — sometimes even ballots mailed on time don’t make it to the county elections office by the “one week after Election Day” deadline (Nov. 12) to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the sooner that voters can get their vote-by-mail ballots in, the sooner our offices will be able to process them and the voters will be able to confirm that they are received — so they don’t lose out on that chance,” Proto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USPS said it “anticipates similar service performance as demonstrated in the 2020 general election,” in which 99.89% of ballots mailed from voters nationwide to election officials were delivered within a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This, of course, means that 0.11% of 2020 ballots nationwide were \u003cem>not \u003c/em>successfully delivered to county elections offices in time to be counted — or around 715,000 ballots, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/11/10/most-mail-and-provisional-ballots-got-counted-in-past-u-s-elections-but-many-did-not/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the number of overall ballots cast that year\u003c/a>. While small, this rate may be enough to make you consider following the advice of election officials and USPS by mailing your ballot as soon as possible this week. (Or by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">delivering your ballot by hand to an official drop-box or open voting location\u003c/a> instead.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-deadline-mail\">\u003c/a>Can I still mail my ballot after this Tuesday, Oct. 29?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Absolutely. As long as your ballot is postmarked by Election Day (Nov. 5) and reaches your county elections office by Nov. 12, your vote will be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you haven’t mailed your completed ballot by Election Day, Proto recommends that you instead place your ballot into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, either at a voting location\u003c/a> or at your county elections office, by the time polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5.[aside postID=\"news_12008332\" hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-e1729796712493-1020x677.jpg']The reason for this recommendation: Some people who mail their ballot on Election Day before 8 p.m. may \u003ci>think \u003c/i>they’ve successfully gotten it in on time but have accidentally placed it in a USPS collection box that has already had its last collection for the day — which in many places is 5 p.m. or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means your ballot won’t be postmarked on Nov. 5, and your county elections office can’t count your vote. Delivering your ballot by hand via a drop-box or at a voting location by 8 p.m. on Election Day guarantees it’ll be counted, bringing you peace of mind that you’ve made the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-drop-box\">\u003c/a>What’s the advantage of delivering my ballot by hand at a drop-box or voting location rather than using USPS?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few reasons you might prefer to hand deliver your completed ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Peace of mind: There’s a satisfaction that comes from knowing your ballot will now travel straight to your county elections office rather than going through USPS’ sometimes sluggish collection, sorting and delivery process.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Timing: If Election Day is drawing near, using a drop-box or a voting location to drop off your ballot directly is the best way to be sure it’ll reach your county elections office in time to be counted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Assistance: If you drop off your ballot at a voting location during operating hours and you have a few lingering questions about your ballot or the process, there’s a good chance you’ll find someone there to help answer them.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Find your closest ballot drop-box or voting location here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Once I’ve mailed my ballot, how will I know it reached my county elections office for counting?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot online\u003c/a> through the state’s “Where’s My Ballot” tool. By doing this, you’ll also quickly be alerted of any issues with your ballot or your signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "If you’re hearing that you should mail your ballot this week, don’t worry — the official Nov. 5 deadline to submit it hasn’t changed. But here’s why officials are urging you to mail your ballot early.",
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"title": "Why Is My County Saying I Should Mail in My Ballot A Whole Week Before Election Day? | KQED",
"description": "If you’re hearing that you should mail your ballot this week, don’t worry — the official Nov. 5 deadline to submit it hasn’t changed. But here’s why officials are urging you to mail your ballot early.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With Election Day — your last day to vote — just a week away, Bay Area election officials are urging voters to mail their completed ballots by Tuesday, Oct. 29 at the latest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement from the Coalition of Bay Area Election Officials about “important mail ballot deadlines approaching,” election officials from 10 greater Bay Area counties, including Monterey, said the “last recommended day to mail your ballot is Tuesday, October 29.” Your own ballot may have a slightly different recommended date by which you should mail your ballot; for example, Alameda County’s ballot recommends getting it in by Thursday, Oct. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-deadline-mail\">Can I still mail my ballot after Tuesday?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-drop-box\">What are my alternatives to USPS for submitting my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that the final, legal deadline for mailing your ballot through the U.S. Postal Service (USPS) \u003ci>hasn’t \u003c/i>actually changed. That deadline is still Election Day — Tuesday, Nov. 5 — because ballots that are postmarked on or by that day will still be accepted and counted by your county elections office.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But in order to count your ballot, your county elections office must receive it no later than Nov. 12, one week after Election Day. And this is why Bay Area election officials are urging voters to err on the side of caution and mail their ballots as soon as possible, said Deva Proto, Sonoma County’s voter registrar — so that USPS has ample time to deliver them where they need to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to be a high-turnout election,” Proto said. “So we want to make sure that everybody’s voice is a part of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what you need to know about the deadline for mailing your ballot — and your alternatives to using USPS to submit it — all the way up until polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>If the Nov. 5 deadline to mail my ballot hasn’t changed, why are election officials recommending I do it this week instead?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s about making sure USPS processes your ballot in time for it to reach your county’s elections office for your vote to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earlier you mail your ballot, the sooner it should reach your county — and the sooner your vote will be tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting your ballot in earlier also leaves more time for your county to address any potential issues with it — like\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\"> if you made a mistake and corrected it or if there’s an issue with the \u003c/a>signature on your envelope. If your county’s election office detects a mismatch with the signature on your ballot envelope, or if it’s missing altogether, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is USPS experiencing delays that are prompting this recommendation?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Proto said, from Sonoma County — this is still “just a general recommendation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything we’re seeing so far, it seems like the post office is working really well to prioritize and get those ballots back,” she said. “And we are in communication with USPS, as are election officials as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the 2024 general election, the nation’s postal network is operating effectively without any major reported disruptions,” USPS said in a statement. The agency is echoing the call of local election officials to mail your ballot one week before Election Day, noting that “it would [be] a good idea to mail it by this Tuesday (October 29).”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The Postal Service remains fully ready to successfully deliver the nation’s mail-in ballots for voters who choose to use us to vote,” USPS said in its statement. “[E]ven for return ballots that are entered in our system after Tuesday, we will continue to deploy our “extraordinary measures,” which are designed to accelerate the delivery of Ballot Mail in the final weeks of the election season.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures include extra deliveries and collections, special pick-ups, and “specialized sort plans at processing facilities to expedite delivery to boards of elections,” USPS said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is there a chance that my ballot won’t reach my county elections office through USPS in time to be counted, even if it was postmarked by Nov. 5?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, Proto said — sometimes even ballots mailed on time don’t make it to the county elections office by the “one week after Election Day” deadline (Nov. 12) to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the sooner that voters can get their vote-by-mail ballots in, the sooner our offices will be able to process them and the voters will be able to confirm that they are received — so they don’t lose out on that chance,” Proto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USPS said it “anticipates similar service performance as demonstrated in the 2020 general election,” in which 99.89% of ballots mailed from voters nationwide to election officials were delivered within a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This, of course, means that 0.11% of 2020 ballots nationwide were \u003cem>not \u003c/em>successfully delivered to county elections offices in time to be counted — or around 715,000 ballots, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/11/10/most-mail-and-provisional-ballots-got-counted-in-past-u-s-elections-but-many-did-not/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the number of overall ballots cast that year\u003c/a>. While small, this rate may be enough to make you consider following the advice of election officials and USPS by mailing your ballot as soon as possible this week. (Or by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">delivering your ballot by hand to an official drop-box or open voting location\u003c/a> instead.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-deadline-mail\">\u003c/a>Can I still mail my ballot after this Tuesday, Oct. 29?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Absolutely. As long as your ballot is postmarked by Election Day (Nov. 5) and reaches your county elections office by Nov. 12, your vote will be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you haven’t mailed your completed ballot by Election Day, Proto recommends that you instead place your ballot into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, either at a voting location\u003c/a> or at your county elections office, by the time polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The reason for this recommendation: Some people who mail their ballot on Election Day before 8 p.m. may \u003ci>think \u003c/i>they’ve successfully gotten it in on time but have accidentally placed it in a USPS collection box that has already had its last collection for the day — which in many places is 5 p.m. or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means your ballot won’t be postmarked on Nov. 5, and your county elections office can’t count your vote. Delivering your ballot by hand via a drop-box or at a voting location by 8 p.m. on Election Day guarantees it’ll be counted, bringing you peace of mind that you’ve made the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-drop-box\">\u003c/a>What’s the advantage of delivering my ballot by hand at a drop-box or voting location rather than using USPS?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few reasons you might prefer to hand deliver your completed ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Peace of mind: There’s a satisfaction that comes from knowing your ballot will now travel straight to your county elections office rather than going through USPS’ sometimes sluggish collection, sorting and delivery process.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Timing: If Election Day is drawing near, using a drop-box or a voting location to drop off your ballot directly is the best way to be sure it’ll reach your county elections office in time to be counted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Assistance: If you drop off your ballot at a voting location during operating hours and you have a few lingering questions about your ballot or the process, there’s a good chance you’ll find someone there to help answer them.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Find your closest ballot drop-box or voting location here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Once I’ve mailed my ballot, how will I know it reached my county elections office for counting?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot online\u003c/a> through the state’s “Where’s My Ballot” tool. By doing this, you’ll also quickly be alerted of any issues with your ballot or your signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "these-2-bay-area-school-bonds-could-help-build-teacher-housing",
"title": "These 2 Bay Area School Bonds Could Help Build Teacher Housing",
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"headTitle": "These 2 Bay Area School Bonds Could Help Build Teacher Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2016/03/24/470710747/more-teachers-cant-afford-to-live-where-they-teach\">years\u003c/a>, Bay Area teachers have said one of their biggest concerns is finding affordable housing close to where they work. For some teachers, the fact that their salaries \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/better-pay-would-keep-teachers-from-quitting-but-theres-more-to-it/2022/07\">can’t keep up with the increased cost of living\u003c/a> has some considering leaving the profession altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, more school districts across California are taking matters into their own hands by getting into the business of building housing for their teachers and staff on empty parking lots, unused office buildings and other excess land. And, in the Bay Area, two districts are turning to bond measures to help pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those two bonds — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/santaclara/measures#measure-r\">Measure R in Santa Clara County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanmateo/measures#measure-k\">Measure K in San Mateo County\u003c/a> — would raise $1.15 billion and $153 million, respectively, to pay for upgrades to school district facilities. Both measures include building affordable housing for teachers and staff in their descriptions for what the bond could fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures come as state leaders ask voters to consider a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-2\">$10 billion bond measure\u003c/a> to upgrade school facilities across California. And, as state leaders are faced with a lofty goal to plan for 2.5 million new homes statewide by 2030, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997949/california-schools-keep-losing-teachers-the-state-wants-to-help-build-homes-for-them\">they are encouraging school districts to be more proactive\u003c/a> about building housing for their staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, a group of parents and teachers at the Cabrillo Unified School District saw other school districts develop housing for their employees and were inspired to campaign to get Measure K on the ballot. If approved by voters, most of the $153 million will be used to fix classrooms, according to members of the board. Some of the money can also be used to construct educator housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Unified School District’s Measure R anticipates dedicating approximately $283 million of the total $1.15 billion bond to build housing for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010731\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010731\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A brochure supporting Measure R In San José. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Renata Sanchez, president of the San José Teachers Union, said the district has seen employee vacancy rates rise, especially among instructional associates, the staff who support special education teachers, and who are often paid less than teachers. She said the bond could help keep those associates from leaving the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody here wants to be in the business of developing land for housing,” Sanchez said. “We just feel that we’re cornered into it. We have to do something because nobody else is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, opponents of local bond measures say school districts should focus on educating their students, and that bond measures are often proposed too lightly, without thought to how they will impact future residents who have to pay back the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who owns a home is going to pay more for that home every year,” said Mark Hinkle, president of the Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association, which is opposed to both measures R and K. “And even if you’re a renter, guess where the landlord gets the money to pay these taxes?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, only a handful of school districts across the state have successfully completed construction on new workforce housing. Santa Clara Unified School District was the first district to build housing for its staff, according to the California School Board Association. The apartment complex, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclarausd.org/about-us/departments/facility-development-and-planning/teacher-housing-foundation\">named Casa Del Maestro\u003c/a>, opened in 2002 and has 70 one- and two-bedroom apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997949/california-schools-keep-losing-teachers-the-state-wants-to-help-build-homes-for-them\">Department of Education announced an initiative\u003c/a> to help schools navigate the muddy waters of housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the California School Board Association hosted a summit with school district staff, affordable housing advocates and researchers to look into how schools can more effectively build housing. According to Scott Roark, a spokesperson for the Department of Education, more than 150 districts across the state are now in “some stage of developing housing on district property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Troy Flint, a spokesperson for the California School Board Association, said districts are well-positioned to develop housing because they already own the land. And he argued such projects tend to have a shorter timeline than traditional affordable housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The land or the buildings that the school districts own — that is under their control, and they have a lot of autonomy,” he said. “You can get from concept to people moving into housing in as little as five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez and others in the San José Unified School District have concrete plans for where they would build the new housing if their bond passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One project would turn an empty parking lot into 75 studio and one-bedroom apartments with parking underground. Another would move a magnet school to a larger campus and use the existing land to build approximately 120 apartments and townhomes. Their third site would build educator housing on what is currently a special education school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010729\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010729\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed site for educator housing on Lenzen Avenue, currently used as an employee parking lot for the San José Unified School District in San José. If approved, the project would create 75 studio and one-bedroom units. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The biggest project would transform an open field on a technical education campus into an estimated 300 two-bedroom apartments and townhomes. Sanchez said funds from Measure R could fund two of the smaller projects or the one with 300 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the bond measures are approved, the projects will have to go through each city’s complicated and often costly permitting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in Half Moon Bay, the proposed housing has already caused consternation amongst neighbors who worry the new development could be “out of character” with the existing homes. Mike Alifano, a Half Moon Bay resident and member of previous school bond oversight committees, said this is the district’s first bond measure to mention teacher housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a community that doesn’t like a lot of change, and it’s because we want to keep this look and feel of the way things are right now,” he said. “There were other areas [the district] was looking at in different communities, and we had a bit of pushback in those communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said there have been plans to develop teacher housing in San José since 2020, but once the pandemic hit, the district had to put the projects on hold. But she said she didn’t want to wait any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are losing teachers across the state, but in this area, at an alarming rate,” she said. “Our kids will suffer if we don’t do something soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>What housing questions do you have for KQED? \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\">Let us know\u003c/a>:\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nhttps://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Two Bay Area school districts are proposing bond measures that would fund teacher housing. However, developing housing is tough work, especially for schools that are fighting for funding.",
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"title": "These 2 Bay Area School Bonds Could Help Build Teacher Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2016/03/24/470710747/more-teachers-cant-afford-to-live-where-they-teach\">years\u003c/a>, Bay Area teachers have said one of their biggest concerns is finding affordable housing close to where they work. For some teachers, the fact that their salaries \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/better-pay-would-keep-teachers-from-quitting-but-theres-more-to-it/2022/07\">can’t keep up with the increased cost of living\u003c/a> has some considering leaving the profession altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, more school districts across California are taking matters into their own hands by getting into the business of building housing for their teachers and staff on empty parking lots, unused office buildings and other excess land. And, in the Bay Area, two districts are turning to bond measures to help pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those two bonds — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/santaclara/measures#measure-r\">Measure R in Santa Clara County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanmateo/measures#measure-k\">Measure K in San Mateo County\u003c/a> — would raise $1.15 billion and $153 million, respectively, to pay for upgrades to school district facilities. Both measures include building affordable housing for teachers and staff in their descriptions for what the bond could fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures come as state leaders ask voters to consider a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-2\">$10 billion bond measure\u003c/a> to upgrade school facilities across California. And, as state leaders are faced with a lofty goal to plan for 2.5 million new homes statewide by 2030, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997949/california-schools-keep-losing-teachers-the-state-wants-to-help-build-homes-for-them\">they are encouraging school districts to be more proactive\u003c/a> about building housing for their staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, a group of parents and teachers at the Cabrillo Unified School District saw other school districts develop housing for their employees and were inspired to campaign to get Measure K on the ballot. If approved by voters, most of the $153 million will be used to fix classrooms, according to members of the board. Some of the money can also be used to construct educator housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Unified School District’s Measure R anticipates dedicating approximately $283 million of the total $1.15 billion bond to build housing for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010731\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010731\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A brochure supporting Measure R In San José. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Renata Sanchez, president of the San José Teachers Union, said the district has seen employee vacancy rates rise, especially among instructional associates, the staff who support special education teachers, and who are often paid less than teachers. She said the bond could help keep those associates from leaving the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody here wants to be in the business of developing land for housing,” Sanchez said. “We just feel that we’re cornered into it. We have to do something because nobody else is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, opponents of local bond measures say school districts should focus on educating their students, and that bond measures are often proposed too lightly, without thought to how they will impact future residents who have to pay back the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who owns a home is going to pay more for that home every year,” said Mark Hinkle, president of the Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association, which is opposed to both measures R and K. “And even if you’re a renter, guess where the landlord gets the money to pay these taxes?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, only a handful of school districts across the state have successfully completed construction on new workforce housing. Santa Clara Unified School District was the first district to build housing for its staff, according to the California School Board Association. The apartment complex, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclarausd.org/about-us/departments/facility-development-and-planning/teacher-housing-foundation\">named Casa Del Maestro\u003c/a>, opened in 2002 and has 70 one- and two-bedroom apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997949/california-schools-keep-losing-teachers-the-state-wants-to-help-build-homes-for-them\">Department of Education announced an initiative\u003c/a> to help schools navigate the muddy waters of housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the California School Board Association hosted a summit with school district staff, affordable housing advocates and researchers to look into how schools can more effectively build housing. According to Scott Roark, a spokesperson for the Department of Education, more than 150 districts across the state are now in “some stage of developing housing on district property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Troy Flint, a spokesperson for the California School Board Association, said districts are well-positioned to develop housing because they already own the land. And he argued such projects tend to have a shorter timeline than traditional affordable housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The land or the buildings that the school districts own — that is under their control, and they have a lot of autonomy,” he said. “You can get from concept to people moving into housing in as little as five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez and others in the San José Unified School District have concrete plans for where they would build the new housing if their bond passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One project would turn an empty parking lot into 75 studio and one-bedroom apartments with parking underground. Another would move a magnet school to a larger campus and use the existing land to build approximately 120 apartments and townhomes. Their third site would build educator housing on what is currently a special education school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010729\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010729\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_SCHOOLDISTRICTHOUSING_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed site for educator housing on Lenzen Avenue, currently used as an employee parking lot for the San José Unified School District in San José. If approved, the project would create 75 studio and one-bedroom units. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The biggest project would transform an open field on a technical education campus into an estimated 300 two-bedroom apartments and townhomes. Sanchez said funds from Measure R could fund two of the smaller projects or the one with 300 units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the bond measures are approved, the projects will have to go through each city’s complicated and often costly permitting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in Half Moon Bay, the proposed housing has already caused consternation amongst neighbors who worry the new development could be “out of character” with the existing homes. Mike Alifano, a Half Moon Bay resident and member of previous school bond oversight committees, said this is the district’s first bond measure to mention teacher housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a community that doesn’t like a lot of change, and it’s because we want to keep this look and feel of the way things are right now,” he said. “There were other areas [the district] was looking at in different communities, and we had a bit of pushback in those communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said there have been plans to develop teacher housing in San José since 2020, but once the pandemic hit, the district had to put the projects on hold. But she said she didn’t want to wait any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are losing teachers across the state, but in this area, at an alarming rate,” she said. “Our kids will suffer if we don’t do something soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>What housing questions do you have for KQED? \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\">Let us know\u003c/a>:\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Sold Out: California Forever's Uphill Battle to Build a Walkable City",
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"headTitle": "Sold Out: California Forever’s Uphill Battle to Build a Walkable City | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a rural corner of Solano County, a tech investor has a vision to build a walkable city atop the area’s golden rolling hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal could help solve twin crises confronting the Bay Area: a shortage of housing and the growing threat of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the climate crisis grows more dire, more cities are trying to build housing close to the train stations and along bus lines, add bike lanes and make their streets more walkable. The state’s department of housing is offering \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-archived/transit-oriented-development-housing\">millions of dollars\u003c/a> to developments that are “transit-oriented” and emphasize affordability. Even \u003ca href=\"https://nhc.org/the-harris-walz-housing-plan-detailed-serious-and-impactful/\">Vice President Kamala Harris \u003c/a>has campaigned on a promise to streamline permitting to encourage more construction of transit-oriented housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4413275234&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Season 3 of KQED’s podcast Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America, we looked at how difficult it can be for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966342/how-the-bay-areas-biggest-city-wants-to-overcome-its-sprawl\">sprawling cities like San José\u003c/a>, which were largely built around cars, to be retrofitted for pedestrians. But what if we started from scratch? A year later, we follow California Forever’s East Solano Plan, an ambitious proposal to build a dense, walkable, transit-rich city in Solano County.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12000185,news_11996536,news_11991234,news_11984830\"]The company’s subsidiary, Flannery Associates, began in 2017 by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005460/farmers-who-refused-to-sell-land-to-california-forever-settle-suits-against-them\">purchasing thousands of acres of farmland\u003c/a> in the Montezuma Hills. For years, no one knew who was behind the company or why it was purchasing land there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on August 25, 2023, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/25/business/land-purchases-solano-county.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> story\u003c/a> revealed a cadre of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11959845/the-silicon-valley-giants-who-want-to-build-a-new-city-in-solano-county\">Silicon Valley billionaires \u003c/a>were behind the project. The company quickly created a website, which named Jan Sramek, a former Goldman Sachs trader and education tech founder, as its CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California Forever is an attempt to make sure that the Bay Area remains the center of innovation and prosperity that it’s been for the last 50 years,” Sramek said during a \u003ca href=\"https://a16z.com/rebuilding-the-california-dream/\">summit hosted by venture capitalist Marc Andreessen of Andreessen Horowitz\u003c/a>. “We’re doing that by building a new city, the first new city in the Bay Area that has been proposed or built in the last 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"tiktok-embed\" cite=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kqedofficial/video/7366399471896349994\" data-video-id=\"7366399471896349994\" data-embed-from=\"oembed\" style=\"max-width:605px; min-width:325px;\">\n\u003csection> \u003ca target=\"_blank\" title=\"@kqedofficial\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kqedofficial?refer=embed\">@kqedofficial\u003c/a> \n\u003cp>A group called California Forever, backed by some of Silicon Valley’s biggest names, made national headlines last year after it came forward as the mysterious buyer of large chunks of land surrounding Travis Air Force Base. It spent some $2 million in the first three months of 2024 on a campaign to convince voters it should be allowed to build a city from scratch with as many as 400,000 residents in Eastern Solano County. But since going public, California Forever has been met with harsh criticism from several lawmakers, affordable housing advocates and residents. Even so, they've gathered enough signatures to qualify its measure for the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003ca target=\"_blank\" title=\"♬ original sound - kqed\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-7366399535939308334?refer=embed\">♬ original sound - kqed\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\u003c/section>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp> \u003cscript async src=\"https://www.tiktok.com/embed.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of a policy passed in the 1990s in Solano County, California Forever has to get voter approval before it can build on farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The path to the ballot box is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001435/california-forever-pulls-ballot-measure-to-build-new-city-in-solano-county-for-now\">anything but easy\u003c/a> as the mostly rural and suburban county comes under the national spotlight because of this controversial project. We follow along to see what it takes to build something of this scale in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a rural corner of Solano County, a tech investor has a vision to build a walkable city atop the area’s golden rolling hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal could help solve twin crises confronting the Bay Area: a shortage of housing and the growing threat of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the climate crisis grows more dire, more cities are trying to build housing close to the train stations and along bus lines, add bike lanes and make their streets more walkable. The state’s department of housing is offering \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-archived/transit-oriented-development-housing\">millions of dollars\u003c/a> to developments that are “transit-oriented” and emphasize affordability. Even \u003ca href=\"https://nhc.org/the-harris-walz-housing-plan-detailed-serious-and-impactful/\">Vice President Kamala Harris \u003c/a>has campaigned on a promise to streamline permitting to encourage more construction of transit-oriented housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4413275234&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Season 3 of KQED’s podcast Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America, we looked at how difficult it can be for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966342/how-the-bay-areas-biggest-city-wants-to-overcome-its-sprawl\">sprawling cities like San José\u003c/a>, which were largely built around cars, to be retrofitted for pedestrians. But what if we started from scratch? A year later, we follow California Forever’s East Solano Plan, an ambitious proposal to build a dense, walkable, transit-rich city in Solano County.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company’s subsidiary, Flannery Associates, began in 2017 by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005460/farmers-who-refused-to-sell-land-to-california-forever-settle-suits-against-them\">purchasing thousands of acres of farmland\u003c/a> in the Montezuma Hills. For years, no one knew who was behind the company or why it was purchasing land there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on August 25, 2023, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/25/business/land-purchases-solano-county.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> story\u003c/a> revealed a cadre of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11959845/the-silicon-valley-giants-who-want-to-build-a-new-city-in-solano-county\">Silicon Valley billionaires \u003c/a>were behind the project. The company quickly created a website, which named Jan Sramek, a former Goldman Sachs trader and education tech founder, as its CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California Forever is an attempt to make sure that the Bay Area remains the center of innovation and prosperity that it’s been for the last 50 years,” Sramek said during a \u003ca href=\"https://a16z.com/rebuilding-the-california-dream/\">summit hosted by venture capitalist Marc Andreessen of Andreessen Horowitz\u003c/a>. “We’re doing that by building a new city, the first new city in the Bay Area that has been proposed or built in the last 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"tiktok-embed\" cite=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kqedofficial/video/7366399471896349994\" data-video-id=\"7366399471896349994\" data-embed-from=\"oembed\" style=\"max-width:605px; min-width:325px;\">\n\u003csection> \u003ca target=\"_blank\" title=\"@kqedofficial\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kqedofficial?refer=embed\">@kqedofficial\u003c/a> \n\u003cp>A group called California Forever, backed by some of Silicon Valley’s biggest names, made national headlines last year after it came forward as the mysterious buyer of large chunks of land surrounding Travis Air Force Base. It spent some $2 million in the first three months of 2024 on a campaign to convince voters it should be allowed to build a city from scratch with as many as 400,000 residents in Eastern Solano County. But since going public, California Forever has been met with harsh criticism from several lawmakers, affordable housing advocates and residents. Even so, they've gathered enough signatures to qualify its measure for the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003ca target=\"_blank\" title=\"♬ original sound - kqed\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-7366399535939308334?refer=embed\">♬ original sound - kqed\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\u003c/section>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp> \u003cscript async src=\"https://www.tiktok.com/embed.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of a policy passed in the 1990s in Solano County, California Forever has to get voter approval before it can build on farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The path to the ballot box is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001435/california-forever-pulls-ballot-measure-to-build-new-city-in-solano-county-for-now\">anything but easy\u003c/a> as the mostly rural and suburban county comes under the national spotlight because of this controversial project. We follow along to see what it takes to build something of this scale in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a> and her challenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-farrell\">Mark Farrell\u003c/a>, who previously served as a city supervisor and interim mayor, allegedly misused the official seal of San Francisco, according to cease-and-desist letters the city sent to both this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the letters sent Thursday only direct the candidates to stop using the seal for any unauthorized purposes, they also point out that such misuse constitutes a misdemeanor. And although Farrell’s alleged misuse came years before his mayoral campaign, the letter to Breed said the logo was “potentially misused in a private and/or campaign capacity.” The letters come just days before polls close on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">the city’s increasingly tight mayoral race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal is a significant symbol of our City and is not for general, commercial or political use,” reads the letter sent to Breed, signed by Angela Calvillo, clerk for the Board of Supervisors. “All other uses require Board of Supervisors approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter sent to Breed, first reported by \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Josh_Koehn/status/1849662870428213735\">The Information\u003c/a>, points specifically to an email sent on Sept. 4 by the personal email address of city chief of protocol Maryam Muduroglu, which used the seal on an invitation to “An Evening of Conversation with Mayor London Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though voters would have been in attendance at the event, no donations were reportedly collected and Breed’s campaign attributed the cease-and-desist letters to petty politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when San Franciscans are concerned about major issues that affect their daily lives, this is a colossal waste of time,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesman for Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar letter sent to Farrell and the venture capital firm he led and co-founded, Thayer Ventures, alleged the seal was misused in a private investor presentation in November 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal on this private investor presentation is not official City business, and according to my records, the Board of Supervisors has not granted approval of the use of the City Seal for the presentation,” Calvillo wrote. “Therefore, I write to request that you immediately cease and desist using the City Seal in association with your activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor presentation happened over three years after Farrell left office in 2018 and over two years before he launched his mayoral campaign in February. Farrell, who has been accused of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004858/san-francisco-democratic-party-accuses-farrell-of-misleading-voters-with-prop-d-ad\">misusing the San Francisco Democratic Party’s logo\u003c/a> on a ballot measure campaign mailer, denied any credit for the presentation itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not create the deck,” which is no longer in use, Farrell said in a statement. “The deck was created by a third party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third letter was also sent to Shayne Copland, the CEO of Polymarket, a cryptocurrency website where people can place bets on elections, including \u003ca href=\"https://polymarket.com/event/who-will-win-san-francisco-mayoral-election/will-london-breed-win-the-san-francisco-mayoral-election?tid=1729880695130\">the San Francisco mayor’s race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/10/mark-farrell-hit-with-cease-and-desist-letter-over-use-of-s-f-city-seal/\">Mission Local\u003c/a> reported that, in an email to the Board of Supervisors, Calvillo called Polymarket’s use of the seal “the most egregious” case of the three letters sent out this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a> and her challenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-farrell\">Mark Farrell\u003c/a>, who previously served as a city supervisor and interim mayor, allegedly misused the official seal of San Francisco, according to cease-and-desist letters the city sent to both this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the letters sent Thursday only direct the candidates to stop using the seal for any unauthorized purposes, they also point out that such misuse constitutes a misdemeanor. And although Farrell’s alleged misuse came years before his mayoral campaign, the letter to Breed said the logo was “potentially misused in a private and/or campaign capacity.” The letters come just days before polls close on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">the city’s increasingly tight mayoral race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal is a significant symbol of our City and is not for general, commercial or political use,” reads the letter sent to Breed, signed by Angela Calvillo, clerk for the Board of Supervisors. “All other uses require Board of Supervisors approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter sent to Breed, first reported by \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Josh_Koehn/status/1849662870428213735\">The Information\u003c/a>, points specifically to an email sent on Sept. 4 by the personal email address of city chief of protocol Maryam Muduroglu, which used the seal on an invitation to “An Evening of Conversation with Mayor London Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though voters would have been in attendance at the event, no donations were reportedly collected and Breed’s campaign attributed the cease-and-desist letters to petty politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when San Franciscans are concerned about major issues that affect their daily lives, this is a colossal waste of time,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesman for Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar letter sent to Farrell and the venture capital firm he led and co-founded, Thayer Ventures, alleged the seal was misused in a private investor presentation in November 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal on this private investor presentation is not official City business, and according to my records, the Board of Supervisors has not granted approval of the use of the City Seal for the presentation,” Calvillo wrote. “Therefore, I write to request that you immediately cease and desist using the City Seal in association with your activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor presentation happened over three years after Farrell left office in 2018 and over two years before he launched his mayoral campaign in February. Farrell, who has been accused of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004858/san-francisco-democratic-party-accuses-farrell-of-misleading-voters-with-prop-d-ad\">misusing the San Francisco Democratic Party’s logo\u003c/a> on a ballot measure campaign mailer, denied any credit for the presentation itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not create the deck,” which is no longer in use, Farrell said in a statement. “The deck was created by a third party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third letter was also sent to Shayne Copland, the CEO of Polymarket, a cryptocurrency website where people can place bets on elections, including \u003ca href=\"https://polymarket.com/event/who-will-win-san-francisco-mayoral-election/will-london-breed-win-the-san-francisco-mayoral-election?tid=1729880695130\">the San Francisco mayor’s race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/10/mark-farrell-hit-with-cease-and-desist-letter-over-use-of-s-f-city-seal/\">Mission Local\u003c/a> reported that, in an email to the Board of Supervisors, Calvillo called Polymarket’s use of the seal “the most egregious” case of the three letters sent out this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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