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"content": "\u003cp>Justin Sweeney’s desk is piled with file folders and law books. He’s been practicing immigration law for five years, and so far this has been the busiest of his career -- he's seen a 400 percent increase in consultations and new client contracts over the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to do an appointment every hour, but now because there’s so many people coming in we do an appointment every half-hour,” he says. “It gets crazy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A steady stream of clients files through Sweeney’s small downtown Fresno office. While he meets with one client, his secretary helps another. A toddler crawls around in the hallway while her parents wait for their appointment. The phone rings off the hook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Sweeney picks up the phone, it’s a last-minute request for him to represent someone at an upcoming court appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OK,” he tells the caller. “So on Friday I have 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 ... 15 -- 15 appointments for Friday already scheduled. So I obviously can’t go Friday.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ajv70syqA8iaCOacRxQnBM1P9OQxu4To\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers across California have been scrambling to meet rising demand, as people worried by President Trump's tough talk on immigration are rushing to solidify their legal status -- or defend against deportation. Perhaps nowhere is the crunch so tight as in the Central Valley, where a huge immigrant population is vying for a tiny number of immigration attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.aila.org/\">American Immigration Lawyers Association\u003c/a> has about 500 members in San Francisco and Oakland alone. In the entire Central Valley there are barely 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for this small number of immigration lawyers, there are \u003ca href=\"http://data.cmsny.org/puma.html\">close to 300,000 legal immigrants eligible to become citizens in the region\u003c/a> -- and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication_show.asp?i=818\">almost as many undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of attorneys poses one challenge to potential clients, as well as the fact that most of the lawyers are based in the cities that dot this vast agricultural region. But money also keeps a lot of people from getting legal help. Sweeney is well aware that most of his clients are farmworkers, with little cash to spare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11477450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11477450 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-800x518.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-1180x764.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-960x621.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-240x155.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-375x243.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-520x337.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233.jpg 1829w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sweeney has seen an uptick in family-based immigration cases as well as deportation cases. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"This is an expensive case,\" Sweeney tells a green-card client who’s trying to help his undocumented wife become a legal resident. “I charge $5,000, and I need a $1,000 retainer upfront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He adds: “I know, it’s a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For someone like Lupe Santoyo, that’s just too much. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where are you gonna get that? Can’t do it,” she tells me. “It’s all low-income families that work out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santoyo lives in rural Firebaugh, about an hour outside Fresno. She’s eager to get her husband some legal help. She says he’s had his green card for 30 years, but he’s scared to apply for citizenship because of an old DUI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He really is afraid,” she says, explaining his concern that submitting the application requires alerting immigration authorities to this criminal history: “‘What if I submit the application and they’re going to deport me?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are hard to come by in Santoyo’s town, and money’s tight. So when she heard about a presentation on immigration law in town, she jumped at the chance to get advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a local library, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/allison-davenport\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">attorney Allison Davenport of the Immigrant Legal Resource Center\u003c/a> leads a presentation on immigration law basics. To reach people like Santoyo, Davenport is going out into rural communities. Nonprofit groups like hers are trying to fill the gap for those who can’t afford private lawyers. But they’re overwhelmed, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11477449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11477449 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-800x635.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"635\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-800x635.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-160x127.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-1180x937.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-960x762.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-240x190.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-375x298.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-520x413.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614.jpg 1638w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Allison Davenport presents on immigration law basics at a forum in Firebaugh, California. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California-based \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://onejustice.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">OneJustice\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, an organization that works to expand access to legal help, has been mapping immigration services in the state. It has identified more than 400 nonprofit immigration providers in California. Only 28 of them work in the Central Valley.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason there are so few immigration attorneys or nonprofits working here, Davenport says, comes down to logistics. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Geography makes it a complicated place to practice,” she says. The nearest immigration courts are in San Francisco and Los Angeles, and though attorneys can often make their appearances by phone, in some instances they’ve got to show up in person. That makes for lots of driving, and additional expenses for clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Davenport’s Firebaugh presentation comes to an end, a crowd forms around her. Hardly anyone here says they’ve consulted with any kind of immigration provider, and everyone is bursting with questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m gonna stay to answer a few individual questions,” Davenport says, “but they’ve got to be quick because there are so many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'A lot of attorneys in the area, a lot of their caseload is cleaning up the mess created by fraudulent providers.'\u003ccite>Allison Davenport\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For Lupe Santoyo the advice was well worth the wait -- she got some good news about her husband. “The lawyer said, 'Tell him to go ahead and fill it out and become a United States citizen.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Santoyo’s challenge is finding trustworthy help with the paperwork. Because there are so few lawyers, the Central Valley is ripe for immigration fraud. “When you cannot connect people to quality service providers,” Davenport says, “they’re going to go to the person nearest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often that means an unqualified provider. In California, immigration consultants -- often known as \u003cem>notarios\u003c/em> in Spanish -- are barred from giving legal advice to clients, as they are not attorneys. In Mexico, \u003cem>notarios,\u003c/em> or notaries, are licensed to practice law, which leads some immigrants in the United States to trust any legal services they charge for. Some of these businesses are incompetent, while others are swindlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big, big problem,” Davenport says. “A lot of attorneys in the area, a lot of their caseload is cleaning up the mess created by fraudulent providers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno attorney Sweeney does his share of cleanup. But sometimes it’s too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two weeks ago, a grown man in my office, crying because his wife is in Mexico,” Sweeney tells me. “The notary sent her to Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweeney says the notary wrongly told the family the wife would be eligible for a green card after returning to Mexico for an interview at an American consulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In five minutes I determined she was not eligible,” Sweeney says. “And he’s like, ‘What can we do now?’ Nothing. There’s nothing legally that I can do to bring her back. And I literally see that every week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things have gotten a little better here for immigrants seeking help to navigate the complexities of immigration law. There’s a bit more funding than there used to be, and nonprofits have expanded services in the Central Valley. But there’s a long way to go before people get the legal help they need.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Justin Sweeney’s desk is piled with file folders and law books. He’s been practicing immigration law for five years, and so far this has been the busiest of his career -- he's seen a 400 percent increase in consultations and new client contracts over the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to do an appointment every hour, but now because there’s so many people coming in we do an appointment every half-hour,” he says. “It gets crazy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A steady stream of clients files through Sweeney’s small downtown Fresno office. While he meets with one client, his secretary helps another. A toddler crawls around in the hallway while her parents wait for their appointment. The phone rings off the hook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Sweeney picks up the phone, it’s a last-minute request for him to represent someone at an upcoming court appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OK,” he tells the caller. “So on Friday I have 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 ... 15 -- 15 appointments for Friday already scheduled. So I obviously can’t go Friday.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers across California have been scrambling to meet rising demand, as people worried by President Trump's tough talk on immigration are rushing to solidify their legal status -- or defend against deportation. Perhaps nowhere is the crunch so tight as in the Central Valley, where a huge immigrant population is vying for a tiny number of immigration attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.aila.org/\">American Immigration Lawyers Association\u003c/a> has about 500 members in San Francisco and Oakland alone. In the entire Central Valley there are barely 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for this small number of immigration lawyers, there are \u003ca href=\"http://data.cmsny.org/puma.html\">close to 300,000 legal immigrants eligible to become citizens in the region\u003c/a> -- and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication_show.asp?i=818\">almost as many undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of attorneys poses one challenge to potential clients, as well as the fact that most of the lawyers are based in the cities that dot this vast agricultural region. But money also keeps a lot of people from getting legal help. Sweeney is well aware that most of his clients are farmworkers, with little cash to spare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11477450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11477450 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-800x518.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-1180x764.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-960x621.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-240x155.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-375x243.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233-520x337.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3845-e1495743457233.jpg 1829w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sweeney has seen an uptick in family-based immigration cases as well as deportation cases. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"This is an expensive case,\" Sweeney tells a green-card client who’s trying to help his undocumented wife become a legal resident. “I charge $5,000, and I need a $1,000 retainer upfront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He adds: “I know, it’s a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For someone like Lupe Santoyo, that’s just too much. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where are you gonna get that? Can’t do it,” she tells me. “It’s all low-income families that work out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santoyo lives in rural Firebaugh, about an hour outside Fresno. She’s eager to get her husband some legal help. She says he’s had his green card for 30 years, but he’s scared to apply for citizenship because of an old DUI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He really is afraid,” she says, explaining his concern that submitting the application requires alerting immigration authorities to this criminal history: “‘What if I submit the application and they’re going to deport me?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are hard to come by in Santoyo’s town, and money’s tight. So when she heard about a presentation on immigration law in town, she jumped at the chance to get advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a local library, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/allison-davenport\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">attorney Allison Davenport of the Immigrant Legal Resource Center\u003c/a> leads a presentation on immigration law basics. To reach people like Santoyo, Davenport is going out into rural communities. Nonprofit groups like hers are trying to fill the gap for those who can’t afford private lawyers. But they’re overwhelmed, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11477449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11477449 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-800x635.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"635\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-800x635.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-160x127.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-1180x937.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-960x762.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-240x190.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-375x298.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614-520x413.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/IMG_3699-e1495742976614.jpg 1638w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Allison Davenport presents on immigration law basics at a forum in Firebaugh, California. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California-based \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://onejustice.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">OneJustice\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, an organization that works to expand access to legal help, has been mapping immigration services in the state. It has identified more than 400 nonprofit immigration providers in California. Only 28 of them work in the Central Valley.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason there are so few immigration attorneys or nonprofits working here, Davenport says, comes down to logistics. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Geography makes it a complicated place to practice,” she says. The nearest immigration courts are in San Francisco and Los Angeles, and though attorneys can often make their appearances by phone, in some instances they’ve got to show up in person. That makes for lots of driving, and additional expenses for clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Davenport’s Firebaugh presentation comes to an end, a crowd forms around her. Hardly anyone here says they’ve consulted with any kind of immigration provider, and everyone is bursting with questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m gonna stay to answer a few individual questions,” Davenport says, “but they’ve got to be quick because there are so many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'A lot of attorneys in the area, a lot of their caseload is cleaning up the mess created by fraudulent providers.'\u003ccite>Allison Davenport\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For Lupe Santoyo the advice was well worth the wait -- she got some good news about her husband. “The lawyer said, 'Tell him to go ahead and fill it out and become a United States citizen.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Santoyo’s challenge is finding trustworthy help with the paperwork. Because there are so few lawyers, the Central Valley is ripe for immigration fraud. “When you cannot connect people to quality service providers,” Davenport says, “they’re going to go to the person nearest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often that means an unqualified provider. In California, immigration consultants -- often known as \u003cem>notarios\u003c/em> in Spanish -- are barred from giving legal advice to clients, as they are not attorneys. In Mexico, \u003cem>notarios,\u003c/em> or notaries, are licensed to practice law, which leads some immigrants in the United States to trust any legal services they charge for. Some of these businesses are incompetent, while others are swindlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big, big problem,” Davenport says. “A lot of attorneys in the area, a lot of their caseload is cleaning up the mess created by fraudulent providers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno attorney Sweeney does his share of cleanup. But sometimes it’s too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two weeks ago, a grown man in my office, crying because his wife is in Mexico,” Sweeney tells me. “The notary sent her to Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sweeney says the notary wrongly told the family the wife would be eligible for a green card after returning to Mexico for an interview at an American consulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In five minutes I determined she was not eligible,” Sweeney says. “And he’s like, ‘What can we do now?’ Nothing. There’s nothing legally that I can do to bring her back. And I literally see that every week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things have gotten a little better here for immigrants seeking help to navigate the complexities of immigration law. There’s a bit more funding than there used to be, and nonprofits have expanded services in the Central Valley. But there’s a long way to go before people get the legal help they need.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Did you hear the one about the Great California Bee Caper? (Bonus points if you can guess Suspect #1's common name.) \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I thought some agricultural crime, bees and Winnie the Pooh would be a good Friday change of pace from \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/25/circuit-court-ruling-keeps-trumps-travel-ban-on-hold/\">executive orders\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/05/26/530103144/republican-gianforte-wins-montana-house-race-amid-assault-charge\">violent politicians\u003c/a> and \"\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/25/ag-becerra-wants-trump-administration-to-make-crude-carrying-bomb-trains-safer/\">bomb trains\u003c/a>.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/19/nearly-1-million-in-stolen-bees-recovered-in-fresno/\">Check out this fascinating story\u003c/a> about what Fresno authorities are calling the \"biggest beehive theft they’ve ever seen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Did you hear the one about the Great California Bee Caper? (Bonus points if you can guess Suspect #1's common name.) \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I thought some agricultural crime, bees and Winnie the Pooh would be a good Friday change of pace from \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/25/circuit-court-ruling-keeps-trumps-travel-ban-on-hold/\">executive orders\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/05/26/530103144/republican-gianforte-wins-montana-house-race-amid-assault-charge\">violent politicians\u003c/a> and \"\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/25/ag-becerra-wants-trump-administration-to-make-crude-carrying-bomb-trains-safer/\">bomb trains\u003c/a>.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/19/nearly-1-million-in-stolen-bees-recovered-in-fresno/\">Check out this fascinating story\u003c/a> about what Fresno authorities are calling the \"biggest beehive theft they’ve ever seen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "For Local Governments, Cashing in on Cannabis Won't Be Easy",
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"content": "\u003cp>At the office of Monterey County’s Treasurer-Tax Collector, gun-toting guards now stand sentry over the parking lot and entry door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A newly renovated front office now serves as a secure drop-off point for taxpayers carrying duffel bags full of cash (payments made by appointment only). A fleet of state-of-the-art currency counters stand ready to speedily tally unprecedented sums of paper bills. And the regularly scheduled armored truck pickups are now passing through at a quicker clip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County is among the many California cities and counties discovering a hard truth as they angle for a cut of the state’s newly legalized marijuana proceeds: Tax collecting in cannabis country comes with its share of obstacles. And there’s no “how to” guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a challenge just to craft all of this from scratch,” county Treasurer-Tax Collector Mary Zeeb said from her office in Salinas. As of the first of this year, all licensed medical pot growers in unincorporated Monterey County owe Zeeb’s office $2 for every square foot they farm. That’s thanks to a measure passed by an overwhelming 74 percent of the county’s voters last November, who decided that if cannabis is going to be a mostly-legal local industry, the county treasury might as well get in on the action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the list of questions that city fiscal analysts and county councilmembers are now puzzling over:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>What is the “sweet spot” tax rate that will keep local budgets in the black without chasing growers and vendors back into the black market?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Who exactly are the officially licensed weed dealers in their jurisdiction?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>When taxing an industry that is effectively barred from the traditional banking sector, what do you do with all their cash?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And just how do you audit a pot farm anyway?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We set up our processes, and we hoped that they were going to work. So far, I’ve been pleasantly surprised that they mostly have,” says Zeeb, now processing the first quarter of collections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County reports taking in roughly $700,000 from 60 growers (with 15 more still in arrears as of earlier this month). Those tax bills were based on self-report yield data from the growers themselves, but once all the permits are finalized, Zeeb says each grower will be taxed based on his or her permitted acreage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of the startup period,” she says. “We had a very steep learning curve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11479241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"A marijuana grower displays cannabis grown at one of his properties.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11479241\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-1180x804.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-960x654.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-240x164.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-520x354.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A marijuana grower displays cannabis grown at one of his properties. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monterey County isn’t the only local government learning on the fly. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last election, 32 cities and nine counties put marijuana tax measures on the ballot. All but two were approved -- and more measures have been scheduled during special elections since. These taxes largely apply to medical cannabis, but were designed to encompass recreational pot once the state begins issuing permits no sooner than the beginning of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This certainly was by far the biggest year -- last November -- for these sorts of measures,” says Michael Coleman, fiscal policy advisor to the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman attributes the green wave at the local level as a response to Proposition 64, by which state voters in November legalized the cultivation, sale and use of marijuana by adults for recreational purposes. Though the initiative gives local governments the right to restrict marijuana business activity within its borders, it requires them to do so proactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition “begged the question for everyone,” he says. “If you say nothing, you’re making the decision to allow a bunch of stuff to happen in your community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"PPQ4MHu6h2RC7dD7w90QxkhQFwucFLqR\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, many local governments have opted to allow the marijuana industry to set up shop, but to tax them for the right to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alongside the cultivation tax, for example, Monterey County applies a 5 percent gross-receipts tax on all operations in the business of distributing, manufacturing and testing cannabis. That’s on top of the 15 percent excise tax and $9.25 per ounce cultivation tax the state will \u003ca href=\"https://www.boe.ca.gov/industry/medical_cannabis.html#Overview\">impose\u003c/a> on both medical and recreational marijuana under Prop. 64 (though card-carrying medical marijuana patients will be exempt from the state’s 7.25 percent sales tax) -- as well as the property, business license and corporate taxes that all companies pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis entrepreneurs complain about the heavy tab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But these tax initiatives aren’t solely a cash grab by locals, said David McPherson, the cannabis compliance director at HdL Companies, which advises local governments on cannabis regulatory and tax issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities and counties are simply trying to recoup the expenses of setting up a new regulatory system and pay for the expected cost of cracking down on the non-compliant. Other communities want to hammer out rules and regulations early to send a message to the industry that they are legally (and maybe philosophically) open to a well-regulated, professional weed industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the potential growth of commercial cannabis represents an undeniable fiscal opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities and counties have been struggling for the last 20 years,” McPherson said, who used to be the head tax collector for the City of Oakland, the first municipality to tax and regulate the industry. “They’re just figuring out how to keep out bankruptcy.” He points to Proposition 13 and other constitutional restrictions on local taxes, and the escalating costs of public pension contributions. In constrained times, cannabis represents that rare opportunity for local government: a fresh source of untapped tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to tap that source is a work in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"FnL06GXETZVM5xRCpnrI1ck3ODyq7JIy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Humboldt County, where a world-renowned cannabis industry has long operated off the grid and off the books, voters approved a $1 to $3 per-square-foot cultivation tax on growers by a greater than 2-to-1 margin. But of the nearly 10,000 grow operations that local officials estimate lie scattered across the lightly populated, densely forested county, fewer than 2,500 have registered, according to Treasurer-Tax Collector John Bartholomew. And since the ordinance only allows the county to collect taxes from fully permitted growers, Bartholomew’s office has only sent out 13 tax bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just too bad that we couldn’t levy the taxes on any grower we knew that was operating,” he said. “If they don’t have the permit, we can’t bill them. I think that there was probably influence from the industry in how that measure was written.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Bartholomew is concerned that transient operators -- so-called “trimmigrants” who arrive for the season, harvest a plot, and then leave the county -- may be able to skip town without paying their share. Bartholomew has lobbied Sacramento for a change to state law that would allow his department to seize the property of those who allow their land to be used for cultivation but don’t pay their taxes. So far, not a single legislator has agreed to carry such a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11479245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"A marijuana greenhouse at one of the relatively few registered Humboldt County pot farms.\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11479245\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-800x586.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-160x117.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-1020x747.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-1180x865.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-960x704.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-375x275.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-520x381.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A marijuana greenhouse at one of the relatively few registered Humboldt County pot farms. \u003ccite>(Sam Harnett/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even in more urbanized areas, where the regulatory authority of local government is less contested, authorities are still puzzling over some basic questions when it comes to taxing marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, what exactly is the “right” tax rate for the cannabis industry? Absent much economic literature on the subject, many cities and counties have established a maximum levy, while giving themselves a flexible range of rates to charge in the future. The Goldilocks-like task of finding that “just right” tax burden -- the rate that funds local regulatory requirements without pushing growers and vendors out of business -- is something that cities and counties will be experimenting with in the years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What these county-by-county and city-by-city rates and policies will mean for the development of the industry is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last March, Sonoma voters passed a gross receipts tax with a maximum rate of 10 percent for all marijuana businesses in unincorporated sections of the county. This came over the objections of the local growers alliance. But this June, Santa Rosa, the Sonoma County seat, will be voting on its own local gross receipts tax that will undercut the county rate, setting its ceiling at 8 percent. (The starting rates will range from 1 to 3 percent, depending on the type of business.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Santa Rosa positioning itself as the more business friendly alternative in the area, the city has seen marijuana investment money pour in as the vacancy rate for industrial space plummets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an enormous amount of speculation going on,” says David Guhin, director of the city’s planning and economic development department. “We’re hearing stories of other smaller industrial users -- like butcher shops and other things -- that can’t expand now because they can’t compete with the money that cannabis is bringing to the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"nBqw7bw7SflSaax3RHQQpSO6lA35zGKv\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cara Martinson with the California State Association of Counties, cities and counties will need to coordinate to avoid creating a “patchwork” of tax rates that drives the cannabis industry in one direction or another. But she says coordination is tricky because state policy itself remains fluid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has until the end of 2017 to craft regulations under Prop. 64 and to square them with existing rules that apply to medical marijuana, which are also in flux. Earlier this month the state released draft regulations for medical weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, lawmakers and regulators in Sacramento are struggling with some of the same logistical issues that beguile local tax authorities. Chief among them is the question of how to collect an \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=64&year=2016\">expected\u003c/a> $1 billion in annual tax revenue in cash -- a question that remains unresolved. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The State Treasurer’s Office has put together a group to figure out how to get otherwise “unbankable” cannabis businesses their own checking accounts. Likewise, state lawmakers have introduced bills that would \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB148\">set up\u003c/a> additional tax payment centers and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1410\">allow\u003c/a> cannabis distributors to collect tax payments from their farmers. Some state officials have even floated a proposal to establish a state-run \u003ca href=\"http://www.willitsnews.com/article/NR/20170202/NEWS/170209996\">bank\u003c/a> -- though it is unclear whether such a bank would have an easier time than the private sector skirting federal banking regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now, these are simply proposals. As state lawmakers puzzle over these questions, local governments are forging ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"jOogNYU7ZRI2Hp6ASCtvDviVi1nWSytN\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that there’s a moving target at the state level makes it way more challenging for folks to develop thoughtful, comprehensive, local ordinances,” says Martinson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, David Guhin in Santa Rosa says he’s optimistic about the prospects of the local measure. That is in part because the city began offering interim permits to cannabis manufacturers and vendors as early as late 2015 while the regulations were still being hammered out. That gave city officials a year and half of lead time to figure out how big the local industry actually is, how much they can be taxed, and how much the new regulations will cost the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city weed tax passes in June, Guhin says Santa Rosa will have an advantage over cities and counties that only began enacting their policies after a tax was approved. Still there is more learning ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get a new question every day -- one that we haven’t thought of,” he says. “But we’re trying to figure it out with everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At the office of Monterey County’s Treasurer-Tax Collector, gun-toting guards now stand sentry over the parking lot and entry door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A newly renovated front office now serves as a secure drop-off point for taxpayers carrying duffel bags full of cash (payments made by appointment only). A fleet of state-of-the-art currency counters stand ready to speedily tally unprecedented sums of paper bills. And the regularly scheduled armored truck pickups are now passing through at a quicker clip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County is among the many California cities and counties discovering a hard truth as they angle for a cut of the state’s newly legalized marijuana proceeds: Tax collecting in cannabis country comes with its share of obstacles. And there’s no “how to” guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a challenge just to craft all of this from scratch,” county Treasurer-Tax Collector Mary Zeeb said from her office in Salinas. As of the first of this year, all licensed medical pot growers in unincorporated Monterey County owe Zeeb’s office $2 for every square foot they farm. That’s thanks to a measure passed by an overwhelming 74 percent of the county’s voters last November, who decided that if cannabis is going to be a mostly-legal local industry, the county treasury might as well get in on the action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the list of questions that city fiscal analysts and county councilmembers are now puzzling over:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>What is the “sweet spot” tax rate that will keep local budgets in the black without chasing growers and vendors back into the black market?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Who exactly are the officially licensed weed dealers in their jurisdiction?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>When taxing an industry that is effectively barred from the traditional banking sector, what do you do with all their cash?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And just how do you audit a pot farm anyway?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We set up our processes, and we hoped that they were going to work. So far, I’ve been pleasantly surprised that they mostly have,” says Zeeb, now processing the first quarter of collections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County reports taking in roughly $700,000 from 60 growers (with 15 more still in arrears as of earlier this month). Those tax bills were based on self-report yield data from the growers themselves, but once all the permits are finalized, Zeeb says each grower will be taxed based on his or her permitted acreage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of the startup period,” she says. “We had a very steep learning curve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11479241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"A marijuana grower displays cannabis grown at one of his properties.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11479241\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-1180x804.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-960x654.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-240x164.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/FistfullOfWeed-520x354.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A marijuana grower displays cannabis grown at one of his properties. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monterey County isn’t the only local government learning on the fly. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last election, 32 cities and nine counties put marijuana tax measures on the ballot. All but two were approved -- and more measures have been scheduled during special elections since. These taxes largely apply to medical cannabis, but were designed to encompass recreational pot once the state begins issuing permits no sooner than the beginning of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This certainly was by far the biggest year -- last November -- for these sorts of measures,” says Michael Coleman, fiscal policy advisor to the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman attributes the green wave at the local level as a response to Proposition 64, by which state voters in November legalized the cultivation, sale and use of marijuana by adults for recreational purposes. Though the initiative gives local governments the right to restrict marijuana business activity within its borders, it requires them to do so proactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition “begged the question for everyone,” he says. “If you say nothing, you’re making the decision to allow a bunch of stuff to happen in your community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, many local governments have opted to allow the marijuana industry to set up shop, but to tax them for the right to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alongside the cultivation tax, for example, Monterey County applies a 5 percent gross-receipts tax on all operations in the business of distributing, manufacturing and testing cannabis. That’s on top of the 15 percent excise tax and $9.25 per ounce cultivation tax the state will \u003ca href=\"https://www.boe.ca.gov/industry/medical_cannabis.html#Overview\">impose\u003c/a> on both medical and recreational marijuana under Prop. 64 (though card-carrying medical marijuana patients will be exempt from the state’s 7.25 percent sales tax) -- as well as the property, business license and corporate taxes that all companies pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis entrepreneurs complain about the heavy tab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But these tax initiatives aren’t solely a cash grab by locals, said David McPherson, the cannabis compliance director at HdL Companies, which advises local governments on cannabis regulatory and tax issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities and counties are simply trying to recoup the expenses of setting up a new regulatory system and pay for the expected cost of cracking down on the non-compliant. Other communities want to hammer out rules and regulations early to send a message to the industry that they are legally (and maybe philosophically) open to a well-regulated, professional weed industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the potential growth of commercial cannabis represents an undeniable fiscal opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities and counties have been struggling for the last 20 years,” McPherson said, who used to be the head tax collector for the City of Oakland, the first municipality to tax and regulate the industry. “They’re just figuring out how to keep out bankruptcy.” He points to Proposition 13 and other constitutional restrictions on local taxes, and the escalating costs of public pension contributions. In constrained times, cannabis represents that rare opportunity for local government: a fresh source of untapped tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to tap that source is a work in progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Humboldt County, where a world-renowned cannabis industry has long operated off the grid and off the books, voters approved a $1 to $3 per-square-foot cultivation tax on growers by a greater than 2-to-1 margin. But of the nearly 10,000 grow operations that local officials estimate lie scattered across the lightly populated, densely forested county, fewer than 2,500 have registered, according to Treasurer-Tax Collector John Bartholomew. And since the ordinance only allows the county to collect taxes from fully permitted growers, Bartholomew’s office has only sent out 13 tax bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just too bad that we couldn’t levy the taxes on any grower we knew that was operating,” he said. “If they don’t have the permit, we can’t bill them. I think that there was probably influence from the industry in how that measure was written.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Bartholomew is concerned that transient operators -- so-called “trimmigrants” who arrive for the season, harvest a plot, and then leave the county -- may be able to skip town without paying their share. Bartholomew has lobbied Sacramento for a change to state law that would allow his department to seize the property of those who allow their land to be used for cultivation but don’t pay their taxes. So far, not a single legislator has agreed to carry such a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11479245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"A marijuana greenhouse at one of the relatively few registered Humboldt County pot farms.\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11479245\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-800x586.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-160x117.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-1020x747.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-1180x865.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-960x704.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-375x275.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/WeedGrowRoom-520x381.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A marijuana greenhouse at one of the relatively few registered Humboldt County pot farms. \u003ccite>(Sam Harnett/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even in more urbanized areas, where the regulatory authority of local government is less contested, authorities are still puzzling over some basic questions when it comes to taxing marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, what exactly is the “right” tax rate for the cannabis industry? Absent much economic literature on the subject, many cities and counties have established a maximum levy, while giving themselves a flexible range of rates to charge in the future. The Goldilocks-like task of finding that “just right” tax burden -- the rate that funds local regulatory requirements without pushing growers and vendors out of business -- is something that cities and counties will be experimenting with in the years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What these county-by-county and city-by-city rates and policies will mean for the development of the industry is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last March, Sonoma voters passed a gross receipts tax with a maximum rate of 10 percent for all marijuana businesses in unincorporated sections of the county. This came over the objections of the local growers alliance. But this June, Santa Rosa, the Sonoma County seat, will be voting on its own local gross receipts tax that will undercut the county rate, setting its ceiling at 8 percent. (The starting rates will range from 1 to 3 percent, depending on the type of business.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Santa Rosa positioning itself as the more business friendly alternative in the area, the city has seen marijuana investment money pour in as the vacancy rate for industrial space plummets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an enormous amount of speculation going on,” says David Guhin, director of the city’s planning and economic development department. “We’re hearing stories of other smaller industrial users -- like butcher shops and other things -- that can’t expand now because they can’t compete with the money that cannabis is bringing to the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cara Martinson with the California State Association of Counties, cities and counties will need to coordinate to avoid creating a “patchwork” of tax rates that drives the cannabis industry in one direction or another. But she says coordination is tricky because state policy itself remains fluid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has until the end of 2017 to craft regulations under Prop. 64 and to square them with existing rules that apply to medical marijuana, which are also in flux. Earlier this month the state released draft regulations for medical weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, lawmakers and regulators in Sacramento are struggling with some of the same logistical issues that beguile local tax authorities. Chief among them is the question of how to collect an \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=64&year=2016\">expected\u003c/a> $1 billion in annual tax revenue in cash -- a question that remains unresolved. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The State Treasurer’s Office has put together a group to figure out how to get otherwise “unbankable” cannabis businesses their own checking accounts. Likewise, state lawmakers have introduced bills that would \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB148\">set up\u003c/a> additional tax payment centers and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1410\">allow\u003c/a> cannabis distributors to collect tax payments from their farmers. Some state officials have even floated a proposal to establish a state-run \u003ca href=\"http://www.willitsnews.com/article/NR/20170202/NEWS/170209996\">bank\u003c/a> -- though it is unclear whether such a bank would have an easier time than the private sector skirting federal banking regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now, these are simply proposals. As state lawmakers puzzle over these questions, local governments are forging ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that there’s a moving target at the state level makes it way more challenging for folks to develop thoughtful, comprehensive, local ordinances,” says Martinson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, David Guhin in Santa Rosa says he’s optimistic about the prospects of the local measure. That is in part because the city began offering interim permits to cannabis manufacturers and vendors as early as late 2015 while the regulations were still being hammered out. That gave city officials a year and half of lead time to figure out how big the local industry actually is, how much they can be taxed, and how much the new regulations will cost the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city weed tax passes in June, Guhin says Santa Rosa will have an advantage over cities and counties that only began enacting their policies after a tax was approved. Still there is more learning ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get a new question every day -- one that we haven’t thought of,” he says. “But we’re trying to figure it out with everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Playboy' Model Sentenced Over Body-Shaming Woman at Gym",
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"content": "\u003cp>Model Dani Mathers, whose haughty posting of a photo of a naked woman at her gym sparked outrage last summer, will be punished by spending a month removing graffiti in Los Angeles. Mathers pleaded no contest to a charge of invading the 70-year-old woman's privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The issues that surround body shaming can be devastating,\" Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer said, \"not only to daughters and mothers, but also to sons and fathers, members of the LGBTQ community, to a trans kid who might be struggling with identity, to people who are disabled. The message today is clear: Body shaming is not tolerated in the city of Los Angeles.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mathers, 30, was \u003cem>Playboy\u003c/em>'s 2015 Playmate of the Year. She was banned by the LA Fitness health club chain \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/11/05/500831536/charges-filed-against-playboy-model-who-body-shamed-woman-at-gym\">for surreptitiously taking a photo\u003c/a> of a woman in a shower area and publishing it along with the caption, \"If I can't unsee this then you can't either.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it announced the ban, LA Fitness called Mathers' behavior \"appalling.\" Saying it had revoked her membership, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/lafitness/status/753992555163942912\">the company added\u003c/a>, \"It's not just our rule, it's common decency.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fallout that ensued, the model lost her job at Los Angeles radio station KLOS, where she was a contributor. In November, the criminal charge was filed, leaving Mathers facing a potential six-month jail term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As negative responses poured in at the time of the initial posting, Mathers sought to apologize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was absolutely wrong and not what I meant to do. ... I know that body-shaming is wrong,\" she said, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/07/17/62716/snapping-nude-pictures-of-people-at-the-gym-isn-t/\">member station KPCC reported\u003c/a>. \"That is not the type of person I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Mathers had asked for a diversion in her case so she could avoid a criminal record and receive a light or suspended sentence. But as \u003ca href=\"http://www.thewrap.com/playboy-playmate-dani-mathers-does-not-qualify-for-leniency-in-body-shaming-case-city-attorney-says/\">The Wrap\u003c/a> reported, Feuer's office said she \"does not qualify nor merit such leniency.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, California's Senate approved an invasion of privacy bill that would stiffen the punishment for those convicted of the crime, allowing a judge to impose a fine of up to $1,000. In addition, courts would be required to seek restitution for victims' costs related to removing images from the public sphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=%27Playboy%27+Model+Sentenced+Over+Body-Shaming+Woman+At+Gym&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Model Dani Mathers, whose haughty posting of a photo of a naked woman at her gym sparked outrage last summer, will be punished by spending a month removing graffiti in Los Angeles. Mathers pleaded no contest to a charge of invading the 70-year-old woman's privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The issues that surround body shaming can be devastating,\" Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer said, \"not only to daughters and mothers, but also to sons and fathers, members of the LGBTQ community, to a trans kid who might be struggling with identity, to people who are disabled. The message today is clear: Body shaming is not tolerated in the city of Los Angeles.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mathers, 30, was \u003cem>Playboy\u003c/em>'s 2015 Playmate of the Year. She was banned by the LA Fitness health club chain \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/11/05/500831536/charges-filed-against-playboy-model-who-body-shamed-woman-at-gym\">for surreptitiously taking a photo\u003c/a> of a woman in a shower area and publishing it along with the caption, \"If I can't unsee this then you can't either.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it announced the ban, LA Fitness called Mathers' behavior \"appalling.\" Saying it had revoked her membership, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/lafitness/status/753992555163942912\">the company added\u003c/a>, \"It's not just our rule, it's common decency.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the fallout that ensued, the model lost her job at Los Angeles radio station KLOS, where she was a contributor. In November, the criminal charge was filed, leaving Mathers facing a potential six-month jail term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As negative responses poured in at the time of the initial posting, Mathers sought to apologize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was absolutely wrong and not what I meant to do. ... I know that body-shaming is wrong,\" she said, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/07/17/62716/snapping-nude-pictures-of-people-at-the-gym-isn-t/\">member station KPCC reported\u003c/a>. \"That is not the type of person I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Mathers had asked for a diversion in her case so she could avoid a criminal record and receive a light or suspended sentence. But as \u003ca href=\"http://www.thewrap.com/playboy-playmate-dani-mathers-does-not-qualify-for-leniency-in-body-shaming-case-city-attorney-says/\">The Wrap\u003c/a> reported, Feuer's office said she \"does not qualify nor merit such leniency.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, California's Senate approved an invasion of privacy bill that would stiffen the punishment for those convicted of the crime, allowing a judge to impose a fine of up to $1,000. In addition, courts would be required to seek restitution for victims' costs related to removing images from the public sphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=%27Playboy%27+Model+Sentenced+Over+Body-Shaming+Woman+At+Gym&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration was handed another court defeat today as the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that President Trump’s controversial travel ban should be kept on hold. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Hawaii to Virginia to Washington and California, this travel ban (or \"Muslim ban\" depending on who you talk to) is racking up the frequent flier miles. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/25/circuit-court-ruling-keeps-trumps-travel-ban-on-hold/\">Here's more about what happened today\u003c/a> and what might be the next stop on the travel ban's journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 5:40 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals has ruled that President Trump's controversial travel ban should be kept on hold, maintaining a nationwide preliminary injunction that blocks key elements of the executive order from being enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 13-judge panel of the court \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/05/08/527077078/trump-travel-ban-returns-to-court-with-his-own-words-at-the-center\">heard arguments over the ban earlier this month\u003c/a>. In Thursday's decision, the chief judge writes that the travel ban \"drips with religious intolerance, animus, and discrimination.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"prKH33xXBhmtMljDcuWyeFgWNpXW8zm5\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has signed two executive orders restricting travelers from a handful of majority-Muslim countries and putting a temporary moratorium on refugees. The \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/01/31/512439121/trumps-executive-order-on-immigration-annotated\">first\u003c/a> prompted chaos and was swiftly challenged in court. It was replaced by a \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/03/06/518785814/full-text-trumps-new-executive-order-on-travel-annotated\">second order\u003c/a>, which omitted references to religion and explicitly exempted green card holders. That one, too, was promptly challenged in court and its central provisions have never gone into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second executive order -- \"EO-2,\" as the court dubbed it -- is the one that was under consideration by the 4th Circuit as well as several other courtrooms across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue at hand: whether a lower court acted properly in issuing a nationwide injunction to keep the order from being enforced. That means the court was not \u003cem>directly\u003c/em> ruling on the travel ban's constitutionality. But to rule on the injunction, the judges had to evaluate the strength of the case against the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They decided the arguments against the executive order were strong indeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges ruled 10-3 on Thursday to \"affirm in substantial part\" the earlier decisions that have kept the controversial ban from going into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their decision, they drew on the \"backdrop of public statements by the President and his advisers and representatives\" to conclude that lawyers have a good chance of proving in court that Trump was motivated by religious animus when he signed the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges \"remain unconvinced\" that the travel ban had \"more to do with national security than it does with effectuating the President's promised Muslim ban.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"chwA6ZHFxxTBWZv2OSlQckgaGYSLP4MB\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We find that the reasonable observer would likely conclude that EO-2's primary purpose is to exclude persons from the United States on the basis of their religious beliefs,\" Chief Judge Roger Gregory wrote on behalf of the majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Surely the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment yet stands as an untiring sentinel for the protection of one of our most cherished founding principles — that government shall not establish any religious orthodoxy, or favor or disfavor one religion over another,\" the ruling read. While the president has broad power over immigration, \"that power is not absolute. It cannot go unchecked,\" the court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And claims of national security are not a \"silver bullet\" to defeat any arguments against a decision, the judges ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday afternoon, Attorney General Jeff Sessions issued a response to the ruling, saying the executive order was \"well within [the president's] lawful authority \"to keep the Nation safe\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\n\u003cp>\"The Department of Justice strongly disagrees with the decision of the divided court, which blocks the President's efforts to strengthen this country's national security. As the dissenting judges explained, the executive order is a constitutional exercise of the President's duty to protect our communities from terrorism. The President is not required to admit people from countries that sponsor or shelter terrorism, until he determines that they can be properly vetted and do not pose a security risk to the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Sessions also said his department would ask the Supreme Court to review the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges did overturn one small part of the injunction — namely, the bit where it specifically applied to one Donald Trump. The injunction covered the entire administration, but also Trump as an individual, which the judges say was inappropriate. So now he is no longer singled out — which, the court says, should not affect the enforcement of the injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three judges dissented, saying they would vacate the injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR's Carrie Johnson \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/05/08/527077078/trump-travel-ban-returns-to-court-with-his-own-words-at-the-center\">has reported\u003c/a>, judges in the 4th Circuit had focused on Trump's own words about a \"Muslim ban\" as they heard arguments over the case earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Judges on the court ... returned over and over to remarks made by Trump during the campaign,\" she wrote after that hearing. \"Judges also noted the presence on the Trump campaign website of the 'Muslim ban' promise, which was only taken down Monday afternoon after it was brought up in the daily White House briefing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the legal battles over the travel ban, whether this case or a similar lawsuit before another court, is expected to ultimately land before the U.S. Supreme Court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=4th+Circuit+Court+Ruling+Keeps+Trump%27s+Travel+Ban+On+Hold+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second executive order -- \"EO-2,\" as the court dubbed it -- is the one that was under consideration by the 4th Circuit as well as several other courtrooms across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue at hand: whether a lower court acted properly in issuing a nationwide injunction to keep the order from being enforced. That means the court was not \u003cem>directly\u003c/em> ruling on the travel ban's constitutionality. But to rule on the injunction, the judges had to evaluate the strength of the case against the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They decided the arguments against the executive order were strong indeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges ruled 10-3 on Thursday to \"affirm in substantial part\" the earlier decisions that have kept the controversial ban from going into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their decision, they drew on the \"backdrop of public statements by the President and his advisers and representatives\" to conclude that lawyers have a good chance of proving in court that Trump was motivated by religious animus when he signed the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges \"remain unconvinced\" that the travel ban had \"more to do with national security than it does with effectuating the President's promised Muslim ban.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We find that the reasonable observer would likely conclude that EO-2's primary purpose is to exclude persons from the United States on the basis of their religious beliefs,\" Chief Judge Roger Gregory wrote on behalf of the majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Surely the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment yet stands as an untiring sentinel for the protection of one of our most cherished founding principles — that government shall not establish any religious orthodoxy, or favor or disfavor one religion over another,\" the ruling read. While the president has broad power over immigration, \"that power is not absolute. It cannot go unchecked,\" the court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And claims of national security are not a \"silver bullet\" to defeat any arguments against a decision, the judges ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday afternoon, Attorney General Jeff Sessions issued a response to the ruling, saying the executive order was \"well within [the president's] lawful authority \"to keep the Nation safe\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\n\u003cp>\"The Department of Justice strongly disagrees with the decision of the divided court, which blocks the President's efforts to strengthen this country's national security. As the dissenting judges explained, the executive order is a constitutional exercise of the President's duty to protect our communities from terrorism. The President is not required to admit people from countries that sponsor or shelter terrorism, until he determines that they can be properly vetted and do not pose a security risk to the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Sessions also said his department would ask the Supreme Court to review the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges did overturn one small part of the injunction — namely, the bit where it specifically applied to one Donald Trump. The injunction covered the entire administration, but also Trump as an individual, which the judges say was inappropriate. So now he is no longer singled out — which, the court says, should not affect the enforcement of the injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three judges dissented, saying they would vacate the injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR's Carrie Johnson \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/05/08/527077078/trump-travel-ban-returns-to-court-with-his-own-words-at-the-center\">has reported\u003c/a>, judges in the 4th Circuit had focused on Trump's own words about a \"Muslim ban\" as they heard arguments over the case earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Judges on the court ... returned over and over to remarks made by Trump during the campaign,\" she wrote after that hearing. \"Judges also noted the presence on the Trump campaign website of the 'Muslim ban' promise, which was only taken down Monday afternoon after it was brought up in the daily White House briefing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the legal battles over the travel ban, whether this case or a similar lawsuit before another court, is expected to ultimately land before the U.S. Supreme Court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=4th+Circuit+Court+Ruling+Keeps+Trump%27s+Travel+Ban+On+Hold+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Rev. Al Sharpton met with California lawmakers on Tuesday and urged legislators to pick up their effort on police reforms, which civil rights leaders say have slipped this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharpton and local leaders of his \u003ca href=\"http://nationalactionnetwork.net/\">National Action Network\u003c/a> were at the Capitol to lobby in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB284\">AB 284, \u003c/a>which would give local police and district attorneys the ability to ask the state attorney general's office to investigate police shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group left a meeting with Assembly Appropriations Chairwoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher (D-San Diego) hopeful that the bill would clear her committee's suspense file on Friday, which is the deadline for spending bills to advance to the floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It has become clear to us that local prosecutors are compromised in their investigations,\" said Sharpton. \"They depend on police unions to endorse their elections. And they depend on local police to do the investigations of crimes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"DwBL9dvaHz9s0eNpUu546prbqtjEX9JC\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 284 has faced opposition from law enforcement groups who say the bill duplicates existing oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The attorney general retains the authority to step in on any criminal prosecution when they think there’s a problem,\" said Cory Salzillo of the California State Sheriffs' Association at a hearing last month. \"There are other things the AG should be working on, rather than investigating these cases based on this notion of bias on the part of the district attorney.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last legislative session, lawmakers pushed proposals to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1957\">expedite the release\u003c/a> of body-camera footage, and even \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/02/19/new-state-bill-would-open-police-misconduct-serious-use-of-force-files/\">open up\u003c/a> officers' personnel records. Civil rights leaders worry that this session, California lawmakers are losing momentum on policing reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is one of the issues that California must lead on,\" said the Rev. Shane Harris, president of the National Action Network San Diego. \"We are supposedly leading the nation in being progressive, yet still we are failing on a very big issue nationally that Democrats have vowed to take on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Connecticut, an individual outside of the local prosecutor's office can be appointed to investigate an officer's use of deadly force. And in Wisconsin, incidents in which an officer is involved with a civilian's death must be investigated by an independent review panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), who authored AB 284, carried a more ambitious police reform proposal that would have required a special prosecutor to investigate any deadly officer-involved shooting in the state. That legislation died in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new proposal, which received bipartisan support in committee, would bring in the attorney general's office to look into a police shooting only upon request of a local agency.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Rev. Al Sharpton met with California lawmakers on Tuesday and urged legislators to pick up their effort on police reforms, which civil rights leaders say have slipped this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharpton and local leaders of his \u003ca href=\"http://nationalactionnetwork.net/\">National Action Network\u003c/a> were at the Capitol to lobby in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB284\">AB 284, \u003c/a>which would give local police and district attorneys the ability to ask the state attorney general's office to investigate police shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group left a meeting with Assembly Appropriations Chairwoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher (D-San Diego) hopeful that the bill would clear her committee's suspense file on Friday, which is the deadline for spending bills to advance to the floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It has become clear to us that local prosecutors are compromised in their investigations,\" said Sharpton. \"They depend on police unions to endorse their elections. And they depend on local police to do the investigations of crimes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 284 has faced opposition from law enforcement groups who say the bill duplicates existing oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The attorney general retains the authority to step in on any criminal prosecution when they think there’s a problem,\" said Cory Salzillo of the California State Sheriffs' Association at a hearing last month. \"There are other things the AG should be working on, rather than investigating these cases based on this notion of bias on the part of the district attorney.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last legislative session, lawmakers pushed proposals to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1957\">expedite the release\u003c/a> of body-camera footage, and even \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/02/19/new-state-bill-would-open-police-misconduct-serious-use-of-force-files/\">open up\u003c/a> officers' personnel records. Civil rights leaders worry that this session, California lawmakers are losing momentum on policing reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is one of the issues that California must lead on,\" said the Rev. Shane Harris, president of the National Action Network San Diego. \"We are supposedly leading the nation in being progressive, yet still we are failing on a very big issue nationally that Democrats have vowed to take on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Connecticut, an individual outside of the local prosecutor's office can be appointed to investigate an officer's use of deadly force. And in Wisconsin, incidents in which an officer is involved with a civilian's death must be investigated by an independent review panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), who authored AB 284, carried a more ambitious police reform proposal that would have required a special prosecutor to investigate any deadly officer-involved shooting in the state. That legislation died in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new proposal, which received bipartisan support in committee, would bring in the attorney general's office to look into a police shooting only upon request of a local agency.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Jury to Decide Whether Deputies Beat to Death Mentally Ill Man",
"title": "Jury to Decide Whether Deputies Beat to Death Mentally Ill Man",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jury deliberations are expected to begin Thursday morning in the trial of three Santa Clara County sheriff's deputies accused of murdering a mentally ill inmate in their care in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants appeared in Santa Clara County Superior Court dressed in dark suits, while concerned family members grimly looked on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, the three sheriff's deputies could face life in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10912297\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/Michael-Head-Shot-Pic-e1459205001839.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10912297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/Michael-Head-Shot-Pic-800x1000.jpg\" alt=\"A photo of Michael Tyree several years before his death.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of Michael Tyree several years before his death. \u003ccite>(Courtesy the Tyree family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Deputy District Attorney Matt Braker told the jury that “power and abuse of power is what this case is about and why this happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Braker went on to recount the testimony of numerous inmates in the same unit of the jail as Tyree, who recalled seeing all three deputies enter Tyree’s cell and hearing screaming, thumping, banging and then silence. Witnesses also noted that the deputies turned off the lights when they left Tyree's cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They left him in his cell -- alone -- to die,” Braker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense attacked inmates' testimony, calling it inconsistent. Defense lawyers called several \"professional witnesses\" who believed they would be rewarded with legal or immigration benefits, a claim that prosecutors refuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final arguments mark the conclusion of a two-month trial that brought national attention to the growing number of people with mental illness in jails, due to a lack of community mental health treatment, under the supervision of deputies who may have little or no training on how to interact with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his death, inmate Michael Tyree was being held in the Main Jail in Santa Clara County for his own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old suffered from addiction and bipolar disorder. He had already served his five-day sentence for violating probation on a minor drug charge, but the judge in his case decided Tyree was better off waiting in jail than on the streets of San Jose until a psychiatric treatment bed -- part of the sentence -- opened up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Aug. 27, 2015, jail staff discovered Tyree dead in his cell, his naked body smeared with vomit and feces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, in a highly unusual move, Sheriff Laurie Smith publicly announced that an internal \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/da/newsroom/newsreleases/Documents/SOF%20-%20Farris%20-%20Lubrin%20-%20Rodriguez.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">investigation\u003c/a> had concluded that three correctional deputies were “the reason for this brutal murder of Michael Tyree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputies -- Matthew Farris, 28, Jereh Lubrin, 30, and Rafael Rodriguez, 28 -- were arrested in September 2015 and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/da/newsroom/newsreleases/Pages/NRA2015/3CorrectionalOfficersCharged187.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">charged\u003c/a> with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were released on $1.5 million bail each and placed on paid administrative leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During closing arguments Braker told the jury to consider key evidence presented over the past two months to answer just one fundamental question:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did one or more of these defendants assault Mr. Tyree, resulting in his death?\" Braker said, \"The answer is 'yes.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense was expected to present its side on Wednesday. The jury could begin deliberations immediately after.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Jail Witnesses\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“They went to Tyree’s cell, and it was all bad,” testified Juan Perez, an immigration detainee facing deportation who was in a cell with a partial view into Tyree’s cell. “It took like 15 seconds before he started screaming for his life.”\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=\"AzUHkWfHjR4vvpOIh1rve7b7mIibzEy1\"]\u003cbr>\nPerez told the jury he heard “Help! Help! Please stop!” followed by “boom, boom” and then Tyree fell silent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three deputies are also charged with assaulting another mentally ill inmate shortly before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan Villa, 48, testified that the same deputies had beaten him just minutes before they allegedly beat Tyree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the trial, a defense attorney questioned the veracity of Villa’s testimony because of his diagnosis of schizophrenia with hallucinations and delusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sadistic Messages or 'False Bravado'?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Part of the evidence the jury must consider are text messages on the deputies' cellphones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutor Matthew Braker showed the jury text messages from both Rodriguez and Farris that suggested they used force with inmates. Braker said Lubrin, however, deleted the texts on his phone before authorities could seize it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I slapped a guy yesterday cu[z] he was cussing at the nurse,” one of Rodriguez's texts read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farris received a text message from an officer that said he wanted to start twisting inmates at 2 in the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farris texted back, “Come to the 6th bro, We do it at 12:01.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sixth floor refers to the part of the jail reserved for mentally ill inmates and others who need protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputy who wrote that text, Christian Wilton, said the text was “strictly sarcasm and banter.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the trial Braker also presented evidence that on Aug. 27, the day after Tyree's death, Rodriguez searched online to find out whether a person can die from being punched in the armpit. The autopsy of Tyree’s body reported a bruise under his armpit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11475376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-800x464.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"464\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11475376\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-800x464.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-160x93.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-240x139.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-375x217.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-520x301.jpeg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deputies accused of 2015 murder of mentally ill inmate in Santa Clara County could face life in prison. From left to right: Rafael Rodriguez, Matthew Farris and Jereh Lubrin. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy Santa Clara Sheriff's Department)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Autopsy Results\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The defense and prosecutors also interpreted Tyree's autopsy differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Medical Examiner Dr. Joseph O’Hara told jurors that Tyree died of a ruptured liver and spleen from blunt force trauma so severe it was equivalent to being hit by a vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hara testified that those are injuries Tyree could not have inflicted on himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dr. Judy Melinek, an expert witness for the defense, questioned O’Hara’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melinek, a pathologist at the Alameda County Coroner’s Office, testified that Tyree’s ruptured liver and spleen could have resulted from CPR administered after he was discovered in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her findings seemed to support the defense's theory that Tyree fatally injured himself by slipping of his toilet seat and hitting the sink in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melinek told jurors that a bruise on Tyree's body was consistent with the shape of the sink in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11473795\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11473795\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-800x503.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"503\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-800x503.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-1020x641.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-1180x741.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-960x603.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jurors hear closing arguments on May 23, 2017, against three sheriff's deputies accused of murder. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Tyree’s Death Spurred Increased Oversight and Reforms of the Jails\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County supervisors established a blue-ribbon commission in December 2015 to improve conditions and oversight of the jails and unanimously approved its recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, Sheriff Smith responded that: \"Change of an institution the size and scope of our jails is never easy and it is never fast enough. What we have done over the past 18 months demonstrates our commitment to making the systemic move from just a jail to a mental health service provider, re-entry program provider, and a facility that has the best correctional and medical staff around.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors reviewed each and every \u003ca href=\"http://sccgov.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=SplitView&MeetingID=8646&MediaPosition=497.718&ID=85739&CssClass=\">recommendation\u003c/a>, but has yet to implement many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 9, 2017, supervisors did approve a project to install suicide prevention barriers in the county’s Elmwood and Main jails on May 9, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month the Sheriff's Office adopted new policies on the use of force negotiated with the Prison Law Office, according to attorney Don Specter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specter’s firm filed a class-action \u003ca href=\"http://prisonlaw.com/major-cases/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit\u003c/a> against Santa Clara County shortly after Tyree’s death, alleging sheriff's deputies routinely resorted to excessive use of force and solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Three Santa Clara County officers could face life in prison if convicted of the murder of mentally ill inmate who died in 2015 of blunt-force injuries.",
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"description": "Three Santa Clara County officers could face life in prison if convicted of the murder of mentally ill inmate who died in 2015 of blunt-force injuries.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jury deliberations are expected to begin Thursday morning in the trial of three Santa Clara County sheriff's deputies accused of murdering a mentally ill inmate in their care in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants appeared in Santa Clara County Superior Court dressed in dark suits, while concerned family members grimly looked on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, the three sheriff's deputies could face life in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10912297\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/Michael-Head-Shot-Pic-e1459205001839.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10912297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/Michael-Head-Shot-Pic-800x1000.jpg\" alt=\"A photo of Michael Tyree several years before his death.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of Michael Tyree several years before his death. \u003ccite>(Courtesy the Tyree family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Deputy District Attorney Matt Braker told the jury that “power and abuse of power is what this case is about and why this happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Braker went on to recount the testimony of numerous inmates in the same unit of the jail as Tyree, who recalled seeing all three deputies enter Tyree’s cell and hearing screaming, thumping, banging and then silence. Witnesses also noted that the deputies turned off the lights when they left Tyree's cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They left him in his cell -- alone -- to die,” Braker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense attacked inmates' testimony, calling it inconsistent. Defense lawyers called several \"professional witnesses\" who believed they would be rewarded with legal or immigration benefits, a claim that prosecutors refuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final arguments mark the conclusion of a two-month trial that brought national attention to the growing number of people with mental illness in jails, due to a lack of community mental health treatment, under the supervision of deputies who may have little or no training on how to interact with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his death, inmate Michael Tyree was being held in the Main Jail in Santa Clara County for his own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old suffered from addiction and bipolar disorder. He had already served his five-day sentence for violating probation on a minor drug charge, but the judge in his case decided Tyree was better off waiting in jail than on the streets of San Jose until a psychiatric treatment bed -- part of the sentence -- opened up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Aug. 27, 2015, jail staff discovered Tyree dead in his cell, his naked body smeared with vomit and feces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, in a highly unusual move, Sheriff Laurie Smith publicly announced that an internal \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/da/newsroom/newsreleases/Documents/SOF%20-%20Farris%20-%20Lubrin%20-%20Rodriguez.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">investigation\u003c/a> had concluded that three correctional deputies were “the reason for this brutal murder of Michael Tyree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputies -- Matthew Farris, 28, Jereh Lubrin, 30, and Rafael Rodriguez, 28 -- were arrested in September 2015 and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/da/newsroom/newsreleases/Pages/NRA2015/3CorrectionalOfficersCharged187.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">charged\u003c/a> with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were released on $1.5 million bail each and placed on paid administrative leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During closing arguments Braker told the jury to consider key evidence presented over the past two months to answer just one fundamental question:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Did one or more of these defendants assault Mr. Tyree, resulting in his death?\" Braker said, \"The answer is 'yes.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense was expected to present its side on Wednesday. The jury could begin deliberations immediately after.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Jail Witnesses\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“They went to Tyree’s cell, and it was all bad,” testified Juan Perez, an immigration detainee facing deportation who was in a cell with a partial view into Tyree’s cell. “It took like 15 seconds before he started screaming for his life.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nPerez told the jury he heard “Help! Help! Please stop!” followed by “boom, boom” and then Tyree fell silent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three deputies are also charged with assaulting another mentally ill inmate shortly before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan Villa, 48, testified that the same deputies had beaten him just minutes before they allegedly beat Tyree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the trial, a defense attorney questioned the veracity of Villa’s testimony because of his diagnosis of schizophrenia with hallucinations and delusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sadistic Messages or 'False Bravado'?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Part of the evidence the jury must consider are text messages on the deputies' cellphones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutor Matthew Braker showed the jury text messages from both Rodriguez and Farris that suggested they used force with inmates. Braker said Lubrin, however, deleted the texts on his phone before authorities could seize it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I slapped a guy yesterday cu[z] he was cussing at the nurse,” one of Rodriguez's texts read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farris received a text message from an officer that said he wanted to start twisting inmates at 2 in the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farris texted back, “Come to the 6th bro, We do it at 12:01.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sixth floor refers to the part of the jail reserved for mentally ill inmates and others who need protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputy who wrote that text, Christian Wilton, said the text was “strictly sarcasm and banter.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the trial Braker also presented evidence that on Aug. 27, the day after Tyree's death, Rodriguez searched online to find out whether a person can die from being punched in the armpit. The autopsy of Tyree’s body reported a bruise under his armpit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11475376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-800x464.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"464\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11475376\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-800x464.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-160x93.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-240x139.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-375x217.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos-520x301.jpeg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/Booking-Photos.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deputies accused of 2015 murder of mentally ill inmate in Santa Clara County could face life in prison. From left to right: Rafael Rodriguez, Matthew Farris and Jereh Lubrin. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy Santa Clara Sheriff's Department)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Autopsy Results\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The defense and prosecutors also interpreted Tyree's autopsy differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Medical Examiner Dr. Joseph O’Hara told jurors that Tyree died of a ruptured liver and spleen from blunt force trauma so severe it was equivalent to being hit by a vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hara testified that those are injuries Tyree could not have inflicted on himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dr. Judy Melinek, an expert witness for the defense, questioned O’Hara’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melinek, a pathologist at the Alameda County Coroner’s Office, testified that Tyree’s ruptured liver and spleen could have resulted from CPR administered after he was discovered in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her findings seemed to support the defense's theory that Tyree fatally injured himself by slipping of his toilet seat and hitting the sink in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melinek told jurors that a bruise on Tyree's body was consistent with the shape of the sink in his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11473795\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11473795\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-800x503.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"503\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-800x503.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-1020x641.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-1180x741.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-960x603.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/sccourt-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jurors hear closing arguments on May 23, 2017, against three sheriff's deputies accused of murder. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Tyree’s Death Spurred Increased Oversight and Reforms of the Jails\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County supervisors established a blue-ribbon commission in December 2015 to improve conditions and oversight of the jails and unanimously approved its recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, Sheriff Smith responded that: \"Change of an institution the size and scope of our jails is never easy and it is never fast enough. What we have done over the past 18 months demonstrates our commitment to making the systemic move from just a jail to a mental health service provider, re-entry program provider, and a facility that has the best correctional and medical staff around.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors reviewed each and every \u003ca href=\"http://sccgov.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=SplitView&MeetingID=8646&MediaPosition=497.718&ID=85739&CssClass=\">recommendation\u003c/a>, but has yet to implement many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 9, 2017, supervisors did approve a project to install suicide prevention barriers in the county’s Elmwood and Main jails on May 9, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month the Sheriff's Office adopted new policies on the use of force negotiated with the Prison Law Office, according to attorney Don Specter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specter’s firm filed a class-action \u003ca href=\"http://prisonlaw.com/major-cases/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit\u003c/a> against Santa Clara County shortly after Tyree’s death, alleging sheriff's deputies routinely resorted to excessive use of force and solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Push to Limit Money Bail Gains Steam in California",
"title": "Push to Limit Money Bail Gains Steam in California",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Every year in California, nearly 1 million people are arrested and booked into jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their freedom before they go to trial often hinges on a century-old money bail system that critics say favors the rich: If you can pay, you’re free -- and if you can’t, you’re stuck behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California has joined a push for reform that spans at least two dozen other states. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Legislation\u003c/a> making its way through both the California state Senate and Assembly would move away from cash bail, instead directing courts to release most people if they don't pose a risk to public safety and are likely to show up to their court date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"wITzCkhIBaEqyIj6LaNWAA3QvrOv1Onu\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is sponsored by two Democrats: Los Angeles Sen. \u003ca href=\"http://sd18.senate.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bob Hertzberg\u003c/a> and Oakland Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"https://a18.asmdc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, with 15 other lawmakers signed on as co-sponsors -- including one Republican. They argue that more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication_show.asp?i=1061\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent \u003c/a>of California jail beds are filled with people who have not been convicted of a crime, and that many of them would be at home with their families if only they could afford to bail out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we are going to talk about as this bill hopefully moves forward is this larger dynamic of injustice -- somebody who is arrested, and because they don’t have the few bucks to get out of jail, they’re sitting in jail,\" Hertzberg told a Senate committee recently. \"And they are sitting there, often copping a plea with credit for time served for a crime they were never convicted of. That is not justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11471749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11471749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"An inmate sits in his cell in LA County Jail. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An inmate sits in his cell in L.A. County Jail. \u003ccite>(Krissy Clark/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same hearing, Bonta told lawmakers that the current bail system is \"broken\" and that California should lead the way as it has in enacting other criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This bill helps achieve a trifecta -- a win, win, win, where we are providing more justice for individuals who are arrested,\" Bonta said. \"So they won't be discriminated against because they are poor; where we will be providing enhanced public safety because we will be using tools that will determine the public safety risk of an individual, and the flight risk of an individual, rather than using money and ability to pay as some rough and far from prefect proxy for safety.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta also made a fiscal argument for the proposal. Rather than spending $100 a day to keep someone in jail, he said, the bill would allow more people to wait for their trial at home with their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the Current Bail System Works\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When someone is arrested for a crime and booked into jail, a court usually sets a bail amount. Those amounts vary from county to county. The median amount in California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/04/11/not-it-justice/how-californias-pretrial-detention-and-bail-system-unfairly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$50,000\u003c/a>. The bail is like collateral -- it's meant to make sure the defendant comes back to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get out, one option is to give the court the full bail amount. When the case is over, you get that money back (even if you're found guilty).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"nTCUmO9JYT0hw1DLKq0bBfByfpbWqHVp\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since most people don't have thousands of dollars to plunk down, private bail companies -- which are backed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/report/selling-our-freedom-how-insurance-corporations-have-taken-over-our-bail-system?redirect=SellingFreedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">large insurance firms\u003c/a> -- offer a service. You pay them a nonrefundable fee -- about 10 percent of the bail amount -- and they promise the court you’ll show up. If you don't, the bail agent is supposed to find you or else pay the court the full bail amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. and the Philippines are the only two countries with a for-profit \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2016/05/03/how-bail-works/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bail system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of bail reform say the bail system is not really working the way it's supposed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to people like 27-year-old Gabriell Molex, a mother of two who was already homeless and living out of her car when she was arrested in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11471744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11471744 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"Gabriell Molex, 27, spent more than a month in jail waiting for trial. She was charged with two misdemeanors, and her bail was set at $20,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-1180x885.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-960x720.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-240x180.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-375x281.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-520x390.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriell Molex, 27, spent more than a month in jail waiting for trial. She was charged with two misdemeanors, and her bail was set at $20,000. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Molex was picked up on two misdemeanor charges -- driving on a suspended license and check fraud. Her bail was set at $20,000. She couldn't afford to pay a bail company to get released. She spent more than a month in jail, during which time her life was turned upside down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lost her job as an in-home health care worker. And her car -- her only possession -- was impounded and then destroyed, after sitting in the impound lot for too long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everything, everything, I lost everything,\" she said. \"I came home to my kids, so that was great.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Molex said, she pleaded guilty just so she could get back to her two young daughters. They stayed with their grandmother while Molex was in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stories like Molex's have helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/05/opinion/locked-up-for-being-poor.html\">push this issue onto the national stage\u003c/a> -- there are reform attempts happening in two dozen states; and in January, New Jersey enacted sweeping legislation that has nearly ended for-profit bail there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"wYSFwaHbNWsfLgaKArfR9Ww9pB32PUJk\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes are not only being pushed in statehouses. There are numerous lawsuits across the country arguing bail just isn’t constitutional. In Texas, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/29/us/judge-strikes-down-harris-county-bail-system.html?emc=eta1&_r=0\">recently issued a 193-page ruling overturning Harris County's bail system\u003c/a> -- the ruling is sure to be appealed, but it's seen as a huge victory for proponents of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in California, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/05/03/2-billion-bail-bond-industry-threatened-by-lawsuit-against-san-francisco/\">a lawsuit challenging San Francisco's bail system\u003c/a> is now being fought by the bail industry itself after \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/02/city-attorney-wont-defend-san-franciscos-money-bail-system/\">City Attorney Dennis Herrera refused to defend the system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What's the Alternative?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The proposal by Bonta and Hertzberg would make counties set up a system to review a suspect and their likely public safety risk when they’re arrested, and give the courts a recommendation about any terms of release. The legislation directs courts to base any release decision on whether someone is likely to reoffend or show up in court -- in most cases, judges would have to release people without bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there could be conditions on their release -- for example, someone could be asked to check in with a probation officer, or wear an electronic monitor such as an ankle bracelet. People charged with violent crimes wouldn't qualify. And while bail would still be an option, under the legislation it would be the last one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11471746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11471746 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"Gabriell Molex, 27, lost her job and her car while she was in jail for over a month, awaiting trial on two misdemeanor charges. She uses the phone to contact a local shelter to try and find a bed for her and her two daughters.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-1180x885.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-960x720.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-240x180.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-375x281.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-520x390.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriell Molex, 27, lost her job and her car while she was in jail for over a month, awaiting trial on two misdemeanor charges. She uses the phone to contact a local shelter to try and find a bed for her and her two daughters. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not everyone’s on board. District attorneys, many law enforcement groups and even some judges have raised concerns. They say the bill could result in people staying behind bars longer while they wait for counties to conduct those assessments, and they raise questions about the costs of setting up an alternative pretrial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But leading the charge against the bills is the hugely lucrative bail industry, which brings in about $2 billion in profits nationwide every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Clayton, head of the American Bail Coalition, said in a recent interview that bail isn’t the problem in California -- the problem is that bail amounts are too high. He would like to see the state lower bail schedules and make them uniform across the state -- currently they're set county by county -- and he argues that pretrial release without bail raises civil liberties concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed changes, he said, \"we are going to say, 'You can't afford the bail I just posted for you and we are putting you on house arrest, ankle monitors, all this sort of thing.' And I think really, if we look at what’s least restrictive, if somebody can post bail that’s really the best thing for them from a civil rights perspective,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills face some key committee votes later this week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Does the money bail system punish people for being poor? Reform advocates are going up against the powerful bail lobby to try and change it.",
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"description": "Does the money bail system punish people for being poor? Reform advocates are going up against the powerful bail lobby to try and change it.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Every year in California, nearly 1 million people are arrested and booked into jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their freedom before they go to trial often hinges on a century-old money bail system that critics say favors the rich: If you can pay, you’re free -- and if you can’t, you’re stuck behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California has joined a push for reform that spans at least two dozen other states. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Legislation\u003c/a> making its way through both the California state Senate and Assembly would move away from cash bail, instead directing courts to release most people if they don't pose a risk to public safety and are likely to show up to their court date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is sponsored by two Democrats: Los Angeles Sen. \u003ca href=\"http://sd18.senate.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bob Hertzberg\u003c/a> and Oakland Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"https://a18.asmdc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, with 15 other lawmakers signed on as co-sponsors -- including one Republican. They argue that more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication_show.asp?i=1061\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent \u003c/a>of California jail beds are filled with people who have not been convicted of a crime, and that many of them would be at home with their families if only they could afford to bail out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we are going to talk about as this bill hopefully moves forward is this larger dynamic of injustice -- somebody who is arrested, and because they don’t have the few bucks to get out of jail, they’re sitting in jail,\" Hertzberg told a Senate committee recently. \"And they are sitting there, often copping a plea with credit for time served for a crime they were never convicted of. That is not justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11471749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11471749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"An inmate sits in his cell in LA County Jail. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/RS3163_alt_364-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An inmate sits in his cell in L.A. County Jail. \u003ccite>(Krissy Clark/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the same hearing, Bonta told lawmakers that the current bail system is \"broken\" and that California should lead the way as it has in enacting other criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This bill helps achieve a trifecta -- a win, win, win, where we are providing more justice for individuals who are arrested,\" Bonta said. \"So they won't be discriminated against because they are poor; where we will be providing enhanced public safety because we will be using tools that will determine the public safety risk of an individual, and the flight risk of an individual, rather than using money and ability to pay as some rough and far from prefect proxy for safety.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta also made a fiscal argument for the proposal. Rather than spending $100 a day to keep someone in jail, he said, the bill would allow more people to wait for their trial at home with their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the Current Bail System Works\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When someone is arrested for a crime and booked into jail, a court usually sets a bail amount. Those amounts vary from county to county. The median amount in California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/04/11/not-it-justice/how-californias-pretrial-detention-and-bail-system-unfairly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$50,000\u003c/a>. The bail is like collateral -- it's meant to make sure the defendant comes back to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get out, one option is to give the court the full bail amount. When the case is over, you get that money back (even if you're found guilty).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since most people don't have thousands of dollars to plunk down, private bail companies -- which are backed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/report/selling-our-freedom-how-insurance-corporations-have-taken-over-our-bail-system?redirect=SellingFreedom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">large insurance firms\u003c/a> -- offer a service. You pay them a nonrefundable fee -- about 10 percent of the bail amount -- and they promise the court you’ll show up. If you don't, the bail agent is supposed to find you or else pay the court the full bail amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. and the Philippines are the only two countries with a for-profit \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2016/05/03/how-bail-works/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bail system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of bail reform say the bail system is not really working the way it's supposed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to people like 27-year-old Gabriell Molex, a mother of two who was already homeless and living out of her car when she was arrested in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11471744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11471744 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"Gabriell Molex, 27, spent more than a month in jail waiting for trial. She was charged with two misdemeanors, and her bail was set at $20,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-1180x885.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-960x720.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-240x180.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-375x281.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-4-520x390.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriell Molex, 27, spent more than a month in jail waiting for trial. She was charged with two misdemeanors, and her bail was set at $20,000. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Molex was picked up on two misdemeanor charges -- driving on a suspended license and check fraud. Her bail was set at $20,000. She couldn't afford to pay a bail company to get released. She spent more than a month in jail, during which time her life was turned upside down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lost her job as an in-home health care worker. And her car -- her only possession -- was impounded and then destroyed, after sitting in the impound lot for too long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everything, everything, I lost everything,\" she said. \"I came home to my kids, so that was great.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Molex said, she pleaded guilty just so she could get back to her two young daughters. They stayed with their grandmother while Molex was in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stories like Molex's have helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/05/opinion/locked-up-for-being-poor.html\">push this issue onto the national stage\u003c/a> -- there are reform attempts happening in two dozen states; and in January, New Jersey enacted sweeping legislation that has nearly ended for-profit bail there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes are not only being pushed in statehouses. There are numerous lawsuits across the country arguing bail just isn’t constitutional. In Texas, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/29/us/judge-strikes-down-harris-county-bail-system.html?emc=eta1&_r=0\">recently issued a 193-page ruling overturning Harris County's bail system\u003c/a> -- the ruling is sure to be appealed, but it's seen as a huge victory for proponents of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in California, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/05/03/2-billion-bail-bond-industry-threatened-by-lawsuit-against-san-francisco/\">a lawsuit challenging San Francisco's bail system\u003c/a> is now being fought by the bail industry itself after \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/02/city-attorney-wont-defend-san-franciscos-money-bail-system/\">City Attorney Dennis Herrera refused to defend the system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What's the Alternative?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The proposal by Bonta and Hertzberg would make counties set up a system to review a suspect and their likely public safety risk when they’re arrested, and give the courts a recommendation about any terms of release. The legislation directs courts to base any release decision on whether someone is likely to reoffend or show up in court -- in most cases, judges would have to release people without bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there could be conditions on their release -- for example, someone could be asked to check in with a probation officer, or wear an electronic monitor such as an ankle bracelet. People charged with violent crimes wouldn't qualify. And while bail would still be an option, under the legislation it would be the last one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11471746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11471746 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"Gabriell Molex, 27, lost her job and her car while she was in jail for over a month, awaiting trial on two misdemeanor charges. She uses the phone to contact a local shelter to try and find a bed for her and her two daughters.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-1180x885.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-960x720.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-240x180.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-375x281.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/File_000-5-520x390.jpeg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriell Molex, 27, lost her job and her car while she was in jail for over a month, awaiting trial on two misdemeanor charges. She uses the phone to contact a local shelter to try and find a bed for her and her two daughters. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not everyone’s on board. District attorneys, many law enforcement groups and even some judges have raised concerns. They say the bill could result in people staying behind bars longer while they wait for counties to conduct those assessments, and they raise questions about the costs of setting up an alternative pretrial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But leading the charge against the bills is the hugely lucrative bail industry, which brings in about $2 billion in profits nationwide every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Clayton, head of the American Bail Coalition, said in a recent interview that bail isn’t the problem in California -- the problem is that bail amounts are too high. He would like to see the state lower bail schedules and make them uniform across the state -- currently they're set county by county -- and he argues that pretrial release without bail raises civil liberties concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed changes, he said, \"we are going to say, 'You can't afford the bail I just posted for you and we are putting you on house arrest, ankle monitors, all this sort of thing.' And I think really, if we look at what’s least restrictive, if somebody can post bail that’s really the best thing for them from a civil rights perspective,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills face some key committee votes later this week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In November 1969, Richard Oakes and dozens of his fellow Native American activists came ashore at Alcatraz. The little island in San Francisco Bay had lain dormant since 1963, when its infamous federal prison had been shut down, and the group Oakes led set out to claim the land as its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Indians of All Tribes had a century-old legal basis: \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/resources/archives/four/ftlaram.htm\">the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty\u003c/a> between the U.S. and the Sioux and Lakota, which they said returned defunct federal lands to native people. They announced that, by the terms of this treaty, Alcatraz could be legally claimed as theirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so Oakes and his compatriots stayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7QNfUE7hBUc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That day commenced a 19-month occupation of the island that attracted national attention to native rights and catapulted Oakes into wider notoriety and acclaim — such acclaim, in fact, that nearly five decades later, Google is celebrating his birthday with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/doodles/richard-oakes-75th-birthday\">doodle in his honor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The aim was not only to set up a community, complete with a university, museum and cultural center, but also for the government to acknowledge the rights of American Indians to claim the out-of-use federal land as their own,\" the tech giant writes in a blog post. \"Although Richard didn't succeed in gaining the deeds to Alcatraz for his people, he brought their issues into the media spotlight and made a substantial impact on the treatment of American Indians in the US.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's just a dual sense of justice in this country,\" Oakes said in \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/187780\">an interview just days after the occupation began\u003c/a>. \"We'd like an end to this. And I think this — manning the island of Alcatraz — is a positive step in that direction. If they're going to treat us separately, then we'll remain separately.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within half a year, though, the occupation began to splinter and weaken as many of the original occupiers returned to their daily lives and were replaced with others, some of whom rejected the Mohawk activist's leadership and pursued different aims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The final blow to the organized leadership occurred on January 5, 1970, when Oakes's 13 year old stepdaughter fell three floors down a stairwell to her death,\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/alca/learn/historyculture/we-hold-the-rock.htm\">the National Park Service writes\u003c/a>. \"Following Yvonne's death, Oakes left the island and the two competing groups maneuvered back and forth for leadership on the island.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be another year and a half before federal law enforcement stormed Alcatraz and removed the few remaining occupiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the overt aims of the occupation were never realized, the Park Service explains that something else was achieved with Oakes' efforts:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"The success or failure of the occupation should not be judged by whether the demands of the occupiers were realized. The underlying goals of the Indians on Alcatraz were to awaken the American public to the reality of the plight of the first Americans and to assert the need for Indian self-determination. As a result of the occupation, either directly or indirectly, the official government policy of termination of Indian tribes was ended and a policy of Indian self-determination became the official US government policy.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Before that occupation even ended, Oakes was on to his next fight, taking part in the Pit River Indians' attempts to reclaim tribal land in Northern California. And once more he had little difficulty grabbing national headlines, joining the tribe in resisting not only Pacific Gas & Electric — the company that had laid claim to the land — but \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/cgi-bin/cdnc?a=d&d=DS19700605.2.15\">U.S. law enforcement, too\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was killed in 1972 under murky circumstances, after a confrontation with a white man turned violent. Though Oakes was unarmed, the man who shot him dead was acquitted of manslaughter on grounds of self-defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Richard+Oakes%2C+Who+Occupied+Alcatraz+For+Native+Rights%2C+Gets+A+Birthday+Honor&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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