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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More than 300,000 hens live on Weber Family Farms in Petaluma. Some are certified organic, meaning they eat organic food and roam cage-free through an old, wooden hen house, clucking in the fresh air. The rest are conventional hens and inhabit a dimly lit warehouse where they lay eggs once a day, which ultimately end up in supermarkets around the Bay Area and in southern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The farm has been in the Weber family for four generations. Mike Weber is the current co-owner, and while his farm is humane-certified — meaning a third-party animal welfare expert has visited and given their stamp of approval — he’s facing closure \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">if Sonoma County voters approve Measure J\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is designed to put agricultural interests like ours out of business,” Weber said about the measure, which asks voters to ban certain large farms in the county in this November election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011472\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011472 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Weber, farmer and co-owner of Weber Family Farms, poses for a photo at the farm in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J borrows the federal definition of a large concentrated animal feeding operation or CAFO. Under the Clean Water Act, the Environmental Protection Agency \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/npdes/pubs/cafo_permitmanual_chapter2.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">defines a large CAFO (PDF) \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the number of animals it has — 700 or more cows, 82,000 or more laying hens, for example. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s not based on how well you manage your flocks, how well you take care of your animals and the level of animal welfare you have,” Weber said. “It’s all about a number. And if you exceed that number, you’re punished, and you’re shut down.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/cafos\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J have identified 21 large CAFOs\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Sonoma County — including Weber’s — that fall under this CAFO definition and would be forced to downsize or shut down altogether if it passes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a pretty drastic measure,” said Silvia Secchi, a professor who studies agriculture at the University of Iowa. “I think it’s really interesting because, finally, there are some stakes attached to this definition that have not been there before.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Secchi, this is the first attempt ever in the U.S. to ban large CAFOs outright. Other states, including North Carolina, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.deq.nc.gov/about/divisions/water-resources/water-quality-permitting/animal-feeding-operations/program-summary\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">have passed moratoria\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but this is the first time they would be eliminated altogether, and existing ones would have to shut down or be forced to move.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J argue these kinds of large farms are inherently cruel to the animals. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Bull, a fruit and vegetable farmer in Sebastopol, plans to vote “yes” on J. She said she has seen photos of farms like Weber’s and doesn’t think they should exist in Sonoma County.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just too crowded,” she said. “It’s just devastating, horrendous cruelty to the animals.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011471\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011471 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers package eggs in cartons at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coalition to End Factory Farming\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a group of animal rights and environmental organizations, put forward the measure. Another big sponsor is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.directactioneverywhere.com/campaigns/end-factory-farming-in-sonoma-county\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Direct Action Everywhere\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Berkeley-based animal rights activist group known for its open rescue demonstrations. Last year, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/animal-activist-sentenced-in-conspiracy-case-involving-petaluma-poultry-far/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the organization’s cofounder was jailed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for breaking into Petaluma poultry farms — including Weber’s — as part of an animal welfare demonstration. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma,Sonoma County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Sonoma-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All the large poultry and dairy farms in Sonoma County are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/blog/2012/03/22/organic-101-what-usda-organic-label-means\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">certified organic\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — which addresses both the manner in which foods are grown and animals are raised.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As for the environmental concerns, CAFOs \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/resources/cafos-what-we-dont-know-hurting-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are a major source\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of air and water pollution nationally. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/why-measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of Measure J say\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> outlawing them in Sonoma County would benefit local waterways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re one of the most egregious trashers of the planet, and they’ve got to go,” Bull said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, according to the local water quality control board, animal agriculture does not pose an outsized threat to waterways in Sonoma County when compared to other land uses, including commercial vineyards and residential areas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because of “very low herd densities on grazing lands, the predominance of pasture-based, organic dairies (which sharply contrasts with operations located in the Central Valley), and the ongoing implementation of the Regional Water Boards’ regulatory permitting programs for animal-based ag operations,” a spokesperson for the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/northcoast/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> wrote in an email to KQED. “These programs are designed to ensure that such operations do not cause or contribute to water quality impairments, and rates of compliance are relatively high.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011473\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘No on J’ sign is posted along Stony Point Road in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J’s opponents include the county board of supervisors, various city councils and both the Democratic and Republican parties of Sonoma County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it passes or not, Secchi said the measure could still have ripple effects outside of Sonoma County and even outside California. She points to other pieces of legislation that have passed via ballot measure in the state, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/AHFSS/AnimalCare/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">like Proposition 12\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which prohibits producing and selling meat in California from animals that were raised in “extreme confinement.” The measure faced intense backlash from the pork industry and even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/21-468_5if6.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">went before the U.S. Supreme Court (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If a ban on large CAFOs went into effect across California, it could just displace livestock operations to places like Secchi’s home state of Iowa that have looser regulations for animal welfare, environmental pollution and even child labor laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People need to also understand that depending on how you do things in California, you do have these indirect effects out of state and need to be mindful of that,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she added, it’s important to keep scrutinizing the livestock industry. Most meat eaters in the U.S. don’t think hard enough about where their food comes from, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do think that all this attention is a signal that people are thinking about these issues,” Secchi said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Measure J asks voters to ban large animal farms in Sonoma County. Proponents are concerned about animal welfare and environmental pollution. Opponents say those concerns are unfounded and, if approved, the proposal would devastate the long-standing agriculture industry in the region.",
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"title": "A Sonoma County Ballot Measure Seeks to Outlaw Big Animal Farms. Farmers Say It Would Be Devastating | KQED",
"description": "Measure J asks voters to ban large animal farms in Sonoma County. Proponents are concerned about animal welfare and environmental pollution. Opponents say those concerns are unfounded and, if approved, the proposal would devastate the long-standing agriculture industry in the region.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More than 300,000 hens live on Weber Family Farms in Petaluma. Some are certified organic, meaning they eat organic food and roam cage-free through an old, wooden hen house, clucking in the fresh air. The rest are conventional hens and inhabit a dimly lit warehouse where they lay eggs once a day, which ultimately end up in supermarkets around the Bay Area and in southern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The farm has been in the Weber family for four generations. Mike Weber is the current co-owner, and while his farm is humane-certified — meaning a third-party animal welfare expert has visited and given their stamp of approval — he’s facing closure \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">if Sonoma County voters approve Measure J\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is designed to put agricultural interests like ours out of business,” Weber said about the measure, which asks voters to ban certain large farms in the county in this November election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011472\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011472 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Weber, farmer and co-owner of Weber Family Farms, poses for a photo at the farm in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J borrows the federal definition of a large concentrated animal feeding operation or CAFO. Under the Clean Water Act, the Environmental Protection Agency \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/npdes/pubs/cafo_permitmanual_chapter2.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">defines a large CAFO (PDF) \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the number of animals it has — 700 or more cows, 82,000 or more laying hens, for example. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s not based on how well you manage your flocks, how well you take care of your animals and the level of animal welfare you have,” Weber said. “It’s all about a number. And if you exceed that number, you’re punished, and you’re shut down.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/cafos\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J have identified 21 large CAFOs\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Sonoma County — including Weber’s — that fall under this CAFO definition and would be forced to downsize or shut down altogether if it passes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a pretty drastic measure,” said Silvia Secchi, a professor who studies agriculture at the University of Iowa. “I think it’s really interesting because, finally, there are some stakes attached to this definition that have not been there before.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Secchi, this is the first attempt ever in the U.S. to ban large CAFOs outright. Other states, including North Carolina, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.deq.nc.gov/about/divisions/water-resources/water-quality-permitting/animal-feeding-operations/program-summary\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">have passed moratoria\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but this is the first time they would be eliminated altogether, and existing ones would have to shut down or be forced to move.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J argue these kinds of large farms are inherently cruel to the animals. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Bull, a fruit and vegetable farmer in Sebastopol, plans to vote “yes” on J. She said she has seen photos of farms like Weber’s and doesn’t think they should exist in Sonoma County.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just too crowded,” she said. “It’s just devastating, horrendous cruelty to the animals.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011471\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011471 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers package eggs in cartons at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coalition to End Factory Farming\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a group of animal rights and environmental organizations, put forward the measure. Another big sponsor is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.directactioneverywhere.com/campaigns/end-factory-farming-in-sonoma-county\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Direct Action Everywhere\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Berkeley-based animal rights activist group known for its open rescue demonstrations. Last year, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/animal-activist-sentenced-in-conspiracy-case-involving-petaluma-poultry-far/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the organization’s cofounder was jailed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for breaking into Petaluma poultry farms — including Weber’s — as part of an animal welfare demonstration. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All the large poultry and dairy farms in Sonoma County are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/blog/2012/03/22/organic-101-what-usda-organic-label-means\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">certified organic\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — which addresses both the manner in which foods are grown and animals are raised.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As for the environmental concerns, CAFOs \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/resources/cafos-what-we-dont-know-hurting-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are a major source\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of air and water pollution nationally. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/why-measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of Measure J say\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> outlawing them in Sonoma County would benefit local waterways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re one of the most egregious trashers of the planet, and they’ve got to go,” Bull said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, according to the local water quality control board, animal agriculture does not pose an outsized threat to waterways in Sonoma County when compared to other land uses, including commercial vineyards and residential areas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because of “very low herd densities on grazing lands, the predominance of pasture-based, organic dairies (which sharply contrasts with operations located in the Central Valley), and the ongoing implementation of the Regional Water Boards’ regulatory permitting programs for animal-based ag operations,” a spokesperson for the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/northcoast/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> wrote in an email to KQED. “These programs are designed to ensure that such operations do not cause or contribute to water quality impairments, and rates of compliance are relatively high.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011473\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘No on J’ sign is posted along Stony Point Road in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J’s opponents include the county board of supervisors, various city councils and both the Democratic and Republican parties of Sonoma County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it passes or not, Secchi said the measure could still have ripple effects outside of Sonoma County and even outside California. She points to other pieces of legislation that have passed via ballot measure in the state, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/AHFSS/AnimalCare/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">like Proposition 12\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which prohibits producing and selling meat in California from animals that were raised in “extreme confinement.” The measure faced intense backlash from the pork industry and even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/21-468_5if6.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">went before the U.S. Supreme Court (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If a ban on large CAFOs went into effect across California, it could just displace livestock operations to places like Secchi’s home state of Iowa that have looser regulations for animal welfare, environmental pollution and even child labor laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People need to also understand that depending on how you do things in California, you do have these indirect effects out of state and need to be mindful of that,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she added, it’s important to keep scrutinizing the livestock industry. Most meat eaters in the U.S. don’t think hard enough about where their food comes from, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do think that all this attention is a signal that people are thinking about these issues,” Secchi said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "After Ballot Box Fires Elsewhere, Bay Area Elections Officials Urge Trust in the Vote",
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"content": "\u003cp>After three \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/28/nx-s1-5168404/oregon-washington-arizona-ballots-drop-boxes-fires\">ballot boxes were set on fire\u003c/a> in the Pacific Northwest in recent weeks, raising concerns about voting safety, local elections officials are seeking to reassure voters that they can trust the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, registrars have enhanced security measures to ensure that, even in this tense time, voters and poll workers can participate in a safe and fair election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several officials said they anticipated increased risks ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">this election\u003c/a>, which could be the result of the last four years of stoked fears around voting — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> and running mate JD Vance’s refusal to accept the outcome of the 2020 election, and the 2021 insurrection on the day Congress certified its result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve become increasingly aware of the security risks to the voting process,” said Matt Moreles, Santa Clara County’s acting registrar of voters. “We’ve been taking steps going into this year and into this election to try to strengthen the security so that we can provide all of our voters with a safe and secure election process that’s free from any interference and intimidation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara, that included adding security to high-turnout polling places and increasing collaboration with local law enforcement to develop escalation and incident response plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anything happens, we have direct lines out to all of our partners,” he said. “We’ve got plans for how to respond so that we can ensure continuity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballot drop boxes are a particular area of concern for voters after the recent fires. On Oct. 8, the first was lit in Vancouver, Washington. On Monday, another fire was set at one of the city’s ballot drop-off locations, as well as at another in Portland, Oregon.[aside postID=news_12011743 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities believe the incidents are related. The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/29/us/ballot-box-fires-oregon-washington-gaza.html\">New York Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> has reported that at all three sites, devices placed outside the drop boxes had “Free Gaza” written on them, though investigators are trying to determine whether the suspect was a pro-Palestinian activist or using the phrase to sow division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a September bulletin from the Department of Homeland Security, \u003ca href=\"https://propertyofthepeople.org/document-detail/?doc-id=25255596\">obtained by the watchdog group Property of the People\u003c/a>, plans to destroy ballot drop boxes had been swirling on social media for about six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some social media users are discussing and encouraging various methods of sabotaging ballot drop boxes and avoiding detection, likely heightening the potential for targeting of this election infrastructure through the 2024 election cycle,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulletin specifically said that people on forums frequented by “domestic violence extremists” discussed methods to destroy the boxes with petroleum fuel, road flares and fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew going into this election that drop boxes were going to be an area of concern for security,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California requires local elections officials to pick up ballots from boxes every other day in the 10 days before the election, but Santa Clara County has increased the frequency of pickups at its 109 drop-off locations to every day, and as Nov. 5 gets closer, Moreles said they will be picking up three to four times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections workers have been instructed to inspect the boxes on pickup runs to make sure nothing has been tampered with and that all of their seals are in place, and local law enforcement agencies have been asked to increase patrols near the boxes when possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynda Roberts, Marin County’s chief election officer, said that the county is installing fire suppression equipment to its 26 drop box locations. It is also increasing patrols in the areas, and is closing ballot boxes at polling places overnight, though they have traditionally been accessible 24 hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14 drop boxes that are still open at all times are all in the vicinity of government and law enforcement agencies’ buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Bay Area counties plan to activate their emergency operation centers to centralize communication with voting locations and law enforcement officials, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kristin Connelly, Contra Costa County’s registrar of voters, said she couldn’t comment on specifics, she said that the elections office had been in communication with local law enforcement and was doing “everything we can to keep a safe and secure election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many registrars are telling voters to sign up for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/wheres-my-ballot\">ballot tracking\u003c/a> so that they can see when their ballot has been received.[aside postID=news_12011896 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-02-KQED-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best thing that voters can do is to sign up for ballot tracks,” Roberts said. “It’s a free ballot tracking service through the Secretary of State that will tell the voter when we’ve received their ballot… Then they can have that assurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties in the Bay Area have details about their work to ensure a safe election, along with information on deadlines for mail-in ballots and the link to ballot tracking on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said that one of the best ways to ensure your ballot arrives safely is to vote early and track its progress. Santa Clara County, which has a little over a million registered voters, has already received 275,000 ballots. If your ballot hasn’t arrived after two to three days, he said it might be time to reach out to your elections office to see about a replacement or go to an in-person vote center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to all three of the officials, their counties are in good positions to have safe and secure elections next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been working tirelessly with all of our local, state and even federal partners to make sure that we have good plans in place to ensure a secure election,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After three \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/28/nx-s1-5168404/oregon-washington-arizona-ballots-drop-boxes-fires\">ballot boxes were set on fire\u003c/a> in the Pacific Northwest in recent weeks, raising concerns about voting safety, local elections officials are seeking to reassure voters that they can trust the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, registrars have enhanced security measures to ensure that, even in this tense time, voters and poll workers can participate in a safe and fair election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several officials said they anticipated increased risks ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">this election\u003c/a>, which could be the result of the last four years of stoked fears around voting — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> and running mate JD Vance’s refusal to accept the outcome of the 2020 election, and the 2021 insurrection on the day Congress certified its result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve become increasingly aware of the security risks to the voting process,” said Matt Moreles, Santa Clara County’s acting registrar of voters. “We’ve been taking steps going into this year and into this election to try to strengthen the security so that we can provide all of our voters with a safe and secure election process that’s free from any interference and intimidation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara, that included adding security to high-turnout polling places and increasing collaboration with local law enforcement to develop escalation and incident response plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anything happens, we have direct lines out to all of our partners,” he said. “We’ve got plans for how to respond so that we can ensure continuity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballot drop boxes are a particular area of concern for voters after the recent fires. On Oct. 8, the first was lit in Vancouver, Washington. On Monday, another fire was set at one of the city’s ballot drop-off locations, as well as at another in Portland, Oregon.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities believe the incidents are related. The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/29/us/ballot-box-fires-oregon-washington-gaza.html\">New York Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> has reported that at all three sites, devices placed outside the drop boxes had “Free Gaza” written on them, though investigators are trying to determine whether the suspect was a pro-Palestinian activist or using the phrase to sow division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a September bulletin from the Department of Homeland Security, \u003ca href=\"https://propertyofthepeople.org/document-detail/?doc-id=25255596\">obtained by the watchdog group Property of the People\u003c/a>, plans to destroy ballot drop boxes had been swirling on social media for about six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some social media users are discussing and encouraging various methods of sabotaging ballot drop boxes and avoiding detection, likely heightening the potential for targeting of this election infrastructure through the 2024 election cycle,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulletin specifically said that people on forums frequented by “domestic violence extremists” discussed methods to destroy the boxes with petroleum fuel, road flares and fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew going into this election that drop boxes were going to be an area of concern for security,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California requires local elections officials to pick up ballots from boxes every other day in the 10 days before the election, but Santa Clara County has increased the frequency of pickups at its 109 drop-off locations to every day, and as Nov. 5 gets closer, Moreles said they will be picking up three to four times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections workers have been instructed to inspect the boxes on pickup runs to make sure nothing has been tampered with and that all of their seals are in place, and local law enforcement agencies have been asked to increase patrols near the boxes when possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynda Roberts, Marin County’s chief election officer, said that the county is installing fire suppression equipment to its 26 drop box locations. It is also increasing patrols in the areas, and is closing ballot boxes at polling places overnight, though they have traditionally been accessible 24 hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14 drop boxes that are still open at all times are all in the vicinity of government and law enforcement agencies’ buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Bay Area counties plan to activate their emergency operation centers to centralize communication with voting locations and law enforcement officials, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kristin Connelly, Contra Costa County’s registrar of voters, said she couldn’t comment on specifics, she said that the elections office had been in communication with local law enforcement and was doing “everything we can to keep a safe and secure election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many registrars are telling voters to sign up for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/wheres-my-ballot\">ballot tracking\u003c/a> so that they can see when their ballot has been received.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best thing that voters can do is to sign up for ballot tracks,” Roberts said. “It’s a free ballot tracking service through the Secretary of State that will tell the voter when we’ve received their ballot… Then they can have that assurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties in the Bay Area have details about their work to ensure a safe election, along with information on deadlines for mail-in ballots and the link to ballot tracking on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said that one of the best ways to ensure your ballot arrives safely is to vote early and track its progress. Santa Clara County, which has a little over a million registered voters, has already received 275,000 ballots. If your ballot hasn’t arrived after two to three days, he said it might be time to reach out to your elections office to see about a replacement or go to an in-person vote center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to all three of the officials, their counties are in good positions to have safe and secure elections next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been working tirelessly with all of our local, state and even federal partners to make sure that we have good plans in place to ensure a secure election,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/elections/\">upcoming election\u003c/a>, less than a week away, could reshape the U.S. Supreme Court — or not, depending on retirements, deaths, or other unforeseen events. The only certainty is political struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on who wins the presidential election, \u003cem>and\u003c/em> control of the Senate, the current 6–to–3 conservative supermajority could remain the same, be trimmed to 5–to–4, or expand to an even larger and more lopsided conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public, for the most part, understands that if there is a Supreme Court vacancy, the president’s nominee will generally reflect the president’s views. But, there is a genuine possibility that if the Senate is controlled by the opposition party, the open seat will remain unfilled — not for months, but for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there is also a real possibility that lower court seats will go unfilled, unless there is significant backroom horse-trading. In short, with power split between the White House and the Senate, there could be unprecedented gridlock on judicial nominations that extends all the way up to the Supreme Court and down to the appellate and even district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The Merrick Garland treatment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans have wielded their power in unprecedented ways to prevent a president’s Supreme Court nominee from being confirmed. When conservative Justice Antonin Scalia died unexpectedly in 2016, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell immediately announced that no Obama nominee would be considered at all prior to the election that was nearly a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/29/624467256/what-happened-with-merrick-garland-in-2016-and-why-it-matters-now\">went ahead anyway\u003c/a>, figuring that old norms would prevail if he nominated a respected and centrist judge, someone acceptable to both Democrats and Republicans. Judge Merrick Garland seemed the best fit, but Garland didn’t even get a hearing, much less a vote. Four years later, after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/18/100306972/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\">death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a>, Senate Republicans put the pedal to the metal just weeks before the election, rapidly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/26/927640619/senate-confirms-amy-coney-barrett-to-the-supreme-court\">pushing through the confirmation of judge, now Justice, Amy Coney Barrett\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, conservatives are just as determined to keep or expand their 6–to–3 Supreme Court majority. So what happens if Kamala Harris is elected president, but the Senate flips to Republican control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll give you the Merrick Garland treatment,” says conservative scholar Josh Blackman, a professor at South Texas College of Law, Houston. “We’ll have the seat open for three or four years,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump win and a Democratic Senate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Would the reverse happen if Trump is elected but the Senate remains in Democratic hands?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats like to think of themselves as “more responsible” than Republicans, but the pressures would be enormous to do unto the Republicans what they did to the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans “essentially crossed the Rubicon” in 2016 with the Garland nomination, says Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, who has written extensively about the court’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that we’re in a world of … controversial revolutionary decisions, neither party would be likely to give a positive vote to a nominee of the president from the opposite party,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NYU law professor Bob Bauer, who served as White House counsel for two years in the Obama administration, notes that institutional norms aren’t necessarily permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole notion that “a certain process has to be respected, regardless of the potential impact on one party or another,” he says. “It’s not a norm if it doesn’t command general adherence anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if Trump is elected, and the Senate flips, as expected, to Republican control? The only thing then standing between nominating and confirming a new Trump-appointed justice would be two moderate Republican senators, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine. If the Republican margin in the Senate is 52–48, their votes aren’t needed; JD Vance would cast the tie-breaking vote as vice president even if Murkowski and Collins voted against the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what recourse would the Democrats have in a situation like that? How would they fight a Trump nomination? After all, there is no filibuster anymore to block a vote. Democrats abolished the filibuster for lower court nominations in 2011 in response to Republicans routinely blocking judicial nominations. Republicans then abolished the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations in 2017 after Trump was elected and nominated Neil Gorsuch to fill the seat that GOP leader McConnell had held open after Scalia’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are only candid about this when speaking not for attribution. As one put it, “We would largely be left with the politics of personal destruction, investigating every aspect of a nominee’s life to find something that is disqualifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unforeseen circumstances\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, right now, there is no vacant seat at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the deaths of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg prove that nothing is certain, they were far older than any member of the current court. Scalia was just days shy of turning 80 and Ginsburg was 87. In contrast, the oldest members of the current court are also among its most conservative. Justice Clarence Thomas is 76 and Justice Samuel Alito is 74, followed by liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, 70, and Chief Justice Roberts, 69.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most politically active conservative thinkers would like to see Thomas and Alito step down for younger conservative judges who could serve for many decades longer and move the conservative needle even further to the right. They see as their “farm team” the ultra-conservative Fifth Circuit Court of appeals, populated with former Thomas and Alito clerks whose decisions are often reversed even by the current conservatives on the Supreme Court, including the men they once clerked for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who know Thomas and Alito well are adamant that neither man would leave the court at this point. Several NPR spoke to would only speak candidly on condition of anonymity. “What would he do, go home and fly flags with his wife at the beach?” said one Alito ally, adding that the court is “Alito’s life.” As for Thomas, his friends and former clerks say he would see retirement as “caving into his critics” and being “driven off the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if there are no retirements or unexpected health crises, the court could well remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A period of dysfunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That leaves the lower courts, which get less attention than the Supreme Court, but decide many more cases. During the last year of the Obama administration, when Republicans controlled the Senate, not one nominee to a regional appeals court was confirmed, though 10 trial court judges, a tiny fraction of vacancies, were. The result was that on the day Trump was sworn in, there were 105 judicial vacancies to fill.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11992718,forum_2010101906513,news_12011637\"]Professor Blackman expects that if Harris is elected and Republicans control the Senate, something similar could happen for a full four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may just stop, confirming” any lower court judges, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conservatives think that is far too dire a prediction. They expect that especially in states where both senators are Democrats, there would be horse-trading and a deal that allocates judicial seats — basically, the Democrats get one, for example, for every two or three GOP nominees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvard’s Feldman says he sees no light at the end of the tunnel when the parties are split, with a president of one party, and a Senate controlled by the other party. But dysfunction, he thinks could lead to change … eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We might have what I call the incredible shrinking Supreme Court,” he says, adding that “if we have divided government and we have justices naturally retiring or dying and they don’t get replaced, we could go down to eight, to seven, to six and eventually the public might start to notice and complain about it, and then some sort of compromise formation might be reached.” That said, he acknowledges a process like that could take 15 or 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he’s right, the end of dysfunction is a long way of off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Justice Clarence Thomas, the most senior and seasoned Supreme Court justice, provides a lesson of longevity and power. If he serves another three years, he will break Justice William O. Douglas’ 36-year record for length of service on the court. Indeed, even sooner, when the next president is sworn in this January, Thomas will be making decisions that directly effect his 11th presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/elections/\">upcoming election\u003c/a>, less than a week away, could reshape the U.S. Supreme Court — or not, depending on retirements, deaths, or other unforeseen events. The only certainty is political struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on who wins the presidential election, \u003cem>and\u003c/em> control of the Senate, the current 6–to–3 conservative supermajority could remain the same, be trimmed to 5–to–4, or expand to an even larger and more lopsided conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public, for the most part, understands that if there is a Supreme Court vacancy, the president’s nominee will generally reflect the president’s views. But, there is a genuine possibility that if the Senate is controlled by the opposition party, the open seat will remain unfilled — not for months, but for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there is also a real possibility that lower court seats will go unfilled, unless there is significant backroom horse-trading. In short, with power split between the White House and the Senate, there could be unprecedented gridlock on judicial nominations that extends all the way up to the Supreme Court and down to the appellate and even district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The Merrick Garland treatment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans have wielded their power in unprecedented ways to prevent a president’s Supreme Court nominee from being confirmed. When conservative Justice Antonin Scalia died unexpectedly in 2016, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell immediately announced that no Obama nominee would be considered at all prior to the election that was nearly a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/29/624467256/what-happened-with-merrick-garland-in-2016-and-why-it-matters-now\">went ahead anyway\u003c/a>, figuring that old norms would prevail if he nominated a respected and centrist judge, someone acceptable to both Democrats and Republicans. Judge Merrick Garland seemed the best fit, but Garland didn’t even get a hearing, much less a vote. Four years later, after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/18/100306972/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\">death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a>, Senate Republicans put the pedal to the metal just weeks before the election, rapidly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/26/927640619/senate-confirms-amy-coney-barrett-to-the-supreme-court\">pushing through the confirmation of judge, now Justice, Amy Coney Barrett\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, conservatives are just as determined to keep or expand their 6–to–3 Supreme Court majority. So what happens if Kamala Harris is elected president, but the Senate flips to Republican control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll give you the Merrick Garland treatment,” says conservative scholar Josh Blackman, a professor at South Texas College of Law, Houston. “We’ll have the seat open for three or four years,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump win and a Democratic Senate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Would the reverse happen if Trump is elected but the Senate remains in Democratic hands?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats like to think of themselves as “more responsible” than Republicans, but the pressures would be enormous to do unto the Republicans what they did to the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans “essentially crossed the Rubicon” in 2016 with the Garland nomination, says Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, who has written extensively about the court’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that we’re in a world of … controversial revolutionary decisions, neither party would be likely to give a positive vote to a nominee of the president from the opposite party,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NYU law professor Bob Bauer, who served as White House counsel for two years in the Obama administration, notes that institutional norms aren’t necessarily permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole notion that “a certain process has to be respected, regardless of the potential impact on one party or another,” he says. “It’s not a norm if it doesn’t command general adherence anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if Trump is elected, and the Senate flips, as expected, to Republican control? The only thing then standing between nominating and confirming a new Trump-appointed justice would be two moderate Republican senators, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine. If the Republican margin in the Senate is 52–48, their votes aren’t needed; JD Vance would cast the tie-breaking vote as vice president even if Murkowski and Collins voted against the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what recourse would the Democrats have in a situation like that? How would they fight a Trump nomination? After all, there is no filibuster anymore to block a vote. Democrats abolished the filibuster for lower court nominations in 2011 in response to Republicans routinely blocking judicial nominations. Republicans then abolished the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations in 2017 after Trump was elected and nominated Neil Gorsuch to fill the seat that GOP leader McConnell had held open after Scalia’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are only candid about this when speaking not for attribution. As one put it, “We would largely be left with the politics of personal destruction, investigating every aspect of a nominee’s life to find something that is disqualifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unforeseen circumstances\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, right now, there is no vacant seat at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the deaths of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg prove that nothing is certain, they were far older than any member of the current court. Scalia was just days shy of turning 80 and Ginsburg was 87. In contrast, the oldest members of the current court are also among its most conservative. Justice Clarence Thomas is 76 and Justice Samuel Alito is 74, followed by liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, 70, and Chief Justice Roberts, 69.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most politically active conservative thinkers would like to see Thomas and Alito step down for younger conservative judges who could serve for many decades longer and move the conservative needle even further to the right. They see as their “farm team” the ultra-conservative Fifth Circuit Court of appeals, populated with former Thomas and Alito clerks whose decisions are often reversed even by the current conservatives on the Supreme Court, including the men they once clerked for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who know Thomas and Alito well are adamant that neither man would leave the court at this point. Several NPR spoke to would only speak candidly on condition of anonymity. “What would he do, go home and fly flags with his wife at the beach?” said one Alito ally, adding that the court is “Alito’s life.” As for Thomas, his friends and former clerks say he would see retirement as “caving into his critics” and being “driven off the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if there are no retirements or unexpected health crises, the court could well remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A period of dysfunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That leaves the lower courts, which get less attention than the Supreme Court, but decide many more cases. During the last year of the Obama administration, when Republicans controlled the Senate, not one nominee to a regional appeals court was confirmed, though 10 trial court judges, a tiny fraction of vacancies, were. The result was that on the day Trump was sworn in, there were 105 judicial vacancies to fill.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Professor Blackman expects that if Harris is elected and Republicans control the Senate, something similar could happen for a full four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may just stop, confirming” any lower court judges, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conservatives think that is far too dire a prediction. They expect that especially in states where both senators are Democrats, there would be horse-trading and a deal that allocates judicial seats — basically, the Democrats get one, for example, for every two or three GOP nominees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvard’s Feldman says he sees no light at the end of the tunnel when the parties are split, with a president of one party, and a Senate controlled by the other party. But dysfunction, he thinks could lead to change … eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We might have what I call the incredible shrinking Supreme Court,” he says, adding that “if we have divided government and we have justices naturally retiring or dying and they don’t get replaced, we could go down to eight, to seven, to six and eventually the public might start to notice and complain about it, and then some sort of compromise formation might be reached.” That said, he acknowledges a process like that could take 15 or 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he’s right, the end of dysfunction is a long way of off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Justice Clarence Thomas, the most senior and seasoned Supreme Court justice, provides a lesson of longevity and power. If he serves another three years, he will break Justice William O. Douglas’ 36-year record for length of service on the court. Indeed, even sooner, when the next president is sworn in this January, Thomas will be making decisions that directly effect his 11th presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-is-buried-in-campaign-mailers-heres-where-they-end-up",
"title": "San Francisco Is Buried in Campaign Mailers. Here’s Where They End Up",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Is Buried in Campaign Mailers. Here’s Where They End Up | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The end of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">2024 election season\u003c/a> is just days away, bringing — for better or worse — a conclusion to the uncertainty over who will hold the offices of power come next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ray of light awaits us just beyond the horizon: the unceasing avalanche of campaign flyers will finally stop. But in the meantime, where do they all end up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I check my mail lately, I’m confronted by a mass of colorful ads praising one candidate or measure or condemning another. And although I already know who I’m voting for, the flyers keep coming. They clog my mailbox and litter the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I know I’m not alone in this. Campaigns and political groups are sending out tons of these mailers, especially in San Francisco, where a contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">mayoral race\u003c/a> has become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">city’s most expensive in recent history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last two weeks of October alone, Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Aaron Peskin’s mayoral campaign\u003c/a> sent out over 225,000 mailers, according to public filings with the San Francisco Ethics Commission. They cost his campaign roughly $175,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aaron Peskin gets things done,” reads the mailer, showing the Board of Supervisors president shaking hands and smiling. The flip side includes quotes from notable supporters singing his praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who live with roommates, as I do, it’s common to see duplicates of the same flyer addressed to each voting-age member of the household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, all of the mailers I receive end up in the recycling bin, off to parts unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Robert Reed, spokesperson for Recology, San Francisco’s recycling company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest season for campaign mailers … so, yes, we’re seeing more of them here,” Reed said during a recent tour of Recycle Central, a processing facility on Pier 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Recology, hundreds of tons of recycling is loaded daily onto conveyor belts where the materials are sorted. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Every day, Recology trucks bring roughly 450 tons of recycling to the site. Those materials are then loaded onto conveyor belts, where nonrecyclable materials are pulled out, and the rest are separated into categories through a mix of by-hand and machine sorting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the conveyor belt, the boldly colored mailers stood out, dotting the blur of moving waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed explained that, as far as paper goes, recyclers are happy to get campaign mailers because they’re printed on high-grade stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These oversized postcards are printed on a paper called cardstock, and it has a long fiber, and it’s a heavy paper,” Reed said. “You can feel the quality of it. It is high-quality paper, and we want to make sure that it gets recycled.”[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed reached into the bunch and quickly plucked out a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They included one supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">Daniel Lurie’s campaign for mayor\u003c/a>, another denouncing Lurie as the “trust fund guy” — referencing the fact that he is heir to the Levi Strauss fortune — and another in support of Supervisor Catherine Stefani’s run for the California Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the paper products are isolated, they’re compressed into large bales and moved by forklift onto shipping containers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sort and bale over 100 bales of mixed paper here at Recycle Central every day. On a good day, it’s 130 bales,” Reed said. “They then go to a paper mill where they’re made into new paper products like cereal boxes. And that’s good. That saves trees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And who knows, maybe after a few cycles of paper reincarnation, that discarded paper will come back as a new mailer for the next election.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "San Francisco Is Buried in Campaign Mailers. Here’s Where They End Up | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The end of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">2024 election season\u003c/a> is just days away, bringing — for better or worse — a conclusion to the uncertainty over who will hold the offices of power come next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ray of light awaits us just beyond the horizon: the unceasing avalanche of campaign flyers will finally stop. But in the meantime, where do they all end up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I check my mail lately, I’m confronted by a mass of colorful ads praising one candidate or measure or condemning another. And although I already know who I’m voting for, the flyers keep coming. They clog my mailbox and litter the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I know I’m not alone in this. Campaigns and political groups are sending out tons of these mailers, especially in San Francisco, where a contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">mayoral race\u003c/a> has become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">city’s most expensive in recent history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last two weeks of October alone, Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Aaron Peskin’s mayoral campaign\u003c/a> sent out over 225,000 mailers, according to public filings with the San Francisco Ethics Commission. They cost his campaign roughly $175,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aaron Peskin gets things done,” reads the mailer, showing the Board of Supervisors president shaking hands and smiling. The flip side includes quotes from notable supporters singing his praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who live with roommates, as I do, it’s common to see duplicates of the same flyer addressed to each voting-age member of the household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, all of the mailers I receive end up in the recycling bin, off to parts unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Robert Reed, spokesperson for Recology, San Francisco’s recycling company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest season for campaign mailers … so, yes, we’re seeing more of them here,” Reed said during a recent tour of Recycle Central, a processing facility on Pier 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Recology, hundreds of tons of recycling is loaded daily onto conveyor belts where the materials are sorted. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Every day, Recology trucks bring roughly 450 tons of recycling to the site. Those materials are then loaded onto conveyor belts, where nonrecyclable materials are pulled out, and the rest are separated into categories through a mix of by-hand and machine sorting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the conveyor belt, the boldly colored mailers stood out, dotting the blur of moving waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed explained that, as far as paper goes, recyclers are happy to get campaign mailers because they’re printed on high-grade stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These oversized postcards are printed on a paper called cardstock, and it has a long fiber, and it’s a heavy paper,” Reed said. “You can feel the quality of it. It is high-quality paper, and we want to make sure that it gets recycled.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed reached into the bunch and quickly plucked out a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They included one supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">Daniel Lurie’s campaign for mayor\u003c/a>, another denouncing Lurie as the “trust fund guy” — referencing the fact that he is heir to the Levi Strauss fortune — and another in support of Supervisor Catherine Stefani’s run for the California Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the paper products are isolated, they’re compressed into large bales and moved by forklift onto shipping containers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sort and bale over 100 bales of mixed paper here at Recycle Central every day. On a good day, it’s 130 bales,” Reed said. “They then go to a paper mill where they’re made into new paper products like cereal boxes. And that’s good. That saves trees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And who knows, maybe after a few cycles of paper reincarnation, that discarded paper will come back as a new mailer for the next election.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "new-film-explores-the-power-of-latino-voters-in-california-and-battleground-states",
"title": "New Film Explores the Power of Latino Voters in California — and Battleground States",
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"headTitle": "New Film Explores the Power of Latino Voters in California — and Battleground States | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jerry Reyes is about to vote in his first presidential election. Even though his parents were undocumented farmworkers from Mexico, the 24-year-old Fresno resident plans to cast his ballot for former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making America great again is something that has so much power,” Reyes told Andrés Cediel, a professor at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism and producer of a new documentary on PBS called \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/show/voces-latino-vote-2024/\">VOCES: Latino Vote 2024.\u003c/a> The Trump campaign slogan, Reyes said, is about “making sure that the person living in America is put first. It’s for the betterment of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02Drg98q0tI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his family disagrees with his decision —and his mother has stopped speaking to him — because of Donald Trump’s inflammatory comments about immigrants and the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Reyes and other first-time Latino voters from across California are profiled in a video series that accompanies the larger film. VOCES takes an in-depth look at Latino voters around the country to understand what issues will drive their turnout — especially in hotly contested battleground districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cediel shared some of the project’s main takeaways — about the diversity and influence of Latino voters — during an interview with The California Report Magazine’s host, Sasha Khokha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview on The California Report Magazine, listen to the audio at the top of this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fne1p4yRB5U&list=PLzkQfVIJun2LVVPCmLf5uXWSVRf9ryINk\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On how Latino voters may shape the election:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrés Cediel\u003c/strong>: Latinos are now the second largest electorate in the country [after white ‘non-Hispanic’ voters] and also have large populations in battleground states. That includes Arizona, Nevada, Pennsylvania, even Georgia. And it’s not just the presidential election. Latinos have the power to flip the balance of power in Congress. In California’s Central Valley, there are predominantly Latino districts that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/24/nx-s1-5159709/the-stakes-for-the-house-are-enormous-as-a-purple-district-in-california-votes\">could flip\u003c/a> because of the Latino vote. This could change the balance of power in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On why the Latino community is not a monolith:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We come in all shades, all races. While the majority of Latinos in California and across the country are of Mexican descent, Latinos on the East Coast predominantly come from Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. This also includes Afro-Latinos — a community, which tends to be more educated than the rest of the Latino population but also suffers from greater poverty levels and receives less coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the Latino evangelical vote:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latino evangelical Christians are in an interesting position because, in a lot of ways, their political leanings are very similar to white evangelicals, who overwhelmingly are voting for Trump. But the key difference is this issue of immigration. Many Latinos are not comfortable with Trump’s rhetoric and what he’s said about their community, creating a split among Latino evangelical leaders about who they are going to support. At the same time, one of the Latino evangelical Christian leaders that we spoke to was Pastor Samuel Rodriguez, who leads a megachurch in Sacramento. He became friends with Trump and actually gave an invocation at Trump’s inauguration in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011563\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A scene from Rev. Gabriel Salguero’s church, The Gathering, in Orlando. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Bernardo Ruiz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On gender divides:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As an electorate, Latinos and Latinas tend to be much younger than the rest of the population. And for a lot of young Latina women, reproductive freedom issues are very important. Latinas are also often more educated than their male counterparts and more politically active. We found that issues like abortion and reproductive freedom are top of mind across the board, regardless of where they are in the country or what their religious affiliation is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011565\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011565\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Organizer Audrey Peral and son, Francisco, while canvassing in East Las Vegas, Nevada in 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On first-time Latinx voters in California:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We partnered with the \u003ca href=\"https://fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows/\">California Local News Fellowship\u003c/a> to work with newsrooms across the state to find those stories that didn’t make it into the larger film. We profile a first-time voter in Oakland who’s a Mam speaker from Guatemala or a young voter in Santa Ana who’s registering his classmates to vote. And it was important for us to include an Afro-Latino voice in this project, so we spoke with Keyanna Ortiz-Cedeño about why she’s planning to vote for Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dPnWbdprEAY\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On Latino voters who want tougher border control:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many second and third-generation Latinos increasingly don’t identify with the immigrant experience. One thing that’s important to note with immigration trends now is we’re seeing many more Venezuelans, Colombians, Haitians, and even Chinese and Russians coming in through the southern border. Folks whose families may have come here a couple of generations ago don’t necessarily identify with these new immigrants, and they don’t have that same feeling of wanting to welcome everybody. And sometimes, they want to shut the border, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On working on a film celebrating agency and political power:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of my \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/rape-on-the-night-shift/\">reporting in the Latino community\u003c/a> has been about heartache, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/trafficked-in-america/\">abuse\u003c/a>, suffering. So, it was really gratifying for this project to be able to go out and talk to people about their hopes and dreams, to hear the political agency that they have and what they want us to do with that power. There is a lot of power in the Latino vote, and people can feel it. And they’re starting to wake up to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011564\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Team members of Make the Road Action Nevada, who work to organize in immigrant communities. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"title": "New Film Explores the Power of Latino Voters in California — and Battleground States | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jerry Reyes is about to vote in his first presidential election. Even though his parents were undocumented farmworkers from Mexico, the 24-year-old Fresno resident plans to cast his ballot for former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making America great again is something that has so much power,” Reyes told Andrés Cediel, a professor at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism and producer of a new documentary on PBS called \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/show/voces-latino-vote-2024/\">VOCES: Latino Vote 2024.\u003c/a> The Trump campaign slogan, Reyes said, is about “making sure that the person living in America is put first. It’s for the betterment of you.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/02Drg98q0tI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/02Drg98q0tI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>He said his family disagrees with his decision —and his mother has stopped speaking to him — because of Donald Trump’s inflammatory comments about immigrants and the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Reyes and other first-time Latino voters from across California are profiled in a video series that accompanies the larger film. VOCES takes an in-depth look at Latino voters around the country to understand what issues will drive their turnout — especially in hotly contested battleground districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cediel shared some of the project’s main takeaways — about the diversity and influence of Latino voters — during an interview with The California Report Magazine’s host, Sasha Khokha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview on The California Report Magazine, listen to the audio at the top of this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Fne1p4yRB5U'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Fne1p4yRB5U'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>On how Latino voters may shape the election:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrés Cediel\u003c/strong>: Latinos are now the second largest electorate in the country [after white ‘non-Hispanic’ voters] and also have large populations in battleground states. That includes Arizona, Nevada, Pennsylvania, even Georgia. And it’s not just the presidential election. Latinos have the power to flip the balance of power in Congress. In California’s Central Valley, there are predominantly Latino districts that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/24/nx-s1-5159709/the-stakes-for-the-house-are-enormous-as-a-purple-district-in-california-votes\">could flip\u003c/a> because of the Latino vote. This could change the balance of power in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On why the Latino community is not a monolith:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We come in all shades, all races. While the majority of Latinos in California and across the country are of Mexican descent, Latinos on the East Coast predominantly come from Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. This also includes Afro-Latinos — a community, which tends to be more educated than the rest of the Latino population but also suffers from greater poverty levels and receives less coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the Latino evangelical vote:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latino evangelical Christians are in an interesting position because, in a lot of ways, their political leanings are very similar to white evangelicals, who overwhelmingly are voting for Trump. But the key difference is this issue of immigration. Many Latinos are not comfortable with Trump’s rhetoric and what he’s said about their community, creating a split among Latino evangelical leaders about who they are going to support. At the same time, one of the Latino evangelical Christian leaders that we spoke to was Pastor Samuel Rodriguez, who leads a megachurch in Sacramento. He became friends with Trump and actually gave an invocation at Trump’s inauguration in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011563\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A scene from Rev. Gabriel Salguero’s church, The Gathering, in Orlando. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Bernardo Ruiz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On gender divides:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As an electorate, Latinos and Latinas tend to be much younger than the rest of the population. And for a lot of young Latina women, reproductive freedom issues are very important. Latinas are also often more educated than their male counterparts and more politically active. We found that issues like abortion and reproductive freedom are top of mind across the board, regardless of where they are in the country or what their religious affiliation is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011565\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011565\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Organizer Audrey Peral and son, Francisco, while canvassing in East Las Vegas, Nevada in 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On first-time Latinx voters in California:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We partnered with the \u003ca href=\"https://fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows/\">California Local News Fellowship\u003c/a> to work with newsrooms across the state to find those stories that didn’t make it into the larger film. We profile a first-time voter in Oakland who’s a Mam speaker from Guatemala or a young voter in Santa Ana who’s registering his classmates to vote. And it was important for us to include an Afro-Latino voice in this project, so we spoke with Keyanna Ortiz-Cedeño about why she’s planning to vote for Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/dPnWbdprEAY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/dPnWbdprEAY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>On Latino voters who want tougher border control:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many second and third-generation Latinos increasingly don’t identify with the immigrant experience. One thing that’s important to note with immigration trends now is we’re seeing many more Venezuelans, Colombians, Haitians, and even Chinese and Russians coming in through the southern border. Folks whose families may have come here a couple of generations ago don’t necessarily identify with these new immigrants, and they don’t have that same feeling of wanting to welcome everybody. And sometimes, they want to shut the border, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On working on a film celebrating agency and political power:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of my \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/rape-on-the-night-shift/\">reporting in the Latino community\u003c/a> has been about heartache, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/trafficked-in-america/\">abuse\u003c/a>, suffering. So, it was really gratifying for this project to be able to go out and talk to people about their hopes and dreams, to hear the political agency that they have and what they want us to do with that power. There is a lot of power in the Latino vote, and people can feel it. And they’re starting to wake up to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011564\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Team members of Make the Road Action Nevada, who work to organize in immigrant communities. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up",
"title": "Aaron Peskin Sees Boost in Final Stretch for SF Mayor. Can He Keep Momentum Up?",
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"headTitle": "Aaron Peskin Sees Boost in Final Stretch for SF Mayor. Can He Keep Momentum Up? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Moderate candidates in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s mayoral race\u003c/a> — and their well-funded backers — are \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/sf-ads-farrell-lurie-trump-catch-19863235.php\">directing\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/07/mark-farrell-ranked-choice-london-breed/\">more\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/09/see-how-they-run-breed-and-farrells-mutual-attacks-overshadow-mayoral-debate/\">attacks\u003c/a> against one another in the final stretch of the race, leading some political analysts to see a pathway to victory for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003700/aaron-peskin-wants-to-lead-san-franciscos-journey-to-recovery\">sole progressive on the ticket\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin has trailed moderate opponents in voter polls for months. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010336/new-polls-san-francisco-mayors-race-peskin-lurie-surging\">recent polling shows an uptick in his support\u003c/a>, prompting his progressive allies across the city to amplify their unified messaging in hopes of reaching undecided and late voters. But Peskin, still an underdog in the race between Democrats, faces a tough fight in the final days ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narrative seven months ago when this race started was that the moderates were united and the progressives were divided. Well, seven months later, it is absolutely the opposite,” Peskin said at a party on Monday hosted by Small Business Forward, which \u003ca href=\"https://smallbusinessforward.org/\">endorsed\u003c/a> him for mayor. “You hear all of this billionaire-on-billionaire violence going on. And meanwhile, we’ve really come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after announcing he would run, Peskin, who campaigns on policies like expanding rent control, became the target of his political rivals, such as the billionaire-backed political organizing group GrowSF’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986162/anybody-could-win-san-francisco-mayoral-race-poll-suggests-with-many-voters-undecided\">“anybody but Peskin”\u003c/a> message. Early polling showed incumbent Mayor London Breed neck-and-neck with former interim Mayor Mark Farrell, who has tacked himself to the right of Breed, while nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie, who has never run for elected office, led with voters’ second-choice picks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, more recent polling shows that early enthusiasm for Farrell has waned while Peskin’s support has steadily increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s a fight to get into the top two, and it’s pretty clear three candidates that could get there are Lurie, Breed and Peskin,” said progressive political consultant Jim Ross. “It feels like Mark Farrell is fading in a lot of the polling we are seeing. Usually, in San Francisco politics, if you slide in the polls in the last two weeks, it’s really hard to regain that momentum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]That shift may be due to older, conservative-leaning voters tending to decide and vote earlier, while younger, more progressive voters often decide later, explained political consultant Eric Jaye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In San Francisco mayoral campaigns, voters tend to break out into their key allegiances later in the campaign,” said Jaye, who works with a PAC formed by labor unions supporting Peskin. “Peskin’s core constituencies tend to be late-breaking. And Farrell coalesced his base early with the most conservative voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a sprawling “Unity Rally” on Saturday, Peskin appeared alongside supporters for supervisor candidates Jackie Fielder, Stephen Torres, incumbents Dean Preston and Connie Chan, and other progressives on the November ballot. The campaigns gathered at a park in the Panhandle, holding signs and tabling for their candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is go time,” said rally attendee Christin Evans, a small business owner and city commissioner who is voting for Peskin and has been door-knocking for Fielder. “It feels exactly like the right time. We have been watching submissions of ballots to the Department of Elections and know people will vote the two weekends leading into the election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has elected Democratic mayors exclusively since 1964, and most in recent years have led moderate administrations. However, in 2019, voters elected a progressive-majority Board of Supervisors, and progressive leaders hope to retain that power in City Hall, even as the county’s official Democratic Party shifted to a moderate majority on its governing board this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing much more participation of some of the wealthiest residents in this city’s politics,” political writer and analyst Steve Phillips said. “And [it] does have the effect of shifting the city’s political balance of power more to the right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the race enters its final phase, moderate candidates are increasingly targeting each other with attack ads on TV, text message blasts and mailers. Farrell, for example, has faced criticism for allegedly violating campaign finance laws. Farrell has repeatedly defended his strategy, saying that his legal team approved it. Meanwhile, text message ads from the Yes on D PAC criticized Lurie’s lack of government experience as “dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998907\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998907\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Lurie speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate flanked by former Mayor Mark Farrell (left), Mayor London Breed, and Aaron Peskin (right) on June 12. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phillips said Peskin isn’t the only one benefiting from the wave of anti-Farrell and anti-Lurie media. Breed, the only woman and person of color among the leading four candidates, has focused her campaign on understanding San Francisco’s biggest issues because she’s the only one on the ticket who has lived and overcome them firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008296]“My sister suffered from addiction. She lost her battle with drugs and lost her life,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008296/mayor-london-breed-says-shes-just-getting-started\">Breed told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “When I think about why I’m in public service in the first place, it’s because I’m trying to make sure this city makes the right kinds of investments to stop that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her track record of bringing that lived experience to programs and decisions at City Hall has resonated particularly among voters in the city’s Black and Latino communities. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/mayor-breed-black-latino-19858152.php\">October poll from the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> found that nearly half of Black San Francisco voters listed Breed as their top pick for mayor, followed by 37% of Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a resident of San Francisco, there is a tsunami of materials coming in the mail, largely for the white guys, so it does bring in a reconsideration of London Breed in this context. I do think she may be getting a second look because of that,” Phillips said. “The challenge that Peskin faces is the challenge that white progressives face in this city. His base may not be wide enough to necessarily capture communities of color’s enthusiasm, and that will be a barrier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also faced pushback for championing punitive policing measures that in San Francisco are likely to fall disproportionately on communities of color, such as increasing arrests of drug users or requiring drug screening for welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the shifts, most polls still show Peskin trailing Breed and Lurie for first-choice votes. And Lurie — an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune who has raised more than any mayoral candidate in the city’s history — continues to poll strongly among both first and second-choice votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='san-francisco-mayor-election']Peskin’s campaign has fundraised a modest amount \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">in comparison to his billionaire-supported competitors\u003c/a>. He has nabbed big donations from labor unions and a broad base of small, individual contributions, totaling around $2.5 million — a far cry from a pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million, which includes $8.7 million from his own fortune. Breed’s campaign has raised $3.1 million, including $1.45 million from former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and $850,000 from cryptocurrency investor Chris Larsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell received nearly $1 million from conservative donor William Oberndorf and $500,000 from real estate investor Thomas Coates. Meanwhile, billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz, who penned an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/16/opinion/aaron-peskin-san-francisco-politics-housing.html\">op-ed in the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> attacking Peskin in October\u003c/a>, has contributed nearly $3.1 million to Proposition D, a measure that would cut the number of city commissions in half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only candidate with momentum at this point is Aaron Peskin and the candidate who is fading apparently under the weight of very, very serious allegations around campaign finance impropriety is Mark Farrell,” Jaye says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question now, he said, remains: “Will Peskin’s momentum continue?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Progressive mayoral candidate Aaron Peskin is gaining momentum as moderate opponents direct attack ads at one another. But there’s still no clear frontrunner in the race.",
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"title": "Aaron Peskin Sees Boost in Final Stretch for SF Mayor. Can He Keep Momentum Up? | KQED",
"description": "Progressive mayoral candidate Aaron Peskin is gaining momentum as moderate opponents direct attack ads at one another. But there’s still no clear frontrunner in the race.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Moderate candidates in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s mayoral race\u003c/a> — and their well-funded backers — are \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/sf-ads-farrell-lurie-trump-catch-19863235.php\">directing\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/07/mark-farrell-ranked-choice-london-breed/\">more\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/09/see-how-they-run-breed-and-farrells-mutual-attacks-overshadow-mayoral-debate/\">attacks\u003c/a> against one another in the final stretch of the race, leading some political analysts to see a pathway to victory for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003700/aaron-peskin-wants-to-lead-san-franciscos-journey-to-recovery\">sole progressive on the ticket\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin has trailed moderate opponents in voter polls for months. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010336/new-polls-san-francisco-mayors-race-peskin-lurie-surging\">recent polling shows an uptick in his support\u003c/a>, prompting his progressive allies across the city to amplify their unified messaging in hopes of reaching undecided and late voters. But Peskin, still an underdog in the race between Democrats, faces a tough fight in the final days ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narrative seven months ago when this race started was that the moderates were united and the progressives were divided. Well, seven months later, it is absolutely the opposite,” Peskin said at a party on Monday hosted by Small Business Forward, which \u003ca href=\"https://smallbusinessforward.org/\">endorsed\u003c/a> him for mayor. “You hear all of this billionaire-on-billionaire violence going on. And meanwhile, we’ve really come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after announcing he would run, Peskin, who campaigns on policies like expanding rent control, became the target of his political rivals, such as the billionaire-backed political organizing group GrowSF’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986162/anybody-could-win-san-francisco-mayoral-race-poll-suggests-with-many-voters-undecided\">“anybody but Peskin”\u003c/a> message. Early polling showed incumbent Mayor London Breed neck-and-neck with former interim Mayor Mark Farrell, who has tacked himself to the right of Breed, while nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie, who has never run for elected office, led with voters’ second-choice picks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, more recent polling shows that early enthusiasm for Farrell has waned while Peskin’s support has steadily increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s a fight to get into the top two, and it’s pretty clear three candidates that could get there are Lurie, Breed and Peskin,” said progressive political consultant Jim Ross. “It feels like Mark Farrell is fading in a lot of the polling we are seeing. Usually, in San Francisco politics, if you slide in the polls in the last two weeks, it’s really hard to regain that momentum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That shift may be due to older, conservative-leaning voters tending to decide and vote earlier, while younger, more progressive voters often decide later, explained political consultant Eric Jaye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In San Francisco mayoral campaigns, voters tend to break out into their key allegiances later in the campaign,” said Jaye, who works with a PAC formed by labor unions supporting Peskin. “Peskin’s core constituencies tend to be late-breaking. And Farrell coalesced his base early with the most conservative voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a sprawling “Unity Rally” on Saturday, Peskin appeared alongside supporters for supervisor candidates Jackie Fielder, Stephen Torres, incumbents Dean Preston and Connie Chan, and other progressives on the November ballot. The campaigns gathered at a park in the Panhandle, holding signs and tabling for their candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is go time,” said rally attendee Christin Evans, a small business owner and city commissioner who is voting for Peskin and has been door-knocking for Fielder. “It feels exactly like the right time. We have been watching submissions of ballots to the Department of Elections and know people will vote the two weekends leading into the election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has elected Democratic mayors exclusively since 1964, and most in recent years have led moderate administrations. However, in 2019, voters elected a progressive-majority Board of Supervisors, and progressive leaders hope to retain that power in City Hall, even as the county’s official Democratic Party shifted to a moderate majority on its governing board this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing much more participation of some of the wealthiest residents in this city’s politics,” political writer and analyst Steve Phillips said. “And [it] does have the effect of shifting the city’s political balance of power more to the right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the race enters its final phase, moderate candidates are increasingly targeting each other with attack ads on TV, text message blasts and mailers. Farrell, for example, has faced criticism for allegedly violating campaign finance laws. Farrell has repeatedly defended his strategy, saying that his legal team approved it. Meanwhile, text message ads from the Yes on D PAC criticized Lurie’s lack of government experience as “dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998907\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998907\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Lurie speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate flanked by former Mayor Mark Farrell (left), Mayor London Breed, and Aaron Peskin (right) on June 12. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phillips said Peskin isn’t the only one benefiting from the wave of anti-Farrell and anti-Lurie media. Breed, the only woman and person of color among the leading four candidates, has focused her campaign on understanding San Francisco’s biggest issues because she’s the only one on the ticket who has lived and overcome them firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“My sister suffered from addiction. She lost her battle with drugs and lost her life,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008296/mayor-london-breed-says-shes-just-getting-started\">Breed told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “When I think about why I’m in public service in the first place, it’s because I’m trying to make sure this city makes the right kinds of investments to stop that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her track record of bringing that lived experience to programs and decisions at City Hall has resonated particularly among voters in the city’s Black and Latino communities. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/mayor-breed-black-latino-19858152.php\">October poll from the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> found that nearly half of Black San Francisco voters listed Breed as their top pick for mayor, followed by 37% of Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a resident of San Francisco, there is a tsunami of materials coming in the mail, largely for the white guys, so it does bring in a reconsideration of London Breed in this context. I do think she may be getting a second look because of that,” Phillips said. “The challenge that Peskin faces is the challenge that white progressives face in this city. His base may not be wide enough to necessarily capture communities of color’s enthusiasm, and that will be a barrier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also faced pushback for championing punitive policing measures that in San Francisco are likely to fall disproportionately on communities of color, such as increasing arrests of drug users or requiring drug screening for welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the shifts, most polls still show Peskin trailing Breed and Lurie for first-choice votes. And Lurie — an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune who has raised more than any mayoral candidate in the city’s history — continues to poll strongly among both first and second-choice votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Peskin’s campaign has fundraised a modest amount \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">in comparison to his billionaire-supported competitors\u003c/a>. He has nabbed big donations from labor unions and a broad base of small, individual contributions, totaling around $2.5 million — a far cry from a pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million, which includes $8.7 million from his own fortune. Breed’s campaign has raised $3.1 million, including $1.45 million from former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and $850,000 from cryptocurrency investor Chris Larsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell received nearly $1 million from conservative donor William Oberndorf and $500,000 from real estate investor Thomas Coates. Meanwhile, billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz, who penned an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/16/opinion/aaron-peskin-san-francisco-politics-housing.html\">op-ed in the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> attacking Peskin in October\u003c/a>, has contributed nearly $3.1 million to Proposition D, a measure that would cut the number of city commissions in half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only candidate with momentum at this point is Aaron Peskin and the candidate who is fading apparently under the weight of very, very serious allegations around campaign finance impropriety is Mark Farrell,” Jaye says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question now, he said, remains: “Will Peskin’s momentum continue?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "can-tough-on-crime-prop-36-solve-theft-drug-use-and-homelessness-despite-no-new-funding",
"title": "Can Tough-on-Crime Proposition 36 Solve Theft, Drug Use and Homelessness, Despite No New Funding?",
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"headTitle": "Can Tough-on-Crime Proposition 36 Solve Theft, Drug Use and Homelessness, Despite No New Funding? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 36, appearing before voters on next week’s ballot, promise their tough-on-crime measure will create “real accountability” for retail theft, fentanyl use and homelessness. But with no funding for drug treatment, police hiring or housing, experts say the measure could instead reduce money for existing rehabilitation programs if it passes as is widely expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to send repeat shoplifters and drug users to jail or prison — and aims to use those felony charges to pressure drug addicts into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would do that by rolling back provisions of a ballot initiative passed by state voters in 2014, known as Proposition 47. Proposition 47 downgraded low-level thefts and drug possession to misdemeanors, and it diverted state savings from incarcerating fewer people into programs, including mental health and drug treatment, school truancy and dropout prevention and victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Proposition 47’s passage, the state has rerouted approximately $800 million to those programs through grants — funding that could diminish significantly if Proposition 36 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfunded and unfortunately, it may impact some existing drug treatment and mental health services,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a news conference on Oct. 28 when asked about his opposition to Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While critics, including the governor, frame the measure as a return to the tough-on-crime policies of the 1980s and 1990s, which led to overcrowded prisons, backers, including Napa County District Attorney Allison Haley, argue the ballot measure is “reasoned and thoughtful, designed to narrowly address issues that are reducing the quality of life of Californians.”[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']At a Sept. 10 hearing in the state Capitol, Haley identified those issues as rising homelessness and retail theft and “a startling proliferation of opioid-related deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 incentivizes drug treatment for addicts by giving them choices, by giving them determinative agency in their own lives. … It allows prosecutors to treat an offender with a single theft differently than someone who is a serial offender,” she said. “And it allows prosecutors to treat fentanyl-like the scourge that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say those promises may be difficult to keep without a huge influx of resources, given the state’s limited drug treatment capacity, its shortage of police officers and the ongoing housing crisis. Meanwhile, the ballot measure is likely to drive up jail and prison spending, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=36&year=2024\">according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst Office. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO estimates Proposition 36 would cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars a year, partly by increasing the state prison population “by around a few thousand people,” roughly the capacity of one state prison. It would also increase the number of people in local jails and on probation supervision and decrease the money from Proposition 47 for treatment programs by tens of millions of dollars each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this comes as the state, as well as many local governments, are facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\">budget shortfalls\u003c/a>. San Diego County supervisors recently declined to endorse Proposition 36 after conducting an analysis that concluded the ballot measure would cost the county $58 million a year, could push its jail population beyond its system capacity and would reduce funding for Proposition 47 programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Law enforcement staffing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 36 argue that by making shoplifting and other low-level thefts misdemeanors, it has undercut police officers’ ability to hold people accountable for those crimes. But there’s nothing preventing police from arresting misdemeanor offenders now — except, according to many in law enforcement, their own resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper, a former lawmaker and longtime critic of criminal justice reforms, told lawmakers at the September hearing that his department doesn’t “have the resources to go after every misdemeanor offender” — and that when faced with a decision between responding to a violent offense or a property crime, they will choose the more serious incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the resources for the misdemeanor stuff, the day in and day out stuff because of Prop. 47,” he said. “We only have so much capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper blamed Proposition 47 for limiting police response to minor crimes. However, that measure didn’t directly impact police staffing, \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/wp-content/uploads/PORAC-Police-Staffing-Brief-2023-Updates.pdf\">which hit a 30-year low in California\u003c/a>, with 3,600 officers lost between 2020–2022, according to the Police Officers Research Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 wouldn’t change that staffing crisis said Tom Hoffman, who headed the state’s parole department from 2006–2009 and spent over 30 years as a police officer. The measure does not include any new money for police agencies — and in most cases, police officers will have no way of knowing when a shoplifting call comes in whether it will qualify as a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are the lowest priority,” he said, adding that they should be. “There are 35,000 (misdemeanor) warrants for people in Sacramento County alone for violations of these crimes. And the sheriff freely admits he’s not going to go find them, he’s not going to arrest them, and he won’t accept them being booked into his jail. And [Proposition] 36 isn’t going to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Joaquin Probation Chief Steve Jackson supports Proposition 36, saying it would “return balance” to the criminal justice system by allowing more severe penalties for repeat offenders. But he acknowledged that some of its promises may not be easy to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money written into it to fund any of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A solution to fentanyl and homelessness?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 backers are leaning heavily on the ballot measure’s provisions related to drug possession and use — and what they frame as a connection to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They note that since Proposition 47 passed, there’s been a sharp decline in participation in drug courts and other diversion programs, which offer someone facing a criminal charge the option of participating in treatment and having those charges dropped. They connect that decline to the rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a massive explosion in drug addiction, particularly fentanyl, in the last ten years in California since Prop. 47 passed. And that’s associated also with a massive increase in homelessness,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped craft Proposition 36, said at an Oct. 23 news conference.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005230,forum_2010101907188,news_12009603\"]“There are lots of reasons for people being homeless, but one of the reasons we know very well is serious addiction,” he added. “And because of Prop. 47, they can use fentanyl and heroin every single day, multiple times a day. And it’s a ticket. There’s literally no incentive for them to get help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would let prosecutors charge someone with a felony if they’re caught possessing “hard drugs” like fentanyl more than twice — and offer them court-mandated drug treatment to avoid that felony. Reisig said this would fix what he sees as one of Proposition 47’s major shortcomings: that because drug possession was lowered to a misdemeanor, people have no reason to agree to treatment when they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system#courts\">A KQED analysis\u003c/a> of more than a dozen counties shows he’s right that drug court participation is down sharply since Proposition 47’s passage — but drug treatment programs are still widely utilized, said Gary McCoy, vice president of policy at HealthRIGHT 360, which provides substance use disorder treatment, mental health services and other health care to over 49,000 Californians annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that in San Francisco, which has some of the most robust treatment networks in the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">fewer than 40 residential treatment beds are available\u003c/a> out of the city’s 575 total. And in some rural counties, the options are even slimmer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money to expand treatment in the proposition,” he said, noting that if someone can’t get into treatment and is facing a felony charge, they will likely be kept in jail. “It’s promising to incarcerate people again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig rejects this argument, saying that Proposition 36 isn’t “reinventing the wheel” but simply bringing back programs that existed prior to 2014. Jackson, the probation chief, said some counties may struggle to find treatment space, but he believes many, including San Joaquin County, do have space available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue the measure’s only impact on homelessness would come through increased incarceration, noting it contains no provisions or funding for housing or shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents point to recent state laws and initiatives to expand mental health and drug treatment options, including Proposition 1 in March, which Newsom wrote. Proposition 1 was a $6.4 billion bond to increase mental health and substance abuse services and build supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that the ballot measure was carefully crafted to help people with chronic mental illness get off the streets — and that Proposition 36 will increase demand for treatment beds and staff that wasn’t anticipated as part of the multiyear process that led to Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I guess what they’re trying to say is, well, we’ll just attach Prop. 1 dollars,” Newsom said. “It’s a very lazy response to a very serious issue and a complicated issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman, the former parole chief, called it “absurd to suggest that there is a solution to any one of those super complicated social, economic, political and criminal problems” in one ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is going to be impacted, fixed by Prop. 36. Really?” he asked. “For me, it just seems beyond logical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 36 promises to address California’s crime and fentanyl challenges. However, with no new funding, experts warn it could actually reduce money for existing programs while increasing prison populations.",
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"title": "Can Tough-on-Crime Proposition 36 Solve Theft, Drug Use and Homelessness, Despite No New Funding? | KQED",
"description": "Proposition 36 promises to address California’s crime and fentanyl challenges. However, with no new funding, experts warn it could actually reduce money for existing programs while increasing prison populations.",
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"headline": "Can Tough-on-Crime Proposition 36 Solve Theft, Drug Use and Homelessness, Despite No New Funding?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 36, appearing before voters on next week’s ballot, promise their tough-on-crime measure will create “real accountability” for retail theft, fentanyl use and homelessness. But with no funding for drug treatment, police hiring or housing, experts say the measure could instead reduce money for existing rehabilitation programs if it passes as is widely expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to send repeat shoplifters and drug users to jail or prison — and aims to use those felony charges to pressure drug addicts into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would do that by rolling back provisions of a ballot initiative passed by state voters in 2014, known as Proposition 47. Proposition 47 downgraded low-level thefts and drug possession to misdemeanors, and it diverted state savings from incarcerating fewer people into programs, including mental health and drug treatment, school truancy and dropout prevention and victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Proposition 47’s passage, the state has rerouted approximately $800 million to those programs through grants — funding that could diminish significantly if Proposition 36 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfunded and unfortunately, it may impact some existing drug treatment and mental health services,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a news conference on Oct. 28 when asked about his opposition to Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While critics, including the governor, frame the measure as a return to the tough-on-crime policies of the 1980s and 1990s, which led to overcrowded prisons, backers, including Napa County District Attorney Allison Haley, argue the ballot measure is “reasoned and thoughtful, designed to narrowly address issues that are reducing the quality of life of Californians.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At a Sept. 10 hearing in the state Capitol, Haley identified those issues as rising homelessness and retail theft and “a startling proliferation of opioid-related deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 incentivizes drug treatment for addicts by giving them choices, by giving them determinative agency in their own lives. … It allows prosecutors to treat an offender with a single theft differently than someone who is a serial offender,” she said. “And it allows prosecutors to treat fentanyl-like the scourge that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say those promises may be difficult to keep without a huge influx of resources, given the state’s limited drug treatment capacity, its shortage of police officers and the ongoing housing crisis. Meanwhile, the ballot measure is likely to drive up jail and prison spending, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=36&year=2024\">according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst Office. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO estimates Proposition 36 would cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars a year, partly by increasing the state prison population “by around a few thousand people,” roughly the capacity of one state prison. It would also increase the number of people in local jails and on probation supervision and decrease the money from Proposition 47 for treatment programs by tens of millions of dollars each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this comes as the state, as well as many local governments, are facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\">budget shortfalls\u003c/a>. San Diego County supervisors recently declined to endorse Proposition 36 after conducting an analysis that concluded the ballot measure would cost the county $58 million a year, could push its jail population beyond its system capacity and would reduce funding for Proposition 47 programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Law enforcement staffing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 36 argue that by making shoplifting and other low-level thefts misdemeanors, it has undercut police officers’ ability to hold people accountable for those crimes. But there’s nothing preventing police from arresting misdemeanor offenders now — except, according to many in law enforcement, their own resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper, a former lawmaker and longtime critic of criminal justice reforms, told lawmakers at the September hearing that his department doesn’t “have the resources to go after every misdemeanor offender” — and that when faced with a decision between responding to a violent offense or a property crime, they will choose the more serious incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the resources for the misdemeanor stuff, the day in and day out stuff because of Prop. 47,” he said. “We only have so much capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper blamed Proposition 47 for limiting police response to minor crimes. However, that measure didn’t directly impact police staffing, \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/wp-content/uploads/PORAC-Police-Staffing-Brief-2023-Updates.pdf\">which hit a 30-year low in California\u003c/a>, with 3,600 officers lost between 2020–2022, according to the Police Officers Research Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 wouldn’t change that staffing crisis said Tom Hoffman, who headed the state’s parole department from 2006–2009 and spent over 30 years as a police officer. The measure does not include any new money for police agencies — and in most cases, police officers will have no way of knowing when a shoplifting call comes in whether it will qualify as a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are the lowest priority,” he said, adding that they should be. “There are 35,000 (misdemeanor) warrants for people in Sacramento County alone for violations of these crimes. And the sheriff freely admits he’s not going to go find them, he’s not going to arrest them, and he won’t accept them being booked into his jail. And [Proposition] 36 isn’t going to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Joaquin Probation Chief Steve Jackson supports Proposition 36, saying it would “return balance” to the criminal justice system by allowing more severe penalties for repeat offenders. But he acknowledged that some of its promises may not be easy to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money written into it to fund any of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A solution to fentanyl and homelessness?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 backers are leaning heavily on the ballot measure’s provisions related to drug possession and use — and what they frame as a connection to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They note that since Proposition 47 passed, there’s been a sharp decline in participation in drug courts and other diversion programs, which offer someone facing a criminal charge the option of participating in treatment and having those charges dropped. They connect that decline to the rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a massive explosion in drug addiction, particularly fentanyl, in the last ten years in California since Prop. 47 passed. And that’s associated also with a massive increase in homelessness,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped craft Proposition 36, said at an Oct. 23 news conference.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There are lots of reasons for people being homeless, but one of the reasons we know very well is serious addiction,” he added. “And because of Prop. 47, they can use fentanyl and heroin every single day, multiple times a day. And it’s a ticket. There’s literally no incentive for them to get help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would let prosecutors charge someone with a felony if they’re caught possessing “hard drugs” like fentanyl more than twice — and offer them court-mandated drug treatment to avoid that felony. Reisig said this would fix what he sees as one of Proposition 47’s major shortcomings: that because drug possession was lowered to a misdemeanor, people have no reason to agree to treatment when they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system#courts\">A KQED analysis\u003c/a> of more than a dozen counties shows he’s right that drug court participation is down sharply since Proposition 47’s passage — but drug treatment programs are still widely utilized, said Gary McCoy, vice president of policy at HealthRIGHT 360, which provides substance use disorder treatment, mental health services and other health care to over 49,000 Californians annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that in San Francisco, which has some of the most robust treatment networks in the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">fewer than 40 residential treatment beds are available\u003c/a> out of the city’s 575 total. And in some rural counties, the options are even slimmer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money to expand treatment in the proposition,” he said, noting that if someone can’t get into treatment and is facing a felony charge, they will likely be kept in jail. “It’s promising to incarcerate people again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig rejects this argument, saying that Proposition 36 isn’t “reinventing the wheel” but simply bringing back programs that existed prior to 2014. Jackson, the probation chief, said some counties may struggle to find treatment space, but he believes many, including San Joaquin County, do have space available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue the measure’s only impact on homelessness would come through increased incarceration, noting it contains no provisions or funding for housing or shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents point to recent state laws and initiatives to expand mental health and drug treatment options, including Proposition 1 in March, which Newsom wrote. Proposition 1 was a $6.4 billion bond to increase mental health and substance abuse services and build supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that the ballot measure was carefully crafted to help people with chronic mental illness get off the streets — and that Proposition 36 will increase demand for treatment beds and staff that wasn’t anticipated as part of the multiyear process that led to Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I guess what they’re trying to say is, well, we’ll just attach Prop. 1 dollars,” Newsom said. “It’s a very lazy response to a very serious issue and a complicated issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman, the former parole chief, called it “absurd to suggest that there is a solution to any one of those super complicated social, economic, political and criminal problems” in one ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is going to be impacted, fixed by Prop. 36. Really?” he asked. “For me, it just seems beyond logical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "despite-election-rhetoric-illegal-border-crossings-sit-at-4-year-low",
"title": "Despite Election Rhetoric, Illegal Border Crossings Sit at 4-Year Low",
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"headTitle": "Despite Election Rhetoric, Illegal Border Crossings Sit at 4-Year Low | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n the final days of the presidential campaign, immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border remains one of the most heated topics of the election. Former President Donald Trump calls it an “invasion,” crudely disparages immigrants and threatens mass deportations. Vice President Kamala Harris, in tacit recognition of the Biden administration’s border challenges, also vows tougher enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet illegal border crossings have \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/fy2024-us-border-encounters-plunge\">plunged to the lowest level in four years\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">new data\u003c/a> released by U.S. Customs and Border Protection. To understand how that fact squares with the fraught political rhetoric, KQED looked at the current dynamics of migration at California’s border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Pacific Ocean crashed against the beach nearby, Customs and Border Patrol spokesman Michael Scappechio stood on a well-maintained road flanked by a pair of formidable fences — 18-feet and 30-feet high — dividing the streets of Tijuana from a deserted state park in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in the last two months, this region has seen an approximate 50% decline in illegal entries,” Scappechio said. “Nationwide numbers have declined as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government first began erecting a metal fence along the border here 30 years ago this fall. Today, it’s more fortified than ever, with lighting, motion detectors, cameras, drones and other technology — as well as manpower — augmenting the fence. It’s all been reinforced under both Trump and President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.iom.int/news/world-migration-report-2024-reveals-latest-global-trends-and-challenges-human-mobility\">global migration crisis\u003c/a> grew, the Biden administration confronted rising numbers of people arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border. Monthly Border Patrol migrant encounters \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">hit a record high\u003c/a> of nearly 250,000 last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the administration ramped up a set of tough measures meant to deter unauthorized border crossings, reversing course from the more compassionate approach of the early years of Biden’s presidency. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results have been striking. In September, Border Patrol encounters fell to 54,000 nationally, just 22% of December’s peak. The San Diego sector had the largest share of those encounters, with 13,000, but that too was down from a peak of 37,000 in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several factors are contributing to the turnaround. For one, since the beginning of the year, Mexico has cracked down on migrants heading for the U.S. border. And in June, Biden issued an executive order barring access to the asylum process for those who enter illegally when crossings are high. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Scappechio said, a sharp \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">increase in expedited removals\u003c/a> and repatriation flights — or flying people to their home country — is sending a message to would-be migrants before they make the journey “that the borders are, in fact, not open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Partnerships with Mexico have enhanced. Policies have changed,” he said. “Messaging, I think, plays a key role because a lot of migration is oftentimes fueled by misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Smartphone app aids in vetting migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011958\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011958 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Boniface of the Haitian Bridge Alliance assists Gregory Montilla, a migrant from Venezuela, at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to preventing unauthorized border crossings, the Biden administration has also created a process for migrants without a visa to come in lawfully. They can make an appointment using a smartphone app called CBP One, get vetted at a port of entry and then enter with a temporary \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/use-parole-under-immigration-law\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates strongly criticize the CBP One app as unreliable, and \u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\">they’ve sued to block its use\u003c/a>, saying asylum seekers who lack appointments have wrongly been turned away from ports of entry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, since it began in January 2023, the process has provided more than 850,000 migrants a way to reach the U.S. legally. The parole status lasts just two years, but parolees are eligible for a work permit and can apply for asylum or another form of legal status once on U.S. soil. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the appointments are scarce — 1,450 per day nationwide — compared to the number of migrants who want them. And advocates say people often spend months of insecurity in Mexican shelters, trying daily to schedule a slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the San Diego airport one recent afternoon, about a dozen families who entered through the CBP One process — most from Haiti, Venezuela and Honduras — sat quietly in a designated area near the baggage claim. Volunteers from the Haitian Bridge Alliance handed out snacks and helped people make travel arrangements. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011963 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera, right, and Josie Mejia from Honduras wait with their two children for an evening flight at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were paroled into the U.S. after a screening scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel Herrera and his wife, Josie Mejía, entertained their two small children, ages 6 and 3, with markers and cell phone video games. They’d spent the night in the airport after they were granted permission to enter the U.S. the day before. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera, 33, said they’d waited seven months, mostly in Mexico City, for their turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank God we’ve arrived, and this country is giving us an opportunity. We should all appreciate the effort they’re making to receive us,” he said in a voice that expressed strain as well as relief. “We’re here because we really, really need it — not to make money, but to live where there’s safety and justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mejía, 28, said they were going to Charleston, South Carolina, where her sister lives. They have an appointment to appear in immigration court next March, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband said the odyssey that led them here began more than two years earlier, when his business partner’s wife was murdered after their auto repair shop in Tegucigalpa failed to pay the monthly extortion fee demanded by a criminal group. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They took off for Spain with people who promised them jobs, said Herrera, but found themselves in the hands of labor traffickers who threatened them and took their pay. It took a year to escape, he said, but as soon as they made it back to Honduras, they faced threats again. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our only hope was to get to the U.S.,” Herrera said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011953\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011953 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera sits with his daughter at San Diego International Airport, Sept. 16, 2024. He, his wife and two children were traveling to unite with family after being paroled into the U.S. at a border interview scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But on the journey north through Guatemala and Mexico, Herrera said they were repeatedly robbed and mistreated — by both criminals and law enforcement. In one Guatemalan town, police stripped his 6-year-old daughter naked and touched her body, he said, leaving the girl traumatized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here so we could live without fear,” he said. “I want my daughter to finally be able to go to school and make friends. To have a normal life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011941\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011941 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum seekers Gabriel Herrera and Josie Mejia head to their flight with their two children at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were traveling to unite with family after entering the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Herrera and Mejía packed up the markers and helped the children into their small jackets. It was time for their flight to Charleston. Carrying their belongings in one daypack each, they took their kids by the hand and headed up the escalator to the security line.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego as a national model: ‘It’s about dignity’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011951\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011951 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play outside at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stories like Herrera’s are common, said Dana Toppel, the CEO of Jewish Family Service of San Diego, which runs a shelter serving about 1,200 migrants a week — mostly families who entered using the CBP One app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To us, it’s about dignity. It’s really about centering the individual and being very trauma-informed,” she said, as a bus pulled up at the shelter with dozens of migrants that JFS staff had met at the San Ysidro port of entry. “They’ve gone through a lot on their journey. So anything we can do to make it easy, to make it understandable and calm, is our focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, everyone received meals, a warm bed and a place for the children to play. The shelter also provided a medical screening and help refilling prescriptions, a legal orientation about the asylum process and help applying for a work permit, and assistance making travel plans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of migrants don’t stay in San Diego long, most spending no more than a night or two at the JFS shelter before traveling on to other parts of the country to reunite with family members, Toppel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011950\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011950 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants collect luggage after arriving on a bus at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Groups like JFS and the Haitian Bridge Alliance are part of a \u003ca href=\"https://rapidresponsesd.org\">robust network of local nonprofits\u003c/a> responding to the needs of immigrants in the border region. Though they’re always looking for more resources, they say the San Diego community has stepped up and the region is not facing a migrant crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011935\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011935 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent drives east between the primary and secondary fences at the U.S.-Mexico border in San Diego, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Nora Vargas said the county has become a national model for reducing Border Patrol releases of migrants onto the streets and treating asylum seekers with dignity. The county recently won nearly $20 million from the federal Shelter and Services Program for a migrant transition center, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still a lot of work to be done, but we’ve been able to allocate resources from the federal government specifically for this,” she said. “The partnership with Governor Newsom and the Biden administration has really been one that we have not had before from previous administrations.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toppel added that Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state legislature have been stalwart in providing funds for her group and others, including backfilling with state dollars when federal grants have gotten tied up in red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are so lucky to be in the state of California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the humanitarian work of welcoming asylum seekers is at risk, Toppel said, as Trump has centered his campaign on the message that immigrants are criminal “animals” who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RKPFjAhd3KQ\">“poisoning the blood”\u003c/a> of the country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the election coming up and the narrative that’s out there, it’s all getting mixed up,” she said. “As we head up towards November, I would say that it has created an opportunity to tell the stories of the people that we’re serving, to try to change hearts and minds around who’s actually coming and that these folks are not dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s more difficult to travel across Mexico’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011949\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011949 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendy Betance walks to dinner with her two daughters at a migrant shelter in Tijuana, Sept. 18, 2024. Migrants who hope to enter the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app often wait months for an appointment. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Across the border in Tijuana, the number of migrants waiting for their CBP One appointments or preparing to cross the border illegally has also diminished. Roughly 2,000 of the city’s shelter beds were available in September, according to Enrique Lucero, who recently stepped down as Tijuana’s head of migrant affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because migrants can now \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">access the CBP One app\u003c/a> from central and southern Mexico. Appointments are set 21 days in advance, giving people time to reach the U.S. border. And the Mexican government will issue a 20-day transit permit to those with proof of a CBP One appointment, Lucero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and harder to get to the north if you don’t have an appointment or a visa,” he said. “Tijuana’s not getting the foreign migrants we used to because it’s more difficult to travel across Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difficulty is largely due to the fact that Mexican authorities are transporting non-Mexican migrants south to the state of Tabasco and containing them in southern Mexico, said Lucero. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s pressure, or at least a request, from the United States to help put the brakes on the number of migrants reaching the border. It’s a political question, with an election underway,” Lucero said. “We need migration controls because we can’t turn a blind eye to the smuggling operations. And also it affects the binational relationship.” \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fewer people navigate the harsh terrain to reach the U.S.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011948 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Salinas of Grupo Beta (L) sits with Irving Ortiz, as he calls his mother, on Sept. 17, 2024. Ortiz was picked up and offered assistance by Grupo Beta when he was walking along Highway 2D between Tijuana and Tecate. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alejandro Salinas, the head of the Baja California office of Grupo Beta, the Mexican immigration agency’s search and rescue arm, said that when his teams go out to locate migrants in distress, they encounter fewer people trying to sneak into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing fewer migrants trying to cross the mountains or the desert,” he said. “But, unfortunately, we’ve had four deaths this year from heat stroke, just in Baja California.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving east from Tijuana along Highway 2 with the border fence in sight, Salinas said he’s seen more policing underway by his counterparts in the enforcement arm of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gob.mx/inm/que-hacemos\">Mexico’s National Immigration Institute\u003c/a>, or INM. Though they’re both part of the same agency, he emphasized that Grupo Beta’s work is strictly humanitarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011945\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011945 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A member of the Mexican army keeps watch outside a camp along the U.S.-Mexico border in Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. The camps were established along the border earlier this year to deter migrant crossings. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his team stopped at one of several bases that the INM established in rural stretches along the border earlier this year. With soldiers from the Mexican Armed Forces to protect against criminal smuggling organizations, INM agents patrol the remote rural areas to intercept non-Mexicans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>INM enforcement agent Abraham Basurto said they had been out before dawn and encountered an Uzbek man with a broken ankle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provided first aid and transferred him to Tijuana,” Basurto said. “We make sure migrants are okay. After that, the most important thing is to check whether they’re in the country legally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011937 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S.-Mexico border fence runs west between the eastern outskirts of Tijuana and the Otay Mountain Wilderness, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said the patrols commonly encounter groups of 10 to 20 migrants. And they’re coming from countries outside the hemisphere. Those migrants often cross the border illegally and turn themselves in to Border Patrol agents to request asylum, but in recent months, the number of people from those nationalities reaching the U.S. has dropped dramatically. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people out here from many countries — Uzbekistan, Mauritania, China, Cameroon, Tajikistan — but not from Latin America,” he said. “With groups like this, we obviously have to check what they’re doing out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Grupo Beta team drove on to La Rumorosa, a forbidding mountainous region at 4,000 feet elevation, studded with boulders and cactus and known for its howling winds. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011947\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011947 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally frequently travel through the rugged and dangerous terrain in La Rumorosa, Mexico, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his three colleagues, in their trademark orange jackets, left their trucks on a highway turnout and started down through the rocks. It’s a common smuggling route, so they typically hike through there every couple of days on the lookout for stranded migrants. They’ve even marked certain boulders with large numerals to help navigate the bleak terrain where migrants are often abandoned.\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>“The smuggler just points north — toward a U.S. wind farm or the border fence — and they say, ‘Just walk and you’ll reach the United States,’” he said. “But they don’t say that you have to descend this mountain and climb the next one. They don’t say how dangerous it is or how easily a person can get lost out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011964\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011964 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perla Godínez from Grupo Beta looks out across the rugged terrain of La Rumorosa, a desolate area traversed by migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border illegally, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To emphasize the point, one of the other agents, Perla Godínez, pulled out her phone and opened up a video of a recent rescue. In it, a man is sobbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It took a long time to find this group. There were five of them, including a child,” she said. “The rescue took 18 hours because we had no cell phone signal, so we went from one place to another, looking. They were really weak when we found them, and one guy was crying because he thought they were going to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godínez said she first learned about Grupo Beta when she worked as a 911 dispatcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took the calls from migrants who were lost, and I passed the reports to Grupo Beta,” she said. “I decided to change jobs because I wanted to know that the migrants who called for help were being found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011943\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011943 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maribel Moreno, left, and Carlos Parra from a Grupo Beta search and rescue team walk along old train tracks that are a common route for migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border outside Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All the fencing and the policing by both countries, the asylum restrictions and the lawful pathways to humanitarian parole have vastly reduced the number of people entering the U.S. illegally. But they don’t get at the root causes of why people migrate, so some will keep trying, said Lucero, the former Tijuana migrant affairs director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as if things are all better in Venezuela, or the war in Ukraine is over, or there’s no more poverty in southern Africa,” he said. “This calm that we’re seeing may be temporary. We don’t know how long it’s going to last.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Border Patrol encounters with unauthorized migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border are the lowest in four years, while San Diego emerges as a national model for aiding those seeking refuge.",
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"title": "Despite Election Rhetoric, Illegal Border Crossings Sit at 4-Year Low | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n the final days of the presidential campaign, immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border remains one of the most heated topics of the election. Former President Donald Trump calls it an “invasion,” crudely disparages immigrants and threatens mass deportations. Vice President Kamala Harris, in tacit recognition of the Biden administration’s border challenges, also vows tougher enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet illegal border crossings have \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/fy2024-us-border-encounters-plunge\">plunged to the lowest level in four years\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">new data\u003c/a> released by U.S. Customs and Border Protection. To understand how that fact squares with the fraught political rhetoric, KQED looked at the current dynamics of migration at California’s border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Pacific Ocean crashed against the beach nearby, Customs and Border Patrol spokesman Michael Scappechio stood on a well-maintained road flanked by a pair of formidable fences — 18-feet and 30-feet high — dividing the streets of Tijuana from a deserted state park in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in the last two months, this region has seen an approximate 50% decline in illegal entries,” Scappechio said. “Nationwide numbers have declined as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government first began erecting a metal fence along the border here 30 years ago this fall. Today, it’s more fortified than ever, with lighting, motion detectors, cameras, drones and other technology — as well as manpower — augmenting the fence. It’s all been reinforced under both Trump and President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.iom.int/news/world-migration-report-2024-reveals-latest-global-trends-and-challenges-human-mobility\">global migration crisis\u003c/a> grew, the Biden administration confronted rising numbers of people arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border. Monthly Border Patrol migrant encounters \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">hit a record high\u003c/a> of nearly 250,000 last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the administration ramped up a set of tough measures meant to deter unauthorized border crossings, reversing course from the more compassionate approach of the early years of Biden’s presidency. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results have been striking. In September, Border Patrol encounters fell to 54,000 nationally, just 22% of December’s peak. The San Diego sector had the largest share of those encounters, with 13,000, but that too was down from a peak of 37,000 in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several factors are contributing to the turnaround. For one, since the beginning of the year, Mexico has cracked down on migrants heading for the U.S. border. And in June, Biden issued an executive order barring access to the asylum process for those who enter illegally when crossings are high. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Scappechio said, a sharp \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">increase in expedited removals\u003c/a> and repatriation flights — or flying people to their home country — is sending a message to would-be migrants before they make the journey “that the borders are, in fact, not open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Partnerships with Mexico have enhanced. Policies have changed,” he said. “Messaging, I think, plays a key role because a lot of migration is oftentimes fueled by misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Smartphone app aids in vetting migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011958\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011958 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Boniface of the Haitian Bridge Alliance assists Gregory Montilla, a migrant from Venezuela, at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to preventing unauthorized border crossings, the Biden administration has also created a process for migrants without a visa to come in lawfully. They can make an appointment using a smartphone app called CBP One, get vetted at a port of entry and then enter with a temporary \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/use-parole-under-immigration-law\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates strongly criticize the CBP One app as unreliable, and \u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\">they’ve sued to block its use\u003c/a>, saying asylum seekers who lack appointments have wrongly been turned away from ports of entry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, since it began in January 2023, the process has provided more than 850,000 migrants a way to reach the U.S. legally. The parole status lasts just two years, but parolees are eligible for a work permit and can apply for asylum or another form of legal status once on U.S. soil. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the appointments are scarce — 1,450 per day nationwide — compared to the number of migrants who want them. And advocates say people often spend months of insecurity in Mexican shelters, trying daily to schedule a slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the San Diego airport one recent afternoon, about a dozen families who entered through the CBP One process — most from Haiti, Venezuela and Honduras — sat quietly in a designated area near the baggage claim. Volunteers from the Haitian Bridge Alliance handed out snacks and helped people make travel arrangements. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011963 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera, right, and Josie Mejia from Honduras wait with their two children for an evening flight at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were paroled into the U.S. after a screening scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel Herrera and his wife, Josie Mejía, entertained their two small children, ages 6 and 3, with markers and cell phone video games. They’d spent the night in the airport after they were granted permission to enter the U.S. the day before. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera, 33, said they’d waited seven months, mostly in Mexico City, for their turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank God we’ve arrived, and this country is giving us an opportunity. We should all appreciate the effort they’re making to receive us,” he said in a voice that expressed strain as well as relief. “We’re here because we really, really need it — not to make money, but to live where there’s safety and justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mejía, 28, said they were going to Charleston, South Carolina, where her sister lives. They have an appointment to appear in immigration court next March, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband said the odyssey that led them here began more than two years earlier, when his business partner’s wife was murdered after their auto repair shop in Tegucigalpa failed to pay the monthly extortion fee demanded by a criminal group. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They took off for Spain with people who promised them jobs, said Herrera, but found themselves in the hands of labor traffickers who threatened them and took their pay. It took a year to escape, he said, but as soon as they made it back to Honduras, they faced threats again. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our only hope was to get to the U.S.,” Herrera said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011953\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011953 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera sits with his daughter at San Diego International Airport, Sept. 16, 2024. He, his wife and two children were traveling to unite with family after being paroled into the U.S. at a border interview scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But on the journey north through Guatemala and Mexico, Herrera said they were repeatedly robbed and mistreated — by both criminals and law enforcement. In one Guatemalan town, police stripped his 6-year-old daughter naked and touched her body, he said, leaving the girl traumatized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here so we could live without fear,” he said. “I want my daughter to finally be able to go to school and make friends. To have a normal life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011941\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011941 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum seekers Gabriel Herrera and Josie Mejia head to their flight with their two children at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were traveling to unite with family after entering the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Herrera and Mejía packed up the markers and helped the children into their small jackets. It was time for their flight to Charleston. Carrying their belongings in one daypack each, they took their kids by the hand and headed up the escalator to the security line.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego as a national model: ‘It’s about dignity’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011951\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011951 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play outside at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stories like Herrera’s are common, said Dana Toppel, the CEO of Jewish Family Service of San Diego, which runs a shelter serving about 1,200 migrants a week — mostly families who entered using the CBP One app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To us, it’s about dignity. It’s really about centering the individual and being very trauma-informed,” she said, as a bus pulled up at the shelter with dozens of migrants that JFS staff had met at the San Ysidro port of entry. “They’ve gone through a lot on their journey. So anything we can do to make it easy, to make it understandable and calm, is our focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, everyone received meals, a warm bed and a place for the children to play. The shelter also provided a medical screening and help refilling prescriptions, a legal orientation about the asylum process and help applying for a work permit, and assistance making travel plans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of migrants don’t stay in San Diego long, most spending no more than a night or two at the JFS shelter before traveling on to other parts of the country to reunite with family members, Toppel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011950\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011950 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants collect luggage after arriving on a bus at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Groups like JFS and the Haitian Bridge Alliance are part of a \u003ca href=\"https://rapidresponsesd.org\">robust network of local nonprofits\u003c/a> responding to the needs of immigrants in the border region. Though they’re always looking for more resources, they say the San Diego community has stepped up and the region is not facing a migrant crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011935\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011935 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent drives east between the primary and secondary fences at the U.S.-Mexico border in San Diego, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Nora Vargas said the county has become a national model for reducing Border Patrol releases of migrants onto the streets and treating asylum seekers with dignity. The county recently won nearly $20 million from the federal Shelter and Services Program for a migrant transition center, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still a lot of work to be done, but we’ve been able to allocate resources from the federal government specifically for this,” she said. “The partnership with Governor Newsom and the Biden administration has really been one that we have not had before from previous administrations.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toppel added that Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state legislature have been stalwart in providing funds for her group and others, including backfilling with state dollars when federal grants have gotten tied up in red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are so lucky to be in the state of California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the humanitarian work of welcoming asylum seekers is at risk, Toppel said, as Trump has centered his campaign on the message that immigrants are criminal “animals” who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RKPFjAhd3KQ\">“poisoning the blood”\u003c/a> of the country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the election coming up and the narrative that’s out there, it’s all getting mixed up,” she said. “As we head up towards November, I would say that it has created an opportunity to tell the stories of the people that we’re serving, to try to change hearts and minds around who’s actually coming and that these folks are not dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s more difficult to travel across Mexico’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011949\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011949 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendy Betance walks to dinner with her two daughters at a migrant shelter in Tijuana, Sept. 18, 2024. Migrants who hope to enter the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app often wait months for an appointment. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Across the border in Tijuana, the number of migrants waiting for their CBP One appointments or preparing to cross the border illegally has also diminished. Roughly 2,000 of the city’s shelter beds were available in September, according to Enrique Lucero, who recently stepped down as Tijuana’s head of migrant affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because migrants can now \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">access the CBP One app\u003c/a> from central and southern Mexico. Appointments are set 21 days in advance, giving people time to reach the U.S. border. And the Mexican government will issue a 20-day transit permit to those with proof of a CBP One appointment, Lucero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and harder to get to the north if you don’t have an appointment or a visa,” he said. “Tijuana’s not getting the foreign migrants we used to because it’s more difficult to travel across Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difficulty is largely due to the fact that Mexican authorities are transporting non-Mexican migrants south to the state of Tabasco and containing them in southern Mexico, said Lucero. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s pressure, or at least a request, from the United States to help put the brakes on the number of migrants reaching the border. It’s a political question, with an election underway,” Lucero said. “We need migration controls because we can’t turn a blind eye to the smuggling operations. And also it affects the binational relationship.” \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fewer people navigate the harsh terrain to reach the U.S.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011948 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Salinas of Grupo Beta (L) sits with Irving Ortiz, as he calls his mother, on Sept. 17, 2024. Ortiz was picked up and offered assistance by Grupo Beta when he was walking along Highway 2D between Tijuana and Tecate. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alejandro Salinas, the head of the Baja California office of Grupo Beta, the Mexican immigration agency’s search and rescue arm, said that when his teams go out to locate migrants in distress, they encounter fewer people trying to sneak into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing fewer migrants trying to cross the mountains or the desert,” he said. “But, unfortunately, we’ve had four deaths this year from heat stroke, just in Baja California.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving east from Tijuana along Highway 2 with the border fence in sight, Salinas said he’s seen more policing underway by his counterparts in the enforcement arm of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gob.mx/inm/que-hacemos\">Mexico’s National Immigration Institute\u003c/a>, or INM. Though they’re both part of the same agency, he emphasized that Grupo Beta’s work is strictly humanitarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011945\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011945 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A member of the Mexican army keeps watch outside a camp along the U.S.-Mexico border in Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. The camps were established along the border earlier this year to deter migrant crossings. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his team stopped at one of several bases that the INM established in rural stretches along the border earlier this year. With soldiers from the Mexican Armed Forces to protect against criminal smuggling organizations, INM agents patrol the remote rural areas to intercept non-Mexicans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>INM enforcement agent Abraham Basurto said they had been out before dawn and encountered an Uzbek man with a broken ankle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provided first aid and transferred him to Tijuana,” Basurto said. “We make sure migrants are okay. After that, the most important thing is to check whether they’re in the country legally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011937 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S.-Mexico border fence runs west between the eastern outskirts of Tijuana and the Otay Mountain Wilderness, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said the patrols commonly encounter groups of 10 to 20 migrants. And they’re coming from countries outside the hemisphere. Those migrants often cross the border illegally and turn themselves in to Border Patrol agents to request asylum, but in recent months, the number of people from those nationalities reaching the U.S. has dropped dramatically. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people out here from many countries — Uzbekistan, Mauritania, China, Cameroon, Tajikistan — but not from Latin America,” he said. “With groups like this, we obviously have to check what they’re doing out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Grupo Beta team drove on to La Rumorosa, a forbidding mountainous region at 4,000 feet elevation, studded with boulders and cactus and known for its howling winds. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011947\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011947 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally frequently travel through the rugged and dangerous terrain in La Rumorosa, Mexico, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his three colleagues, in their trademark orange jackets, left their trucks on a highway turnout and started down through the rocks. It’s a common smuggling route, so they typically hike through there every couple of days on the lookout for stranded migrants. They’ve even marked certain boulders with large numerals to help navigate the bleak terrain where migrants are often abandoned.\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>“The smuggler just points north — toward a U.S. wind farm or the border fence — and they say, ‘Just walk and you’ll reach the United States,’” he said. “But they don’t say that you have to descend this mountain and climb the next one. They don’t say how dangerous it is or how easily a person can get lost out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011964\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011964 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perla Godínez from Grupo Beta looks out across the rugged terrain of La Rumorosa, a desolate area traversed by migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border illegally, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To emphasize the point, one of the other agents, Perla Godínez, pulled out her phone and opened up a video of a recent rescue. In it, a man is sobbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It took a long time to find this group. There were five of them, including a child,” she said. “The rescue took 18 hours because we had no cell phone signal, so we went from one place to another, looking. They were really weak when we found them, and one guy was crying because he thought they were going to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godínez said she first learned about Grupo Beta when she worked as a 911 dispatcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took the calls from migrants who were lost, and I passed the reports to Grupo Beta,” she said. “I decided to change jobs because I wanted to know that the migrants who called for help were being found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011943\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011943 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maribel Moreno, left, and Carlos Parra from a Grupo Beta search and rescue team walk along old train tracks that are a common route for migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border outside Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All the fencing and the policing by both countries, the asylum restrictions and the lawful pathways to humanitarian parole have vastly reduced the number of people entering the U.S. illegally. But they don’t get at the root causes of why people migrate, so some will keep trying, said Lucero, the former Tijuana migrant affairs director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as if things are all better in Venezuela, or the war in Ukraine is over, or there’s no more poverty in southern Africa,” he said. “This calm that we’re seeing may be temporary. We don’t know how long it’s going to last.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "anxious-about-the-2024-election-heres-what-therapists-recommend",
"title": "Anxious About the 2024 Election? Here's What Therapists Recommend",
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"headTitle": "Anxious About the 2024 Election? Here’s What Therapists Recommend | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>We’re almost there, folks. Two years of nonstop campaigning for the White House will finally come to a close this Tuesday, Nov. 5, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Election Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the Pew Research Center found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/\">65% of Americans say they always or often feel “exhausted” when thinking about politics\u003c/a>. And that was before all the dramatic twists and turns of 2024 that have given us the present circumstances: Vice President Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/25/us/politics/poll-harris-trump-times-siena.html\">deadlocked in the polls of every single swing state\u003c/a>, leaving even the most experienced political analysts with little clue of who will be the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But besides election exhaustion, there are other feelings felt across the political spectrum, from anxiety and frustration to straight-up fear. Among many undocumented and mixed-status immigrant families, for example, there’s a lot of nervousness about Trump enacting what he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtpORNvI26w\">the largest deportation program in American history\u003c/a>.” After the former president survived a public assassination attempt in July at a Pennsylvania campaign rally, a large number of his most ardent supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/after-the-assassination-attempt-against-trump-anger-and-anxiety-loom-over-the-republican-convention\">fear that Trump could be targeted again\u003c/a>. And as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011576/what-do-young-voters-care-about-most-in-this-presidential-election\">millions of Gen Z Americans prepare to cast their votes for the first time\u003c/a>, many have shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">their frustration that neither candidate may do enough to protect the lives of Palestinians in Gaza\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re feeling these big emotions, you’re not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s normalize [feeling] anxious because it is a very high-stakes election,” said Kelli McLean, a California marriage and family therapist who works on issues relating to trauma, anxiety and depression with her clients. “This is anxiety-provoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times when we’re feeling a certain type of way about something, it comes out in other ways we don’t expect,” said Ioanna Angelakis, a licensed marriage and family therapist based in San Francisco. “So it’s really important to be honest and truthful with yourself and others about what’s going on and to formulate a plan, so you have something to fall back on — should the worst thing happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for expert advice on the things you can do before, on and after Nov. 5 to help manage anxiety about the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Try to consume less election news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When something is very important to us, it’s normal for us to keep checking on it as much as we can. In a presidential election as unpredictable as this one, we may have the TV on all the time or be constantly checking social media to see if there’s any tiny piece of new information that will give us hope that things will “go our way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeking out this feeling of control — in a situation that frankly cannot be controlled by any one single individual — can lead to us feeling even more helpless, McClean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a direct correlation between how much anxiety people are feeling to what they’re watching,” she said. “The election is everywhere, and people are inundating themselves with this. It’s information overload.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recommendation McLean has been sharing with her clients is to stay away from social media as much as they can — or as much as they can bear — for the next few days. “They’re limiting their exposure to these 24-hour news cycles, which can be anxiety-provoking for people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Remember, polls aren’t crystal balls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/3825/what-is-the-electoral-college-and-is-it-time-to-get-rid-of-it\">seven swing states that are key to winning the election\u003c/a>, polls have switched back and forth between a Trump lead and a Harris lead for weeks now. While you may look for any sliver of hope in new polls, keep in mind that most recent polls \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/harris-trump-poll-pennsylvania-29-10-2024/\">have only changed by 1 or 2 percentage points\u003c/a>, which is within a poll’s margin of error — the window of uncertainty your poll results may have. For example, in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-harris-poll-gender-gap/\">Oct. 28 CBS News/YouGov poll of registered voters in Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, Harris and Trump are tied 49%–49%, but the margin of error is 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are, after all, surveys of smaller groups meant to reflect a larger population. While Harris and Trump are tied among the smaller group surveyed, that doesn’t mean that in all of Pennsylvania, there’s a perfect tie among those who plan to vote for Harris and Trump. The margin of error tells us that the candidates’ numbers could actually be a little higher or a little lower — within that 2.6% range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this goes to say that it’s probably a good idea to limit how much we look at polls. Remember: the 2016 and 2020 elections delivered many electoral surprises that polls didn’t predict. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2024-elections/370649/trust-polls-2016-2020-election-2024-pollster-polling-miss\">pollsters have refined their methods\u003c/a> — but even they say that polls are not “perfectly predictive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why therapists like Angelakis are reminding their clients to accept the uncertainty in this major event and work from there. “The future is unpredictable and unknown — it’s a mystery,” she said. “All we can do is just stay grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enjoy the weekend before Election Day as much as you can\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, the first Tuesday of November could be historic for the country. But let’s not forget that the first \u003cem>weekend\u003c/em> of November is quite special in its own right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diwali, the Hindu festival that celebrates light triumphing over darkness, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/diwali-deepavali-hindu-festival-19854481.php\">begins this year in the early hours of Thursday, Oct. 31\u003c/a>, and lasts until the next morning. Halloween is also on Thursday — a perfect excuse for families and friends to get together ahead of the weekend.[aside postID=science_1995033 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/10/Claremont-Canyon-by-Fred-Rowe-East-Bay-Regional-Park-District-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Nov. 1 and Saturday, Nov. 2, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dia-de-los-muertos\">Día de los Muertos\u003c/a> will be celebrated across California, with cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dayofthedeadsf.org/\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://unitycouncil.org/program/diaoakland/\">Oakland\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://diasanjose.com/\">San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/your-guide-to-free-dia-de-los-muertos-events-on-the-eastside/\">Los Angeles \u003c/a>hosting community-led celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enjoy your weekend,” Angelakis said. “Don’t let these fears take you over because they’re just fears right now … they’re not your reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967439/merlin-the-pig-northern-california-animals-house-pig-mina-alali-davis\">some joyful things going on to distract you\u003c/a>, and most importantly, find ways to laugh with your loved ones, she recommended. Even try to “poke fun at your fears,” Angelakis said, “and you can let out steam that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also read our guide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995033/12-bay-area-hikes-for-escaping-the-election-even-for-a-few-hours\">the outdoor spots in the Bay Area that might bring you a little calm and peace\u003c/a> in the run-up to Election Day and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents and caregivers: Keep in mind the needs of your little ones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if your family doesn’t talk too much about politics at the dinner table, there’s still a chance that your child may be hearing about the election from their friends or classmates. Whether they share this directly with you or not, they may be absorbing the anxiety of others around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids are the spokespeople of their parents and their family’s fears,” Angelakis said. “When your child is acting out, or when your child is isolating, these are signs that your child is worried about something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when it’s very important to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764070/how-to-talk-with-kids-after-a-traumatic-event\">age-appropriate conversations about what’s happening out in the world\u003c/a>, McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11764070]“If you’re dealing with a small child, know that a lot of this is too much for them to fully take in, and it can be traumatizing,” she said. “You can explain to them the process without going into scary details: ‘Two people are competing and they have different beliefs. People can get very mad and nervous about it. But you’re still going to be safe in this home with your parents.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to lie to them or over-promise, but just not expose them to things that are not appropriate on the news or social media,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/59143/war-crisis-tragedy-how-to-talk-with-kids-when-the-news-is-scary\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s bilingual guide on how to talk to kids during difficult or scary major moments.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Watch your anxiety levels on Election Day itself …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Nov. 5. You — or those around — have already voted. And results of the presidential election start coming in at 5 p.m. Pacific Time, when the polls close on the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every major TV network will have nonstop coverage of the results throughout the night, and it’s very likely that most restaurants, bars and community spaces with a television will be showing this coverage. But remember: you can choose how much of this coverage you consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know that waiting hours into the early morning for the results of each swing state — which just a few thousand votes could decide — will really set your anxiety spiraling, take breaks from watching. What might be even better for you is making a plan with family or friends to do something completely different on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how much (or little) news you consume on Tuesday, remember: there will still be results at the end of the vote count — which could take days, like it did in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and focus on your breathing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another strategy that Angelakis recommends is giving yourself time for breathing exercises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Take two breaths in and one breath out,” she said, adding that you can do as many of these exercises until you start feeling a little more grounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you try that breathing, it feels really good,” Angelakis said. “It calms your nervous system down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She especially recommends doing these breathing exercises if anxious thoughts start coming in throughout Election Night. When you feel these thoughts rising, “visualize the best possible outcome in a day of your life,” she said, “from every last detail that you wake up until the moment you go to bed at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why: By bringing back our focus to our own lives and our own actions, we remind ourselves what is in our own control — and let go of worries about things out of our control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t forget the power you have in your own community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The results of this general election will not impact everyone equally — and this is true far beyond the presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to folks from communities that are most vulnerable to policy shifts, McLean hears how folks sometimes feel disconnected from the decisions happening in Washington, D.C. “They feel powerless,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, “we are not powerless,” McClean said. “Getting involved in grassroots activism, something local in your own community, can help with these feelings of powerlessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']And remember that even if you can’t vote — whether it’s because of your immigration status, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009162/election-2024-what-are-the-voting-rights-of-current-and-formerly-incarcerated-californians\">criminal record\u003c/a> or age — you still have a lot of power. In the Bay Area, for example, the labor rights organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/about\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a> (TUWU) has helped undocumented workers organize themselves for years to demand and gain higher wages, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946661/ive-been-contributing-undocumented-workers-are-key-to-californias-economy-a-new-bill-would-give-them-unemployment-benefits\">labor protections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005037/sf-proposes-relief-fund-to-aid-wage-theft-victims-left-unpaid-by-employers\">social services\u003c/a> at the local and state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are multi-year fights. They don’t happen overnight,” said Samuel Romero, organizing director of TUWU. “So many of these things wouldn’t have been able to pass without the support of the community that we organize with, the majority being folks that aren’t even eligible to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as you work with your community to make change, don’t forget that a big part of that is also what happens in your home. “It is a huge election, and there is a lot at stake,” McClean said. “But it is important for people to ground themselves in their own lives and really take care of themselves first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>We’re almost there, folks. Two years of nonstop campaigning for the White House will finally come to a close this Tuesday, Nov. 5, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Election Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the Pew Research Center found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/\">65% of Americans say they always or often feel “exhausted” when thinking about politics\u003c/a>. And that was before all the dramatic twists and turns of 2024 that have given us the present circumstances: Vice President Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/25/us/politics/poll-harris-trump-times-siena.html\">deadlocked in the polls of every single swing state\u003c/a>, leaving even the most experienced political analysts with little clue of who will be the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But besides election exhaustion, there are other feelings felt across the political spectrum, from anxiety and frustration to straight-up fear. Among many undocumented and mixed-status immigrant families, for example, there’s a lot of nervousness about Trump enacting what he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtpORNvI26w\">the largest deportation program in American history\u003c/a>.” After the former president survived a public assassination attempt in July at a Pennsylvania campaign rally, a large number of his most ardent supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/after-the-assassination-attempt-against-trump-anger-and-anxiety-loom-over-the-republican-convention\">fear that Trump could be targeted again\u003c/a>. And as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011576/what-do-young-voters-care-about-most-in-this-presidential-election\">millions of Gen Z Americans prepare to cast their votes for the first time\u003c/a>, many have shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">their frustration that neither candidate may do enough to protect the lives of Palestinians in Gaza\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re feeling these big emotions, you’re not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s normalize [feeling] anxious because it is a very high-stakes election,” said Kelli McLean, a California marriage and family therapist who works on issues relating to trauma, anxiety and depression with her clients. “This is anxiety-provoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times when we’re feeling a certain type of way about something, it comes out in other ways we don’t expect,” said Ioanna Angelakis, a licensed marriage and family therapist based in San Francisco. “So it’s really important to be honest and truthful with yourself and others about what’s going on and to formulate a plan, so you have something to fall back on — should the worst thing happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for expert advice on the things you can do before, on and after Nov. 5 to help manage anxiety about the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Try to consume less election news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When something is very important to us, it’s normal for us to keep checking on it as much as we can. In a presidential election as unpredictable as this one, we may have the TV on all the time or be constantly checking social media to see if there’s any tiny piece of new information that will give us hope that things will “go our way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeking out this feeling of control — in a situation that frankly cannot be controlled by any one single individual — can lead to us feeling even more helpless, McClean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a direct correlation between how much anxiety people are feeling to what they’re watching,” she said. “The election is everywhere, and people are inundating themselves with this. It’s information overload.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recommendation McLean has been sharing with her clients is to stay away from social media as much as they can — or as much as they can bear — for the next few days. “They’re limiting their exposure to these 24-hour news cycles, which can be anxiety-provoking for people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Remember, polls aren’t crystal balls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/3825/what-is-the-electoral-college-and-is-it-time-to-get-rid-of-it\">seven swing states that are key to winning the election\u003c/a>, polls have switched back and forth between a Trump lead and a Harris lead for weeks now. While you may look for any sliver of hope in new polls, keep in mind that most recent polls \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/harris-trump-poll-pennsylvania-29-10-2024/\">have only changed by 1 or 2 percentage points\u003c/a>, which is within a poll’s margin of error — the window of uncertainty your poll results may have. For example, in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-harris-poll-gender-gap/\">Oct. 28 CBS News/YouGov poll of registered voters in Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, Harris and Trump are tied 49%–49%, but the margin of error is 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are, after all, surveys of smaller groups meant to reflect a larger population. While Harris and Trump are tied among the smaller group surveyed, that doesn’t mean that in all of Pennsylvania, there’s a perfect tie among those who plan to vote for Harris and Trump. The margin of error tells us that the candidates’ numbers could actually be a little higher or a little lower — within that 2.6% range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this goes to say that it’s probably a good idea to limit how much we look at polls. Remember: the 2016 and 2020 elections delivered many electoral surprises that polls didn’t predict. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2024-elections/370649/trust-polls-2016-2020-election-2024-pollster-polling-miss\">pollsters have refined their methods\u003c/a> — but even they say that polls are not “perfectly predictive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why therapists like Angelakis are reminding their clients to accept the uncertainty in this major event and work from there. “The future is unpredictable and unknown — it’s a mystery,” she said. “All we can do is just stay grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enjoy the weekend before Election Day as much as you can\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, the first Tuesday of November could be historic for the country. But let’s not forget that the first \u003cem>weekend\u003c/em> of November is quite special in its own right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diwali, the Hindu festival that celebrates light triumphing over darkness, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/diwali-deepavali-hindu-festival-19854481.php\">begins this year in the early hours of Thursday, Oct. 31\u003c/a>, and lasts until the next morning. Halloween is also on Thursday — a perfect excuse for families and friends to get together ahead of the weekend.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Nov. 1 and Saturday, Nov. 2, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dia-de-los-muertos\">Día de los Muertos\u003c/a> will be celebrated across California, with cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dayofthedeadsf.org/\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://unitycouncil.org/program/diaoakland/\">Oakland\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://diasanjose.com/\">San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/your-guide-to-free-dia-de-los-muertos-events-on-the-eastside/\">Los Angeles \u003c/a>hosting community-led celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enjoy your weekend,” Angelakis said. “Don’t let these fears take you over because they’re just fears right now … they’re not your reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967439/merlin-the-pig-northern-california-animals-house-pig-mina-alali-davis\">some joyful things going on to distract you\u003c/a>, and most importantly, find ways to laugh with your loved ones, she recommended. Even try to “poke fun at your fears,” Angelakis said, “and you can let out steam that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also read our guide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995033/12-bay-area-hikes-for-escaping-the-election-even-for-a-few-hours\">the outdoor spots in the Bay Area that might bring you a little calm and peace\u003c/a> in the run-up to Election Day and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents and caregivers: Keep in mind the needs of your little ones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if your family doesn’t talk too much about politics at the dinner table, there’s still a chance that your child may be hearing about the election from their friends or classmates. Whether they share this directly with you or not, they may be absorbing the anxiety of others around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids are the spokespeople of their parents and their family’s fears,” Angelakis said. “When your child is acting out, or when your child is isolating, these are signs that your child is worried about something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when it’s very important to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764070/how-to-talk-with-kids-after-a-traumatic-event\">age-appropriate conversations about what’s happening out in the world\u003c/a>, McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you’re dealing with a small child, know that a lot of this is too much for them to fully take in, and it can be traumatizing,” she said. “You can explain to them the process without going into scary details: ‘Two people are competing and they have different beliefs. People can get very mad and nervous about it. But you’re still going to be safe in this home with your parents.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to lie to them or over-promise, but just not expose them to things that are not appropriate on the news or social media,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/59143/war-crisis-tragedy-how-to-talk-with-kids-when-the-news-is-scary\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s bilingual guide on how to talk to kids during difficult or scary major moments.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Watch your anxiety levels on Election Day itself …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Nov. 5. You — or those around — have already voted. And results of the presidential election start coming in at 5 p.m. Pacific Time, when the polls close on the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every major TV network will have nonstop coverage of the results throughout the night, and it’s very likely that most restaurants, bars and community spaces with a television will be showing this coverage. But remember: you can choose how much of this coverage you consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know that waiting hours into the early morning for the results of each swing state — which just a few thousand votes could decide — will really set your anxiety spiraling, take breaks from watching. What might be even better for you is making a plan with family or friends to do something completely different on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how much (or little) news you consume on Tuesday, remember: there will still be results at the end of the vote count — which could take days, like it did in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and focus on your breathing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another strategy that Angelakis recommends is giving yourself time for breathing exercises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Take two breaths in and one breath out,” she said, adding that you can do as many of these exercises until you start feeling a little more grounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you try that breathing, it feels really good,” Angelakis said. “It calms your nervous system down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She especially recommends doing these breathing exercises if anxious thoughts start coming in throughout Election Night. When you feel these thoughts rising, “visualize the best possible outcome in a day of your life,” she said, “from every last detail that you wake up until the moment you go to bed at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why: By bringing back our focus to our own lives and our own actions, we remind ourselves what is in our own control — and let go of worries about things out of our control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t forget the power you have in your own community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The results of this general election will not impact everyone equally — and this is true far beyond the presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to folks from communities that are most vulnerable to policy shifts, McLean hears how folks sometimes feel disconnected from the decisions happening in Washington, D.C. “They feel powerless,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, “we are not powerless,” McClean said. “Getting involved in grassroots activism, something local in your own community, can help with these feelings of powerlessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And remember that even if you can’t vote — whether it’s because of your immigration status, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009162/election-2024-what-are-the-voting-rights-of-current-and-formerly-incarcerated-californians\">criminal record\u003c/a> or age — you still have a lot of power. In the Bay Area, for example, the labor rights organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/about\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a> (TUWU) has helped undocumented workers organize themselves for years to demand and gain higher wages, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946661/ive-been-contributing-undocumented-workers-are-key-to-californias-economy-a-new-bill-would-give-them-unemployment-benefits\">labor protections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005037/sf-proposes-relief-fund-to-aid-wage-theft-victims-left-unpaid-by-employers\">social services\u003c/a> at the local and state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are multi-year fights. They don’t happen overnight,” said Samuel Romero, organizing director of TUWU. “So many of these things wouldn’t have been able to pass without the support of the community that we organize with, the majority being folks that aren’t even eligible to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as you work with your community to make change, don’t forget that a big part of that is also what happens in your home. “It is a huge election, and there is a lot at stake,” McClean said. “But it is important for people to ground themselves in their own lives and really take care of themselves first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Voters across vast Santa Clara County will have a rare chance this upcoming election to choose a new Superior Court judge in a heated contest between two veteran county prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jay Boyarsky and Johnene Stebbins, who have served for decades together in the county District Attorney’s Office, are facing off for a seat on the bench — one of 77 in the county — left vacant earlier this year with the retirement of Judge Vincent Chiarello.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seldom have the opportunity to select county judges, as incumbent judges don’t often face challengers when they seek another term and, absent any opponents, are essentially reelected automatically \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/branch-facts/judicial-selection-how-california-chooses-its-judges-and-justices\">without even appearing on the ballot\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, if judges vacate their seats in the middle of their six-year terms, the governor typically appoints their replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges in the Superior Court system often rotate through different assignments and oversee various civil and criminal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates in this race both work for the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office: Boyarsky, 59, is the chief assistant district attorney and has worked in the office for 30 years, and Stebbins, 55, is a deputy district attorney who has 26 years of experience in the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, 55, told KQED she wants to become a judge because she’s done all she can do in her current role as a deputy district attorney. In her 26 years in the office, Stebbins said, she prosecuted a vast range of criminal cases — from domestic violence and murder to environmental and consumer protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t really think of any crimes left that I haven’t prosecuted,” said Stebbins, who also teaches law enforcement agencies how to investigate sexual assault, child molestation and internet crimes cases. “But I’m not done with public service. I’m not done with the law. I specifically became a D.A. because I wanted to be in the courtroom.”[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/santaclara,Santa Clara County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Santa-Clara-County-1200x1200-1.png]“I feel like my breadth of knowledge, the things that I teach, the things that I do, my experience in the courtroom, make moving on to judge a natural progression,” she added “And I think I could be an asset to the bench.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, the chief assistant district attorney, began working in the DA’s office in 1994 and told KQED he quickly became interested in prosecuting hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s actually the one main reason I wanted to become a prosecutor, is I wanted to stand up for people who were victimized simply because of who they were,” said Boyarsky, adding that he later also developed a knack for prosecuting sexual offenders, child molesters and rapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky also ran Jeff Rosen’s successful campaign for DA in 2011 and was subsequently promoted by Rosen — who he calls his “best friend” — to his current position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all ended up working out way better than I ever could have thought because I got to help transform and improve the District Attorney’s Office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky said becoming a judge feels like an excellent way to continue his work in public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to try to make the community and the world better. And I owe that in light of the sacrifice that my father and his generation made for freedom, for democracy, for the rule of law, and to serve this country,” said Boyarsky, whose father fought in World War II and helped liberate Jewish people from Nazi concentration camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, who first ran unsuccessfully for judgeship in 2008, also applied for a governor’s appointment to the bench in 2007 and 2023 but was not selected either time. He said the latest application is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate has received a hefty tranche of endorsements: Both have gotten the support of roughly 30 current and former judges. Rosen and George Kennedy have also endorsed Boyarsky — the DA before him — along with several other current and former district attorneys throughout the state and a broad array of politicians and civil rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, meanwhile, is endorsed by Chiarello — the judge vacating the bench — along with Dolores Carr, a former county DA. And although the unions representing officers of the county’s two largest law enforcement agencies — San José Police and the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office — endorsed both candidates, Stebbins underscores that she collected the sole endorsement of all other police unions in the county, along with the county union that represents both deputy district attorneys and public defenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it speaks volumes as to how law enforcement thinks (the DA’s office is) doing that they do not support the second in command to the top law enforcement official in the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']Stebbins said judges need to listen to both sides carefully and be willing to work fairly with each party without getting “run over” by either side, a skill she said she has consistently demonstrated throughout her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins argues she has the on-the-ground experience to become an effective judge, noting that she still practices law daily and works in courtrooms with judges, public defenders, defendants and victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the courtroom every day, and a lot has changed in the law in the last decade,” she said. “So I’m actually seeing how that all plays out and what changes have been made and how that’s affecting all of the stakeholders in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience is also the basis for her biggest criticism of Boyarsky, who she said is too far removed from the current day-to-day realities of the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s “supervising the supervisors that supervise,” she said. “I’m the surgeon doing the surgeries every day. … “He’s in the medical office blocks away, hiring the doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also argues that Boyarsky’s rise to chief assistant “was not a rise based on merit” but rather on “a friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Boyarsky points to his extensive administrative and management experience overseeing 190 attorneys as a major strength that will contribute to his efficacy on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I do is I make a lot of decisions every day, and I communicate them,” he said. “And they’re about people’s lives. They’re about people’s careers. They’re about accountability. They’re about the media, they’re about policy, they’re about the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges do much more than just oversee trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s primarily making decisions and weighing facts and evidence and taking competing interests into account,” he said. “That’s what someone who’s running a very large organization has to do every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more about Boyarsky’s positions and endorsements \u003ca href=\"https://www.jayboyarsky.com/\">here\u003c/a>, and Stebbins’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.johnenelindastebbinsforjudge.org/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Two veteran prosecutors in the district attorney's office are squaring off in a heated race for the seat. They talked to KQED about their priorities.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voters across vast Santa Clara County will have a rare chance this upcoming election to choose a new Superior Court judge in a heated contest between two veteran county prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jay Boyarsky and Johnene Stebbins, who have served for decades together in the county District Attorney’s Office, are facing off for a seat on the bench — one of 77 in the county — left vacant earlier this year with the retirement of Judge Vincent Chiarello.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seldom have the opportunity to select county judges, as incumbent judges don’t often face challengers when they seek another term and, absent any opponents, are essentially reelected automatically \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/branch-facts/judicial-selection-how-california-chooses-its-judges-and-justices\">without even appearing on the ballot\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, if judges vacate their seats in the middle of their six-year terms, the governor typically appoints their replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges in the Superior Court system often rotate through different assignments and oversee various civil and criminal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates in this race both work for the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office: Boyarsky, 59, is the chief assistant district attorney and has worked in the office for 30 years, and Stebbins, 55, is a deputy district attorney who has 26 years of experience in the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, 55, told KQED she wants to become a judge because she’s done all she can do in her current role as a deputy district attorney. In her 26 years in the office, Stebbins said, she prosecuted a vast range of criminal cases — from domestic violence and murder to environmental and consumer protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t really think of any crimes left that I haven’t prosecuted,” said Stebbins, who also teaches law enforcement agencies how to investigate sexual assault, child molestation and internet crimes cases. “But I’m not done with public service. I’m not done with the law. I specifically became a D.A. because I wanted to be in the courtroom.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I feel like my breadth of knowledge, the things that I teach, the things that I do, my experience in the courtroom, make moving on to judge a natural progression,” she added “And I think I could be an asset to the bench.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, the chief assistant district attorney, began working in the DA’s office in 1994 and told KQED he quickly became interested in prosecuting hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s actually the one main reason I wanted to become a prosecutor, is I wanted to stand up for people who were victimized simply because of who they were,” said Boyarsky, adding that he later also developed a knack for prosecuting sexual offenders, child molesters and rapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky also ran Jeff Rosen’s successful campaign for DA in 2011 and was subsequently promoted by Rosen — who he calls his “best friend” — to his current position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all ended up working out way better than I ever could have thought because I got to help transform and improve the District Attorney’s Office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky said becoming a judge feels like an excellent way to continue his work in public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to try to make the community and the world better. And I owe that in light of the sacrifice that my father and his generation made for freedom, for democracy, for the rule of law, and to serve this country,” said Boyarsky, whose father fought in World War II and helped liberate Jewish people from Nazi concentration camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, who first ran unsuccessfully for judgeship in 2008, also applied for a governor’s appointment to the bench in 2007 and 2023 but was not selected either time. He said the latest application is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate has received a hefty tranche of endorsements: Both have gotten the support of roughly 30 current and former judges. Rosen and George Kennedy have also endorsed Boyarsky — the DA before him — along with several other current and former district attorneys throughout the state and a broad array of politicians and civil rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, meanwhile, is endorsed by Chiarello — the judge vacating the bench — along with Dolores Carr, a former county DA. And although the unions representing officers of the county’s two largest law enforcement agencies — San José Police and the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office — endorsed both candidates, Stebbins underscores that she collected the sole endorsement of all other police unions in the county, along with the county union that represents both deputy district attorneys and public defenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it speaks volumes as to how law enforcement thinks (the DA’s office is) doing that they do not support the second in command to the top law enforcement official in the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Stebbins said judges need to listen to both sides carefully and be willing to work fairly with each party without getting “run over” by either side, a skill she said she has consistently demonstrated throughout her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins argues she has the on-the-ground experience to become an effective judge, noting that she still practices law daily and works in courtrooms with judges, public defenders, defendants and victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the courtroom every day, and a lot has changed in the law in the last decade,” she said. “So I’m actually seeing how that all plays out and what changes have been made and how that’s affecting all of the stakeholders in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience is also the basis for her biggest criticism of Boyarsky, who she said is too far removed from the current day-to-day realities of the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s “supervising the supervisors that supervise,” she said. “I’m the surgeon doing the surgeries every day. … “He’s in the medical office blocks away, hiring the doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also argues that Boyarsky’s rise to chief assistant “was not a rise based on merit” but rather on “a friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Boyarsky points to his extensive administrative and management experience overseeing 190 attorneys as a major strength that will contribute to his efficacy on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I do is I make a lot of decisions every day, and I communicate them,” he said. “And they’re about people’s lives. They’re about people’s careers. They’re about accountability. They’re about the media, they’re about policy, they’re about the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges do much more than just oversee trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s primarily making decisions and weighing facts and evidence and taking competing interests into account,” he said. “That’s what someone who’s running a very large organization has to do every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more about Boyarsky’s positions and endorsements \u003ca href=\"https://www.jayboyarsky.com/\">here\u003c/a>, and Stebbins’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.johnenelindastebbinsforjudge.org/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-recall-vote-nears-alameda-county-da-says-shes-faced-resistance-her-entire-term",
"title": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term",
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"headTitle": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009700 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-11_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001150 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240821-ANTIRECALL-AF-05-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda,Alameda County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "An Oakland Chamber of Commerce poll found that more than half of Oakland voters support recalling Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price.",
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"title": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "a-far-right-california-county-appointed-him-registrar-now-his-election-views-have-changed",
"title": "A Far-Right California County Appointed Him Registrar. Now His Election Views Have Changed",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]F[/dropcap]or years, only a couple of people would show up to observe staff at the Shasta County Elections office on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after November 2020, the office saw a dramatic increase in observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of the June 2022 primary, then-registrar of voters Cathy Darling Allen and her staff experienced bullying and interference from a group of residents who claimed they wanted to protect against election fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Cathy%20Darling%20Allen%20-%20Shasta%20County,%20CA.pdf\">according to prepared testimony she submitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee held a hearing entitled Protecting Our Democracy’s Frontline Workers, which featured testimony from elections officials across the country who had experienced threats and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen wrote that some poll workers had canceled or simply not shown up for work, possibly due to the behavior of observers who had attended a recent training. At one point in the night, someone attached a trail camera in the alley behind the elections office to surveil the back entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election observation in Shasta County has become weaponized,” Darling Allen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cathy Darling Allen at the Lake Redding Boat Ramp in Redding. Right: Joanna Francescut displays a ballot envelope during a training session for an elections employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, Shasta County has been a hotbed of election denialism, with a vocal minority of residents and the board of supervisors’ far-right majority encouraging distrust in California’s voting systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired earlier this year due to a heart failure diagnosis, citing a need to avoid work-related stress. To take her place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991539/shasta-countys-new-registrar-of-voters-has-no-experience-running-elections\">the board appointed Tom Toller, a former county prosecutor with no experience running elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller, who came into the office with his own concerns about election integrity, said his perspective has changed after several months of working inside the office. Now, as he prepares for one of the most fraught elections in recent history, he finds himself pushing back on a tide of skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m constantly sent emails from people suggesting that I need to stop using this technology or I need to start implementing this other procedure,” Toller said. “My universal response has been, I don’t see any evidence of this. But if you can give me credible evidence that it’s happening here in Shasta County, I will definitely look into it. And if there’s a problem, I will resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1173\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Toller is appointed the new Shasta County clerk and registrar of voters by the county’s Board of Supervisors on June 19, 2024, in Redding. \u003ccite>(Roman Battaglia/JPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To accommodate the increase in observers, the county elections office in downtown Redding has been remodeled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A black metal gate accessible only via key card separates the front entrance from an area where elections staff have been preparing to tabulate votes on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upstairs, observers can watch staff on four wall-mounted TV monitors. The county’s vote counting machines, set up in a room nicknamed “the bat cave,” are also visible through a window in the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011738\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, opens a metal doorway at the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011702\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Video cameras monitor the interior of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On election night, the office will be completely full with observers, assistant registrar Joanna Francescut said. But being here isn’t always enough to allay their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of those people have been sitting here with us for multiple elections,” said Francescut, who worked for 16 years under Darling Allen and was passed over for the registrar job. “But they’re also not listening to what we have to say about what we’re actually doing. They’re trusting other things, other media that is going after them that has their attention in a different way. They’re trusting what’s being said on YouTube or Truth Social or whatever website they’re looking at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ballots come in, observers will be allowed to view ballot tabulation and results reporting. Certain activities, like challenging signatures on vote-by-mail ballots, won’t be permitted, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.shastacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/11052024-Observer-Guidelines.pdf\">according to the elections office website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller is facing pushback for not making more changes, with some of the strongest criticisms coming from Supervisor Patrick Jones, one of three members of the board who voted to appoint him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some people that are being placed at six feet apart, six feet from meaningful observation. It needs to be three. If that was his decision, then that is a bad decision,” Jones said. “The further you push people back, the further you’re trying to cover something up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A black box’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shasta County has been in conflict with the state of California over how to conduct its elections since at least 2023. That’s when the board of supervisors voted to end the county’s contract with Dominion Voting Systems, whose machines were the target of conspiracy theories that the 2020 election was rigged. Supervisors voted to hand count ballots instead but were thwarted when Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 969, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/08/1198395036/shasta-county-hand-counting-ballots-california-legislation\">urgent legislation that banned hand counting\u003c/a> except in narrow circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1866px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1866\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg 1866w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1866px) 100vw, 1866px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of the Shasta County Board of Supervisors hang in the board offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the law, calls for the county to use hand counting persist. At a board meeting in late September, security guards wearing tactical vests flanked the dais as people approached the podium during public comment. Several insisted that the county use hand counting in this year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One speaker detailed amateur sleuthing, which she said had uncovered voter registration tied to nonexistent addresses. Another read a letter calling on the county sheriff to launch a criminal investigation of Francescut for alleged perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day earlier, some of the same speakers had attended a meeting of the Shasta County Elections Commission, a panel Jones \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/resources/pdf/7e2ed968-3bfb-466b-b53b-054ffb022ebe-c4_ordinance_no._scc_202307.pdf\">pushed to create last year\u003c/a> to advise the board on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including a commissioner who resigned in March, have called the panel a \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/news/local/shasta-county-election-commission-criticized-disbandment-called-for-at-supervisors-meeting\">waste of time\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionnewsnow.com/news/former-shasta-county-elections-commissioner-resigns-claiming-it-was-a-waste-of-time-and-money/article_97c5a0a8-eb0a-11ee-949b-0b9f7ab7c413.html\">money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has recommended that the county not only hand count ballots but also return to limited absentee voting and one-day elections — all of which would violate California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think their attitude is that even if something is futile legally, it has some type of symbolic value,” Toller said about the commission. “And I understand why they’re doing what they’re doing. I just don’t think it’s going to bear much fruit. And it may have unintended consequences that would not necessarily be positive for our county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the board has not acted on the recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an October board meeting, commissioner Patty Plumb, a Jones appointee, expressed disappointment in Toller’s leadership of the elections office so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing has really taken place to change our system of voting even though we did get a new [registrar of voters],” Plumb said. “We had our hopes that things would be changed. Nothing has really changed to make our voting system and our process transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011737\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots known as a ‘test deck’ at theShasta County Elections offices. The test ballots go through the ballot counting system to test the accuracy of the vote count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Distrust in Shasta County’s elections office had already begun to simmer in 2022, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902718/militia-led-recall-targets-republican-supervisor-in-shasta-county\">a campaign backed by a local militia successfully recalled Supervisor Leonard Moty\u003c/a>, a moderate Republican and former Redding police chief who they felt hadn’t pushed back hard enough on COVID-19 mandates, among other complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, after the county canceled its contract with Dominion, it signed a new contract to use voting machines from Texas-based Hart InterCivic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, skepticism about the trustworthiness of Dominion’s software and that of other voting machines lingers today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a black box,” Kari Chilson, a Shasta County property manager, told KQED in reference to Dominion’s machines after a recent meeting of the elections commission. “They’re proprietary software. And so the public is not even allowed to audit their machines, which is a huge red flag for anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re run by WiFi or internet,” said Antonia Palacio, who works in home care, about the machines. “It’s been proven that they can be hacked. If you don’t have an audit, hand counting, they can put in as many extra votes or whatever in there, and we would never know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County resident Teresa Romero, right, points out to her husband Charles how the number increased by one on a Dominion voting machine to indicate that his ballot was successfully scanned after being entered into the machine on Nov. 8, 2022, at the Shasta County Elections offices \u003ccite>(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Researchers and hackers have identified vulnerabilities in voting machines, but officials with the federal Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency say that because of the decentralized nature of the United States’ elections system, it would be impossible for hackers to have a material impact on the outcome of a presidential election without being detected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Hart InterCivic, Dominion and ES&S, the three companies that supply voting machines to most California counties, told KQED that their machines do not connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked when they first became skeptical of the county’s voting processes, Chilson and Palacio described reports of “abnormalities” in the 2020 election and signed affidavits alleging voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statements alleging irregularities or misconduct were a common element of the 64 legal cases brought by former President Donald Trump and his allies challenging the 2020 election. Plaintiffs prevailed in only one of those cases, which involved too few votes to overturn the results, according to a 2022 study.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]Chilson also shared articles that had raised her suspicions from sites like The Epoch Times, One America News and The Gateway Pundit, all of which have promoted conspiracy theories about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Georgia election workers settled defamation lawsuits with The Gateway Pundit and OAN after each published stories falsely accusing them of ballot fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller said he spends a lot of time trying to reassure people that Shasta County’s voting machines don’t connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s compared the machines that count ballots to the ones that count money in casinos: they sort quicker than any human could, but they’re not connected to the internet, and they don’t misreport the number of $100 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately, probably the 80% of folks that are sort of the silent majority get that,” Toller said. “But there’s always going to be people sort of on the fringe who no amount of explanation is going to satisfy them. They simply want to return to the way it was years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also evaluated the county’s drop boxes and removed the ones that were underutilized. The elections office will replace the remaining 13 with a heavier version and a video camera that can monitor the ballot slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011699\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ballot drop box sits outside of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a situation where some people understand what I’m trying to do, and they recognize that it’s a more secure situation,” Toller said. “But other people are adamant that the only solution is to eliminate the boxes entirely. And you simply can’t do that in a county like ours that’s so large geographically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta isn’t the only California county that’s responded to drop box concerns. San Benito County created a ride-along program in 2021 for members of the public to observe elections staff collect vote-by-mail ballots from drop boxes. Last year, Kern County installed surveillance cameras at its drop boxes and allowed members of the public to view the footage at the elections office during business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she is concerned that making concessions to quell skeptics could legitimize distrust in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent all of 2023 trying to beat back policy changes that were based on junk science and junk statistics and lies told around the nation about elections administration,” Darling Allen said. “We were somewhat successful, but at a pretty high cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Baptism by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Toller interviewed for the job, he appeared willing to join in a potential fight over hand counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed out that AB 969 hadn’t been challenged in court and should the county decide to act, he would participate in any way the board wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would in no way be beholden to the Secretary of State in Sacramento as if her interpretation was chapter and verse of Holy Writ,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.shastacounty.gov/sites/default/files/fileattachments/community/page/4803/rov_applications_-_redacted.pdf\">read a cover letter submitted as part of Toller’s job application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about voting machines, Toller said he wasn’t a big fan and would consider hand counting if the law allowed it. The county has over 115,000 registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was good enough for years and years,” Toller said. “I think it’s a system that’s capable of being implemented and observed for transparency and fairness — and accurate. I don’t see any reason why it can’t go forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller was hired despite his lack of experience. He later told KQED that he considered himself the “compromise choice,” having beat out Francescut and Clint Curtis, a Florida attorney who appeared to be the choice of election skeptics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011701\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, works in her office at the Shasta County Elections offices on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, after four months on the job, Toller said some of his perspectives have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had my baptism by fire, so to speak,” Toller said. “I’ve actually rolled up my sleeves and gotten my hands underneath the hood, into the engine, and figured out how things work,” Toller said. “And in the process of doing that, I have learned an incredible amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the things he said he has learned: hand counting is slow and expensive, and voting machines are fast — and accurate — when used properly by trained staff.[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']While Toller said he personally never bought into theories of mass election rigging, he did have concerns about election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, while working on a campaign to unseat Shasta County’s district attorney, Toller said the official results from election night and in the days following, compared with early tabulation data posted at the individual precincts, raised questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now believes problems that cropped up in past elections were almost entirely due to the kind of mistakes that happen in a high-stress environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest switch I’ve made is rather than try to assume that there was any malfeasance or intentional activity with respect to election results, that most of the problems are a result of human error,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller told KQED he will make no major changes to how elections are administered in Shasta County prior to Tuesday, and so far, he hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not pleasing his critics, including Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Patrick Jones in his family’s gun shop, Jones’ Fort, in Redding, on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we wanted to do things the same, we would have picked Joanna,” Jones said. “He knows the vast majority of us are looking for more transparency, meaningful observation, chain of custody. Will he deliver? That’s up to him. There will be a lot of criticism if he doesn’t live up to what he knows the public wants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A gut feeling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Toller and his office face pressure to successfully pull off the November election, the future of the board’s conservative majority, which has steered many of Shasta County’s recent decisions on elections, is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Jones will be replaced by Matt Plummer, a young moderate who ran on a platform of reducing homelessness, cutting crime and fixing Shasta County’s roads. Plummer said he knocked on over 9,000 doors while campaigning and those were the issues people brought up over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County Supervisor-elect Matt Plummer stands on the Diestelhorst Bridge in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other thing was, like, just stop the chaos and stop the craziness, which has kind of characterized our county board over the last three to four years,” Plummer said at a Redding ice cream shop one evening in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County election data show Jones lost his bid for reelection to Plummer in the primary by nearly 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jones alleged he won the election and will be stepping down because there was cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the effort does not match the result,” Jones said. “And your gut feeling is something’s not right when you outdo your opponent, and yet you did not prevail. And that’s just a gut feeling from the candidate that only the candidate would know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A November runoff between Supervisor Mary Rickert, a moderate incumbent, and Corkey Harmon, a political newcomer, could also shift the board’s makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The MAGA movement here is fading away faster than they ever thought it would be,” said Supervisor Tim Garman, who is stepping down at the end of his term because of redistricting. “Not as fast as I think some of us would like it to go, but it is fading away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Jones is already casting doubt on the results of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter what happens this November, there will be no trust,” Jones said. “And what the public will do, I don’t know. Hopefully, all goes well, but we have not fixed our elections, and people are getting mad. They’re getting upset. Because we’re selecting people, we’re not voting them incorrectly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she believes Shasta County elections staff will be criticized, regardless of the outcome of any of the races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Jones] is going to say the election was a failure,” Darling Allen predicted. “Especially if he actually comes to believe that Mr. Toller is not going to carry the water for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope Mr. Toller continues to stand strong and continues to defend the process and follow the law,” she said. “And maybe Shasta County can become less well known for election problems or the attention on elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">F\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>or years, only a couple of people would show up to observe staff at the Shasta County Elections office on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after November 2020, the office saw a dramatic increase in observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of the June 2022 primary, then-registrar of voters Cathy Darling Allen and her staff experienced bullying and interference from a group of residents who claimed they wanted to protect against election fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Cathy%20Darling%20Allen%20-%20Shasta%20County,%20CA.pdf\">according to prepared testimony she submitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee held a hearing entitled Protecting Our Democracy’s Frontline Workers, which featured testimony from elections officials across the country who had experienced threats and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen wrote that some poll workers had canceled or simply not shown up for work, possibly due to the behavior of observers who had attended a recent training. At one point in the night, someone attached a trail camera in the alley behind the elections office to surveil the back entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election observation in Shasta County has become weaponized,” Darling Allen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cathy Darling Allen at the Lake Redding Boat Ramp in Redding. Right: Joanna Francescut displays a ballot envelope during a training session for an elections employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, Shasta County has been a hotbed of election denialism, with a vocal minority of residents and the board of supervisors’ far-right majority encouraging distrust in California’s voting systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired earlier this year due to a heart failure diagnosis, citing a need to avoid work-related stress. To take her place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991539/shasta-countys-new-registrar-of-voters-has-no-experience-running-elections\">the board appointed Tom Toller, a former county prosecutor with no experience running elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller, who came into the office with his own concerns about election integrity, said his perspective has changed after several months of working inside the office. Now, as he prepares for one of the most fraught elections in recent history, he finds himself pushing back on a tide of skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m constantly sent emails from people suggesting that I need to stop using this technology or I need to start implementing this other procedure,” Toller said. “My universal response has been, I don’t see any evidence of this. But if you can give me credible evidence that it’s happening here in Shasta County, I will definitely look into it. And if there’s a problem, I will resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1173\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Toller is appointed the new Shasta County clerk and registrar of voters by the county’s Board of Supervisors on June 19, 2024, in Redding. \u003ccite>(Roman Battaglia/JPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To accommodate the increase in observers, the county elections office in downtown Redding has been remodeled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A black metal gate accessible only via key card separates the front entrance from an area where elections staff have been preparing to tabulate votes on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upstairs, observers can watch staff on four wall-mounted TV monitors. The county’s vote counting machines, set up in a room nicknamed “the bat cave,” are also visible through a window in the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011738\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, opens a metal doorway at the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011702\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Video cameras monitor the interior of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On election night, the office will be completely full with observers, assistant registrar Joanna Francescut said. But being here isn’t always enough to allay their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of those people have been sitting here with us for multiple elections,” said Francescut, who worked for 16 years under Darling Allen and was passed over for the registrar job. “But they’re also not listening to what we have to say about what we’re actually doing. They’re trusting other things, other media that is going after them that has their attention in a different way. They’re trusting what’s being said on YouTube or Truth Social or whatever website they’re looking at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ballots come in, observers will be allowed to view ballot tabulation and results reporting. Certain activities, like challenging signatures on vote-by-mail ballots, won’t be permitted, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.shastacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/11052024-Observer-Guidelines.pdf\">according to the elections office website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller is facing pushback for not making more changes, with some of the strongest criticisms coming from Supervisor Patrick Jones, one of three members of the board who voted to appoint him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some people that are being placed at six feet apart, six feet from meaningful observation. It needs to be three. If that was his decision, then that is a bad decision,” Jones said. “The further you push people back, the further you’re trying to cover something up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A black box’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shasta County has been in conflict with the state of California over how to conduct its elections since at least 2023. That’s when the board of supervisors voted to end the county’s contract with Dominion Voting Systems, whose machines were the target of conspiracy theories that the 2020 election was rigged. Supervisors voted to hand count ballots instead but were thwarted when Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 969, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/08/1198395036/shasta-county-hand-counting-ballots-california-legislation\">urgent legislation that banned hand counting\u003c/a> except in narrow circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1866px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1866\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg 1866w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1866px) 100vw, 1866px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of the Shasta County Board of Supervisors hang in the board offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the law, calls for the county to use hand counting persist. At a board meeting in late September, security guards wearing tactical vests flanked the dais as people approached the podium during public comment. Several insisted that the county use hand counting in this year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One speaker detailed amateur sleuthing, which she said had uncovered voter registration tied to nonexistent addresses. Another read a letter calling on the county sheriff to launch a criminal investigation of Francescut for alleged perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day earlier, some of the same speakers had attended a meeting of the Shasta County Elections Commission, a panel Jones \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/resources/pdf/7e2ed968-3bfb-466b-b53b-054ffb022ebe-c4_ordinance_no._scc_202307.pdf\">pushed to create last year\u003c/a> to advise the board on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including a commissioner who resigned in March, have called the panel a \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/news/local/shasta-county-election-commission-criticized-disbandment-called-for-at-supervisors-meeting\">waste of time\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionnewsnow.com/news/former-shasta-county-elections-commissioner-resigns-claiming-it-was-a-waste-of-time-and-money/article_97c5a0a8-eb0a-11ee-949b-0b9f7ab7c413.html\">money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has recommended that the county not only hand count ballots but also return to limited absentee voting and one-day elections — all of which would violate California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think their attitude is that even if something is futile legally, it has some type of symbolic value,” Toller said about the commission. “And I understand why they’re doing what they’re doing. I just don’t think it’s going to bear much fruit. And it may have unintended consequences that would not necessarily be positive for our county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the board has not acted on the recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an October board meeting, commissioner Patty Plumb, a Jones appointee, expressed disappointment in Toller’s leadership of the elections office so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing has really taken place to change our system of voting even though we did get a new [registrar of voters],” Plumb said. “We had our hopes that things would be changed. Nothing has really changed to make our voting system and our process transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011737\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots known as a ‘test deck’ at theShasta County Elections offices. The test ballots go through the ballot counting system to test the accuracy of the vote count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Distrust in Shasta County’s elections office had already begun to simmer in 2022, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902718/militia-led-recall-targets-republican-supervisor-in-shasta-county\">a campaign backed by a local militia successfully recalled Supervisor Leonard Moty\u003c/a>, a moderate Republican and former Redding police chief who they felt hadn’t pushed back hard enough on COVID-19 mandates, among other complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, after the county canceled its contract with Dominion, it signed a new contract to use voting machines from Texas-based Hart InterCivic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, skepticism about the trustworthiness of Dominion’s software and that of other voting machines lingers today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a black box,” Kari Chilson, a Shasta County property manager, told KQED in reference to Dominion’s machines after a recent meeting of the elections commission. “They’re proprietary software. And so the public is not even allowed to audit their machines, which is a huge red flag for anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re run by WiFi or internet,” said Antonia Palacio, who works in home care, about the machines. “It’s been proven that they can be hacked. If you don’t have an audit, hand counting, they can put in as many extra votes or whatever in there, and we would never know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County resident Teresa Romero, right, points out to her husband Charles how the number increased by one on a Dominion voting machine to indicate that his ballot was successfully scanned after being entered into the machine on Nov. 8, 2022, at the Shasta County Elections offices \u003ccite>(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Researchers and hackers have identified vulnerabilities in voting machines, but officials with the federal Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency say that because of the decentralized nature of the United States’ elections system, it would be impossible for hackers to have a material impact on the outcome of a presidential election without being detected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Hart InterCivic, Dominion and ES&S, the three companies that supply voting machines to most California counties, told KQED that their machines do not connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked when they first became skeptical of the county’s voting processes, Chilson and Palacio described reports of “abnormalities” in the 2020 election and signed affidavits alleging voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statements alleging irregularities or misconduct were a common element of the 64 legal cases brought by former President Donald Trump and his allies challenging the 2020 election. Plaintiffs prevailed in only one of those cases, which involved too few votes to overturn the results, according to a 2022 study.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chilson also shared articles that had raised her suspicions from sites like The Epoch Times, One America News and The Gateway Pundit, all of which have promoted conspiracy theories about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Georgia election workers settled defamation lawsuits with The Gateway Pundit and OAN after each published stories falsely accusing them of ballot fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller said he spends a lot of time trying to reassure people that Shasta County’s voting machines don’t connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s compared the machines that count ballots to the ones that count money in casinos: they sort quicker than any human could, but they’re not connected to the internet, and they don’t misreport the number of $100 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately, probably the 80% of folks that are sort of the silent majority get that,” Toller said. “But there’s always going to be people sort of on the fringe who no amount of explanation is going to satisfy them. They simply want to return to the way it was years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also evaluated the county’s drop boxes and removed the ones that were underutilized. The elections office will replace the remaining 13 with a heavier version and a video camera that can monitor the ballot slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011699\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ballot drop box sits outside of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a situation where some people understand what I’m trying to do, and they recognize that it’s a more secure situation,” Toller said. “But other people are adamant that the only solution is to eliminate the boxes entirely. And you simply can’t do that in a county like ours that’s so large geographically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta isn’t the only California county that’s responded to drop box concerns. San Benito County created a ride-along program in 2021 for members of the public to observe elections staff collect vote-by-mail ballots from drop boxes. Last year, Kern County installed surveillance cameras at its drop boxes and allowed members of the public to view the footage at the elections office during business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she is concerned that making concessions to quell skeptics could legitimize distrust in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent all of 2023 trying to beat back policy changes that were based on junk science and junk statistics and lies told around the nation about elections administration,” Darling Allen said. “We were somewhat successful, but at a pretty high cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Baptism by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Toller interviewed for the job, he appeared willing to join in a potential fight over hand counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed out that AB 969 hadn’t been challenged in court and should the county decide to act, he would participate in any way the board wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would in no way be beholden to the Secretary of State in Sacramento as if her interpretation was chapter and verse of Holy Writ,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.shastacounty.gov/sites/default/files/fileattachments/community/page/4803/rov_applications_-_redacted.pdf\">read a cover letter submitted as part of Toller’s job application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about voting machines, Toller said he wasn’t a big fan and would consider hand counting if the law allowed it. The county has over 115,000 registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was good enough for years and years,” Toller said. “I think it’s a system that’s capable of being implemented and observed for transparency and fairness — and accurate. I don’t see any reason why it can’t go forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller was hired despite his lack of experience. He later told KQED that he considered himself the “compromise choice,” having beat out Francescut and Clint Curtis, a Florida attorney who appeared to be the choice of election skeptics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011701\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, works in her office at the Shasta County Elections offices on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, after four months on the job, Toller said some of his perspectives have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had my baptism by fire, so to speak,” Toller said. “I’ve actually rolled up my sleeves and gotten my hands underneath the hood, into the engine, and figured out how things work,” Toller said. “And in the process of doing that, I have learned an incredible amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the things he said he has learned: hand counting is slow and expensive, and voting machines are fast — and accurate — when used properly by trained staff.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Toller said he personally never bought into theories of mass election rigging, he did have concerns about election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, while working on a campaign to unseat Shasta County’s district attorney, Toller said the official results from election night and in the days following, compared with early tabulation data posted at the individual precincts, raised questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now believes problems that cropped up in past elections were almost entirely due to the kind of mistakes that happen in a high-stress environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest switch I’ve made is rather than try to assume that there was any malfeasance or intentional activity with respect to election results, that most of the problems are a result of human error,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller told KQED he will make no major changes to how elections are administered in Shasta County prior to Tuesday, and so far, he hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not pleasing his critics, including Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Patrick Jones in his family’s gun shop, Jones’ Fort, in Redding, on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we wanted to do things the same, we would have picked Joanna,” Jones said. “He knows the vast majority of us are looking for more transparency, meaningful observation, chain of custody. Will he deliver? That’s up to him. There will be a lot of criticism if he doesn’t live up to what he knows the public wants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A gut feeling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Toller and his office face pressure to successfully pull off the November election, the future of the board’s conservative majority, which has steered many of Shasta County’s recent decisions on elections, is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Jones will be replaced by Matt Plummer, a young moderate who ran on a platform of reducing homelessness, cutting crime and fixing Shasta County’s roads. Plummer said he knocked on over 9,000 doors while campaigning and those were the issues people brought up over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County Supervisor-elect Matt Plummer stands on the Diestelhorst Bridge in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other thing was, like, just stop the chaos and stop the craziness, which has kind of characterized our county board over the last three to four years,” Plummer said at a Redding ice cream shop one evening in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County election data show Jones lost his bid for reelection to Plummer in the primary by nearly 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jones alleged he won the election and will be stepping down because there was cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the effort does not match the result,” Jones said. “And your gut feeling is something’s not right when you outdo your opponent, and yet you did not prevail. And that’s just a gut feeling from the candidate that only the candidate would know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A November runoff between Supervisor Mary Rickert, a moderate incumbent, and Corkey Harmon, a political newcomer, could also shift the board’s makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The MAGA movement here is fading away faster than they ever thought it would be,” said Supervisor Tim Garman, who is stepping down at the end of his term because of redistricting. “Not as fast as I think some of us would like it to go, but it is fading away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Jones is already casting doubt on the results of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter what happens this November, there will be no trust,” Jones said. “And what the public will do, I don’t know. Hopefully, all goes well, but we have not fixed our elections, and people are getting mad. They’re getting upset. Because we’re selecting people, we’re not voting them incorrectly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she believes Shasta County elections staff will be criticized, regardless of the outcome of any of the races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Jones] is going to say the election was a failure,” Darling Allen predicted. “Especially if he actually comes to believe that Mr. Toller is not going to carry the water for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope Mr. Toller continues to stand strong and continues to defend the process and follow the law,” she said. “And maybe Shasta County can become less well known for election problems or the attention on elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
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