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"content": "\u003cp>Elon Musk’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081290/how-to-unscramble-an-omelet-in-silicon-valley-the-musk-v-altman-trial-that-will-try\">lawsuit against his OpenAI co-founders\u003c/a> has been rejected by a federal judge in Oakland, who found his claims were outside the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk, who helped form OpenAI as a nonprofit in 2015, had alleged that co-founders Sam Altman and Greg Brockman violated the company’s original nonprofit mission to create safe and open-source artificial intelligence in order to enrich themselves. An Oakland jury took just a few hours to declare that Musk’s claim came too late. U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers, who had the final say in the case, agreed with the jury’s advisory verdict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The finding of the jury confirms that what this lawsuit was, was a hypocritical attempt to sabotage a competitor and to overcome a long history of very bad predictions about what OpenAI has been and will become,” Altman’s lead counsel, William Savitt, told reporters outside the courthouse Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict comes after a weekslong blockbuster trial in Silicon Valley, in which the Tesla CEO accused Altman and Brockman of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081603/elon-musk-takes-aim-at-openai-as-trial-begins-its-not-ok-to-steal-a-charity\">“stealing a charity\u003c/a>” as they built a more than $850 million company on the back of their nonprofit. Court documents and testimony from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083224/former-openai-exec-calls-decision-to-remove-sam-altman-a-hail-mary-during-musk-trial\">a score of tech elites\u003c/a>, including Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella, shed light on the rise of OpenAI — as well as on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083278/sam-altman-defends-himself-from-elon-musks-accusations-in-openai-trial\">the interpersonal strife\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083612/lawyers-for-elon-musk-and-sam-altman-make-their-final-case-in-openai-trial\">falling out between Altman and Musk\u003c/a>, who were once close friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s high-profile testimony in the case also raised questions over Altman’s trustworthiness and leadership as the company pursues artificial general intelligence, a superintelligent form of AI and a potential trillion-dollar initial public offering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12084143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12084143\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260518-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260518-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260518-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260518-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260518-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The verdict is read in the trial in which Elon Musk claimed that Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity rather than solely for profit in Oakland on May 18, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Altman’s defense argued that OpenAI had to form a profit-generating arm to keep up with competitors as AI technology advanced. They said that prior to leaving OpenAI, Musk was amenable to creating a for-profit, which he wanted to control. When other executives refused to agree to his terms, he left the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Monday’s verdict disregarded many of the trial’s revelations, and instead hinged on the timeline of Musk’s claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury agreed with OpenAI’s defense that Musk missed the statute of limitations to allege a breach of charitable trust. They also dismissed a claim that Microsoft, OpenAI’s largest investor, aided and abetted a breach of charitable trust.[aside postID=news_12083612 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/OpenAILawyerGetty.jpg']Sarah Eddy, an attorney for OpenAI, noted in her closing argument that Musk departed the company in 2018, watched it build up a for-profit arm beginning in 2019 and made his final monetary contribution the year after that. Yet, he waited until 2024, after he’d launched a competing AI enterprise, to bring his suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the case a “textbook” example of why the statute of limitations exists, saying that when Musk made his last contribution and testified that he became suspicious of a breach of charitable trust in 2020, he “started the clock.” According to Eddy, Musk should have sued by 2022 at the latest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s counsel, Marc Toberoff, said there was a strong basis for appeal based on the legal components, statute of limitations aside. Musk also wrote on X, which he owns, that he planned to file an appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no question to anyone following the case in detail that Altman & Brockman did in fact enrich themselves by stealing a charity. The only question is WHEN they did it!” he wrote. “Creating a precedent to loot charities is incredibly destructive to charitable giving in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the court, anti-AI protesters who have been present for much of the trial decried the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter who won, we all lost,” said Phoebe Thomas Sorgen, an activist with StopAI, which seeks to “disrupt the reckless development of destructive” AI tech, according to its website. “We all lost. Sam Altman won, but look at who he is and what he’s doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sarah Eddy, an attorney for OpenAI, noted in her closing argument that Musk departed the company in 2018, watched it build up a for-profit arm beginning in 2019 and made his final monetary contribution the year after that. Yet, he waited until 2024, after he’d launched a competing AI enterprise, to bring his suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the case a “textbook” example of why the statute of limitations exists, saying that when Musk made his last contribution and testified that he became suspicious of a breach of charitable trust in 2020, he “started the clock.” According to Eddy, Musk should have sued by 2022 at the latest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s counsel, Marc Toberoff, said there was a strong basis for appeal based on the legal components, statute of limitations aside. Musk also wrote on X, which he owns, that he planned to file an appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no question to anyone following the case in detail that Altman & Brockman did in fact enrich themselves by stealing a charity. The only question is WHEN they did it!” he wrote. “Creating a precedent to loot charities is incredibly destructive to charitable giving in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the court, anti-AI protesters who have been present for much of the trial decried the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter who won, we all lost,” said Phoebe Thomas Sorgen, an activist with StopAI, which seeks to “disrupt the reckless development of destructive” AI tech, according to its website. “We all lost. Sam Altman won, but look at who he is and what he’s doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "xavier-becerra-says-he-will-fight-for-california-who-did-he-fight-for-as-ag",
"title": "Xavier Becerra Says He Will Fight for California. Who Did He Fight for as AG?",
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"headTitle": "Xavier Becerra Says He Will Fight for California. Who Did He Fight for as AG? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California’s attorney general during the first Trump presidency, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/xavier-becerra\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a> made headlines as a hero of the Democratic resistance, suing the Trump administration more than 120 times to defend key progressive policies, including the Affordable Care Act, the environment and immigrant and workers rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Becerra rises to the top of the Democratic field for governor, critics say that on some issues closer to home, he sided with powerful interest groups, including law enforcement and fossil fuel companies — and that on housing, he was as likely to use his power as attorney general to block development as to push for more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As attorney general, Becerra declined to investigate oil companies accused of misleading investors and the public on climate change. And perhaps most notably, Becerra’s office went to court to fight against the release of police misconduct records following California’s passage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695714/new-state-laws-reduce-secrecy-around-police-misconduct-shootings\">a landmark transparency law\u003c/a> — and once threatened journalists with criminal charges for possessing records his office had sent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Xavier Becerra just seems to reflexively have been against any of these measures to improve transparency into police records,” said Jason Paladino, one of the reporters threatened by Becerra’s office. “When you look at the fact that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/02/xavier-becerra-police-accountability-progressives/\">one of his major backers throughout his campaigns has been the police unions\u003c/a>, it’s hard to not make that connection that he’s got this powerful constituency in the state, which he feels somewhat beholden to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a characterization that Becerra and his supporters reject. Jonathan Underland, a spokesperson for his campaign, said Becerra has “always made decisions based on protecting Californians and defending the law, not on politics or who supported his campaigns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082334 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Murphy, center left, and friend Kimberley J. Rodler, hold handmade signs in support of Xavier Becerra’s gubernatorial bid during a campaign event at Mount Diablo High School in Concord on April 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those close to Becerra when he was attorney general paint a picture of a hardworking, principled leader who came into office prepared to push back on President Donald Trump and protect Californians — and whose views on issues including the environment and housing were shaped by his upbringing as the son of working-class immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone was aggressive in those early days [of Trump],” said Amanda Renteria, who served as Becerra’s chief operating officer for his first year as attorney general. “He really was like, nope, we know what’s coming at us and we’re gonna be ready … from the first conversation I had, he had a real insight about what it meant to have a Trump administration and be in the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra surged in the polls after the exit of former Rep. Eric Swalwell, who suspended his campaign in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\">amid sexual assault allegations\u003c/a> he has denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A complicated record in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s office has launched three California governors and is perhaps the position in state government most analogous to the top job: attorneys general confront many of the same policy challenges a governor faces, from housing and homelessness to public safety and the environment, and they oversee a staff of more than 5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The record Becerra built in Sacramento, particularly on three issues where California’s next governor will face immediate tests — police accountability; climate and the oil industry; and housing — offers the clearest window into how he might actually govern, and whose interests he would protect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet much of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/14/us/politics/xavier-becerra-migrant-children.html\">the scrutiny of Becerra’s record\u003c/a> since he surged in the crowded field has centered on his time leading the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services under President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11779670\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11779670 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Xavier Becerra in August announcing a lawsuit against the Trump Administration’s so-called “public charge” rule. A federal judge in California sided with them on Friday.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Xavier Becerra in August 2019 announced a lawsuit against the Trump administration’s so-called “public charge” rule. A federal judge in California sided with them. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As California continues to face hostility from a second Trump administration, those federal fights he took on as attorney general are newly relevant — and Becerra has framed himself as the best person to wage them. But on other issues, critics say Becerra struck a cautious tone and was unwilling to buck the status quo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes environmentalists’ critiques of how he handled the fossil fuel industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His time as attorney general was a story of what he didn’t do,” said Kassie Siegel, climate political director at the Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund. “He did sue the Trump administration 120 times, but he didn’t do the things his successor did that were needed and that he was called on to do.”[aside label=\"From the 2026 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]Melanie Fontes Rainer spent nine years working for Becerra, first in the attorney general’s office and then when he was the Secretary of Health and Human Services. Fontes Rainer, who led a healthcare unit as an assistant attorney general, said Becerra had the foresight when he was appointed attorney general to create that new unit, which focused exclusively on healthcare policy and was able to lead California’s fight against Trump’s attacks on the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that point, nobody had sued the president in this manner and had necessarily taken on this national role in protecting, whether it was national civil rights or national healthcare,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expertise in that healthcare unit allowed California to be a leader in other areas, Fontes Rainer said, such as successful actions \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-announces-573-million-nationwide-settlement-mckinsey\">against companies involved in the opioid crisis\u003c/a>. She said Becerra was eager to take on important, progressive issues: \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-applauds-landmark-supreme-court-decision-daca\">winning on behalf of DACA recipients\u003c/a> at the U.S. Supreme Court; \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-state-unions-employers-and-workers-reach-settlement\">suing Sutter Health\u003c/a> on behalf of patients and workers; \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-takes-action-defend-women%E2%80%99s-constitutional-reproductive\">protecting abortion\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-joins-multistate-coalition-defending-civil-rights-lgbt\"> LGBTQ rights.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He expects you to work your ass off, because he works his ass off,” she said, adding that Becerra is willing to take on powerful interests if the moment calls for it. “He is never gonna be the leader who is all about himself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, though, say there were clearly some groups that Becerra didn’t want to challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight over transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra received heat for several incidents involving law enforcement, including his \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sacramento/news/ag-xavier-becerra-vallejo-shooting-investigation/\">refusal\u003c/a> to investigate a police shooting in Vallejo — a case his successor \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/05/13/us/california-attorney-general-sean-monterrosa-shooting\">later pursued\u003c/a> — and his failure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-jail-snitch-becerra-20190427-story.html\">probe\u003c/a> a jailhouse informant scandal in Orange County that led to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-finds-civil-rights-violations-orange-county-california-district-attorney-s\">federal investigation\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1384331/dl\">settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was his legal battle against \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1421\">Senate Bill 1421\u003c/a> that drew the sharpest criticism from within his own party. The state law, passed in 2018 after years of advocacy by civil liberties groups and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/calif-ag-wont-release-police-records-despite-court-ruling-gets-into-testy-exchange-with-senator\">Democratic lawmakers\u003c/a>, made public for the first time the disciplinary records of police officers accused of sexual assault, use of force and other serious misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the law took effect, the attorney general’s office didn’t just \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723281/california-attorney-general-refuses-to-release-police-misconduct-files-despite-new-law\">refuse to release its own records \u003c/a>— questioning whether the law applied to records created before the law’s passage — it also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11724499/cities-use-state-attorney-general-letter-to-fight-release-of-police-misconduct-files\">sent guidance to law enforcement agencies that critics say gave police departments across California cover to refuse compliance, too.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082916\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082916 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2274719112-scaled-e1778887506369.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California gubernatorial candidates former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, businessman Tom Steyer, businessman Steve Hilton, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra and San José Mayor Matt Mahan look on during a CNN California Governor Primary Debate at East Los Angeles College on May 5, 2026, in Monterey Park, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/video/article/california-governor-election-xavier-becerra-22240445.php\">recent interviews,\u003c/a> Becerra has continued to defend how he handled the case, saying he didn’t fight for secrecy but rather clarity to ensure his office was following the law. But even after an appeals court ruled against him, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/calif-ag-wont-release-police-records-despite-court-ruling-gets-into-testy-exchange-with-senator\">his office continued to resist\u003c/a>, and the lawsuits dragged on for six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just an extreme position to take,” said David Snyder, executive director of the First Amendment Coalition, which successfully sued Becerra and other police agencies, along with media organizations including KQED. “That office really fought tooth and nail to keep many of the records under lock and key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra’s office shocked legal experts again when it \u003ca href=\"https://pressfreedomtracker.us/all-incidents/california-attorney-general-threatens-reporters-legal-action-over-public-record/\">sent a letter to two journalists\u003c/a> at UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program ordering them to destroy a list of 12,000 current and former police officers and applicants who had been convicted of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list was provided to the reporters by Becerra’s own office and another state agency in response to a public records request. In the letter, the attorney general argued that even possessing the records was a criminal act.[aside label=\"2026 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2026 primary election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]“It’s either clear ignorance of a core First Amendment principle, or it’s willful disregard of it. Neither of those, I think reflect very well,” Snyder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general never made good on his threats, even after the reporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11728957/california-keeps-a-secret-list-of-criminal-cops-but-says-you-cant-have-it\">published their story\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Paladino, one of those reporters, said the letter was concerning for numerous reasons: He argued it showed a hostility toward a free press, a misunderstanding of basic First Amendment law, and a willingness to kowtow to law enforcement groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legal letter was just completely wrong in its interpretation of the law. And it had real implications for press freedom,” he said. “He was given a bunch of chances to sort of be like, oh, in hindsight, we shouldn’t have sent that letter. And at every turn, he has doubled down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article315566424.html\">a recent interview with the \u003cem>Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Becerra again insisted that he was following the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I simply repeated what the law says. If you are in possession of information that is confidential and you disclose and you make that information public, or you disclose it, you are subject to action for violation of privacy laws,” Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California (PORAC), one of the state’s top law enforcement lobbying groups, rejected the notion that Becerra took positions in order to score political points with police groups. On the records fight, Marvel said, Becerra simply wanted to make sure the law was on his side before releasing information that could harm an officer’s career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once the cat’s out of the bag, whether the information is accurate or not, it’s out of the bag,” said Marvel, whose group represents more than 85,000 rank-and-file police officers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PORAC endorsed two of Becerra’s opponents in the governor’s race, Republican Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco and Democratic former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. But Marvel said he believes law enforcement would have a positive relationship with a Becerra as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t say he’s pro-cop, I’d say he’s pro-public safety,” Marvel said. “If ultimately Xavier Becerra becomes governor, I think I absolutely would have an open door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Friend or foe of Big Oil?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra touts his environmental work as attorney general, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2021/01/19/california-attorney-general-files-nine-lawsuits-in-one-day-as-trump-leaves-office/\">lawsuits\u003c/a> targeting Trump’s moves to neuter greenhouse gas emission regulations, to undermine the Endangered Species Act, to roll back vehicle emission standards and expand offshore oil drilling. He also \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-establishes-bureau-environmental-justice\">created an office of environmental justice\u003c/a> to protect vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the governor’s race, though, he’s been hit by opponents over his ties to oil companies, with billionaire Tom Steyer in particular \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TomSteyer/status/2048909407577407797\">attacking\u003c/a> Becerra for accepting donations from the industry, including Chevron’s $39,200 donation to his gubernatorial campaign, the maximum allowed by law. In response, Underland pushed back on Steyer, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/05/us/tom-steyer-california-governor-coal.html\">invested in fossil fuel companies\u003c/a> decades ago as a hedge fund manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Xavier Becerra spent his time as attorney general actually fighting the fossil fuel companies in court — and winning. Unlike Tom Steyer, Becerra didn’t write them checks. He took them to court and won,” Underland said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12069982 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An oil pumpjack stands idle near homes as people walk with dogs on Feb. 9, 2023, in Signal Hill, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the questions about Becerra’s relationship with oil companies are unlikely to wane. Last week, the oil drilling company California Resources Corporation \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1490885&view=late1\">contributed $500,000 to an independent expenditure committee \u003c/a>that is supporting Becerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier, as attorney general, Becerra angered environmental activists when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-becerra-exxonmobil-climate-change-schneiderman-20170530-story.html\">stayed mum\u003c/a> on an investigation into ExxonMobil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra’s predecessor, Kamala Harris, reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11304131/bay-area-reps-call-on-state-ag-to-investigate-exxonmobil-oil-industry-over-climate-change\">launched\u003c/a> the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-exxon-global-warming-20160120-story.html\">investigation\u003c/a> into whether the company lied to investors about the links between fossil fuels and global warming. Becerra never addressed the investigation when he was attorney general, and did not file suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Becerra’s successor, Attorney General Rob Bonta, did \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-announces-lawsuit-against-oil-and-gas-companies\">sue ExxonMobil and four other oil companies\u003c/a> on similar grounds. That \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/FINAL%209-15%20COMPLAINT.pdf\">suit\u003c/a> alleges that the oil companies have known for decades about the risks of fossil fuels but denied or downplayed those issues, and seeks to make them pay into a fund to help mitigate the effects of climate change in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of three dozen lawsuits like it filed by cities, counties and states in recent years, said Siegel of the Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12076853 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2265237194-scaled-e1778026995886.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1211\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">High gas prices are listed at a Chevron gas station in Los Angeles on March 9, 2026, as gasoline prices surge amid the ongoing war with Iran. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he was attorney general, Becerra’s office did \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-files-brief-support-lawsuit-oakland-and-san-francisco\">support\u003c/a> some of those local lawsuits, but Siegel said he should have gone further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Center for Biological Diversity gave Becerra a C+ on its environmental scorecard, noting campaign contributions from oil companies and his opposition to a proposed state law that would make fossil fuel companies pay for the effects of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siegel also pointed to Becerra’s answer in a recent debate, where he said he \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/videos/news/california/2026/05/07/becerra-villaraigosa-spar-in-debate-on-migrants/89972962007/\">would support opening up oil drilling again in Kern County \u003c/a>— something he had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-slams-trump-administration-plan-sell-seven-oil-and-gas\">opposed as attorney general\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to put all the pieces together,” she said. “The environmental consequences of more oil drilling in California would be massive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra didn’t shy away from the issue when \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/6doKjDbdjQk?t=3688s\">asked by KQED’s Scott Shafer\u003c/a> why he accepted donations from Chevron and whether he would hold big companies like them accountable as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Xavier Becerra, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, speaks during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg Pool via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becerra noted that there were several lawsuits he \u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">\u003ca href=\"https://stateimpactcenter.org/ag-work/ag-actions/four-ags-filed-lawsuit-challenging-restart-federal-coal-leasing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">filed\u003c/a>\u003c/span> or \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-joins-lawsuit-block-blm-offering-fossil-fuel-industries\">joined\u003c/a> as attorney general against fossil fuel companies. He also talked about how many people companies like Chevron employ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chevron — that’s the problem with politics — they’re not the bad guy,” Becerra said. “Does everybody here drive an electric vehicle? You need Chevron, I need Chevron, my people of the state of California need Chevron.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Renteria said voters shouldn’t assume that just because her former boss isn’t writing off big corporations that he won’t fight for the little guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By nature, he’s like this protector,” she said, adding that he has a natural aversion to anyone “bullying or taking advantage” of people, and will do everything he can to fight on their behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building less, blocking more\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But on one of the biggest issues facing the state — the need for more housing — critics say Becerra didn’t show that type of aggression as attorney general, instead seeming more interested in blocking housing developments than helping push market-rate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, for example, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-18/ag-becerra-challenges-housing-projects-in-wildfire-areas\">joined two lawsuits\u003c/a> to halt developments in San Diego County, saying they were in wildfire zones and didn’t include enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier, in 2019, Becerra \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/01/25/california-sues-huntington-beach-using-new-housing-law/\">sued Huntington Beach\u003c/a> for refusing to add state-mandated low-income housing to its local housing plan, and in 2020, he \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-files-intervene-lawsuit-protect-california%E2%80%99s-affordable\">joined a lawsuit\u003c/a> to ensure that cities comply with state affordable housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction is underway on an affordable housing apartment building at 2550 Irving St. in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becerra points to those lawsuits as evidence of his commitment to ensuring local governments both built more housing in general and affordable housing in particular — and that they complied with state laws mandating more construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail this year, Becerra has stressed the state’s housing shortage as a key driver of affordability and promised to use the governor’s office to eliminate hurdles — including aggressively going after cities and counties that aren’t building enough. He has also pledged to declare a state of emergency around housing and embed his own housing experts in agencies across the state government to help remove obstacles to building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Foote, executive director of the pro-housing group YIMBY Action, said she gives Becerra credit for appearing more interested in the issue as a candidate than he did as attorney general, a shift that matches the state’s overall political evolution on the issue.[aside postID=news_12083839 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3319_1_qed.jpg']“I think that now there’s sort of a greater recognition that the overall housing shortage is damaging everyone, not just low-income people. He has made that pivot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her group, YIMBY Action, which endorsed Democratic billionaire Tom Steyer in the governor’s race, gave Becerra a “C” grade on housing. It noted that when asked about holding cities accountable as attorney general, “he took the opportunity to brag about using CEQA (the California Environmental Quality Act), one of the most potent and abused tools of the anti-housing movement, to block a housing development in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those lawsuits were successful: After Becerra left the attorney general’s office, Bonta negotiated settlements that led one of the projects to be scrapped entirely; the site, now owned by the state, will be \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-announces-permanent-conservation-san-diego-wildlands\">permanently conserved as open space\u003c/a>. The other proposed project will move forward \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-otay-ranch-village-13-project-settlement-will-reduce\">under a separate settlement\u003c/a>, with thousands of housing units slated for a smaller area than the initial proposal, which will reduce wildfire risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Foote said, Becerra seemed to focus almost exclusively on affordable housing as attorney general, like in the Huntington Beach case, which Huntington Beach settled in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a good case for them to weigh in, but I think it did reveal in that administration a preference to be really focused on subsidized affordable housing and pushing back on explicit discriminatory things as opposed to getting involved in the larger housing supply issue overall,” Foote said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044985\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044985\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mockup sits near the stage during a groundbreaking ceremony at 750 Golden Gate Avenue in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, to mark the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But she added that Becerra didn’t have as many tools at his disposal as the current attorney general does, and that he’s promised to focus on accountability if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has already committed to doing a greater degree of enforcement than we have had under the Gavin Newsom administration. … Is it as much improvement as some of the other candidates have committed to? No, but I think he is already promising to do better than we have done over the last eight years,” Foote said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Becerra leans into his resume on the campaign trail, his opponents are trying to frame that experience as a liability. His campaign is pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The record speaks for itself,” Underland said. “Xavier Becerra took on oil companies, fought cities blocking affordable housing, challenged the Trump administration over environmental rollbacks, and held powerful interests accountable in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Xavier Becerra built his national reputation by suing the Trump administration. But as he runs for governor, critics say his record as California’s attorney general is less progressive on policing, Big Oil and housing.",
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"title": "Xavier Becerra Says He Will Fight for California. Who Did He Fight for as AG? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California’s attorney general during the first Trump presidency, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/xavier-becerra\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a> made headlines as a hero of the Democratic resistance, suing the Trump administration more than 120 times to defend key progressive policies, including the Affordable Care Act, the environment and immigrant and workers rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Becerra rises to the top of the Democratic field for governor, critics say that on some issues closer to home, he sided with powerful interest groups, including law enforcement and fossil fuel companies — and that on housing, he was as likely to use his power as attorney general to block development as to push for more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As attorney general, Becerra declined to investigate oil companies accused of misleading investors and the public on climate change. And perhaps most notably, Becerra’s office went to court to fight against the release of police misconduct records following California’s passage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695714/new-state-laws-reduce-secrecy-around-police-misconduct-shootings\">a landmark transparency law\u003c/a> — and once threatened journalists with criminal charges for possessing records his office had sent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Xavier Becerra just seems to reflexively have been against any of these measures to improve transparency into police records,” said Jason Paladino, one of the reporters threatened by Becerra’s office. “When you look at the fact that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/02/xavier-becerra-police-accountability-progressives/\">one of his major backers throughout his campaigns has been the police unions\u003c/a>, it’s hard to not make that connection that he’s got this powerful constituency in the state, which he feels somewhat beholden to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a characterization that Becerra and his supporters reject. Jonathan Underland, a spokesperson for his campaign, said Becerra has “always made decisions based on protecting Californians and defending the law, not on politics or who supported his campaigns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082334 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Murphy, center left, and friend Kimberley J. Rodler, hold handmade signs in support of Xavier Becerra’s gubernatorial bid during a campaign event at Mount Diablo High School in Concord on April 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those close to Becerra when he was attorney general paint a picture of a hardworking, principled leader who came into office prepared to push back on President Donald Trump and protect Californians — and whose views on issues including the environment and housing were shaped by his upbringing as the son of working-class immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone was aggressive in those early days [of Trump],” said Amanda Renteria, who served as Becerra’s chief operating officer for his first year as attorney general. “He really was like, nope, we know what’s coming at us and we’re gonna be ready … from the first conversation I had, he had a real insight about what it meant to have a Trump administration and be in the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra surged in the polls after the exit of former Rep. Eric Swalwell, who suspended his campaign in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\">amid sexual assault allegations\u003c/a> he has denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A complicated record in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s office has launched three California governors and is perhaps the position in state government most analogous to the top job: attorneys general confront many of the same policy challenges a governor faces, from housing and homelessness to public safety and the environment, and they oversee a staff of more than 5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The record Becerra built in Sacramento, particularly on three issues where California’s next governor will face immediate tests — police accountability; climate and the oil industry; and housing — offers the clearest window into how he might actually govern, and whose interests he would protect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet much of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/14/us/politics/xavier-becerra-migrant-children.html\">the scrutiny of Becerra’s record\u003c/a> since he surged in the crowded field has centered on his time leading the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services under President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11779670\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11779670 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Xavier Becerra in August announcing a lawsuit against the Trump Administration’s so-called “public charge” rule. A federal judge in California sided with them on Friday.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS38601_GettyImages-1168450763-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Xavier Becerra in August 2019 announced a lawsuit against the Trump administration’s so-called “public charge” rule. A federal judge in California sided with them. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As California continues to face hostility from a second Trump administration, those federal fights he took on as attorney general are newly relevant — and Becerra has framed himself as the best person to wage them. But on other issues, critics say Becerra struck a cautious tone and was unwilling to buck the status quo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes environmentalists’ critiques of how he handled the fossil fuel industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His time as attorney general was a story of what he didn’t do,” said Kassie Siegel, climate political director at the Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund. “He did sue the Trump administration 120 times, but he didn’t do the things his successor did that were needed and that he was called on to do.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Melanie Fontes Rainer spent nine years working for Becerra, first in the attorney general’s office and then when he was the Secretary of Health and Human Services. Fontes Rainer, who led a healthcare unit as an assistant attorney general, said Becerra had the foresight when he was appointed attorney general to create that new unit, which focused exclusively on healthcare policy and was able to lead California’s fight against Trump’s attacks on the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that point, nobody had sued the president in this manner and had necessarily taken on this national role in protecting, whether it was national civil rights or national healthcare,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expertise in that healthcare unit allowed California to be a leader in other areas, Fontes Rainer said, such as successful actions \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-announces-573-million-nationwide-settlement-mckinsey\">against companies involved in the opioid crisis\u003c/a>. She said Becerra was eager to take on important, progressive issues: \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-applauds-landmark-supreme-court-decision-daca\">winning on behalf of DACA recipients\u003c/a> at the U.S. Supreme Court; \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-state-unions-employers-and-workers-reach-settlement\">suing Sutter Health\u003c/a> on behalf of patients and workers; \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-takes-action-defend-women%E2%80%99s-constitutional-reproductive\">protecting abortion\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-joins-multistate-coalition-defending-civil-rights-lgbt\"> LGBTQ rights.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He expects you to work your ass off, because he works his ass off,” she said, adding that Becerra is willing to take on powerful interests if the moment calls for it. “He is never gonna be the leader who is all about himself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, though, say there were clearly some groups that Becerra didn’t want to challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight over transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra received heat for several incidents involving law enforcement, including his \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sacramento/news/ag-xavier-becerra-vallejo-shooting-investigation/\">refusal\u003c/a> to investigate a police shooting in Vallejo — a case his successor \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/05/13/us/california-attorney-general-sean-monterrosa-shooting\">later pursued\u003c/a> — and his failure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-jail-snitch-becerra-20190427-story.html\">probe\u003c/a> a jailhouse informant scandal in Orange County that led to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-finds-civil-rights-violations-orange-county-california-district-attorney-s\">federal investigation\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1384331/dl\">settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was his legal battle against \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1421\">Senate Bill 1421\u003c/a> that drew the sharpest criticism from within his own party. The state law, passed in 2018 after years of advocacy by civil liberties groups and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/calif-ag-wont-release-police-records-despite-court-ruling-gets-into-testy-exchange-with-senator\">Democratic lawmakers\u003c/a>, made public for the first time the disciplinary records of police officers accused of sexual assault, use of force and other serious misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the law took effect, the attorney general’s office didn’t just \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723281/california-attorney-general-refuses-to-release-police-misconduct-files-despite-new-law\">refuse to release its own records \u003c/a>— questioning whether the law applied to records created before the law’s passage — it also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11724499/cities-use-state-attorney-general-letter-to-fight-release-of-police-misconduct-files\">sent guidance to law enforcement agencies that critics say gave police departments across California cover to refuse compliance, too.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082916\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082916 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2274719112-scaled-e1778887506369.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California gubernatorial candidates former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, businessman Tom Steyer, businessman Steve Hilton, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra and San José Mayor Matt Mahan look on during a CNN California Governor Primary Debate at East Los Angeles College on May 5, 2026, in Monterey Park, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/video/article/california-governor-election-xavier-becerra-22240445.php\">recent interviews,\u003c/a> Becerra has continued to defend how he handled the case, saying he didn’t fight for secrecy but rather clarity to ensure his office was following the law. But even after an appeals court ruled against him, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/calif-ag-wont-release-police-records-despite-court-ruling-gets-into-testy-exchange-with-senator\">his office continued to resist\u003c/a>, and the lawsuits dragged on for six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just an extreme position to take,” said David Snyder, executive director of the First Amendment Coalition, which successfully sued Becerra and other police agencies, along with media organizations including KQED. “That office really fought tooth and nail to keep many of the records under lock and key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra’s office shocked legal experts again when it \u003ca href=\"https://pressfreedomtracker.us/all-incidents/california-attorney-general-threatens-reporters-legal-action-over-public-record/\">sent a letter to two journalists\u003c/a> at UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program ordering them to destroy a list of 12,000 current and former police officers and applicants who had been convicted of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list was provided to the reporters by Becerra’s own office and another state agency in response to a public records request. In the letter, the attorney general argued that even possessing the records was a criminal act.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s either clear ignorance of a core First Amendment principle, or it’s willful disregard of it. Neither of those, I think reflect very well,” Snyder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general never made good on his threats, even after the reporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11728957/california-keeps-a-secret-list-of-criminal-cops-but-says-you-cant-have-it\">published their story\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Paladino, one of those reporters, said the letter was concerning for numerous reasons: He argued it showed a hostility toward a free press, a misunderstanding of basic First Amendment law, and a willingness to kowtow to law enforcement groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legal letter was just completely wrong in its interpretation of the law. And it had real implications for press freedom,” he said. “He was given a bunch of chances to sort of be like, oh, in hindsight, we shouldn’t have sent that letter. And at every turn, he has doubled down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article315566424.html\">a recent interview with the \u003cem>Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Becerra again insisted that he was following the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I simply repeated what the law says. If you are in possession of information that is confidential and you disclose and you make that information public, or you disclose it, you are subject to action for violation of privacy laws,” Becerra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California (PORAC), one of the state’s top law enforcement lobbying groups, rejected the notion that Becerra took positions in order to score political points with police groups. On the records fight, Marvel said, Becerra simply wanted to make sure the law was on his side before releasing information that could harm an officer’s career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once the cat’s out of the bag, whether the information is accurate or not, it’s out of the bag,” said Marvel, whose group represents more than 85,000 rank-and-file police officers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PORAC endorsed two of Becerra’s opponents in the governor’s race, Republican Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco and Democratic former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. But Marvel said he believes law enforcement would have a positive relationship with a Becerra as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t say he’s pro-cop, I’d say he’s pro-public safety,” Marvel said. “If ultimately Xavier Becerra becomes governor, I think I absolutely would have an open door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Friend or foe of Big Oil?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra touts his environmental work as attorney general, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2021/01/19/california-attorney-general-files-nine-lawsuits-in-one-day-as-trump-leaves-office/\">lawsuits\u003c/a> targeting Trump’s moves to neuter greenhouse gas emission regulations, to undermine the Endangered Species Act, to roll back vehicle emission standards and expand offshore oil drilling. He also \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-establishes-bureau-environmental-justice\">created an office of environmental justice\u003c/a> to protect vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the governor’s race, though, he’s been hit by opponents over his ties to oil companies, with billionaire Tom Steyer in particular \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TomSteyer/status/2048909407577407797\">attacking\u003c/a> Becerra for accepting donations from the industry, including Chevron’s $39,200 donation to his gubernatorial campaign, the maximum allowed by law. In response, Underland pushed back on Steyer, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/05/us/tom-steyer-california-governor-coal.html\">invested in fossil fuel companies\u003c/a> decades ago as a hedge fund manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Xavier Becerra spent his time as attorney general actually fighting the fossil fuel companies in court — and winning. Unlike Tom Steyer, Becerra didn’t write them checks. He took them to court and won,” Underland said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12069982 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OilDrillingGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An oil pumpjack stands idle near homes as people walk with dogs on Feb. 9, 2023, in Signal Hill, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the questions about Becerra’s relationship with oil companies are unlikely to wane. Last week, the oil drilling company California Resources Corporation \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1490885&view=late1\">contributed $500,000 to an independent expenditure committee \u003c/a>that is supporting Becerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier, as attorney general, Becerra angered environmental activists when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-becerra-exxonmobil-climate-change-schneiderman-20170530-story.html\">stayed mum\u003c/a> on an investigation into ExxonMobil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra’s predecessor, Kamala Harris, reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11304131/bay-area-reps-call-on-state-ag-to-investigate-exxonmobil-oil-industry-over-climate-change\">launched\u003c/a> the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-exxon-global-warming-20160120-story.html\">investigation\u003c/a> into whether the company lied to investors about the links between fossil fuels and global warming. Becerra never addressed the investigation when he was attorney general, and did not file suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Becerra’s successor, Attorney General Rob Bonta, did \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-announces-lawsuit-against-oil-and-gas-companies\">sue ExxonMobil and four other oil companies\u003c/a> on similar grounds. That \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/FINAL%209-15%20COMPLAINT.pdf\">suit\u003c/a> alleges that the oil companies have known for decades about the risks of fossil fuels but denied or downplayed those issues, and seeks to make them pay into a fund to help mitigate the effects of climate change in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of three dozen lawsuits like it filed by cities, counties and states in recent years, said Siegel of the Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12076853 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2265237194-scaled-e1778026995886.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1211\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">High gas prices are listed at a Chevron gas station in Los Angeles on March 9, 2026, as gasoline prices surge amid the ongoing war with Iran. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he was attorney general, Becerra’s office did \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-files-brief-support-lawsuit-oakland-and-san-francisco\">support\u003c/a> some of those local lawsuits, but Siegel said he should have gone further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Center for Biological Diversity gave Becerra a C+ on its environmental scorecard, noting campaign contributions from oil companies and his opposition to a proposed state law that would make fossil fuel companies pay for the effects of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siegel also pointed to Becerra’s answer in a recent debate, where he said he \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/videos/news/california/2026/05/07/becerra-villaraigosa-spar-in-debate-on-migrants/89972962007/\">would support opening up oil drilling again in Kern County \u003c/a>— something he had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-slams-trump-administration-plan-sell-seven-oil-and-gas\">opposed as attorney general\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to put all the pieces together,” she said. “The environmental consequences of more oil drilling in California would be massive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra didn’t shy away from the issue when \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/6doKjDbdjQk?t=3688s\">asked by KQED’s Scott Shafer\u003c/a> why he accepted donations from Chevron and whether he would hold big companies like them accountable as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/XavierBecerra-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Xavier Becerra, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, speaks during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg Pool via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becerra noted that there were several lawsuits he \u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">\u003ca href=\"https://stateimpactcenter.org/ag-work/ag-actions/four-ags-filed-lawsuit-challenging-restart-federal-coal-leasing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">filed\u003c/a>\u003c/span> or \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-joins-lawsuit-block-blm-offering-fossil-fuel-industries\">joined\u003c/a> as attorney general against fossil fuel companies. He also talked about how many people companies like Chevron employ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chevron — that’s the problem with politics — they’re not the bad guy,” Becerra said. “Does everybody here drive an electric vehicle? You need Chevron, I need Chevron, my people of the state of California need Chevron.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Renteria said voters shouldn’t assume that just because her former boss isn’t writing off big corporations that he won’t fight for the little guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By nature, he’s like this protector,” she said, adding that he has a natural aversion to anyone “bullying or taking advantage” of people, and will do everything he can to fight on their behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building less, blocking more\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But on one of the biggest issues facing the state — the need for more housing — critics say Becerra didn’t show that type of aggression as attorney general, instead seeming more interested in blocking housing developments than helping push market-rate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, for example, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-18/ag-becerra-challenges-housing-projects-in-wildfire-areas\">joined two lawsuits\u003c/a> to halt developments in San Diego County, saying they were in wildfire zones and didn’t include enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier, in 2019, Becerra \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/01/25/california-sues-huntington-beach-using-new-housing-law/\">sued Huntington Beach\u003c/a> for refusing to add state-mandated low-income housing to its local housing plan, and in 2020, he \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-files-intervene-lawsuit-protect-california%E2%80%99s-affordable\">joined a lawsuit\u003c/a> to ensure that cities comply with state affordable housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction is underway on an affordable housing apartment building at 2550 Irving St. in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becerra points to those lawsuits as evidence of his commitment to ensuring local governments both built more housing in general and affordable housing in particular — and that they complied with state laws mandating more construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail this year, Becerra has stressed the state’s housing shortage as a key driver of affordability and promised to use the governor’s office to eliminate hurdles — including aggressively going after cities and counties that aren’t building enough. He has also pledged to declare a state of emergency around housing and embed his own housing experts in agencies across the state government to help remove obstacles to building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Foote, executive director of the pro-housing group YIMBY Action, said she gives Becerra credit for appearing more interested in the issue as a candidate than he did as attorney general, a shift that matches the state’s overall political evolution on the issue.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think that now there’s sort of a greater recognition that the overall housing shortage is damaging everyone, not just low-income people. He has made that pivot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her group, YIMBY Action, which endorsed Democratic billionaire Tom Steyer in the governor’s race, gave Becerra a “C” grade on housing. It noted that when asked about holding cities accountable as attorney general, “he took the opportunity to brag about using CEQA (the California Environmental Quality Act), one of the most potent and abused tools of the anti-housing movement, to block a housing development in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those lawsuits were successful: After Becerra left the attorney general’s office, Bonta negotiated settlements that led one of the projects to be scrapped entirely; the site, now owned by the state, will be \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-announces-permanent-conservation-san-diego-wildlands\">permanently conserved as open space\u003c/a>. The other proposed project will move forward \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-otay-ranch-village-13-project-settlement-will-reduce\">under a separate settlement\u003c/a>, with thousands of housing units slated for a smaller area than the initial proposal, which will reduce wildfire risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Foote said, Becerra seemed to focus almost exclusively on affordable housing as attorney general, like in the Huntington Beach case, which Huntington Beach settled in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a good case for them to weigh in, but I think it did reveal in that administration a preference to be really focused on subsidized affordable housing and pushing back on explicit discriminatory things as opposed to getting involved in the larger housing supply issue overall,” Foote said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044985\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044985\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mockup sits near the stage during a groundbreaking ceremony at 750 Golden Gate Avenue in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, to mark the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But she added that Becerra didn’t have as many tools at his disposal as the current attorney general does, and that he’s promised to focus on accountability if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has already committed to doing a greater degree of enforcement than we have had under the Gavin Newsom administration. … Is it as much improvement as some of the other candidates have committed to? No, but I think he is already promising to do better than we have done over the last eight years,” Foote said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Becerra leans into his resume on the campaign trail, his opponents are trying to frame that experience as a liability. His campaign is pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The record speaks for itself,” Underland said. “Xavier Becerra took on oil companies, fought cities blocking affordable housing, challenged the Trump administration over environmental rollbacks, and held powerful interests accountable in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "6 People Have Died in California ICE Detention Centers as Trump Deportations Soared",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six people died in California immigration detention centers over the past year as the crowded sites struggled to provide basic medical care, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/immigration-detention-2026.pdf\">according to a new state investigation\u003c/a> detailing conditions inside the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 175-page report released Friday offers the most detailed look to date inside the detention centers that are often in remote areas of the state and hard to access for attorneys, families, and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It documents the highest death toll since the state began conducting inspections of the centers seven years ago. In 2024, there were zero deaths in California detention centers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/deaths-at-adult-detention-centers#2024\">the American Immigration Lawyers Association’s list\u003c/a> of Immigration and Customs Enforcement press releases tracking them, and the Attorney General’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deaths occurred as the Trump administration carried out a mass deportation campaign — starting in Los Angeles — that drove up the population inside detention centers by more than 150%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen people have died in facilities this year across the country, around one person a week. Since the start of the Trump administration, 48 people have died in detention. A study published last month in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.com/US/death-rates-ice-detention-facilities-raise-concerns-health/story?id=132121020&fbclid=IwY2xjawRXSpdleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETF3OGVjYm41aU9MWE9hbkJac3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHqpFKVbh67fbaU_KYip5crI7kGL6tZ4XWBOeVktgP5jX5_bFcCXZkspop7jA_aem_ltdTyAvHCtAmn9ZNK3mOyQ\">the current rate is nearly seven times higher than fiscal year 2023 levels\u003c/a> at 88.9 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, four of the deaths occurred at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in San Bernardino County. Two other people died at the Imperial Regional Detention Facility near the U.S.-Mexico border in Calexico. In all four of the Adelanto cases, families of the deceased allege the facility failed to provide adequate medical care, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891235\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-450371215-scaled-e1769711263847.jpg\" alt=\"On a modern, low-slung building with no windows, a big sign reading 'GEO' hangs on an exterior wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This U.S. immigration processing center in Adelanto, California, is operated by GEO Group, a Florida-based company specializing in privatized corrections. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security called the allegations in the lawsuit about the conditions inside Adelanto false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is regularly audited and inspected by external agencies to ensure that ICE facilities comply with performance-based national detention standards,” a then-spokesperson for DHS said when the lawsuit was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to ICE and the three private prison companies that operate facilities in California. ICE, GEO Group, MTC and Core Civic did not immediately respond to a request for responses to the AG’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspections by the California Department of Justice are required under \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB103/id/1637414\">a 2017 law enacted\u003c/a> in response to concerns about conditions. Investigators and medical experts did two-day site visits at each facility and interviewed 194 people from more than 120 countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State inspectors interviewed 194 detainees for the new report, making it one of the largest reviews of its kind, between July and November 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, inspectors focused on lapses in mental health care across the six facilities operating in California in the early months of the second Trump administration. This year, state investigators drilled in on how the dramatic surge in detainee populations strained conditions and access to medical care at all of the facilities now operating across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some detainees described only having beans and bread to eat, which gave them diarrhea, and extremely cold temperatures that caused them to try to turn their socks into extra arm sleeves. At one facility, investigators documented not enough toilets to serve the population, with detainees reporting dirty bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12070623 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A guard walks to the entrance of an immigration detention center on Jan. 20, 2026, in California City, California. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State investigators wrote that the detention centers had not increased medical staffing to match the dramatic rise in the number of detainees. At a new detention center that opened in a former state prison in California City last year, investigators described “crisis-level” medical staffing that contributed to delays in care. At the time, the center had only one physician for nearly 1,000 detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several detainees cried as they relayed the conditions of their confinement in California City to state investigators. Most of the people detained have not been convicted of any crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is cruel, inhumane, and unacceptable,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta, adding that his office “worked tirelessly to shine a light” on the conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the detention centers are managed by private companies under contracts with the federal government. State investigators wrote that the companies and the federal agency are failing to meet their own standards of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government and facility operators have a significant choice before them: to reform their practices and bring these facilities into compliance or to continue their noncompliant policy of prioritizing detention over safety, which likely will lead to dire human and legal consequences,” the state report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Diminished civil rights protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State investigators also described in their report how the Trump administration is rolling back federal protections for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January 2025, the federal government has defunded legal programs to inform people of their rights, shut down Department of Homeland Security civil rights oversight offices, and stopped protections for transgender detainees, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement stopped including congressionally mandated data on transgender people in its biweekly statistical reports in February 2025, the report says. The agency also removed from its website a policy memo that committed the agency to creating a safe environment for transgender people.[aside postID=news_12083600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260514-GILROY-ICE-ADE-02-KQED.jpg']Loba, a transgender woman from El Salvador who was detained at California City for six months in 2025, told CalMatters she experienced traumatizing sexual harassment and intimidation from guards while being housed in the male dorms. She asked CalMatters to only identify her by her first name because she fears retaliation for speaking about the conditions and for her safety in her home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation was so stressful, she said, that she finally decided to sign her voluntary departure paperwork to go back home to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is absolutely the reason,” she said. “I have been fighting my immigration case for two years, and then after not being around my community and the lack of support for the LGBTQ+ community inside detention centers, and then being a victim of harassment, it was really intimidating. It was very traumatizing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also looked into other complaints raised by detainees and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During one incident at Adelanto, a person reported to state inspectors that guards deployed pepper spray in a confined room holding about 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego, investigators flagged concerns about strip-searching. The report states Otay Mesa is the only facility in California that has a policy of strip-searching detainees after every visit they have with someone who is not a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women described the searches as “humiliating” and “denigrating” after being searched in front of male officers, sometimes even while menstruating. Both males and females described feeling “violated” by the practice. One person told inspectors they had stopped visiting their family altogether to avoid the searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Two new detention centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the time of the investigators’ visits, 6,028 people were held in immigration detention in California. That was up 162% from the 2,300 held during inspections in 2023. \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/quickfacts/\">California has the third highest ICE detainee population, behind Texas and Louisiana. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also home to two of the seven largest facilities nationwide. Detainees in California were mostly from Mexico, India, Guatemala, El Salvador, China, Russia, Cuba, Colombia, Venezuela, and Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054610 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic, Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center stands in the Kern County desert in California City, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Democrats during both of Trump’s terms have adopted policies that were meant to block the detention centers from operating. In 2019, California tried to ban private for-profit detention centers from operating in the state, but GEO Group, one of the major private prison operators, successfully sued to stop it. The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled the ban violates the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause by preventing the federal government from conducting immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE opened two detention centers in California over the past year, first the one in California City and then one in McFarland called Central Valley Annex. It began receiving detainees in April 2026 while the report was being finalized, but the state says it will begin monitoring that detention center as well. Both of the sites were previously used to hold state prison inmates under contracts with California’s corrections system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year California Democrats are carrying a range of bills to push back against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. One by Assemblymember Matt Haney, a San Francisco Democrat, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1633\">would tax detention facilities\u003c/a>, with the funds going towards immigrant rights groups, effectively making it unprofitable to keep detention centers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, also introduced a bill to extend the state Department of Justice’s authority to conduct inspections at the detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/05/ice-detention-centers-state-inspections/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration immigration crackdown swelled the population inside California’s immigrant detention centers. State investigators in a report described strained medical resources inside the sites.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six people died in California immigration detention centers over the past year as the crowded sites struggled to provide basic medical care, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/immigration-detention-2026.pdf\">according to a new state investigation\u003c/a> detailing conditions inside the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 175-page report released Friday offers the most detailed look to date inside the detention centers that are often in remote areas of the state and hard to access for attorneys, families, and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It documents the highest death toll since the state began conducting inspections of the centers seven years ago. In 2024, there were zero deaths in California detention centers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/deaths-at-adult-detention-centers#2024\">the American Immigration Lawyers Association’s list\u003c/a> of Immigration and Customs Enforcement press releases tracking them, and the Attorney General’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deaths occurred as the Trump administration carried out a mass deportation campaign — starting in Los Angeles — that drove up the population inside detention centers by more than 150%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen people have died in facilities this year across the country, around one person a week. Since the start of the Trump administration, 48 people have died in detention. A study published last month in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.com/US/death-rates-ice-detention-facilities-raise-concerns-health/story?id=132121020&fbclid=IwY2xjawRXSpdleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETF3OGVjYm41aU9MWE9hbkJac3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHqpFKVbh67fbaU_KYip5crI7kGL6tZ4XWBOeVktgP5jX5_bFcCXZkspop7jA_aem_ltdTyAvHCtAmn9ZNK3mOyQ\">the current rate is nearly seven times higher than fiscal year 2023 levels\u003c/a> at 88.9 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, four of the deaths occurred at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in San Bernardino County. Two other people died at the Imperial Regional Detention Facility near the U.S.-Mexico border in Calexico. In all four of the Adelanto cases, families of the deceased allege the facility failed to provide adequate medical care, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891235\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-450371215-scaled-e1769711263847.jpg\" alt=\"On a modern, low-slung building with no windows, a big sign reading 'GEO' hangs on an exterior wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This U.S. immigration processing center in Adelanto, California, is operated by GEO Group, a Florida-based company specializing in privatized corrections. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security called the allegations in the lawsuit about the conditions inside Adelanto false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is regularly audited and inspected by external agencies to ensure that ICE facilities comply with performance-based national detention standards,” a then-spokesperson for DHS said when the lawsuit was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to ICE and the three private prison companies that operate facilities in California. ICE, GEO Group, MTC and Core Civic did not immediately respond to a request for responses to the AG’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspections by the California Department of Justice are required under \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB103/id/1637414\">a 2017 law enacted\u003c/a> in response to concerns about conditions. Investigators and medical experts did two-day site visits at each facility and interviewed 194 people from more than 120 countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State inspectors interviewed 194 detainees for the new report, making it one of the largest reviews of its kind, between July and November 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, inspectors focused on lapses in mental health care across the six facilities operating in California in the early months of the second Trump administration. This year, state investigators drilled in on how the dramatic surge in detainee populations strained conditions and access to medical care at all of the facilities now operating across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some detainees described only having beans and bread to eat, which gave them diarrhea, and extremely cold temperatures that caused them to try to turn their socks into extra arm sleeves. At one facility, investigators documented not enough toilets to serve the population, with detainees reporting dirty bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12070623 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A guard walks to the entrance of an immigration detention center on Jan. 20, 2026, in California City, California. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State investigators wrote that the detention centers had not increased medical staffing to match the dramatic rise in the number of detainees. At a new detention center that opened in a former state prison in California City last year, investigators described “crisis-level” medical staffing that contributed to delays in care. At the time, the center had only one physician for nearly 1,000 detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several detainees cried as they relayed the conditions of their confinement in California City to state investigators. Most of the people detained have not been convicted of any crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is cruel, inhumane, and unacceptable,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta, adding that his office “worked tirelessly to shine a light” on the conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the detention centers are managed by private companies under contracts with the federal government. State investigators wrote that the companies and the federal agency are failing to meet their own standards of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government and facility operators have a significant choice before them: to reform their practices and bring these facilities into compliance or to continue their noncompliant policy of prioritizing detention over safety, which likely will lead to dire human and legal consequences,” the state report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Diminished civil rights protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State investigators also described in their report how the Trump administration is rolling back federal protections for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January 2025, the federal government has defunded legal programs to inform people of their rights, shut down Department of Homeland Security civil rights oversight offices, and stopped protections for transgender detainees, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement stopped including congressionally mandated data on transgender people in its biweekly statistical reports in February 2025, the report says. The agency also removed from its website a policy memo that committed the agency to creating a safe environment for transgender people.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Loba, a transgender woman from El Salvador who was detained at California City for six months in 2025, told CalMatters she experienced traumatizing sexual harassment and intimidation from guards while being housed in the male dorms. She asked CalMatters to only identify her by her first name because she fears retaliation for speaking about the conditions and for her safety in her home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation was so stressful, she said, that she finally decided to sign her voluntary departure paperwork to go back home to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is absolutely the reason,” she said. “I have been fighting my immigration case for two years, and then after not being around my community and the lack of support for the LGBTQ+ community inside detention centers, and then being a victim of harassment, it was really intimidating. It was very traumatizing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also looked into other complaints raised by detainees and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During one incident at Adelanto, a person reported to state inspectors that guards deployed pepper spray in a confined room holding about 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego, investigators flagged concerns about strip-searching. The report states Otay Mesa is the only facility in California that has a policy of strip-searching detainees after every visit they have with someone who is not a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women described the searches as “humiliating” and “denigrating” after being searched in front of male officers, sometimes even while menstruating. Both males and females described feeling “violated” by the practice. One person told inspectors they had stopped visiting their family altogether to avoid the searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Two new detention centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the time of the investigators’ visits, 6,028 people were held in immigration detention in California. That was up 162% from the 2,300 held during inspections in 2023. \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/quickfacts/\">California has the third highest ICE detainee population, behind Texas and Louisiana. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also home to two of the seven largest facilities nationwide. Detainees in California were mostly from Mexico, India, Guatemala, El Salvador, China, Russia, Cuba, Colombia, Venezuela, and Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054610 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic, Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center stands in the Kern County desert in California City, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Democrats during both of Trump’s terms have adopted policies that were meant to block the detention centers from operating. In 2019, California tried to ban private for-profit detention centers from operating in the state, but GEO Group, one of the major private prison operators, successfully sued to stop it. The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled the ban violates the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause by preventing the federal government from conducting immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE opened two detention centers in California over the past year, first the one in California City and then one in McFarland called Central Valley Annex. It began receiving detainees in April 2026 while the report was being finalized, but the state says it will begin monitoring that detention center as well. Both of the sites were previously used to hold state prison inmates under contracts with California’s corrections system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year California Democrats are carrying a range of bills to push back against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. One by Assemblymember Matt Haney, a San Francisco Democrat, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1633\">would tax detention facilities\u003c/a>, with the funds going towards immigrant rights groups, effectively making it unprofitable to keep detention centers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, also introduced a bill to extend the state Department of Justice’s authority to conduct inspections at the detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/05/ice-detention-centers-state-inspections/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the stand on Tuesday, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman said that Elon Musk tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081916/are-elon-musk-and-openai-fighting-an-ai-arms-race-sam-altmans-lawyers-think-so\">wrest control over the company\u003c/a> they co-founded before the Tesla CEO’s 2018 exit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman’s testimony in the federal trial in Oakland, which many see as a billionaire grudge match, pushed back on Musk’s claim that the powerful AI start-up betrayed its mission to benefit the public good. Musk has accused Altman of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081603/elon-musk-takes-aim-at-openai-as-trial-begins-its-not-ok-to-steal-a-charity\">“stealing a charity” \u003c/a>by building an $850 million for-profit company on the back of its nonprofit research lab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that in early discussions about creating a for-profit arm, Musk sought majority ownership, and later proposed folding the nonprofit into his car company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I read that as a lightweight threat,” Altman said of the plan to bring OpenAI into Tesla. “I don’t think it would have served the mission. I think it would have effectively destroyed the nonprofit in the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Musk did try to kill it, I guess twice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As early as summer 2017, Altman, Musk and other OpenAI executives began discussing if and how to launch a for-profit, citing a need to raise more money to keep up with competitors like Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083394\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083394 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">OpenAI CEO Sam Altman testifies in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity rather than solely for profit in Oakland on May 12, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Altman said they were “running the organization on a shoestring,” with a short runway of cash. To acquire the compute — or the GPUs and CPUs needed to power AI — and funding they needed to pursue artificial general intelligence, or a superintelligent AI technology known as AGI, the company would need more significant investments, the executives determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, of course, we needed to raise billions to quickly ramp,” he said. “I saw no way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman, Greg Brockman, the president of OpenAI and Ilya Sutskever, a former top OpenAI computer scientist and member of its founding team, have said that in those conversations, Musk repeatedly proposed plans that would give him majority control. Initially, Altman said that he asked for 90% equity in a potential for-profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other executives pushed back on this request, including in an email Altman sent to Musk at the time, in which he said, “I am worried about control. I don’t think any one person should have control of the world’s first AGI — in fact, the whole reason we started OpenAI is so that wouldn’t happen.”[aside postID=news_12083224 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/SamAltmanGetty.jpg']Altman described Musk as “mercurial,” and said that when he left OpenAI in February 2018, after for-profit discussions fell apart, “people wondered if he’d try to take a vengeance on us” — which both he and his attorney, William Savitt, have alleged is exactly what Musk’s lawsuit aims to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his cross-examination, though, Musk’s counsel Steven Molo seemed to suggest that it is Altman who has amassed significant control over OpenAI since it did launch a for-profit arm in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo asked Altman about the testimonies of various former OpenAI executives, who said he was untrustworthy and had a history of lying. Altman denied hearing those testimonies, but when asked if he had “repeatedly been called a liar” by people he has done business with, he said, “I have heard people say that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo said that Altman sits on the board of directors for both the OpenAI Foundation, the nonprofit arm, and OpenAI’s for-profit. He is also the company’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would you ever fire yourself as the CEO of the for-profit?” Molo said, adding that the board of the nonprofit is supposed to provide oversight for the chief officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that CEOs are “almost always” on their company’s boards. When pressed, he said he had “no plans” to fire himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083294\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bret Taylor testifies in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Sam Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity rather than solely for profit in Oakland on May 12, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Molo also asked Altman about how board members were selected following his brief firing in 2023. During the five-day ouster, there were long negotiations behind the scenes about whether Altman would return, and who would be on the board if he did. Altman, Brockman and other OpenAI executives who followed them out were also in discussions with Microsoft, OpenAI’s largest financial backer, which had offered to bring them on to start a new AI team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said initially he’d proposed to remove OpenAI’s board, which fired him, and replace it with four members, including himself. Altman was not made a board member at that time, but Molo said that he had proposed the three members who were ultimately selected — Bret Taylor, Larry Summers and Adam D’Angelo — in conversations with Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that he had no power to appoint new board members, but that he did say which configurations he would be “willing” to be rehired into.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier in the day, he characterized his return to OpenAI as running “back into a burning building to try to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later this week, both Altman and Musk’s legal teams will present their closing arguments. Then the jury and judge will decide which tech leader to believe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the stand on Tuesday, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman said that Elon Musk tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081916/are-elon-musk-and-openai-fighting-an-ai-arms-race-sam-altmans-lawyers-think-so\">wrest control over the company\u003c/a> they co-founded before the Tesla CEO’s 2018 exit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman’s testimony in the federal trial in Oakland, which many see as a billionaire grudge match, pushed back on Musk’s claim that the powerful AI start-up betrayed its mission to benefit the public good. Musk has accused Altman of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081603/elon-musk-takes-aim-at-openai-as-trial-begins-its-not-ok-to-steal-a-charity\">“stealing a charity” \u003c/a>by building an $850 million for-profit company on the back of its nonprofit research lab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that in early discussions about creating a for-profit arm, Musk sought majority ownership, and later proposed folding the nonprofit into his car company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I read that as a lightweight threat,” Altman said of the plan to bring OpenAI into Tesla. “I don’t think it would have served the mission. I think it would have effectively destroyed the nonprofit in the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Musk did try to kill it, I guess twice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As early as summer 2017, Altman, Musk and other OpenAI executives began discussing if and how to launch a for-profit, citing a need to raise more money to keep up with competitors like Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083394\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083394 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">OpenAI CEO Sam Altman testifies in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity rather than solely for profit in Oakland on May 12, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Altman said they were “running the organization on a shoestring,” with a short runway of cash. To acquire the compute — or the GPUs and CPUs needed to power AI — and funding they needed to pursue artificial general intelligence, or a superintelligent AI technology known as AGI, the company would need more significant investments, the executives determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, of course, we needed to raise billions to quickly ramp,” he said. “I saw no way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman, Greg Brockman, the president of OpenAI and Ilya Sutskever, a former top OpenAI computer scientist and member of its founding team, have said that in those conversations, Musk repeatedly proposed plans that would give him majority control. Initially, Altman said that he asked for 90% equity in a potential for-profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other executives pushed back on this request, including in an email Altman sent to Musk at the time, in which he said, “I am worried about control. I don’t think any one person should have control of the world’s first AGI — in fact, the whole reason we started OpenAI is so that wouldn’t happen.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Altman described Musk as “mercurial,” and said that when he left OpenAI in February 2018, after for-profit discussions fell apart, “people wondered if he’d try to take a vengeance on us” — which both he and his attorney, William Savitt, have alleged is exactly what Musk’s lawsuit aims to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his cross-examination, though, Musk’s counsel Steven Molo seemed to suggest that it is Altman who has amassed significant control over OpenAI since it did launch a for-profit arm in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo asked Altman about the testimonies of various former OpenAI executives, who said he was untrustworthy and had a history of lying. Altman denied hearing those testimonies, but when asked if he had “repeatedly been called a liar” by people he has done business with, he said, “I have heard people say that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo said that Altman sits on the board of directors for both the OpenAI Foundation, the nonprofit arm, and OpenAI’s for-profit. He is also the company’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would you ever fire yourself as the CEO of the for-profit?” Molo said, adding that the board of the nonprofit is supposed to provide oversight for the chief officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that CEOs are “almost always” on their company’s boards. When pressed, he said he had “no plans” to fire himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083294\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260512-MUSK-ALTMAN-TRIAL-VB-01-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bret Taylor testifies in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Sam Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity rather than solely for profit in Oakland on May 12, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Molo also asked Altman about how board members were selected following his brief firing in 2023. During the five-day ouster, there were long negotiations behind the scenes about whether Altman would return, and who would be on the board if he did. Altman, Brockman and other OpenAI executives who followed them out were also in discussions with Microsoft, OpenAI’s largest financial backer, which had offered to bring them on to start a new AI team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said initially he’d proposed to remove OpenAI’s board, which fired him, and replace it with four members, including himself. Altman was not made a board member at that time, but Molo said that he had proposed the three members who were ultimately selected — Bret Taylor, Larry Summers and Adam D’Angelo — in conversations with Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that he had no power to appoint new board members, but that he did say which configurations he would be “willing” to be rehired into.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier in the day, he characterized his return to OpenAI as running “back into a burning building to try to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later this week, both Altman and Musk’s legal teams will present their closing arguments. Then the jury and judge will decide which tech leader to believe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Chinese Laundrymen Won Equal Protections for All. San Francisco Wants to Tell Their Story",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many, the lot on the corner of Third and Harrison streets in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is just a place to park before heading to a Giants game or an event downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, around 50 people gathered at the unremarkable concrete patch in the South of Market neighborhood for a different reason: to commemorate the 140th anniversary of \u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins, \u003c/em>a late 19th-century \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd included longtime Asian American activists, Chinatown organizers, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu and Supervisors Connie Chan, Chyanne Chen, Matt Dorsey, Rafael Mandelman and Danny Sauter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So often, we think about the times that San Francisco has done something … that has changed the country and the world,” said Dorsey, who represents the district where the lot is located. “We always think about 20th-century [contributions], but the reality is that it started in the 19th century with the Chinese American community in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site was once home to Yick Wo, a laundry business that was owned and operated by a Chinese immigrant named Lee Yick from 1864 to 1886. It was one of over 200 Chinese-owned laundries scattered across San Francisco, but this one holds particular significance: it was at the center of a consequential ruling that established that the 14th Amendment’s due process and equal protection clauses apply to all — even noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083335\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083335 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Historian and Chinese Historical Society board member David Lei attends a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>David Lei, a local Chinese American community historian, said he has always believed the lot deserved substantial recognition. He tried to champion that effort over the past 15 years by speaking about Yick Wo’s history, but it was\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\"> last year’s spotlight on the case\u003c/a> from KQED, as the Trump administration ramped up its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077496/trumps-mass-deportations-could-cost-the-bay-area-67-billion-a-year-report-says\">massive deportation campaign\u003c/a> — often \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082287/trump-closes-san-franciscos-immigration-court-for-good\">without regard to immigrants’ rights\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082287/trump-closes-san-franciscos-immigration-court-for-good\">to\u003c/a> a fair hearing — that the history began to resonate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I kind of [read] between the lines and it seemed like David was saying, ‘Oh, a little help here, please!’” said Karen Kai, a lawyer and board member of San Francisco Heritage, a nonprofit organization that helps preserve landmarks in the city. She helped kickstart an effort, along with other groups, including the Chinese Historical Society of America, to launch a campaign to establish a permanent marker at the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so, they said, would help educate the public about a historical case that most people have never heard of outside of the legal community or people who study Asian American history. But this could soon change.[aside postID=news_12050233 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED.jpg']The Supreme Court decision arrived while an intense anti-Chinese crackdown was taking place in San Francisco during the late 1800s. Chinese immigrants were routinely subjected to mob violence, their homes and businesses were often destroyed, and they faced legal discrimination by city officials, which made it difficult for them to earn their livelihoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Chinese immigrants were initially welcomed during the Gold Rush, they eventually became reviled as their population numbers grew, and their roles in the industrial workforce expanded. In addition to working as miners and railroad laborers, Chinese immigrants quickly met a demand that others were not eager to fill: laundry service. They eventually dominated the industry throughout the rest of the 19th century — much to the dismay of city residents and leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discriminatory city ordinances were often passed to make operating businesses, like laundries, difficult for Chinese immigrants. One notorious law in particular was passed in 1880, which required permits for wooden laundries. It was a move that targeted most Chinese-owned businesses; though they met other regulations, almost every Chinese laundry owner was denied a permit, while white owners were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an extraordinary act of defiance, Yick, the laundry’s owner, continued operating his business anyway. He refused to pay the fine and was arrested. He and another fellow Chinese laundryman, Wo Lee, sued the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the financial support of an influential community coalition called the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, also known as the Chinese Six Companies, as well as other powerful groups in San Francisco Chinatown, they hired top white lawyers to fight their case. Eventually, it made its way to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083330\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083330 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 11 Supervisor Chyanne Chen, Historian and Chinese Historical Society board member David Lei, District 3 Supervisor Danny Sauter, and City Attorney David Chiu attend a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a unanimous 1886 ruling in favor of the Chinese laundrymen, the court declared that even if a law appears to be race-neutral, “if it is applied and administered by public authority with an evil eye and an unequal hand,” then it violates the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And critically, the ruling said its protections “extend to all \u003cem>persons\u003c/em> within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States, without regard to differences of race, of color, or of nationality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts have said that \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> \u003cem>v. Hopkins \u003c/em>has been cited in “countless” ways, and provided the foundation for subsequent civil rights challenges that have shaped the modern-day legal system, including interracial marriage, school desegregation, voting rights and disability discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said he remembers reading the case as a law student and told the crowd that he’s parked at the lot each year to attend the Chinese New Year parade, without any idea that it was the site of Yick Wo\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083331\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083331\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He reminded attendees that the case was just one of many brought forward by early Chinese immigrants — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078171/as-supreme-court-weighs-birthright-citizenship-sf-advocates-are-ready-to-stand-up\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, whose case established birthright citizenship in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is currently looking to overturn it, and Chiu’s office is helping to fight that effort at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said placing a permanent marker at the parking lot is not just about preserving important American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083333\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083333 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Christman of San Francisco Heritage holds a print of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins during a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the case’s 140th anniversary in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment in time where we will remember, and we will continue to fight for our constitutional rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Lei, this galvanizing moment has been a long time in the making. He said he hopes to see a mural at the lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people walk by plaques, but if you put in art with messaging, very impactful art … then it’ll bring a lot more attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083332\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083332 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Heritage Vice Chair Karen Kai speaks to a crowd of community members and media at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until that decision is made, SF Heritage and other partner advocates will start gathering community input to narrow down options to present to the city. It will be a process that requires fundraising, political will, and, certainly, red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kai said she felt energized by the intergenerational gathering and the growing momentum to recognize how early Chinese immigrants shaped constitutional protections that now benefit everyone in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the commemoration honored their courage — and underscored the power of collective action: “We’re going to go for it. We’re just going to run with it now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For many, the lot on the corner of Third and Harrison streets in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is just a place to park before heading to a Giants game or an event downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, around 50 people gathered at the unremarkable concrete patch in the South of Market neighborhood for a different reason: to commemorate the 140th anniversary of \u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins, \u003c/em>a late 19th-century \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd included longtime Asian American activists, Chinatown organizers, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu and Supervisors Connie Chan, Chyanne Chen, Matt Dorsey, Rafael Mandelman and Danny Sauter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So often, we think about the times that San Francisco has done something … that has changed the country and the world,” said Dorsey, who represents the district where the lot is located. “We always think about 20th-century [contributions], but the reality is that it started in the 19th century with the Chinese American community in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site was once home to Yick Wo, a laundry business that was owned and operated by a Chinese immigrant named Lee Yick from 1864 to 1886. It was one of over 200 Chinese-owned laundries scattered across San Francisco, but this one holds particular significance: it was at the center of a consequential ruling that established that the 14th Amendment’s due process and equal protection clauses apply to all — even noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083335\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083335 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Historian and Chinese Historical Society board member David Lei attends a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>David Lei, a local Chinese American community historian, said he has always believed the lot deserved substantial recognition. He tried to champion that effort over the past 15 years by speaking about Yick Wo’s history, but it was\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\"> last year’s spotlight on the case\u003c/a> from KQED, as the Trump administration ramped up its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077496/trumps-mass-deportations-could-cost-the-bay-area-67-billion-a-year-report-says\">massive deportation campaign\u003c/a> — often \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082287/trump-closes-san-franciscos-immigration-court-for-good\">without regard to immigrants’ rights\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082287/trump-closes-san-franciscos-immigration-court-for-good\">to\u003c/a> a fair hearing — that the history began to resonate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I kind of [read] between the lines and it seemed like David was saying, ‘Oh, a little help here, please!’” said Karen Kai, a lawyer and board member of San Francisco Heritage, a nonprofit organization that helps preserve landmarks in the city. She helped kickstart an effort, along with other groups, including the Chinese Historical Society of America, to launch a campaign to establish a permanent marker at the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so, they said, would help educate the public about a historical case that most people have never heard of outside of the legal community or people who study Asian American history. But this could soon change.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Supreme Court decision arrived while an intense anti-Chinese crackdown was taking place in San Francisco during the late 1800s. Chinese immigrants were routinely subjected to mob violence, their homes and businesses were often destroyed, and they faced legal discrimination by city officials, which made it difficult for them to earn their livelihoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Chinese immigrants were initially welcomed during the Gold Rush, they eventually became reviled as their population numbers grew, and their roles in the industrial workforce expanded. In addition to working as miners and railroad laborers, Chinese immigrants quickly met a demand that others were not eager to fill: laundry service. They eventually dominated the industry throughout the rest of the 19th century — much to the dismay of city residents and leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discriminatory city ordinances were often passed to make operating businesses, like laundries, difficult for Chinese immigrants. One notorious law in particular was passed in 1880, which required permits for wooden laundries. It was a move that targeted most Chinese-owned businesses; though they met other regulations, almost every Chinese laundry owner was denied a permit, while white owners were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an extraordinary act of defiance, Yick, the laundry’s owner, continued operating his business anyway. He refused to pay the fine and was arrested. He and another fellow Chinese laundryman, Wo Lee, sued the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the financial support of an influential community coalition called the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, also known as the Chinese Six Companies, as well as other powerful groups in San Francisco Chinatown, they hired top white lawyers to fight their case. Eventually, it made its way to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083330\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083330 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 11 Supervisor Chyanne Chen, Historian and Chinese Historical Society board member David Lei, District 3 Supervisor Danny Sauter, and City Attorney David Chiu attend a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a unanimous 1886 ruling in favor of the Chinese laundrymen, the court declared that even if a law appears to be race-neutral, “if it is applied and administered by public authority with an evil eye and an unequal hand,” then it violates the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And critically, the ruling said its protections “extend to all \u003cem>persons\u003c/em> within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States, without regard to differences of race, of color, or of nationality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts have said that \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> \u003cem>v. Hopkins \u003c/em>has been cited in “countless” ways, and provided the foundation for subsequent civil rights challenges that have shaped the modern-day legal system, including interracial marriage, school desegregation, voting rights and disability discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said he remembers reading the case as a law student and told the crowd that he’s parked at the lot each year to attend the Chinese New Year parade, without any idea that it was the site of Yick Wo\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083331\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083331\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He reminded attendees that the case was just one of many brought forward by early Chinese immigrants — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078171/as-supreme-court-weighs-birthright-citizenship-sf-advocates-are-ready-to-stand-up\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, whose case established birthright citizenship in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is currently looking to overturn it, and Chiu’s office is helping to fight that effort at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said placing a permanent marker at the parking lot is not just about preserving important American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083333\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083333 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Christman of San Francisco Heritage holds a print of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins during a press conference at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the case’s 140th anniversary in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment in time where we will remember, and we will continue to fight for our constitutional rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Lei, this galvanizing moment has been a long time in the making. He said he hopes to see a mural at the lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people walk by plaques, but if you put in art with messaging, very impactful art … then it’ll bring a lot more attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083332\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12083332 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Heritage Vice Chair Karen Kai speaks to a crowd of community members and media at the parking lot on Third and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until that decision is made, SF Heritage and other partner advocates will start gathering community input to narrow down options to present to the city. It will be a process that requires fundraising, political will, and, certainly, red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kai said she felt energized by the intergenerational gathering and the growing momentum to recognize how early Chinese immigrants shaped constitutional protections that now benefit everyone in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the commemoration honored their courage — and underscored the power of collective action: “We’re going to go for it. We’re just going to run with it now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "former-openai-exec-calls-decision-to-remove-sam-altman-a-hail-mary-during-musk-trial",
"title": "Former OpenAI Exec Calls Decision to Remove Sam Altman a ‘Hail Mary’ During Musk Trial",
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"headTitle": "Former OpenAI Exec Calls Decision to Remove Sam Altman a ‘Hail Mary’ During Musk Trial | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Microsoft’s CEO and another major player took the stand on Monday in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>, testifying in the blockbuster trial between OpenAI co-founders Elon Musk and Sam Altman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Altman’s testimony, Musk’s attorney Steven Molo questioned Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella and Ilya Sutskever, a top OpenAI computer scientist who departed the company in 2024. Sutskever discussed his role in orchestrating Altman’s brief ouster in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over five days in November 2023, Altman was removed and reinstated from his post, after a coalition of board members raised concerns that he had not been “consistently candid in his communications” and cited a breakdown of trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Altman and other executives have maintained OpenAI’s initial stated mission — to develop AI safely and for the “benefit of humanity” — is critical to Musk’s suit, which claims that leaders breached their duty to its nonprofit mission by building a for-profit company on top of it. Musk also alleged that the company unfairly benefited at his expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk also alleges that Microsoft, which is OpenAI’s largest financial backer and until this week held the exclusive rights to license and sell its technology, aided and abetted that breach of trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo questioned Nadella about Microsoft’s motive to invest in OpenAI — a $13 billion input that Nadella said is expected to see a return of about $92 billion, “if it works out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12081686 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Molo, Elon Musk’s attorney, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk (center-right) claims that Sam Altman (right) and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland, on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Musk’s attorney pointed out Nadella’s fiduciary duty to maximize profit, and referenced a series of texts between him and Altman that appeared to show Nadella pushing for an earlier rollout of the paid version of ChatGPT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When chatGPT paid?” Nadella wrote in the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that there was “Not enough compute to make it a good consumer experience,” to which Nadella said, “The sooner the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadella said that the reason Microsoft invested was that OpenAI was pursuing a for-profit model, but he said, “If the pie became larger, the nonprofit would benefit as well.”[aside postID=news_12081916 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/AP26118555622828-2000x1333.jpg']Molo asked Nadella if he was aware that, for a period of time, OpenAI’s nonprofit did not have any employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not,” Nadella said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo also questioned Nadella about Microsoft’s role during Altman’s brief ouster. At the time, Nadella announced that he would hire Altman, along with OpenAI’s third co-founder and current president, Greg Brockman, as well as other allies, to head up a new AI team at Microsoft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadella said that he “had ideas about how Sam [Altman] and the other employees could join Microsoft if they were not reinstated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people were going to leave OpenAI, I wanted them to come to Microsoft,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo asked Nadella if he knew why Altman had been removed, to which Nadella said he was never given an “explicit answer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did the thought occur to you … the board might issue a public statement about why they fired Altman?” Molo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadella said during that period — referred to as “The Blip” by many OpenAI employees — he was focused on ensuring continuity for customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It goes back to me wanting to communicate to customers that they can count on us,” he said. “Come Monday, that doesn’t just disappear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082325 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">OpenAI CEO Sam Altman watches as OpenAI President Greg Brockman testifies in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland, on May 4, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sutskever, who took the stand after Nadella, described Altman’s removal differently. He said it was a “Hail Mary” to save OpenAI, which had become an environment that was “not conducive” to the technology’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt a great deal of ownership of OpenAI,” he said. “I felt like I created this company. I simply cared for it, and I didn’t want it to be destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sutskever, who helped lead the ouster, had compiled a more than 50-page record of Altman’s “consistent pattern of lying,” including misrepresenting facts, safety protocols and company information to the board and executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sutskever maintained that he had worked on a team that aimed to focus on long-term risks as more powerful AI was built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal of the super alignment is to do the research in advance, such that humanity will have the technological means to make it controlled and safe,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team was disbanded days after he departed the company, in May 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Microsoft’s CEO and another major player took the stand on Monday in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>, testifying in the blockbuster trial between OpenAI co-founders Elon Musk and Sam Altman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Altman’s testimony, Musk’s attorney Steven Molo questioned Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella and Ilya Sutskever, a top OpenAI computer scientist who departed the company in 2024. Sutskever discussed his role in orchestrating Altman’s brief ouster in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over five days in November 2023, Altman was removed and reinstated from his post, after a coalition of board members raised concerns that he had not been “consistently candid in his communications” and cited a breakdown of trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Altman and other executives have maintained OpenAI’s initial stated mission — to develop AI safely and for the “benefit of humanity” — is critical to Musk’s suit, which claims that leaders breached their duty to its nonprofit mission by building a for-profit company on top of it. Musk also alleged that the company unfairly benefited at his expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk also alleges that Microsoft, which is OpenAI’s largest financial backer and until this week held the exclusive rights to license and sell its technology, aided and abetted that breach of trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo questioned Nadella about Microsoft’s motive to invest in OpenAI — a $13 billion input that Nadella said is expected to see a return of about $92 billion, “if it works out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12081686 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Molo, Elon Musk’s attorney, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk (center-right) claims that Sam Altman (right) and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland, on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Musk’s attorney pointed out Nadella’s fiduciary duty to maximize profit, and referenced a series of texts between him and Altman that appeared to show Nadella pushing for an earlier rollout of the paid version of ChatGPT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When chatGPT paid?” Nadella wrote in the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altman said that there was “Not enough compute to make it a good consumer experience,” to which Nadella said, “The sooner the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadella said that the reason Microsoft invested was that OpenAI was pursuing a for-profit model, but he said, “If the pie became larger, the nonprofit would benefit as well.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Molo asked Nadella if he was aware that, for a period of time, OpenAI’s nonprofit did not have any employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not,” Nadella said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo also questioned Nadella about Microsoft’s role during Altman’s brief ouster. At the time, Nadella announced that he would hire Altman, along with OpenAI’s third co-founder and current president, Greg Brockman, as well as other allies, to head up a new AI team at Microsoft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadella said that he “had ideas about how Sam [Altman] and the other employees could join Microsoft if they were not reinstated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people were going to leave OpenAI, I wanted them to come to Microsoft,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molo asked Nadella if he knew why Altman had been removed, to which Nadella said he was never given an “explicit answer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did the thought occur to you … the board might issue a public statement about why they fired Altman?” Molo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadella said during that period — referred to as “The Blip” by many OpenAI employees — he was focused on ensuring continuity for customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It goes back to me wanting to communicate to customers that they can count on us,” he said. “Come Monday, that doesn’t just disappear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082325 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260504-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">OpenAI CEO Sam Altman watches as OpenAI President Greg Brockman testifies in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland, on May 4, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sutskever, who took the stand after Nadella, described Altman’s removal differently. He said it was a “Hail Mary” to save OpenAI, which had become an environment that was “not conducive” to the technology’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt a great deal of ownership of OpenAI,” he said. “I felt like I created this company. I simply cared for it, and I didn’t want it to be destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sutskever, who helped lead the ouster, had compiled a more than 50-page record of Altman’s “consistent pattern of lying,” including misrepresenting facts, safety protocols and company information to the board and executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sutskever maintained that he had worked on a team that aimed to focus on long-term risks as more powerful AI was built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal of the super alignment is to do the research in advance, such that humanity will have the technological means to make it controlled and safe,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team was disbanded days after he departed the company, in May 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a> is suing Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram, alleging the company is enabling and profiting from billions of scam advertisements circulating on its sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The civil lawsuit, filed Monday in Santa Clara County Superior Court, claims Menlo Park-based Meta’s social media platforms carry around 15 billion scam ads daily, hurting seniors, families and small businesses, among its 3.5 billion users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials said the suit, filed on behalf of all California residents, is the first of its kind to be brought in the state and the first such action by any local civil prosecutor in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County Counsel Tony LoPresti said the company earns an estimated $7 billion in annual revenue from “fraudulent or otherwise prohibited advertisements” alone, in some cases by allegedly charging scammers a premium to post the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Meta might be a massive power broker in Silicon Valley and throughout the world, but Meta is not a company above the law,” LoPresti said during a press conference on Monday morning announcing the legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said with billions of scam ads on the platform, the types of scams run the gamut, including cryptocurrency scams, people impersonating celebrities or military personnel asking for money, or advertising “miracle cures to incurable diseases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036125\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Meta, Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Messenger and Threads logos are screened on a mobile phone on Jan. 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As civil prosecutors in Silicon Valley, we can’t allow a company as influential as Meta to continue perpetrating a scheme of this magnitude to deceive and victimize consumers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims Meta is violating false advertising and unfair competition laws, and asks a judge to order an injunction to stop the alleged practices. It also seeks monetary restitution and asks for civil penalties to be levied against Meta, some of which could be turned over to the county to be used for further consumer protection litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit rests heavily on internal leaked documents that were first reported by \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/investigations/meta-is-earning-fortune-deluge-fraudulent-ads-documents-show-2025-11-06/\">Reuters\u003c/a> last fall. A May 2025 company internal presentation estimated that “Meta was involved in one third of all successful Internet scams in the U.S.,” the lawsuit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county said Meta has contributed to more than $2.5 billion in losses for Californians in 2024, with seniors hit hardest. “Californians over 60 lost more than $800 million, and nationwide, older adults reported losses more than four times the average,” the county said in a statement.[aside postID=news_12082693 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/CellebriteGetty.jpg']A Meta spokesperson, in an emailed statement on Monday, said the company will fight the lawsuit. The legal action and the reporting it is largely based on distorts the company’s motives and ignores the “full range” of work done to combat scams, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We aggressively fight scams on and off our platforms because they’re not good for us or the people and businesses that rely on our services. We removed over 159 million scam ads last year alone, launched new tools to protect people and partnered with law enforcement around the globe to disrupt these criminals,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LoPresti said in an interview that the company frequently touts the work it does against scams, while it is simultaneously “putting handcuffs on the fraud prevention teams” it employs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What our complaint alleges is that they have told those fraud prevention teams that they can’t do anything that actually impacts revenue by more than 0.15% of Meta’s total overall revenue,” LoPresti said. “So essentially what they’re saying is, ‘You can do your work, we want to brag about it, but we’re gonna make sure it doesn’t impact our bottom line too much.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges Meta also facilitates scam advertising “by promoting and providing special protections to supposedly ‘vetted’ business partners that make no secret of offering services to support scam advertisers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s own systems flag advertisements that are likely scams, but “instead of stopping those ads, the company charges scammers a premium price to run them, a practice that both facilitates and monetizes deception,” the county statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951943 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The Meta booth at the Game Developers Conference 2023 in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County is suing Facebook’s parent company, Meta, on behalf of all California residents over harmful scam advertisements on the company’s social media platforms. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meta deliberately targets the most vulnerable people with scam ads, the suit said, and those who have clicked on illegitimate ads before will be shown more of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, it’s like a bully finding the weak kid on the playground and making sure that they’re getting all of the attention,” LoPresti said. “The elderly, folks of color, low-income folks are disproportionately impacted by this kind of conduct. And that’s something that we believe really has to stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta has faced a wave of litigation in recent years, including for allegedly employing addictive features that lead to mental health challenges, for not protecting young people and for using copyrighted material to train artificial intelligence models without permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LoPresti said his office is “excited to litigate” the case and expects to be able to hold Meta accountable for its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t sit idly by when we know good and well that a tech giant is swindling the public to hit a revenue target,” LoPresti said. “Tech might be the lifeblood of Silicon Valley. And we benefit from it, and we celebrate that. But we can’t allow poison into that bloodstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County Counsel Tony LoPresti said the company earns an estimated $7 billion in annual revenue from “fraudulent or otherwise prohibited advertisements” alone, in some cases by allegedly charging scammers a premium to post the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Meta might be a massive power broker in Silicon Valley and throughout the world, but Meta is not a company above the law,” LoPresti said during a press conference on Monday morning announcing the legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said with billions of scam ads on the platform, the types of scams run the gamut, including cryptocurrency scams, people impersonating celebrities or military personnel asking for money, or advertising “miracle cures to incurable diseases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036125\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Meta, Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Messenger and Threads logos are screened on a mobile phone on Jan. 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As civil prosecutors in Silicon Valley, we can’t allow a company as influential as Meta to continue perpetrating a scheme of this magnitude to deceive and victimize consumers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims Meta is violating false advertising and unfair competition laws, and asks a judge to order an injunction to stop the alleged practices. It also seeks monetary restitution and asks for civil penalties to be levied against Meta, some of which could be turned over to the county to be used for further consumer protection litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit rests heavily on internal leaked documents that were first reported by \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/investigations/meta-is-earning-fortune-deluge-fraudulent-ads-documents-show-2025-11-06/\">Reuters\u003c/a> last fall. A May 2025 company internal presentation estimated that “Meta was involved in one third of all successful Internet scams in the U.S.,” the lawsuit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county said Meta has contributed to more than $2.5 billion in losses for Californians in 2024, with seniors hit hardest. “Californians over 60 lost more than $800 million, and nationwide, older adults reported losses more than four times the average,” the county said in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A Meta spokesperson, in an emailed statement on Monday, said the company will fight the lawsuit. The legal action and the reporting it is largely based on distorts the company’s motives and ignores the “full range” of work done to combat scams, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We aggressively fight scams on and off our platforms because they’re not good for us or the people and businesses that rely on our services. We removed over 159 million scam ads last year alone, launched new tools to protect people and partnered with law enforcement around the globe to disrupt these criminals,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LoPresti said in an interview that the company frequently touts the work it does against scams, while it is simultaneously “putting handcuffs on the fraud prevention teams” it employs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What our complaint alleges is that they have told those fraud prevention teams that they can’t do anything that actually impacts revenue by more than 0.15% of Meta’s total overall revenue,” LoPresti said. “So essentially what they’re saying is, ‘You can do your work, we want to brag about it, but we’re gonna make sure it doesn’t impact our bottom line too much.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges Meta also facilitates scam advertising “by promoting and providing special protections to supposedly ‘vetted’ business partners that make no secret of offering services to support scam advertisers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s own systems flag advertisements that are likely scams, but “instead of stopping those ads, the company charges scammers a premium price to run them, a practice that both facilitates and monetizes deception,” the county statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951943 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The Meta booth at the Game Developers Conference 2023 in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County is suing Facebook’s parent company, Meta, on behalf of all California residents over harmful scam advertisements on the company’s social media platforms. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meta deliberately targets the most vulnerable people with scam ads, the suit said, and those who have clicked on illegitimate ads before will be shown more of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, it’s like a bully finding the weak kid on the playground and making sure that they’re getting all of the attention,” LoPresti said. “The elderly, folks of color, low-income folks are disproportionately impacted by this kind of conduct. And that’s something that we believe really has to stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta has faced a wave of litigation in recent years, including for allegedly employing addictive features that lead to mental health challenges, for not protecting young people and for using copyrighted material to train artificial intelligence models without permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LoPresti said his office is “excited to litigate” the case and expects to be able to hold Meta accountable for its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t sit idly by when we know good and well that a tech giant is swindling the public to hit a revenue target,” LoPresti said. “Tech might be the lifeblood of Silicon Valley. And we benefit from it, and we celebrate that. But we can’t allow poison into that bloodstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two former Rohnert Park police officers were sentenced Wednesday to federal prison for their involvement in a scheme to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082387/former-rohnert-park-officers-who-stole-marijuana-face-federal-sentencing\">steal and resell marijuana\u003c/a> from people they pulled over along Highway 101.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Officer Joseph Huffaker was sentenced to 20 months in federal custody. His partner and former Sgt. Brendon Jacy Tatum was sentenced to 30 months. Both sentences are to be followed by three years of supervised release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED first reported eight years ago on allegations from \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">drivers who came forward\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to say that officers from Rohnert Park had stolen marijuana from them during traffic stops along Highway 101. Even after Wednesday’s sentencing, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082387/former-rohnert-park-officers-who-stole-marijuana-face-federal-sentencing\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">broader questions remain\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the scandal that exposed failures in Northern California law enforcement during the final years of marijuana prohibition.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These guys committed a lot of crimes,” said Huedell Freeman, one of Tatum’s victims. “They’re only being taken to account on a few of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11889861/ex-rohnert-park-cops-indicted-on-federal-extortion-conspiracy-charges-linked-to-marijuana-seizures\">federal grand jury indicted\u003c/a> the two officers in 2021, Tatum pleaded guilty and agreed to cooperate. Huffaker fought the charges but was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046733/trial-begins-for-ex-rohnert-park-officer-accused-of-seizing-marijuana-from-drivers\">convicted by a federal jury\u003c/a> last summer of six counts, including conspiracy, extortion, falsifying records and impersonating a federal officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffaker’s attorney declined to comment on whether he will appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was initially set for sentencing in April, but in an unusual move, Judge Maxine M. Chesney delayed it to coincide with Tatum’s sentencing. Chesney wanted to consider the penalties for the two codefendants in tandem to account for their relative culpability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047324\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park police officer Joseph Huffaker (right) during his trial in San Francisco federal court on July 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This was to Huffaker’s benefit. Prosecutors had sought 62 months in prison for Huffaker initially, but last week downgraded that ask to 40 months in recognition of Tatum’s larger role in the scheme. The government asked the judge to sentence Tatum to 46 months in prison and three years of supervised release. Attorneys for both men asked for home confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum’s role as “the heavy in this case” is undisputed, the judge said at last month’s hearing. Tatum testified at trial that he stole hundreds of pounds of cannabis over dozens of traffic stops between 2014 and 2016, raking in about $500,000. It was only in late 2017 — on the eve of recreational marijuana legalization — that Tatum said he cut Huffaker in on the scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does happen that you cooperate down,” said Tom Rybarczyk, a former federal prosecutor who is now with Kelley Drye & Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney said she does not think it is a “good idea” for the government to make these kinds of deals. But she said that was not Tatum’s fault, and he deserved consideration for cooperating.\u003cbr>\nShe also said that Huffaker should not be penalized for exercising his right to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At least there’s some accountability,” said Zeke Flatten, another victim of the scheme.[aside postID=news_12082387 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial6.jpg']Huffaker and Tatum both addressed the judge directly and apologized to the victims for their involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sincerely regret the decisions and actions I have made that brought me here today,” Huffaker wrote in a letter to the judge. “8 [sic] years ago, I should have made a different choice, but I didn’t, and I am owning up to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a police officer for 14 years, I took an oath to protect and serve, but I broke that oath,” Tatum wrote. “I made the selfish and criminal decision to steal marijuana from people I arrested and profit from it. I did it because I was being greedy, living beyond my means, and trying to build a life that looked better than the one I came from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Freeman said the remorse Tatum expressed felt genuine, but he added that Huffaker has never acknowledged his role in things or taken accountability for his actions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum will have to pay $20,000 in restitution to Barron Lutz, $278,145.70 in restitution to the IRS, and forfeit $198,854.30 to the government. Huffaker \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">will have to pay \u003c/span>$20,000 in restitution to Lutz and a $600 special assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman said the remorse Tatum expressed felt genuine, but that Huffaker has never acknowledged his role in things or taken accountability for his actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum’s defense attorney, Stuart Hanlon, asked the judge to take into account the difficulties that his client experienced early on. Tatum was raised by a single mother and never acknowledged by his biological father, a football player for the Oakland Raiders, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could sound like you’re being tear-jerky, but I think it had a huge effect on him,” Hanlon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, when he was 22 years old, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/ROHNERT-PARK-Police-shoot-kill-Santa-Rosa-man-2702266.php\">Tatum shot and killed a person\u003c/a> in the line of duty. It was found to be self-defense, but Hanlon said it affected the young officer who was just eight months out of the police academy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney said this behavior by Tatum was not an isolated incident of someone acting out, but a “calculated decision to make money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047328\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047328 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8-160x148.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8-1536x1418.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park Police Sgt. Brendon Jacy Tatum, who worked with Joseph Huffaker, takes the stand in San Francisco federal court on July 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thanks to the yearslong delays in this case, Tatum has also had an unusual opportunity to prove his rehabilitation, Hanlon said. His probation officer recommended that Tatum receive just 24 months in prison in light of these mitigating factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am proud that Mr. Tatum is my last client,” Hanlon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanlon, who is retiring after the case, said Tatum has been rehabilitated and asked what it would serve to send him to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Tatum’s record as an officer is not unblemished. While serving as an officer in 2014, Tatum was found to have violated a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702984/federal-jury-rohnert-park-police-violated-couples-constitutional-rights\">couple’s Fourth Amendment rights\u003c/a> when he entered the back door of their home without a warrant and with his gun drawn. He was also placed on the Sonoma County district attorney’s so-called Brady list of officers with credibility issues due to shifting testimony \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701249/ex-cops-credibility-is-key-question-in-federal-suit-against-rohnert-park\">dating back to 2015\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, while awaiting sentencing, Tatum was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022803/exclusive-ex-rohnert-park-cop-faces-few-consequences-illegal-cannabis-grow\">busted by Sonoma County Code Enforcement\u003c/a> for renting out his barn for a large black market marijuana grow in a clear violation of the terms of his pretrial release. Prosecutors did not mention this violation in their sentencing memorandum, and the judge did not address it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge said likely no one would be happy with her decisions, but “I did not come to any of these decisions lightly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time for a police officer in custody is actually a significant amount of time,” Rybarczyk said. “ People in custody do not like police officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney said she was sensitive to the safety concerns for the former officers and recommended that the Bureau of Prisons place Tatum and Huffaker in minimum security prison camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney granted Hanlon’s request to let Tatum remain out of custody until Jan. 11, 2027, after this year’s fire season, in light of his job with Cal Fire and the U.S. Forest Service. Huffaker is set to surrender on Sep. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two former Rohnert Park police officers were sentenced Wednesday to federal prison for their involvement in a scheme to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082387/former-rohnert-park-officers-who-stole-marijuana-face-federal-sentencing\">steal and resell marijuana\u003c/a> from people they pulled over along Highway 101.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Officer Joseph Huffaker was sentenced to 20 months in federal custody. His partner and former Sgt. Brendon Jacy Tatum was sentenced to 30 months. Both sentences are to be followed by three years of supervised release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED first reported eight years ago on allegations from \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">drivers who came forward\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to say that officers from Rohnert Park had stolen marijuana from them during traffic stops along Highway 101. Even after Wednesday’s sentencing, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082387/former-rohnert-park-officers-who-stole-marijuana-face-federal-sentencing\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">broader questions remain\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the scandal that exposed failures in Northern California law enforcement during the final years of marijuana prohibition.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These guys committed a lot of crimes,” said Huedell Freeman, one of Tatum’s victims. “They’re only being taken to account on a few of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11889861/ex-rohnert-park-cops-indicted-on-federal-extortion-conspiracy-charges-linked-to-marijuana-seizures\">federal grand jury indicted\u003c/a> the two officers in 2021, Tatum pleaded guilty and agreed to cooperate. Huffaker fought the charges but was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046733/trial-begins-for-ex-rohnert-park-officer-accused-of-seizing-marijuana-from-drivers\">convicted by a federal jury\u003c/a> last summer of six counts, including conspiracy, extortion, falsifying records and impersonating a federal officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffaker’s attorney declined to comment on whether he will appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was initially set for sentencing in April, but in an unusual move, Judge Maxine M. Chesney delayed it to coincide with Tatum’s sentencing. Chesney wanted to consider the penalties for the two codefendants in tandem to account for their relative culpability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047324\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial4-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park police officer Joseph Huffaker (right) during his trial in San Francisco federal court on July 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This was to Huffaker’s benefit. Prosecutors had sought 62 months in prison for Huffaker initially, but last week downgraded that ask to 40 months in recognition of Tatum’s larger role in the scheme. The government asked the judge to sentence Tatum to 46 months in prison and three years of supervised release. Attorneys for both men asked for home confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum’s role as “the heavy in this case” is undisputed, the judge said at last month’s hearing. Tatum testified at trial that he stole hundreds of pounds of cannabis over dozens of traffic stops between 2014 and 2016, raking in about $500,000. It was only in late 2017 — on the eve of recreational marijuana legalization — that Tatum said he cut Huffaker in on the scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does happen that you cooperate down,” said Tom Rybarczyk, a former federal prosecutor who is now with Kelley Drye & Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney said she does not think it is a “good idea” for the government to make these kinds of deals. But she said that was not Tatum’s fault, and he deserved consideration for cooperating.\u003cbr>\nShe also said that Huffaker should not be penalized for exercising his right to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At least there’s some accountability,” said Zeke Flatten, another victim of the scheme.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Huffaker and Tatum both addressed the judge directly and apologized to the victims for their involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sincerely regret the decisions and actions I have made that brought me here today,” Huffaker wrote in a letter to the judge. “8 [sic] years ago, I should have made a different choice, but I didn’t, and I am owning up to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a police officer for 14 years, I took an oath to protect and serve, but I broke that oath,” Tatum wrote. “I made the selfish and criminal decision to steal marijuana from people I arrested and profit from it. I did it because I was being greedy, living beyond my means, and trying to build a life that looked better than the one I came from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Freeman said the remorse Tatum expressed felt genuine, but he added that Huffaker has never acknowledged his role in things or taken accountability for his actions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum will have to pay $20,000 in restitution to Barron Lutz, $278,145.70 in restitution to the IRS, and forfeit $198,854.30 to the government. Huffaker \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">will have to pay \u003c/span>$20,000 in restitution to Lutz and a $600 special assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman said the remorse Tatum expressed felt genuine, but that Huffaker has never acknowledged his role in things or taken accountability for his actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum’s defense attorney, Stuart Hanlon, asked the judge to take into account the difficulties that his client experienced early on. Tatum was raised by a single mother and never acknowledged by his biological father, a football player for the Oakland Raiders, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could sound like you’re being tear-jerky, but I think it had a huge effect on him,” Hanlon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, when he was 22 years old, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/ROHNERT-PARK-Police-shoot-kill-Santa-Rosa-man-2702266.php\">Tatum shot and killed a person\u003c/a> in the line of duty. It was found to be self-defense, but Hanlon said it affected the young officer who was just eight months out of the police academy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney said this behavior by Tatum was not an isolated incident of someone acting out, but a “calculated decision to make money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047328\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047328 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8-160x148.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/JHuffakerTrial8-1536x1418.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park Police Sgt. Brendon Jacy Tatum, who worked with Joseph Huffaker, takes the stand in San Francisco federal court on July 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thanks to the yearslong delays in this case, Tatum has also had an unusual opportunity to prove his rehabilitation, Hanlon said. His probation officer recommended that Tatum receive just 24 months in prison in light of these mitigating factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am proud that Mr. Tatum is my last client,” Hanlon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanlon, who is retiring after the case, said Tatum has been rehabilitated and asked what it would serve to send him to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Tatum’s record as an officer is not unblemished. While serving as an officer in 2014, Tatum was found to have violated a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702984/federal-jury-rohnert-park-police-violated-couples-constitutional-rights\">couple’s Fourth Amendment rights\u003c/a> when he entered the back door of their home without a warrant and with his gun drawn. He was also placed on the Sonoma County district attorney’s so-called Brady list of officers with credibility issues due to shifting testimony \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701249/ex-cops-credibility-is-key-question-in-federal-suit-against-rohnert-park\">dating back to 2015\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, while awaiting sentencing, Tatum was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022803/exclusive-ex-rohnert-park-cop-faces-few-consequences-illegal-cannabis-grow\">busted by Sonoma County Code Enforcement\u003c/a> for renting out his barn for a large black market marijuana grow in a clear violation of the terms of his pretrial release. Prosecutors did not mention this violation in their sentencing memorandum, and the judge did not address it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge said likely no one would be happy with her decisions, but “I did not come to any of these decisions lightly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time for a police officer in custody is actually a significant amount of time,” Rybarczyk said. “ People in custody do not like police officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney said she was sensitive to the safety concerns for the former officers and recommended that the Bureau of Prisons place Tatum and Huffaker in minimum security prison camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesney granted Hanlon’s request to let Tatum remain out of custody until Jan. 11, 2027, after this year’s fire season, in light of his job with Cal Fire and the U.S. Forest Service. Huffaker is set to surrender on Sep. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As seven pro-Palestinian activists who blocked the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/golden-gate-bridge\">Golden Gate Bridge\u003c/a> two years ago prepare for felony trial, their attorneys are raising First Amendment concerns about a wide-ranging search of their social media activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Highway Patrol’s search warrant identified Facebook and Instagram accounts they believe belong to the defendants and sought three months of records from parent company Meta, including private messages, contact lists, liked posts, passwords and financial information. Defense attorneys aiming to block the data that was handed over from being used in court argue that the warrant was unconstitutionally broad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘I’m looking for evidence of any crime,’” attorney Shaffy Moeel said. “You have to actually have a very particularized, specified thing that you’re looking for if you’re going to ask a judge to sign off on a warrant like this. And so what they got from Meta is hundreds of gigs of data related to what we think is absolutely First Amendment-protected activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moeel filed a motion to suppress that evidence in court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011165/felony-charges-against-golden-gate-bridge-protesters-can-go-to-trial-judge-rules\">ahead of trial\u003c/a>, where defendants face maximum sentences of 14 or 15 years in prison for charges including felony conspiracy, false imprisonment and trespassing to interfere with a business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the requested information, such as content from accounts the defendants allegedly interacted with, has no relevance to the question of whether the protesters conspired to block traffic, Moeel argued in the motion. Instead, she told KQED, authorities were looking to build “a map of political association.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the district attorney using law enforcement and the court to get data from people, Americans, regarding their political association, what accounts they’re liking, what accounts they’re reposting, what comments they’re posting related to accounts that might have a political message on it,” Moeel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-1246387515-scaled-e1742325160899.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exterior of the Phillip Burton Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in San Francisco, California, on Jan. 20, 2019. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CHP analyst looked into Instagram accounts that “supported one another with spreading knowledge of events” as part of the agency’s assessment of protests, according to a CHP officer’s affidavit for the warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the list were accounts for some of the groups most consistently responsible for planning pro-Palestinian protests in the Bay Area in recent years, including local chapters for the Palestinian Youth Movement, Jewish Voice for Peace and the Arab Resource and Organizing Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHP declined to comment, citing the pending case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta said in a statement that the company pushes back or refuses requests that are illegal. It did not do so in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial comes more than two years after protesters\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975859/golden-gate-bridge-blocked-by-activists-calling-for-cease-fire-in-gaza\"> blocked vehicle lanes\u003c/a> for hours on the Golden Gate Bridge as part of a broader day of demonstrations against U.S. economic support for Israel amid its war in Gaza. In Oakland, protesters also blocked lanes on Interstate 880.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jury selection and opening statements are expected in the coming weeks, Moeel said.[aside postID=news_12080402 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/041526_CHADASHBY_9485-KQED.jpg']The defendants had previously hoped to avoid trial altogether and convince a judge to downgrade the felony charges to misdemeanors, but two judges ruled against them, most recently in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, San Francisco has had other protests where they’ve blocked bridges for environmental justice or to raise awareness regarding \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hvKAIPOBWlY\">disparities in providing AIDS treatment\u003c/a>,” Moeel said. “And so, I think this is a part of San Francisco history, and the district attorney here in this case took the unprecedented step of charging felony conspiracy to commit misdemeanor crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with those two demonstrations, which occurred in 1996 and 1989 respectively, protesters have also flocked to the Golden Gate Bridge more recently. The environmental justice protest, which involved actor Woody Harrelson, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/bridge/history-research/moments-events/key-dates/#1990s\">listed among key dates \u003c/a>on the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-war protesters were also arrested on the bridge in 2002, though only one was charged with a felony for assaulting an officer, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Anti-war-rally-ties-up-bridge-Cops-stop-traffic-2818029.php\">SFGate.\u003c/a> In 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823356/day-8-of-protests-around-the-bay-taking-a-knee-for-change-and-a-march-across-the-golden-gate-bridge\">thousands marched\u003c/a> across the bridge as part of the wave of Black Lives Matter protests without incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants in this case note that their action two years ago was seemingly the first time the bridge district filed a restitution claim against protesters, originally set at $163,000 in lost toll revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When lawyers for the defendants first argued that the felony charges should be reduced, Judge Brendan P. Conroy said he would have considered the motion more seriously because the defendants seemed well-intentioned, but\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011165/felony-charges-against-golden-gate-bridge-protesters-can-go-to-trial-judge-rules\"> the considerable restitution\u003c/a> amount stopped him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bridge district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063531/golden-gate-bridge-agency-drops-163k-restitution-claim-against-pro-palestinian-protesters\">withdrew its restitution claim\u003c/a> last year, attorneys tried again, but again a separate judge denied the motion, which defense attorneys called disappointing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As seven pro-Palestinian activists who blocked the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/golden-gate-bridge\">Golden Gate Bridge\u003c/a> two years ago prepare for felony trial, their attorneys are raising First Amendment concerns about a wide-ranging search of their social media activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Highway Patrol’s search warrant identified Facebook and Instagram accounts they believe belong to the defendants and sought three months of records from parent company Meta, including private messages, contact lists, liked posts, passwords and financial information. Defense attorneys aiming to block the data that was handed over from being used in court argue that the warrant was unconstitutionally broad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘I’m looking for evidence of any crime,’” attorney Shaffy Moeel said. “You have to actually have a very particularized, specified thing that you’re looking for if you’re going to ask a judge to sign off on a warrant like this. And so what they got from Meta is hundreds of gigs of data related to what we think is absolutely First Amendment-protected activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moeel filed a motion to suppress that evidence in court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011165/felony-charges-against-golden-gate-bridge-protesters-can-go-to-trial-judge-rules\">ahead of trial\u003c/a>, where defendants face maximum sentences of 14 or 15 years in prison for charges including felony conspiracy, false imprisonment and trespassing to interfere with a business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the requested information, such as content from accounts the defendants allegedly interacted with, has no relevance to the question of whether the protesters conspired to block traffic, Moeel argued in the motion. Instead, she told KQED, authorities were looking to build “a map of political association.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have the district attorney using law enforcement and the court to get data from people, Americans, regarding their political association, what accounts they’re liking, what accounts they’re reposting, what comments they’re posting related to accounts that might have a political message on it,” Moeel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-1246387515-scaled-e1742325160899.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exterior of the Phillip Burton Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in San Francisco, California, on Jan. 20, 2019. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CHP analyst looked into Instagram accounts that “supported one another with spreading knowledge of events” as part of the agency’s assessment of protests, according to a CHP officer’s affidavit for the warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the list were accounts for some of the groups most consistently responsible for planning pro-Palestinian protests in the Bay Area in recent years, including local chapters for the Palestinian Youth Movement, Jewish Voice for Peace and the Arab Resource and Organizing Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHP declined to comment, citing the pending case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta said in a statement that the company pushes back or refuses requests that are illegal. It did not do so in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial comes more than two years after protesters\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975859/golden-gate-bridge-blocked-by-activists-calling-for-cease-fire-in-gaza\"> blocked vehicle lanes\u003c/a> for hours on the Golden Gate Bridge as part of a broader day of demonstrations against U.S. economic support for Israel amid its war in Gaza. In Oakland, protesters also blocked lanes on Interstate 880.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jury selection and opening statements are expected in the coming weeks, Moeel said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The defendants had previously hoped to avoid trial altogether and convince a judge to downgrade the felony charges to misdemeanors, but two judges ruled against them, most recently in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, San Francisco has had other protests where they’ve blocked bridges for environmental justice or to raise awareness regarding \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hvKAIPOBWlY\">disparities in providing AIDS treatment\u003c/a>,” Moeel said. “And so, I think this is a part of San Francisco history, and the district attorney here in this case took the unprecedented step of charging felony conspiracy to commit misdemeanor crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with those two demonstrations, which occurred in 1996 and 1989 respectively, protesters have also flocked to the Golden Gate Bridge more recently. The environmental justice protest, which involved actor Woody Harrelson, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/bridge/history-research/moments-events/key-dates/#1990s\">listed among key dates \u003c/a>on the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-war protesters were also arrested on the bridge in 2002, though only one was charged with a felony for assaulting an officer, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Anti-war-rally-ties-up-bridge-Cops-stop-traffic-2818029.php\">SFGate.\u003c/a> In 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823356/day-8-of-protests-around-the-bay-taking-a-knee-for-change-and-a-march-across-the-golden-gate-bridge\">thousands marched\u003c/a> across the bridge as part of the wave of Black Lives Matter protests without incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants in this case note that their action two years ago was seemingly the first time the bridge district filed a restitution claim against protesters, originally set at $163,000 in lost toll revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When lawyers for the defendants first argued that the felony charges should be reduced, Judge Brendan P. Conroy said he would have considered the motion more seriously because the defendants seemed well-intentioned, but\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011165/felony-charges-against-golden-gate-bridge-protesters-can-go-to-trial-judge-rules\"> the considerable restitution\u003c/a> amount stopped him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bridge district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063531/golden-gate-bridge-agency-drops-163k-restitution-claim-against-pro-palestinian-protesters\">withdrew its restitution claim\u003c/a> last year, attorneys tried again, but again a separate judge denied the motion, which defense attorneys called disappointing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>During the second day of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081603/elon-musk-takes-aim-at-openai-as-trial-begins-its-not-ok-to-steal-a-charity\">landmark trial between Sam Altman and Elon Musk\u003c/a>, the Tesla founder told the Oakland courthouse that he was a “fool” to fund OpenAI through its early years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Testifying in the lawsuit he brought against Altman, which claims the company’s creators betrayed their mission for profits, Musk suggested Wednesday that Altman and cofounder Greg Brockman wanted to “have your cake and eat it too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go nonprofit, you’ve got a sort of moral high ground,” he testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s testimony tells one version of founding OpenAI: that he, fearing the dangers of artificial intelligence, pursued its development with the goal of benefiting the common good, alongside, he thought, like-minded collaborators. But behind the scenes, those cofounders engaged in a “long con” to profit at his expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they really wanted was a for-profit, where they could make as much money as possible,” Musk said later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the jury believes him will be integral to the decision they’re tasked with making, as they determine whether OpenAI breached charitable trust and engaged in unjust enrichment as it evolved from a nonprofit organization to its current $730 billion iteration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under cross-examination, Altman’s attorney, William Savitt, questioned Musk’s story and credibility as an altruistic benefactor. He pointed to an email Musk sent to Altman in 2015, which said it would be “probably better” if OpenAI operated as a for-profit company with a parallel nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">OpenAI’s lead counsel, William Savitt, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Sam Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In another email sent to colleagues at his neurotechnology company, Neuralink, Musk said that Google’s AI development was moving very fast, and that he was concerned OpenAI was not on the path to catch up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Setting it up as a nonprofit might, in hindsight, have been the wrong move,” Musk wrote. “Sense of urgency is not as high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savitt asked if, in 2017, Musk suggested at a party that OpenAI should create a for-profit. He said it was just after the company’s AI model had beaten \u003cem>Defense of the Ancients, \u003c/em>a battle video game, which was a pivotal moment in the development process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said he didn’t remember giving instructions to create a for-profit at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was nine years ago,” he said.[aside postID=news_12081603 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-02-KQED.jpg']Savitt said Tuesday that in 2017, OpenAI executives, including Musk, were in the midst of conversations about whether and how to transition the company to a for-profit structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to OpenAI’s court filings, as early as summer 2017, Musk had insisted on holding a majority equity stake in any for-profit entity, serving as CEO and controlling its board of directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pressed by Savitt about what Musk meant by “expressing what you said about control,” the Tesla founder and billionaire said: “I try to be as literal as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall of 2017, Brockman and Ilya Sutskever, another top OpenAI executive, emailed Musk with concerns about the for-profit structure he proposed. Shortly thereafter, discussions over the structure collapsed, and Musk stopped making significant quarterly funding contributions, OpenAI alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left the company less than six months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savitt framed the breakdown and Musk’s exit as a result of his not getting control of the for-profit, and the other executives’ focus on maintaining its philanthropic mission. He suggested that Musk tried to pressure them to accept his terms by pausing the majority of his financial backing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You knew that would create financial pressure for the organization,” Savitt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Molo, Elon Musk’s attorney, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk (center-right) claims that Sam Altman (right) and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Musk denied that was his intention. Instead, he alleged that Altman convinced Brockman and the others to go against his proposal, and that their concern over his desire for control was disingenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to fund something if I don’t have confidence in the people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he proposed that OpenAI be folded into Tesla, Musk said: “There were a lot of ideas that were brainstormed at the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, he wrote that doing so would be the “only path that could even hope to hold a candle to Google.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said he left OpenAI in February 2018 because he was focused on Tesla’s survival, and believed that OpenAI intended to continue operating as a nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savitt also laid out a series of exchanges between Musk and Altman, in which the OpenAI CEO kept him apprised of the company’s corporate structure. He said in March 2018, Musk responded to an email that noted the creation of a for-profit entity of OpenAI with “OK by me,” and was sent a term sheet for OpenAI LP that summer.[aside postID=news_12081290 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260422-ALTMANMUSK-MD-01-KQED.jpg']Savitt also said Altman emailed Musk a draft of the company’s public announcement of its for-profit arm in March 2019, and texted him asking if he had time to talk about Microsoft’s plan to invest in OpenAI. Musk never responded to that text, according to Savitt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said he was busy with his other companies in 2018, and while he was aware that it had added a for-profit entity, he hadn’t lost complete faith in the company. While he’d suspended quarterly $5 million funding contributions prior to his departure, he continued to make some contributions until 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that he’d gone from enthusiastically supportive to uncertain about OpenAI’s mission, but that he’d fully suspended his contributions when he felt that the company was “deliberately not a nonprofit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked why he waited until 2024 to bring the suit, Musk said that’s when he determined OpenAI breached charitable trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thinking that someone might steal your car is not the same as [if] someone has stolen your car,” Musk said. He said after enlisting his attorney, Alex Spiro, to investigate, he heard from him in 2023 that “the car had been stolen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have sued sooner if I thought the charity had been stolen sooner,” Musk continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial and Musk’s testimony are expected to continue on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the second day of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081603/elon-musk-takes-aim-at-openai-as-trial-begins-its-not-ok-to-steal-a-charity\">landmark trial between Sam Altman and Elon Musk\u003c/a>, the Tesla founder told the Oakland courthouse that he was a “fool” to fund OpenAI through its early years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Testifying in the lawsuit he brought against Altman, which claims the company’s creators betrayed their mission for profits, Musk suggested Wednesday that Altman and cofounder Greg Brockman wanted to “have your cake and eat it too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go nonprofit, you’ve got a sort of moral high ground,” he testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s testimony tells one version of founding OpenAI: that he, fearing the dangers of artificial intelligence, pursued its development with the goal of benefiting the common good, alongside, he thought, like-minded collaborators. But behind the scenes, those cofounders engaged in a “long con” to profit at his expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they really wanted was a for-profit, where they could make as much money as possible,” Musk said later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the jury believes him will be integral to the decision they’re tasked with making, as they determine whether OpenAI breached charitable trust and engaged in unjust enrichment as it evolved from a nonprofit organization to its current $730 billion iteration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under cross-examination, Altman’s attorney, William Savitt, questioned Musk’s story and credibility as an altruistic benefactor. He pointed to an email Musk sent to Altman in 2015, which said it would be “probably better” if OpenAI operated as a for-profit company with a parallel nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-01-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">OpenAI’s lead counsel, William Savitt, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Sam Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In another email sent to colleagues at his neurotechnology company, Neuralink, Musk said that Google’s AI development was moving very fast, and that he was concerned OpenAI was not on the path to catch up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Setting it up as a nonprofit might, in hindsight, have been the wrong move,” Musk wrote. “Sense of urgency is not as high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savitt asked if, in 2017, Musk suggested at a party that OpenAI should create a for-profit. He said it was just after the company’s AI model had beaten \u003cem>Defense of the Ancients, \u003c/em>a battle video game, which was a pivotal moment in the development process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said he didn’t remember giving instructions to create a for-profit at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was nine years ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Savitt said Tuesday that in 2017, OpenAI executives, including Musk, were in the midst of conversations about whether and how to transition the company to a for-profit structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to OpenAI’s court filings, as early as summer 2017, Musk had insisted on holding a majority equity stake in any for-profit entity, serving as CEO and controlling its board of directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pressed by Savitt about what Musk meant by “expressing what you said about control,” the Tesla founder and billionaire said: “I try to be as literal as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall of 2017, Brockman and Ilya Sutskever, another top OpenAI executive, emailed Musk with concerns about the for-profit structure he proposed. Shortly thereafter, discussions over the structure collapsed, and Musk stopped making significant quarterly funding contributions, OpenAI alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left the company less than six months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savitt framed the breakdown and Musk’s exit as a result of his not getting control of the for-profit, and the other executives’ focus on maintaining its philanthropic mission. He suggested that Musk tried to pressure them to accept his terms by pausing the majority of his financial backing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You knew that would create financial pressure for the organization,” Savitt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Molo, Elon Musk’s attorney, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk (center-right) claims that Sam Altman (right) and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Musk denied that was his intention. Instead, he alleged that Altman convinced Brockman and the others to go against his proposal, and that their concern over his desire for control was disingenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to fund something if I don’t have confidence in the people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he proposed that OpenAI be folded into Tesla, Musk said: “There were a lot of ideas that were brainstormed at the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, he wrote that doing so would be the “only path that could even hope to hold a candle to Google.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said he left OpenAI in February 2018 because he was focused on Tesla’s survival, and believed that OpenAI intended to continue operating as a nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Savitt also laid out a series of exchanges between Musk and Altman, in which the OpenAI CEO kept him apprised of the company’s corporate structure. He said in March 2018, Musk responded to an email that noted the creation of a for-profit entity of OpenAI with “OK by me,” and was sent a term sheet for OpenAI LP that summer.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Savitt also said Altman emailed Musk a draft of the company’s public announcement of its for-profit arm in March 2019, and texted him asking if he had time to talk about Microsoft’s plan to invest in OpenAI. Musk never responded to that text, according to Savitt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk said he was busy with his other companies in 2018, and while he was aware that it had added a for-profit entity, he hadn’t lost complete faith in the company. While he’d suspended quarterly $5 million funding contributions prior to his departure, he continued to make some contributions until 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that he’d gone from enthusiastically supportive to uncertain about OpenAI’s mission, but that he’d fully suspended his contributions when he felt that the company was “deliberately not a nonprofit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked why he waited until 2024 to bring the suit, Musk said that’s when he determined OpenAI breached charitable trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thinking that someone might steal your car is not the same as [if] someone has stolen your car,” Musk said. He said after enlisting his attorney, Alex Spiro, to investigate, he heard from him in 2023 that “the car had been stolen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have sued sooner if I thought the charity had been stolen sooner,” Musk continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial and Musk’s testimony are expected to continue on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "they-picked-on-the-wrong-kid-how-families-are-speaking-up-for-trans-athletes",
"title": "‘They Picked on the Wrong Kid’: California Families Speak Up for Trans Athletes",
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"headTitle": "‘They Picked on the Wrong Kid’: California Families Speak Up for Trans Athletes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was last August when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069570/california-advocates-fearful-as-supreme-court-weighs-bans-of-trans-student-athletes\">Trevor Norcross\u003c/a> first made the trip from San Luis Obispo County to Sacramento for the California Interscholastic Federation’s executive committee meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a heated public comment period, dominated by those who were opposed to transgender girls’ participation on sports teams that align with their gender identity, he stood up and spoke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started coming to the CIF meetings by myself when I saw that the anti-trans crowd was showing up unopposed,” Norcross told KQED. “I just wanted to be on record that we’re here, we care, and we matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years earlier, his daughter Lily had come out as transgender just before she entered high school. She joined the track team in her first year and found great joy in competing as a sprinter and long jumper during her first two seasons. But after the Trump administration reentered the White House in 2025, the Norcross family said, it seemed to open the door to a slew of outwardly hateful rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their small coastal community of Arroyo Grande, Lily became a target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she’s been stalked by a local politician running for state Assembly, targeted by a local church group’s campaign against transgender high school athletes, and is widely known to be “example No. 3” in a U.S. Department of Justice lawsuit filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\">against the California Department of Education and CIF\u003c/a>. The Trump administration’s suit alleges California officials violated Title IX by refusing to sign a resolution agreeing to comply with a federal push to ban transgender athletes from girls’ sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have had people try to dox me. I’ve had people stalk me. I’ve had people threaten to murder me,” Lily told KQED. “I have people just walk up to me and call me slurs during school. Anything that you could imagine, I have dealt with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12003275 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Norcross soon discovered that their family’s experience was not unique. Looking through notes from CIF meetings, he found that they had become rife with anti-transgender sentiment. At the first meeting where Norcross spoke, nine people followed him — all opposing teens like Lily being able to participate on school teams that match their gender identity, according to meeting minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that August meeting in Sacramento, Norcross has attended every one the executive committee has held, plus larger Federated Council meetings, which are rarer and bring together representatives from across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, he’d show up alone. But over time, Norcross, families of other trans athletes and local advocacy groups have built up a coalition that’s transformed the CIF meeting room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At last week’s executive committee meeting in Oakland, the room was filled wall to wall with transgender rights supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had 50 people there, and all the speaking slots,” said Arne Johnson, a lead organizer for the Bay Area-based activist group Rainbow Families Action. “We got to take the room ourselves. It was like the first time we got to engage with CIF without feeling gross and having to scrape off some bad feelings after the conversations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rainbow Families Action first sent its own representatives to a CIF meeting in October, months after the high school sports governing body \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041770/california-tweaks-trans-athlete-rules-after-trump-threatens-to-halt-federal-funding\">piloted new rules\u003c/a> ahead of the state track and field championships that increased the number of girls who could qualify for the finals in events where a transgender athlete was competing.[aside postID=news_12071407 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-01-1020x680.jpg']There, they met Norcross. During the public comment period, he spoke in support of Lily again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His speech was very moving,” Johnson said. “It just was kind of one of those moments when you suddenly see where you need to be. We just were like, ‘This can’t ever happen again. Trevor can’t come to one of these things by himself.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Rainbow Families Action has sent representatives to every CIF meeting, growing their coalition from about a dozen representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group in Oakland included parents, transgender students, a grandmother, multiple clergy members and activists from different trans rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re gaining our momentum,” Norcross said. “The other side came at us hot and heavy, and they intentionally used degrading language on purpose because they want us to be afraid. They want us not to speak out, and we refuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, he said, he is advocating to meet with Gov. Gavin Newsom, who made headlines last year after he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061591/after-criticism-newsom-urges-clearer-rules-for-trans-girls-in-sports\">called it “deeply unfair”\u003c/a> for transgender athletes to compete in girls sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norcross said Newsom has met with activists who oppose transgender athletes’ inclusion and should offer parents like him the same opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the lack of research proving that trans girls have a biological advantage, Norcross said, “there are all kinds of advantages people have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can afford a private coach, you’ve got an advantage. One of the things I want to talk to Governor Newsom about is he, like me, is left-handed. He played baseball. Isn’t being left-handed an advantage when you’re playing baseball?” Norcross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Entering puberty earlier than others is an advantage. Your birthday, based on cutoffs, is an advantage,” he said. “There’s more research that needs to be done to say if you can statistically prove that those are bigger advantages than being a transgender athlete.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, he and Rainbow Families Action plan to continue making their presence known at CIF meetings statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They picked on the wrong kid, and they picked on the wrong family,” Norcross said. They “platformed us, and we will fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "‘They Picked on the Wrong Kid’: California Families Speak Up for Trans Athletes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was last August when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069570/california-advocates-fearful-as-supreme-court-weighs-bans-of-trans-student-athletes\">Trevor Norcross\u003c/a> first made the trip from San Luis Obispo County to Sacramento for the California Interscholastic Federation’s executive committee meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a heated public comment period, dominated by those who were opposed to transgender girls’ participation on sports teams that align with their gender identity, he stood up and spoke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started coming to the CIF meetings by myself when I saw that the anti-trans crowd was showing up unopposed,” Norcross told KQED. “I just wanted to be on record that we’re here, we care, and we matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years earlier, his daughter Lily had come out as transgender just before she entered high school. She joined the track team in her first year and found great joy in competing as a sprinter and long jumper during her first two seasons. But after the Trump administration reentered the White House in 2025, the Norcross family said, it seemed to open the door to a slew of outwardly hateful rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their small coastal community of Arroyo Grande, Lily became a target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she’s been stalked by a local politician running for state Assembly, targeted by a local church group’s campaign against transgender high school athletes, and is widely known to be “example No. 3” in a U.S. Department of Justice lawsuit filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\">against the California Department of Education and CIF\u003c/a>. The Trump administration’s suit alleges California officials violated Title IX by refusing to sign a resolution agreeing to comply with a federal push to ban transgender athletes from girls’ sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have had people try to dox me. I’ve had people stalk me. I’ve had people threaten to murder me,” Lily told KQED. “I have people just walk up to me and call me slurs during school. Anything that you could imagine, I have dealt with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12003275 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Norcross soon discovered that their family’s experience was not unique. Looking through notes from CIF meetings, he found that they had become rife with anti-transgender sentiment. At the first meeting where Norcross spoke, nine people followed him — all opposing teens like Lily being able to participate on school teams that match their gender identity, according to meeting minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that August meeting in Sacramento, Norcross has attended every one the executive committee has held, plus larger Federated Council meetings, which are rarer and bring together representatives from across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, he’d show up alone. But over time, Norcross, families of other trans athletes and local advocacy groups have built up a coalition that’s transformed the CIF meeting room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At last week’s executive committee meeting in Oakland, the room was filled wall to wall with transgender rights supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had 50 people there, and all the speaking slots,” said Arne Johnson, a lead organizer for the Bay Area-based activist group Rainbow Families Action. “We got to take the room ourselves. It was like the first time we got to engage with CIF without feeling gross and having to scrape off some bad feelings after the conversations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rainbow Families Action first sent its own representatives to a CIF meeting in October, months after the high school sports governing body \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041770/california-tweaks-trans-athlete-rules-after-trump-threatens-to-halt-federal-funding\">piloted new rules\u003c/a> ahead of the state track and field championships that increased the number of girls who could qualify for the finals in events where a transgender athlete was competing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>There, they met Norcross. During the public comment period, he spoke in support of Lily again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His speech was very moving,” Johnson said. “It just was kind of one of those moments when you suddenly see where you need to be. We just were like, ‘This can’t ever happen again. Trevor can’t come to one of these things by himself.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Rainbow Families Action has sent representatives to every CIF meeting, growing their coalition from about a dozen representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group in Oakland included parents, transgender students, a grandmother, multiple clergy members and activists from different trans rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re gaining our momentum,” Norcross said. “The other side came at us hot and heavy, and they intentionally used degrading language on purpose because they want us to be afraid. They want us not to speak out, and we refuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, he said, he is advocating to meet with Gov. Gavin Newsom, who made headlines last year after he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061591/after-criticism-newsom-urges-clearer-rules-for-trans-girls-in-sports\">called it “deeply unfair”\u003c/a> for transgender athletes to compete in girls sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norcross said Newsom has met with activists who oppose transgender athletes’ inclusion and should offer parents like him the same opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the lack of research proving that trans girls have a biological advantage, Norcross said, “there are all kinds of advantages people have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can afford a private coach, you’ve got an advantage. One of the things I want to talk to Governor Newsom about is he, like me, is left-handed. He played baseball. Isn’t being left-handed an advantage when you’re playing baseball?” Norcross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Entering puberty earlier than others is an advantage. Your birthday, based on cutoffs, is an advantage,” he said. “There’s more research that needs to be done to say if you can statistically prove that those are bigger advantages than being a transgender athlete.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, he and Rainbow Families Action plan to continue making their presence known at CIF meetings statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They picked on the wrong kid, and they picked on the wrong family,” Norcross said. They “platformed us, and we will fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "elon-musk-takes-aim-at-openai-as-trial-begins-its-not-ok-to-steal-a-charity",
"title": "Elon Musk Takes Aim at OpenAI as Trial Begins: ‘It’s Not OK to Steal a Charity’",
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"headTitle": "Elon Musk Takes Aim at OpenAI as Trial Begins: ‘It’s Not OK to Steal a Charity’ | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a federal courtroom in Oakland on Tuesday, attorneys for tech elites Sam Altman and Elon Musk set the stage for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081290/how-to-unscramble-an-omelet-in-silicon-valley-the-musk-v-altman-trial-that-will-try\">landmark case to determine whether OpenAI\u003c/a>, one of the most powerful artificial intelligence companies in the world, was founded on a lie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is whether the company’s stated mission — to lead AI development to benefit the common good — was authentic or a deceptive pitch designed to attract talent and investment. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912956/its-elon-musks-world-were-just-living-in-it\">Musk\u003c/a> alleges that co-founders Altman and Greg Brockman, who remains Altman’s second-in-command, participated in a “long con” to enrich themselves at his expense, after the three co-founded OpenAI as a nonprofit in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re going to make this lawsuit very complicated, but it’s very simple,” Musk said of OpenAI on the stand on Tuesday afternoon. “It’s not OK to steal a charity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He departed the company after a falling out and \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/69013420/musk-v-altman/\">sued the company\u003c/a> in 2024, alleging that OpenAI had breached charitable trust by restructuring as a for-profit company, now valued at more than $800 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Altman’s attorneys called the Tesla CEO’s behavior “a tale of two Musks,” shifting from pushing for OpenAI to become a for-profit company under his control, to caring about its nonprofit status only after launching competitor xAI in 2023. They argue OpenAI’s decision to adopt a for-profit structure was integral to its survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re here because Mr. Musk didn’t get his way,” William Savitt, Altman’s lead attorney, said Tuesday. “And because he’s a competitor, he’ll do anything he can to attack OpenAI.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Molo, Elon Musk’s attorney, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk (center-right) claims that Sam Altman (right) and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steven Molo, Musk’s counsel, told the jury that when Musk, Altman and Brockman set out to found an AI nonprofit, their goals were to develop the technology safely and for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034916/about-benefiting-humanity-calls-grow-for-openai-to-make-good-on-its-promises\">benefit of humanity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a technology to get rich,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After operating as a strict nonprofit for years, OpenAI added a for-profit arm in 2019, which executives said was necessary to obtain the funding needed to develop artificial general intelligence — a more advanced AI technology that surpasses human intelligence, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early conversations about how the for-profit entity would work, Molo said, the structure was likened to a museum gift shop whose revenue funds the institution’s galleries and operations. Brockman and Altman reassured Musk that they were still committed to the nonprofit structure, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But behind the scenes, Molo alleges that the other co-founders had more lucrative desires.[aside postID=news_12081290 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260422-ALTMANMUSK-MD-01-KQED.jpg']In court filings, he cited a journal in which Brockman wrote that “it would be nice to be making the billions … we’ve been thinking that maybe we should just flip to a for-profit. making the money for us sounds great and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brockman also wrote that he and another top OpenAI executive, Ilya Sutskever, “cannot say that we are committed to the non-profit. don’t wanna say that we’re committed. If three months later we’re doing B-Corp [a certification for for-profit corporations with social and environmental missions], then it was a lie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, after Musk had departed OpenAI, the company was “no longer operating for the good of humanity,” Molo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The museum store sold the Picassos,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s lawsuit claims OpenAI breached charitable trust and alleges unjust enrichment, which means that one party unfairly benefits at the expense of another. He also accuses Microsoft, which is the company’s largest financial backer and until this week held the exclusive rights to license and sell its technology, of aiding and abetting OpenAI’s breach of charitable trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI’s defense, meanwhile, alleges that Musk’s suit is less motivated by a desire to do good than it is by vengeance for his former colleagues, whose company is now eyeing an initial public offering valued at up to $1 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Musk sat on his claims for years,” Savitt said. “He knew everything that was happening when it was happening. My clients had the nerve to go out and succeed without him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also pointed out that Musk launched xAI a year before bringing the lawsuit, which would make OpenAI his competitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Representing Microsoft, Russell Coan (left) speaks as Elon Musk watches in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Sam Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Savitt pointed to moments early in OpenAI’s development, when Musk suggested that it would be “probably better” for the company to operate as a “standard C corp[oration] with a parallel nonprofit.” He initially promised to cover the balance of the funding it needed, but reneged when he didn’t get to control the company, Savitt told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk was in the middle of the conversations about pivoting from a nonprofit, Savitt said. As early as the summer of 2017, he insisted on holding a majority equity stake in any for-profit entity, as well as controlling its board of directors and serving as CEO, according to OpenAI’s court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall of that year, after Brockman and Sutskever emailed Musk with concerns about the for-profit structure he proposed, the discussions collapsed, OpenAI alleges. After that, Musk stopped making significant quarterly funding contributions, and he left the company less than six months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around that time, Brockman and Altman moved to pursue a for-profit arm — a decision their attorneys say they told Musk about prior to his departure from the board.[aside postID=news_12079896 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Daniel-Moreno-Gama-AP.jpg']Savitt said in court that Musk had given the company less than 4% of the funding he’d promised. While OpenAI had gotten contributions from other donors, he said, those “kept the lights on, but it wasn’t nearly enough to stay on the cutting edge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They needed to get the money from somewhere, or else the project collapsed,” he said, alleging that donors weren’t willing to make the billion-dollar contributions that OpenAI needed without an expectation of return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since OpenAI established its first for-profit subsidiary, which capped investor returns at 100 times their investment, its business has exploded. It’s now a public benefit corporation, required to consider its mission statement but not necessarily to prioritize it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, its mission statement has been changed several times. In 2023, according to the nonprofit parent organization’s \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/4099/2023-IRS990-OpenAI.pdf?1770819990\">IRS disclosure form\u003c/a>, it sought to build AI that “safely benefits humanity, unconstrained by a need to generate financial return.” But last year, \u003ca href=\"https://app.candid.org/profile/9571629/openai-81-0861541?activeTab=7\">that same form\u003c/a> included a shorter mission statement — one that removed the word “safely” and any mention of finances, Tufts University business professor Alnoor Ebrahim \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/openai-has-deleted-the-word-safely-from-its-mission-and-its-new-structure-is-a-test-for-whether-ai-serves-society-or-shareholders-274467\">wrote in \u003cem>The Conversation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, an academic news outlet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former OpenAI employees have left and started a competitor, Anthropic, citing concerns over safety and the company’s direction. In 2023, OpenAI executives and board members, including Sutskever, staged a coup to briefly oust Altman as CEO. They said there’d been a breakdown in trust between him and the board, and that Altman engaged in a pattern of deception and wasn’t “consistently candid in his communications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Altman’s and OpenAI’s pitch to develop their technology for the benefit of the world is an example of that deception is part of what jurors will aim to root out in the current trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to pave the road to hell with good intentions,” Musk said on the stand on Tuesday afternoon. “If you have somebody who’s not trustworthy in charge of AI, I think that’s very dangerous for the whole world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a federal courtroom in Oakland on Tuesday, attorneys for tech elites Sam Altman and Elon Musk set the stage for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081290/how-to-unscramble-an-omelet-in-silicon-valley-the-musk-v-altman-trial-that-will-try\">landmark case to determine whether OpenAI\u003c/a>, one of the most powerful artificial intelligence companies in the world, was founded on a lie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is whether the company’s stated mission — to lead AI development to benefit the common good — was authentic or a deceptive pitch designed to attract talent and investment. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912956/its-elon-musks-world-were-just-living-in-it\">Musk\u003c/a> alleges that co-founders Altman and Greg Brockman, who remains Altman’s second-in-command, participated in a “long con” to enrich themselves at his expense, after the three co-founded OpenAI as a nonprofit in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re going to make this lawsuit very complicated, but it’s very simple,” Musk said of OpenAI on the stand on Tuesday afternoon. “It’s not OK to steal a charity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He departed the company after a falling out and \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/69013420/musk-v-altman/\">sued the company\u003c/a> in 2024, alleging that OpenAI had breached charitable trust by restructuring as a for-profit company, now valued at more than $800 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Altman’s attorneys called the Tesla CEO’s behavior “a tale of two Musks,” shifting from pushing for OpenAI to become a for-profit company under his control, to caring about its nonprofit status only after launching competitor xAI in 2023. They argue OpenAI’s decision to adopt a for-profit structure was integral to its survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re here because Mr. Musk didn’t get his way,” William Savitt, Altman’s lead attorney, said Tuesday. “And because he’s a competitor, he’ll do anything he can to attack OpenAI.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-04-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Molo, Elon Musk’s attorney, presents opening statements in the trial in which Elon Musk (center-right) claims that Sam Altman (right) and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steven Molo, Musk’s counsel, told the jury that when Musk, Altman and Brockman set out to found an AI nonprofit, their goals were to develop the technology safely and for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034916/about-benefiting-humanity-calls-grow-for-openai-to-make-good-on-its-promises\">benefit of humanity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a technology to get rich,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After operating as a strict nonprofit for years, OpenAI added a for-profit arm in 2019, which executives said was necessary to obtain the funding needed to develop artificial general intelligence — a more advanced AI technology that surpasses human intelligence, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early conversations about how the for-profit entity would work, Molo said, the structure was likened to a museum gift shop whose revenue funds the institution’s galleries and operations. Brockman and Altman reassured Musk that they were still committed to the nonprofit structure, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But behind the scenes, Molo alleges that the other co-founders had more lucrative desires.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In court filings, he cited a journal in which Brockman wrote that “it would be nice to be making the billions … we’ve been thinking that maybe we should just flip to a for-profit. making the money for us sounds great and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brockman also wrote that he and another top OpenAI executive, Ilya Sutskever, “cannot say that we are committed to the non-profit. don’t wanna say that we’re committed. If three months later we’re doing B-Corp [a certification for for-profit corporations with social and environmental missions], then it was a lie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, after Musk had departed OpenAI, the company was “no longer operating for the good of humanity,” Molo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The museum store sold the Picassos,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk’s lawsuit claims OpenAI breached charitable trust and alleges unjust enrichment, which means that one party unfairly benefits at the expense of another. He also accuses Microsoft, which is the company’s largest financial backer and until this week held the exclusive rights to license and sell its technology, of aiding and abetting OpenAI’s breach of charitable trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI’s defense, meanwhile, alleges that Musk’s suit is less motivated by a desire to do good than it is by vengeance for his former colleagues, whose company is now eyeing an initial public offering valued at up to $1 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Musk sat on his claims for years,” Savitt said. “He knew everything that was happening when it was happening. My clients had the nerve to go out and succeed without him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also pointed out that Musk launched xAI a year before bringing the lawsuit, which would make OpenAI his competitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-MUSK-ALTMAN-VB-03-KQED-1-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Representing Microsoft, Russell Coan (left) speaks as Elon Musk watches in the trial in which Elon Musk claims that Sam Altman and OpenAI abandoned their founding promise to develop AI for the benefit of humanity, rather than solely for profit, in Oakland on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Savitt pointed to moments early in OpenAI’s development, when Musk suggested that it would be “probably better” for the company to operate as a “standard C corp[oration] with a parallel nonprofit.” He initially promised to cover the balance of the funding it needed, but reneged when he didn’t get to control the company, Savitt told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk was in the middle of the conversations about pivoting from a nonprofit, Savitt said. As early as the summer of 2017, he insisted on holding a majority equity stake in any for-profit entity, as well as controlling its board of directors and serving as CEO, according to OpenAI’s court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fall of that year, after Brockman and Sutskever emailed Musk with concerns about the for-profit structure he proposed, the discussions collapsed, OpenAI alleges. After that, Musk stopped making significant quarterly funding contributions, and he left the company less than six months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around that time, Brockman and Altman moved to pursue a for-profit arm — a decision their attorneys say they told Musk about prior to his departure from the board.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Savitt said in court that Musk had given the company less than 4% of the funding he’d promised. While OpenAI had gotten contributions from other donors, he said, those “kept the lights on, but it wasn’t nearly enough to stay on the cutting edge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They needed to get the money from somewhere, or else the project collapsed,” he said, alleging that donors weren’t willing to make the billion-dollar contributions that OpenAI needed without an expectation of return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since OpenAI established its first for-profit subsidiary, which capped investor returns at 100 times their investment, its business has exploded. It’s now a public benefit corporation, required to consider its mission statement but not necessarily to prioritize it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, its mission statement has been changed several times. In 2023, according to the nonprofit parent organization’s \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/4099/2023-IRS990-OpenAI.pdf?1770819990\">IRS disclosure form\u003c/a>, it sought to build AI that “safely benefits humanity, unconstrained by a need to generate financial return.” But last year, \u003ca href=\"https://app.candid.org/profile/9571629/openai-81-0861541?activeTab=7\">that same form\u003c/a> included a shorter mission statement — one that removed the word “safely” and any mention of finances, Tufts University business professor Alnoor Ebrahim \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/openai-has-deleted-the-word-safely-from-its-mission-and-its-new-structure-is-a-test-for-whether-ai-serves-society-or-shareholders-274467\">wrote in \u003cem>The Conversation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, an academic news outlet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former OpenAI employees have left and started a competitor, Anthropic, citing concerns over safety and the company’s direction. In 2023, OpenAI executives and board members, including Sutskever, staged a coup to briefly oust Altman as CEO. They said there’d been a breakdown in trust between him and the board, and that Altman engaged in a pattern of deception and wasn’t “consistently candid in his communications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Altman’s and OpenAI’s pitch to develop their technology for the benefit of the world is an example of that deception is part of what jurors will aim to root out in the current trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to pave the road to hell with good intentions,” Musk said on the stand on Tuesday afternoon. “If you have somebody who’s not trustworthy in charge of AI, I think that’s very dangerous for the whole world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
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"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"order": 8
},
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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