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"content": "\u003cp>In 2019 and 2020, three Black men were accused of and jailed for crimes they didn’t commit after police used facial recognition to falsely identify them. Their wrongful arrest lawsuits are still pending, but their cases bring to light how AI-enabled tools can lead to civil rights violations and \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/wrongful-arrests-ai-derailed-3-mens-lives/\">lasting consequences for the families of the accused\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, all three men are speaking out against pending California legislation making it illegal for police to use facial recognition technology as the sole reason for a search or arrest. Instead, it would require corroborating indicators. The problem, critics say, is that a possible face recognition “match” is not evidence — and that it can lead investigations astray even if police seek corroborating evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Assembly last month passed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1814?slug=CA_202320240AB1814\">Assembly Bill 1814\u003c/a> with a 70–0 vote. On Tuesday, it faced a contentious hearing in the Senate Public Safety Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a bill “would not have stopped the police from falsely arresting me in front of my wife and daughters,” Robert Williams told CalMatters in a statement. In 2020, Detroit police accused Williams of stealing watches worth thousands of dollars — the first known instance of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/24/technology/facial-recognition-arrest.html\">false arrest involving facial recognition\u003c/a> in the United States — after facial recognition technology matched a surveillance video to a photo of Williams in a state database. Investigators put his photo in a “six-pack lineup” with five others, from which a security guard, who had seen a surveillance image and \u003ca href=\"https://www.freep.com/story/news/local/michigan/detroit/2020/06/26/facial-recognition-wrongful-arrest-detroit-police/3265943001/\">not the theft itself\u003c/a>, selected him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my case, as in others, the police did exactly what AB 1814 would require them to do, but it didn’t help,” said Williams, who is Black. “Once the facial recognition software told them I was the suspect, it poisoned the investigation. This technology is racially biased and unreliable and should be prohibited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “I implore California lawmakers to not settle for half measures that won’t actually protect people like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first facial recognition searches in the United States occurred over two decades ago. It’s a process that begins with a photo of a suspect, typically taken from security camera footage. Face recognition on your iPhone is trained to match your photo, but the kind used by law enforcement agencies searches databases of mug shots or driver’s license photos that can contain millions of photos and can fail in numerous ways. Tests by researchers have shown that the technology is less accurate when attempting to identify \u003ca href=\"http://gendershades.org/\">people with darker skin\u003c/a> and those who identify as \u003ca href=\"https://www.colorado.edu/today/2019/10/08/facial-recognition-software-has-gender-problem\">transgender\u003c/a>. Accuracy has also been shown to decrease when a probe image of a suspect is low quality or if the image in a database is outdated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"facial-recognition\"]After a computer assembles a list of possible matches from a database of images, police pick a suspect from an array of candidates, then show that photo to an eyewitness. Eyewitness testimony has proven to be a \u003ca href=\"https://innocenceproject.org/how-eyewitness-misidentification-can-send-innocent-people-to-prison/\">leading cause of wrongful convictions in the United States\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because investigators may use facial recognition to identify possible suspects but ultimately rely on eyewitness testimony, the technology can play a role in a criminal investigation without the accused and defense attorneys knowing about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Directives not to treat a possible match by a facial recognition system as the sole basis for an arrest sometimes don’t make a difference. They failed to do so, for instance, in the case of Alonzo Sawyer, a man who was falsely arrested near Baltimore and \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/face-recognition-software-led-to-his-arrest-it-was-dead-wrong/\">spent nine days in jail\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Njeer Parks, who spent nearly a year fighting allegations that he stole items from a hotel gift shop in New Jersey and then nearly hit a police officer with a stolen vehicle, came out in opposition to the California bill in a video \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/C71ybeKJcQQ/\">posted on Instagram\u003c/a> last week. The police “are not going to do their job if the AI is saying ‘It’s him’ already. That’s what happened to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got lucky,” he told CalMatters in a phone interview, noting that a store a receipt he saved had exonerated him and kept him out of prison. “I don’t want to see anybody sitting in jail for something they didn’t do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for Michael Oliver, a Black man who was wrongly accused of assaulting a high school teacher in Detroit in 2020, is scheduled to testify at Tuesday’s legislative hearing in Sacramento, the American Civil Liberties Union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill include the California Faculty Association and the League of California Cities. The California Police Chiefs Association argues that facial recognition can reduce criminal activity and provide police with actionable leads and that such technology will be important as California looks to host international events such as the 2026 World Cup and the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Across the country, real-world examples of law enforcement using [facial recognition technology] to solve major crimes showcases just how important this new technology can be towards protecting our communities,” the association has argued. It cited cases in which it says facial recognition played a role in identifying the guilty, including a newspaper headquarters \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/police-used-facial-recognition-software-to-identify-suspect-in-newspaper-shooting/2018/06/29/6dc9d212-7bba-11e8-aeee-4d04c8ac6158_story.html\">shooting in Maryland\u003c/a> and a rape in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition alone should never lead to false arrests, Jake Parker with the Security Industry Association told members of the California Assembly a few weeks ago. That’s why AB 1814 is meant to corroborate investigative leads with evidence, not just a possible facial recognition match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a clear need to bolster public trust that this technology is being leveraged accurately, lawfully, and in an effective way that’s also limited and non-discriminatory in a way that benefits our communities,” he said. “So we believe AB 1814 will help bolster this trust, and for that reason, we urge you to support this bill in its current form.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, more than 50 advocacy organizations — including the ACLU, Access Reproductive Justice and the Electronic Frontier Foundation — \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/AB%201814%20coalition%20letter%206.4.2024.pdf\">signed a letter last week opposing the bill\u003c/a>. They called facial recognition software unreliable, a proven threat to Black men, and a potential threat to protesters, people seeking abortions, and immigrant and LGBTQ communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By allowing police to scan and identify people without limitation, AB 1814 will also increase unnecessary police interactions that too often have the potential to escalate into fatal encounters. This will remain true regardless of how accurate face recognition technology becomes,” the organizations said in a letter. “There is no way for people to find out if facial recognition is used against them and no mechanism to make sure the police comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of the bill, San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting, also authored a 2019 bill that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2019/09/facial-recognition-technology-california-law-police-opposition-legislature/\">initially placed a permanent ban on police use\u003c/a> of body camera footage with facial recognition. That was amended to a temporary ban, which ended in January 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting told CalMatters he’s uncomfortable with the fact that California currently has no limits on how law enforcement agencies use the technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said in a statement that his bill “simply requires officers to have additional evidence before they can proceed with a search, arrest, or affidavit for a warrant. I believe having a precautionary step can help protect people’s privacy and due process rights while still allowing local governments to go further and pursue their own facial recognition bans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting’s city of San Francisco became the first major city in the nation to ban face recognition in 2019. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2024/05/18/facial-recognition-law-enforcement-austin-san-francisco/\">\u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> last month\u003c/a> reported that San Francisco police have, on multiple occasions, gone around restrictions by requesting that law enforcement in neighboring cities conduct the searches for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, who was recalled by voters in 2022, says there have almost certainly been false arrests associated with the use of facial recognition in California, but they would remain unknown to the public unless prosecutors filed charges and the accused later went to trial with a civil lawsuit seeking damages. Often, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/hidden-role-facial-recognition-tech-arrests/\">such cases would be settled out of court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We absolutely need a legislative, regulatory framework for these technologies, but I don’t think AB 1814 is adequate in terms of protecting civil liberties or providing meaningful guardrails or safeguards for the use of these new and powerful technologies,” said Boudin, who now directs UC Berkeley’s Criminal Law & Justice Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff of the Senate Public Safety committee staff has \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1814\">suggested\u003c/a> amending the bill to state that judges should not grant warrant applications by law enforcement agencies based solely on a possible match by face recognition technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have until the end of the legislative session in August to decide whether to pass AB 1814.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Three men who were falsely arrested out of state based on facial-recognition technology say a new California bill that aims to place guardrails around how police use the technology would fail to prevent misguided arrests.",
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"title": "A New California Bill Would Regulate Police Use of Facial Recognition. These Falsely Arrested Black Men Say It's Not Enough | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2019 and 2020, three Black men were accused of and jailed for crimes they didn’t commit after police used facial recognition to falsely identify them. Their wrongful arrest lawsuits are still pending, but their cases bring to light how AI-enabled tools can lead to civil rights violations and \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/wrongful-arrests-ai-derailed-3-mens-lives/\">lasting consequences for the families of the accused\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, all three men are speaking out against pending California legislation making it illegal for police to use facial recognition technology as the sole reason for a search or arrest. Instead, it would require corroborating indicators. The problem, critics say, is that a possible face recognition “match” is not evidence — and that it can lead investigations astray even if police seek corroborating evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Assembly last month passed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1814?slug=CA_202320240AB1814\">Assembly Bill 1814\u003c/a> with a 70–0 vote. On Tuesday, it faced a contentious hearing in the Senate Public Safety Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a bill “would not have stopped the police from falsely arresting me in front of my wife and daughters,” Robert Williams told CalMatters in a statement. In 2020, Detroit police accused Williams of stealing watches worth thousands of dollars — the first known instance of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/24/technology/facial-recognition-arrest.html\">false arrest involving facial recognition\u003c/a> in the United States — after facial recognition technology matched a surveillance video to a photo of Williams in a state database. Investigators put his photo in a “six-pack lineup” with five others, from which a security guard, who had seen a surveillance image and \u003ca href=\"https://www.freep.com/story/news/local/michigan/detroit/2020/06/26/facial-recognition-wrongful-arrest-detroit-police/3265943001/\">not the theft itself\u003c/a>, selected him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my case, as in others, the police did exactly what AB 1814 would require them to do, but it didn’t help,” said Williams, who is Black. “Once the facial recognition software told them I was the suspect, it poisoned the investigation. This technology is racially biased and unreliable and should be prohibited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “I implore California lawmakers to not settle for half measures that won’t actually protect people like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first facial recognition searches in the United States occurred over two decades ago. It’s a process that begins with a photo of a suspect, typically taken from security camera footage. Face recognition on your iPhone is trained to match your photo, but the kind used by law enforcement agencies searches databases of mug shots or driver’s license photos that can contain millions of photos and can fail in numerous ways. Tests by researchers have shown that the technology is less accurate when attempting to identify \u003ca href=\"http://gendershades.org/\">people with darker skin\u003c/a> and those who identify as \u003ca href=\"https://www.colorado.edu/today/2019/10/08/facial-recognition-software-has-gender-problem\">transgender\u003c/a>. Accuracy has also been shown to decrease when a probe image of a suspect is low quality or if the image in a database is outdated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After a computer assembles a list of possible matches from a database of images, police pick a suspect from an array of candidates, then show that photo to an eyewitness. Eyewitness testimony has proven to be a \u003ca href=\"https://innocenceproject.org/how-eyewitness-misidentification-can-send-innocent-people-to-prison/\">leading cause of wrongful convictions in the United States\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because investigators may use facial recognition to identify possible suspects but ultimately rely on eyewitness testimony, the technology can play a role in a criminal investigation without the accused and defense attorneys knowing about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Directives not to treat a possible match by a facial recognition system as the sole basis for an arrest sometimes don’t make a difference. They failed to do so, for instance, in the case of Alonzo Sawyer, a man who was falsely arrested near Baltimore and \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/face-recognition-software-led-to-his-arrest-it-was-dead-wrong/\">spent nine days in jail\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Njeer Parks, who spent nearly a year fighting allegations that he stole items from a hotel gift shop in New Jersey and then nearly hit a police officer with a stolen vehicle, came out in opposition to the California bill in a video \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/C71ybeKJcQQ/\">posted on Instagram\u003c/a> last week. The police “are not going to do their job if the AI is saying ‘It’s him’ already. That’s what happened to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got lucky,” he told CalMatters in a phone interview, noting that a store a receipt he saved had exonerated him and kept him out of prison. “I don’t want to see anybody sitting in jail for something they didn’t do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for Michael Oliver, a Black man who was wrongly accused of assaulting a high school teacher in Detroit in 2020, is scheduled to testify at Tuesday’s legislative hearing in Sacramento, the American Civil Liberties Union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill include the California Faculty Association and the League of California Cities. The California Police Chiefs Association argues that facial recognition can reduce criminal activity and provide police with actionable leads and that such technology will be important as California looks to host international events such as the 2026 World Cup and the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Across the country, real-world examples of law enforcement using [facial recognition technology] to solve major crimes showcases just how important this new technology can be towards protecting our communities,” the association has argued. It cited cases in which it says facial recognition played a role in identifying the guilty, including a newspaper headquarters \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/police-used-facial-recognition-software-to-identify-suspect-in-newspaper-shooting/2018/06/29/6dc9d212-7bba-11e8-aeee-4d04c8ac6158_story.html\">shooting in Maryland\u003c/a> and a rape in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition alone should never lead to false arrests, Jake Parker with the Security Industry Association told members of the California Assembly a few weeks ago. That’s why AB 1814 is meant to corroborate investigative leads with evidence, not just a possible facial recognition match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a clear need to bolster public trust that this technology is being leveraged accurately, lawfully, and in an effective way that’s also limited and non-discriminatory in a way that benefits our communities,” he said. “So we believe AB 1814 will help bolster this trust, and for that reason, we urge you to support this bill in its current form.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, more than 50 advocacy organizations — including the ACLU, Access Reproductive Justice and the Electronic Frontier Foundation — \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/AB%201814%20coalition%20letter%206.4.2024.pdf\">signed a letter last week opposing the bill\u003c/a>. They called facial recognition software unreliable, a proven threat to Black men, and a potential threat to protesters, people seeking abortions, and immigrant and LGBTQ communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By allowing police to scan and identify people without limitation, AB 1814 will also increase unnecessary police interactions that too often have the potential to escalate into fatal encounters. This will remain true regardless of how accurate face recognition technology becomes,” the organizations said in a letter. “There is no way for people to find out if facial recognition is used against them and no mechanism to make sure the police comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of the bill, San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting, also authored a 2019 bill that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2019/09/facial-recognition-technology-california-law-police-opposition-legislature/\">initially placed a permanent ban on police use\u003c/a> of body camera footage with facial recognition. That was amended to a temporary ban, which ended in January 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting told CalMatters he’s uncomfortable with the fact that California currently has no limits on how law enforcement agencies use the technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said in a statement that his bill “simply requires officers to have additional evidence before they can proceed with a search, arrest, or affidavit for a warrant. I believe having a precautionary step can help protect people’s privacy and due process rights while still allowing local governments to go further and pursue their own facial recognition bans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting’s city of San Francisco became the first major city in the nation to ban face recognition in 2019. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2024/05/18/facial-recognition-law-enforcement-austin-san-francisco/\">\u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> last month\u003c/a> reported that San Francisco police have, on multiple occasions, gone around restrictions by requesting that law enforcement in neighboring cities conduct the searches for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, who was recalled by voters in 2022, says there have almost certainly been false arrests associated with the use of facial recognition in California, but they would remain unknown to the public unless prosecutors filed charges and the accused later went to trial with a civil lawsuit seeking damages. Often, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/hidden-role-facial-recognition-tech-arrests/\">such cases would be settled out of court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We absolutely need a legislative, regulatory framework for these technologies, but I don’t think AB 1814 is adequate in terms of protecting civil liberties or providing meaningful guardrails or safeguards for the use of these new and powerful technologies,” said Boudin, who now directs UC Berkeley’s Criminal Law & Justice Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff of the Senate Public Safety committee staff has \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1814\">suggested\u003c/a> amending the bill to state that judges should not grant warrant applications by law enforcement agencies based solely on a possible match by face recognition technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have until the end of the legislative session in August to decide whether to pass AB 1814.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-jose-poised-to-agree-to-350k-settlement-in-excessive-force-case",
"title": "San José Poised to Agree to $350K Settlement in Excessive Force Case",
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"headTitle": "San José Poised to Agree to $350K Settlement in Excessive Force Case | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A woman who was kicked and dragged in front of her family by a San José police officer in 2020 is set to receive a $350,000 payout from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council will consider final approval of the settlement with resident Guadalupe Marin at its June 11 meeting, nearly three years after Marin sued the city over the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident garnered significant attention in the immediate aftermath when a passerby posted a cell phone video of the violent encounter that was shared widely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin’s attorney, Sarah Marinho, described in a complaint filed in 2021 how Marin, her sister and her sister’s young children drove together to a McDonald’s on East Santa Clara Street just a few blocks from their home on July 22, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family was riding in a silver car Marin’s sister had purchased just days earlier from a mechanic, the complaint said. Soon after they pulled into the parking lot, two police officers, Matthew Rodriguez and Tyler Moran, approached with their guns aimed at the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police later claimed officers drew their guns immediately because they believed the car the family was riding in had evaded police twice in the week prior, though Marinho wrote that Marin never evaded police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez ordered Marin at gunpoint to get out of the car and get down on her knees, which Marin did, while Moran stood near her and aimed his gun at Marin’s sister in the car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinho wrote that Rodriguez knew Marin was unarmed because he could see she had nothing in her hands “and was wearing form-fitting shorts and a tank top.” Marin also put her hands behind her back after Rodriguez told her to do so.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"use-of-force\"]Marin “was objectively not a threat in any way to these officers,” Marinho wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Rodriguez then ordered Marin to crawl, Marin was confused because she was “already so close to Rodriguez that if she were to get down on her hands and knees, her face would be near the officer’s feet and there would be nowhere to crawl.” She “crawled” by inching forward on her knees slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez allegedly told Marin, “I’m going to kick you in the f—— face,” which shocked and confused Marin, who then sat back on her heels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only a second later, Rodriguez swiftly kicked (Marin) in the abdomen at full force, knocking the wind out of her,” Marinho wrote. Rodriguez then pushed (Marin) face down to the pavement and handcuffed her forcefully, saying ‘Why didn’t you f—— listen?’,” the complaint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officer then “picked her up by the handcuffs and dragged her across the pavement while her 7-year-old nephew and 2-year-old niece screamed from within the car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin’s face, knees and ankles were “rubbed raw and bloody” from being dragged on the pavement, and her shoulders were hyperextended. She couldn’t lift her arms or bend over for days after the encounter, the complaint said, and she needed assistance getting dressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to KQED, City Attorney Nora Frimann said, “We believe the settlement is fair and allows the City to avoid the risks of further litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinho and Marin declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez wrote in an initial police report about the incident that Marin was “arrested without incident,” the complaint said. But after Sgt. Ronnie Lopez sent the report back as being too vague, Rodriguez documented his use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez told Moran to obtain video footage of the arrest from the McDonald’s security camera system and canvass for witnesses, but Moran “never tried in any way to obtain the video,” nor did he look for witnesses, the complaint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/__dianeedun/status/1286414043788410882\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one from the department ever attempted to obtain the McDonald’s video until civilian video of the police brutality went viral, and only then did Internal Affairs seek the video,” the complaint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin was charged with resisting arrest, though those charges were later dropped. Sgt. Lopez viewed police body camera video on the day of the arrest and later the passerby’s video and told Internal Affairs he did not think the use of force was excessive, although he wondered if it was “really necessary,” the complaint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CT scan of Marin at the hospital showed she had internal soft tissue damage, as well as significant external bruising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez was later charged with a misdemeanor assault under the color of authority, and his criminal trial is still pending.[aside label=\"San José Police Coverage\" tag=\"san-jose-police\"]San José Office of Employee Relations Assistant Director Allison Suggs said in an email Rodriguez is on paid leave currently, and Moran is no longer with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinho argued the excessive force by Rodriguez was part of an entrenched culture problem at San José Police Department. She also noted the city was “on notice of Rodriguez and other officers’ excessive force issues and filing of false reports about resisting arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four days before stopping Marin, Rodriguez and Moran used \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2021/06/23/violent-encounters-with-police-send-thousands-of-people-to-the-er-every-year\">excessive force on Anthony Cho\u003c/a>, a man suspected of being connected to a stolen car investigation, Marinho wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 18, 2020, Rodriguez and Moran stopped Cho, who surrendered after a short foot chase. While Cho was face down on the ground and not resisting, Moran kicked Cho in the head, and Rodriguez hit Cho with a baton on his head and body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cho suffered head injuries that required staples. Marinho said he complained immediately about the use of force, alerting the department to the issue. Cho later sued the city and received $200,000 in a March 2023 settlement.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A woman who was kicked and dragged in front of her family by a San José police officer in 2020 is set to receive a $350,000 payout from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council will consider final approval of the settlement with resident Guadalupe Marin at its June 11 meeting, nearly three years after Marin sued the city over the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident garnered significant attention in the immediate aftermath when a passerby posted a cell phone video of the violent encounter that was shared widely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin’s attorney, Sarah Marinho, described in a complaint filed in 2021 how Marin, her sister and her sister’s young children drove together to a McDonald’s on East Santa Clara Street just a few blocks from their home on July 22, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family was riding in a silver car Marin’s sister had purchased just days earlier from a mechanic, the complaint said. Soon after they pulled into the parking lot, two police officers, Matthew Rodriguez and Tyler Moran, approached with their guns aimed at the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police later claimed officers drew their guns immediately because they believed the car the family was riding in had evaded police twice in the week prior, though Marinho wrote that Marin never evaded police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez ordered Marin at gunpoint to get out of the car and get down on her knees, which Marin did, while Moran stood near her and aimed his gun at Marin’s sister in the car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinho wrote that Rodriguez knew Marin was unarmed because he could see she had nothing in her hands “and was wearing form-fitting shorts and a tank top.” Marin also put her hands behind her back after Rodriguez told her to do so.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Marin “was objectively not a threat in any way to these officers,” Marinho wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Rodriguez then ordered Marin to crawl, Marin was confused because she was “already so close to Rodriguez that if she were to get down on her hands and knees, her face would be near the officer’s feet and there would be nowhere to crawl.” She “crawled” by inching forward on her knees slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez allegedly told Marin, “I’m going to kick you in the f—— face,” which shocked and confused Marin, who then sat back on her heels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only a second later, Rodriguez swiftly kicked (Marin) in the abdomen at full force, knocking the wind out of her,” Marinho wrote. Rodriguez then pushed (Marin) face down to the pavement and handcuffed her forcefully, saying ‘Why didn’t you f—— listen?’,” the complaint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officer then “picked her up by the handcuffs and dragged her across the pavement while her 7-year-old nephew and 2-year-old niece screamed from within the car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin’s face, knees and ankles were “rubbed raw and bloody” from being dragged on the pavement, and her shoulders were hyperextended. She couldn’t lift her arms or bend over for days after the encounter, the complaint said, and she needed assistance getting dressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to KQED, City Attorney Nora Frimann said, “We believe the settlement is fair and allows the City to avoid the risks of further litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinho and Marin declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez wrote in an initial police report about the incident that Marin was “arrested without incident,” the complaint said. But after Sgt. Ronnie Lopez sent the report back as being too vague, Rodriguez documented his use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez told Moran to obtain video footage of the arrest from the McDonald’s security camera system and canvass for witnesses, but Moran “never tried in any way to obtain the video,” nor did he look for witnesses, the complaint said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“No one from the department ever attempted to obtain the McDonald’s video until civilian video of the police brutality went viral, and only then did Internal Affairs seek the video,” the complaint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin was charged with resisting arrest, though those charges were later dropped. Sgt. Lopez viewed police body camera video on the day of the arrest and later the passerby’s video and told Internal Affairs he did not think the use of force was excessive, although he wondered if it was “really necessary,” the complaint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CT scan of Marin at the hospital showed she had internal soft tissue damage, as well as significant external bruising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez was later charged with a misdemeanor assault under the color of authority, and his criminal trial is still pending.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San José Office of Employee Relations Assistant Director Allison Suggs said in an email Rodriguez is on paid leave currently, and Moran is no longer with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinho argued the excessive force by Rodriguez was part of an entrenched culture problem at San José Police Department. She also noted the city was “on notice of Rodriguez and other officers’ excessive force issues and filing of false reports about resisting arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four days before stopping Marin, Rodriguez and Moran used \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2021/06/23/violent-encounters-with-police-send-thousands-of-people-to-the-er-every-year\">excessive force on Anthony Cho\u003c/a>, a man suspected of being connected to a stolen car investigation, Marinho wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 18, 2020, Rodriguez and Moran stopped Cho, who surrendered after a short foot chase. While Cho was face down on the ground and not resisting, Moran kicked Cho in the head, and Rodriguez hit Cho with a baton on his head and body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cho suffered head injuries that required staples. Marinho said he complained immediately about the use of force, alerting the department to the issue. Cho later sued the city and received $200,000 in a March 2023 settlement.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-judge-tosses-3-state-charges-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband",
"title": "SF Judge Tosses 3 State Charges Against Man Who Attacked Nancy Pelosi's Husband",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Thursday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge presiding over the state trial of David DePape, the man who violently attacked former House speaker Nancy Pelosi’s husband in 2022, dismissed multiple charges Thursday, dramatically upending the trial schedule and altering the course of a case that was expected to be a routine repeat of DePape’s federal prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after 11 a.m., Judge Harry Dorfman granted some of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">defense’s double-jeopardy arguments\u003c/a> and tossed out charges of attempted murder, assault with a deadly weapon and elder abuse on the grounds that DePape has already been convicted for those acts in federal court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all one event,” Dorfman said at a San Francisco hearing Thursday. “A sober look at the evidence is – same place, same time, same act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial is now on hold for at least a week while attorneys await a response from the California Court of Appeal on each party’s request to challenge the ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense attorneys were expected to begin presenting their case Friday after the prosecution rested Tuesday. But as soon as Dorfman announced his ruling Thursday, assistant district attorney Sean Connolly requested a stay of the proceedings while attorneys requested relief from the higher court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s attorneys now say they no longer plan to call at least one witness, Dr. Laeeq Evered, a mental health expert. Attorneys have not yet decided whether DePape will testify, assistant public defender Adam Lipson told the judge. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors are expected back in court June 14. Depending on how the state appellate court responds, the trial could be delayed even further. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request to dismiss two additional counts – first degree burglary and aggravated kidnapping – along with the rest of the charges. The defense plans to appeal the judge’s decision on the aggravated kidnapping charge, which carries a life sentence without the possibility of parole. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, 44, still faces other state charges, including false imprisonment of an elder, threatening the family member of a public official and preventing or dissuading a witness by force or threat. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape was convicted in federal court in November of attempting to kidnap former House speaker Nancy Pelosi and assaulting her husband during a late-night home-invasion at the couple’s San Francisco home on Oct. 28, 2022. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='david-depape']Police body cam footage captured the graphic scene of DePape swinging a hammer at Paul Pelosi’s head right in front of San Francisco police officers who were responding to a 911 call Pelosi had managed to make from his bathroom. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">sentenced to 30 years in federal prison\u003c/a> at a U.S. District Court hearing on May 28. The next day, his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988131/prosecutors-defense-deliver-opening-statements-in-state-trial-of-man-who-attacked-paul-pelosi\">state trial in San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> began. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s attorneys moved to dismiss multiple charges last month, arguing that his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967595/david-depape-found-guilty-in-paul-pelosi-hammer-attack\">conviction in federal court\u003c/a> precludes prosecution for certain acts in state court because of California protections against double jeopardy. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their May 21 motion, defense attorneys cite two sections of the California penal code, one that makes a prior conviction a defense to a new charge stemming from the same acts and another that bars prosecution after a conviction in another court system. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because DePape was already convicted of assault and attempted kidnapping in federal court, California law bars his prosecution in state court for the same acts, they argued. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DePape’s federal convictions were based on precisely the same conduct that is charged in Counts I to IV: breaking into the Speaker’s home and striking Mr. Pelosi on the head with a hammer,” attorneys wrote. “Because DePape has now been convicted for those acts,” those sections of the law, “bar a retrial.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They went on: “DePape’s assault on Mr Pelosi with a hammer was an act of violence that shocked our country. So was his forced entry into the Pelosis’ home. The United States has tried, convicted and severely punished DePape for those crimes. California law does not permit a second trial for the same conduct.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Thursday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge presiding over the state trial of David DePape, the man who violently attacked former House speaker Nancy Pelosi’s husband in 2022, dismissed multiple charges Thursday, dramatically upending the trial schedule and altering the course of a case that was expected to be a routine repeat of DePape’s federal prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after 11 a.m., Judge Harry Dorfman granted some of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">defense’s double-jeopardy arguments\u003c/a> and tossed out charges of attempted murder, assault with a deadly weapon and elder abuse on the grounds that DePape has already been convicted for those acts in federal court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all one event,” Dorfman said at a San Francisco hearing Thursday. “A sober look at the evidence is – same place, same time, same act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial is now on hold for at least a week while attorneys await a response from the California Court of Appeal on each party’s request to challenge the ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense attorneys were expected to begin presenting their case Friday after the prosecution rested Tuesday. But as soon as Dorfman announced his ruling Thursday, assistant district attorney Sean Connolly requested a stay of the proceedings while attorneys requested relief from the higher court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s attorneys now say they no longer plan to call at least one witness, Dr. Laeeq Evered, a mental health expert. Attorneys have not yet decided whether DePape will testify, assistant public defender Adam Lipson told the judge. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors are expected back in court June 14. Depending on how the state appellate court responds, the trial could be delayed even further. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request to dismiss two additional counts – first degree burglary and aggravated kidnapping – along with the rest of the charges. The defense plans to appeal the judge’s decision on the aggravated kidnapping charge, which carries a life sentence without the possibility of parole. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, 44, still faces other state charges, including false imprisonment of an elder, threatening the family member of a public official and preventing or dissuading a witness by force or threat. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape was convicted in federal court in November of attempting to kidnap former House speaker Nancy Pelosi and assaulting her husband during a late-night home-invasion at the couple’s San Francisco home on Oct. 28, 2022. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Police body cam footage captured the graphic scene of DePape swinging a hammer at Paul Pelosi’s head right in front of San Francisco police officers who were responding to a 911 call Pelosi had managed to make from his bathroom. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">sentenced to 30 years in federal prison\u003c/a> at a U.S. District Court hearing on May 28. The next day, his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988131/prosecutors-defense-deliver-opening-statements-in-state-trial-of-man-who-attacked-paul-pelosi\">state trial in San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> began. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s attorneys moved to dismiss multiple charges last month, arguing that his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967595/david-depape-found-guilty-in-paul-pelosi-hammer-attack\">conviction in federal court\u003c/a> precludes prosecution for certain acts in state court because of California protections against double jeopardy. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their May 21 motion, defense attorneys cite two sections of the California penal code, one that makes a prior conviction a defense to a new charge stemming from the same acts and another that bars prosecution after a conviction in another court system. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because DePape was already convicted of assault and attempted kidnapping in federal court, California law bars his prosecution in state court for the same acts, they argued. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DePape’s federal convictions were based on precisely the same conduct that is charged in Counts I to IV: breaking into the Speaker’s home and striking Mr. Pelosi on the head with a hammer,” attorneys wrote. “Because DePape has now been convicted for those acts,” those sections of the law, “bar a retrial.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They went on: “DePape’s assault on Mr Pelosi with a hammer was an act of violence that shocked our country. So was his forced entry into the Pelosis’ home. The United States has tried, convicted and severely punished DePape for those crimes. California law does not permit a second trial for the same conduct.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-schools-police-calls-shed-light-on-student-safety-concerns",
"title": "California Schools' Police Calls Shed Light on Student Safety Concerns",
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"headTitle": "California Schools’ Police Calls Shed Light on Student Safety Concerns | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: This is the first in a continuing investigation into school policing in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Middle schooler allegedly attacks classmate twice, choking him severely. Police recommend attempted murder charges to district attorney.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>School staff calls police to report squirrel with injured leg in school courtyard.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Unknown man in swimsuit briefs adorned with Australian flag trespassing at high school pool. Lifeguard sees a man follow boys 9 and 12, into the locker room. Man strips, pulls back the shower curtain to see the boy and asks: “Does this make you uncomfortable?” Man flees. Police list indecent exposure and lewd acts as possible offenses.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Officer dispatched to investigate ringing school alarm. Burnt English muffin found in teachers’ lounge. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Crescent City, Weed and Alturas in the far north to Calexico and El Cajon nearly 800 miles south, all along the Pacific Coast, across the sprawling Central Valley and up into the High Sierra and down into the Mojave Desert, police are dispatched to California schools thousands of times on any given day classes are in session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reasons are myriad: Students bringing guns and knives — and even a spear and a bow and arrow — to school, sexual assaults and “perversion reports” and fights. Then there are lost keys, malfunctioning alarms, and dogs — even cattle — loose on school grounds. Once, police were called for help with a swarm of bees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cops rush to reports of students attempting suicide and overdosing on drugs, bullying, sexual assault and unwanted touching. They surveil high schoolers leaving campuses for lunch. They break up fights between parents over spots in elementary school pickup queues. They haul drunken adults from the stands at school sporting events. They once investigated a teacher’s claim that someone stole $10,000 from her classroom desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mostly the call logs capture the anguish of youngsters with mental health challenges, victims whose nude photos are showing up on social media for all to see and parents turning to school administrators to deal with it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such details emerged from \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nearly 46,000 police call logs and dispatch records EdSource obtained\u003c/a> from 164 law enforcement agencies in 57 of California’s 58 counties as part of a sweeping statewide investigation into school policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data offered a raw, first-blush look at why school staff summon cops, reasons that sometimes lead to juvenile and adult arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"forum_2010101905485,news_11987651\" label=\"Related Stories\"]All incidents included in the police logs largely remain out of public view due to state laws that shield juveniles and allow police to withhold information on investigations. As a result, the data collected as a representative sample of the state is also clearly an undercount of what routinely occurs in California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An EdSource analysis found that nearly a third of all calls for police were for incidents deemed serious. After consulting police experts, EdSource tagged the data with a definition for serious incidents as those that reasonably required a police presence. Included among serious incidents are those tagged as violent, which include anything involving a violent act, including self-harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The share of serious incidents increases to 4 out of 10 when police patrols are set aside. They make up about a third of all records, but most have little detail on what police were doing at or near the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis also showed that high school students in districts with their own police departments are policed at a higher rate than in districts that rely on municipal police and sheriffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>School police calls across California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years after Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin murdered George Floyd, igniting a national revolt and the defund-the-police movement, only about 20 of California’s 977 public school districts made significant changes to school policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most that acted ended contracts with municipal police departments to post cops — commonly called school resource officers — in schools. And three districts that made changes reversed course and brought police back after short hiatuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EdSource’s investigation sampled records showing calls from and about schools to city and school district police departments and county sheriffs. In some cases, officers stationed in schools dispatch themselves to a problem by radioing their dispatcher. Schools without campus police often call 911. Typically, police record their activity as “patrol” or “school check,” vague descriptions that raise questions about the use of public resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever a school resource officer ran along a corridor, one hand on a radio microphone, or a sheriff’s deputy raced along a country road with lights and sirens on to reach a distant rural school, they contributed to what data showed is a vast, continuing police presence in California’s pre-K to 12 public education, EdSource found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The records resurfaced a debate lingering years after Floyd’s killing about how much policing schools need and if deploying armed officers does more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly to police debates at the municipal level, school policing can be polarizing. Across California, the issue emerges as a political divide, with some seeing the police as necessary to ensure safety and others seeing them as agents of racial injustice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the ACLU of Southern California issued a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/no_police_in_schools_-_report_-_aclu_-_082421.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">scathing report\u003c/a> that recommended an end to school policing in the Golden State, calling it “discriminatory, costly, and counterproductive.” In schools with regularly assigned cops, students across “all groups” were more likely to be arrested or referred to law enforcement, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2020 University of Maryland study published in the journal Criminology and Public Policy, found school districts that increased policing through federal grants “did not increase school safety.” Researchers recommended improving safety through “the many alternatives” to police in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, school policing is “a structure. It’s part of the budgets, it’s part of the vocabulary of the schools. It’s part of what the expectation is from the parents and the students,” said Southwestern Law School professor Jyoti Nandam, who has researched school policing for 25 years and calls it “completely unnecessary,” adding, America is the lone civilized country where it is practiced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural California, school policing is seen as routine, allowing students to become “comfortable interacting with someone in a uniform, wearing a badge, and carrying a gun, so that as they grew older, they see those people as a friendly face, a resource that they could go to as opposed to someone that they should be afraid of,” Tulare County School Superintendent Tim Hire told EdSource. The practice is spreading in Tulare, where three small districts recently agreed to share a resource officer to travel among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such decisions are often couched as safety matters, a vigilant effort to prevent the next school shooting and avoid the failure of Uvalde, Texas police to stop the gunman who slaughtered 19 students and two teachers in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Riverside) introduced legislation in February to require an armed police officer in each public school with more than 50 students, he described the need in base terms: “We need good guys and girls with guns, ready to act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essayli’s idea is “a step backward,” Assembly Education Committee member Mia Bonta (D-Alameda) said at a hearing where the bill died in April. “We know it to be true that there’s a disproportionate impact on Black and brown students when police officers are in schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A matter of local control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Education offers no guidance or best practices, calling policing a local matter, a spokesperson said. There’s little consistency statewide in whether police are deployed in schools. Nineteen school districts have their own police departments, including Los Angeles United, which refused to release its police call data, some with only a handful of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified cut its police department’s budget by 35% in 2020 and banned officers from being posted in schools. Following reports of escalating violence, the district recently reinstated police to two schools through mid-June. Superintendent Alberto Carvalho had informed the school board that he was planning to return police to 20 schools, but he got community and trustee backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified disbanded its police department in favor of non-police staffers to keep peace in schools and respond to emergencies. Principals were trained on when to call city police only as a last resort. Still, data shows eight of the district’s 18 traditional middle and high schools combined to call city police 225 times, with nearly half of them serious, between Jan. 15 and June 30, 2023. Reasons include assault with a deadly weapon, suicide attempts, battery and terrorist/criminal threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Long Beach and San Diego school Superintendent Carl Cohn, who served on the California State Board of Education from 2011 to 2018, said Oakland’s model of deploying people to talk students through peaceful resolutions of disputes can work. In the early 1990s, he ran the Long Beach schools anti-gang task force, hiring people with “street cred,” including former gang members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They “could stop instantly what was going on on a campus by their mere presence,” Cohn said. “Their credibility with youngsters that might be on the verge of gang affiliation was really powerful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Cohn’s “not on board with this notion of ‘let’s abandon the school police altogether.’ It’s the type of thing where ultimately there’s enough bad things from time to time happening that the safety of children has to be front and center.” Police must be well-trained, and school officials must cooperate with them, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shutting down the Oakland Unified police department of 11 officers and changing its policing culture is tough and ongoing, said a leader of a racial justice group that pushed for the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still the ideology of policing that exists on campus and is embedded in the infrastructure of schools that we’re also up against,” said Jessica Black, a Black Organizing Project activist. “The criminalization of young people, implicit bias, and anti-Black racist practices” still need to be confronted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only after Floyd’s murder that Dr. Tony Moos, a physician, learned that her four children, who had each attended high school in the affluent Santa Clara County city of Los Altos, had “negative interactions” with school resources officers “that they’d kept to themselves,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moos was motivated to act and got the city to examine school police practices and make changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hearings that included a Black high school teacher saying a resource officer had once pushed her to the ground, the city pulled police from the high school. The city also replaced its police chief in 2022. The new hire, a Black woman, came with much-needed experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Out of public view\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California law grants police-wide powers to withhold documents, including investigatory records, requested under the Public Records Act without revealing how many such records are being withheld. Many departments withheld from EdSource some — or even all — of the school calls they received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same is true about what information police can reveal in news releases or public statements about individual school incidents, especially involving juveniles. The public is often then not informed about police activity in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means that the serious incidents — weapons, death threats, rapes, assaults, fights, drugs — that police are responding to in 3 out of 10 calls often remain confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police in Crescent City, Del Norte County, for example, didn’t release information about the attempted murder of a student at Crescent Elk Middle School by a classmate who allegedly repeatedly choked him on Jan. 23, 2023, until EdSource asked about the incident more than a year later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When EdSource asked police in Avenal, Kings County to elaborate on a call record of a late-night report of “shots fired” at the city’s high school, a lawyer responded claiming the information was exempt from disclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that (the exemptions) apply to virtually everything law enforcement does. They never expire. So, every police report is potentially covered by the investigatory records exemption,” said David Loy, legal director of the First Amendment Coalition, an open government group. The lack of disclosure of police activity in schools makes it all the harder to determine what the correct level of policing should be, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the importance of the issue, the lack of information is troubling, Loy said. The debate over school policing “should be held on the basis of full and complete data and not driven by anecdote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A day of policing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The one-day record of police responding to a school for serious incidents was 10, the data sample shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was May 17, 2023, at \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/15737421531367\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Burroughs High School\u003c/a> in the Sierra Sands Unified School District in Ridgecrest, a desert city of 28,000 in eastern Kern County near Death Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first occurred at 8:38 a.m. when a school resource officer arrested a student for battery and released him to his parents. District Assistant Superintendent Brian Auld, who’s in charge of security, told EdSource the student “didn’t even go to the police station.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was followed at 9:09 a.m. by reports of two students who appeared to be under the influence of drugs. They were evaluated and returned to class. Another report of two students apparently under the influence came in at 10:26 a.m. One student was impaired and released to their parents, Auld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than 10 minutes later, the resource officer responded to a student in “mental distress” who was taken for a psychological evaluation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 1:23 p.m., police were alerted to a terrorist threat that ended up involving a student threatening to beat up someone, Auld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 minutes later, two girls began fighting in art class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One grabbed what Auld called “an art project” — apparently a ceramic object — and allegedly swung it at the other girl’s head. Police called it assault with a deadly weapon, arresting the aggressor. “Deadly weapon sounds like a knife or a gun. The officer made the decision that (the object) could have done serious bodily harm,” Auld said. “I’m not downplaying it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 3:14 p.m. a report of disturbing the peace came in. No details were provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 10:26 p.m., a vandalism report to the police turned out to be benign — police found that soon-to-graduate seniors had decorated the school with toilet paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ridgecrest is “a unique, isolated community” near a military base. The school district considers its relationship with the police as a successful partnership, Auld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials “have some, or even total, discretion regarding whether or not an arrest is made,” he added. The district has 15 counselors, mental health therapists and a registered behavioral therapist, Auld said. It’s also implementing restorative practices and social-emotional learning to “change behaviors before they result in suspensions, expulsions and arrests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Kings of calls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most total call and dispatch records in the data for one school that relies on calling 911 was \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/16639821635606\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lemoore High School\u003c/a>, in Lemoore, a city of 26,600 in Kings County with 471 calls over a nearly six-month period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemoore police, which refers to school police as youth development officers, provided scant detail on the reasons for the calls, listing hundreds in records as premises checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview, Lt. Alvaro Santos, who supervises Lemoore’s school policing, attributed the numbers to the department’s practice of having all available officers “drop what they’re doing” during the times students arrive at school and leave for lunch and later go home, basically surrounding the buildings, some on side streets out of view of students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re around the school. They could be either parked on a side street or they could be driving by looking for vehicle code violations or anything that would pose a danger to the students,” Santos said. He said the schools are near a main road through the city and that there are concerns about drunk drivers in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More serious calls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sampled data shows that middle schools have a higher rate of serious incidents reported to police than high schools. At \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/41689990136093\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Cesar Chavez Middle School\u003c/a>, in East Palo Alto, 41% of calls to police reported violent incidents, threats and sexual misconduct, data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of two calls that East Palo Alto police labeled “perversion report,” a student allegedly used a phone to make “a TikTok” of another girl using the restroom, according to a recording of a heavily redacted 911 call to police from a school official. Police refused to release any details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/10621660129338\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gaston Middle School\u003c/a> is in a neighborhood plagued by violence, gangs and drugs, all of which follow students through the school doors, both police and Fresno Unified Superintendent Bob Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2528px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A police vehicle is parked on dirt with children playing basketball in the background.\" width=\"2528\" height=\"1604\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM.png 2528w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-800x508.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-1020x647.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-160x102.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-1536x975.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-2048x1299.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-1920x1218.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2528px) 100vw, 2528px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Encore High School play basketball as a San Bernardino County Sheriff deputy parks outside of the school Sept. 22, 2016 in Hesperia. \u003ccite>(James Quigg/The Daily Press via AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would love for there to be no acts of any physical harm on another person, but that’s impossible,” Sgt. Anthony Alvarado said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno Unified has been debating what level of policing to have in its schools for several years. In 2020 police were pulled from the district’s middle schools but remained in high schools. After several violent incidents, police were returned to some middle schools in 2022 and the rest in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>School “feels like a prison”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The daily presence of Kern High School District police at Mira Monte High in Bakersfield “feels ghetto,” sophomore Jose Delgado said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school “feels like a prison. It’s like they don’t trust us at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Delgado said, he understands the need for police, noting a lot of fights at the school. “It’s for the best, but it makes us feel ghetto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/15635290116400\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Data shows 163 police call records at Delgado’s school\u003c/a> for the five-and-a-half-month period. They describe incidents including assault with a deadly weapon, an irate parent, out-of-control juveniles and resisting a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delgado’s sense of school as a prison and not being trusted are among the reasons why the negatives of school policing “completely outweigh the positives,” Nandam, the Southwestern Law School professor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students who police typically interact with “are not the children that are doing well in school,” Nandam said. “Part of why there isn’t an outrage, a global outrage, is because it’s not impacting the people that are in power, the people who have agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children seeing police in schools can be akin to going to an airport and encountering armed officers at a security checkpoint, said University of Florida education professor Chris Curran, who has studied school policing extensively. “It’s natural to wonder what’s wrong, why are there people with guns?” he said. “You find yourself saying, ‘What do I not know about? What’s this danger that has necessitated assault rifles?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No state guidance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When he was a state Assembly member in 2020, California Attorney General Rob Bonta, Assemblymember Mia Bonta’s spouse, clearly came down on the side of removing police from schools when he spoke at a forum after Floyd’s murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just really important to call out this incredible moment,” he said, lauding districts, including Oakland, that ended policing. “There’s a general dehumanization of children of color, a belief that they need to be surveilled and monitored and watched and policed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989269\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2594px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989269\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a suit gestures with his hands in front of a microphone.\" width=\"2594\" height=\"1594\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM.png 2594w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-800x492.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-1020x627.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-160x98.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-1536x944.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-2048x1258.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-1920x1180.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2594px) 100vw, 2594px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond. \u003ccite>(Andrew Reed/EdSource)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The outcomes don’t make our students safer,” he said. School policing is “not achieving what we’re seeking,” \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CAEducation/videos/288417659174199\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a video of the forum\u003c/a> shows. It was hosted by State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked recently if Bonta’s position on school policing as the state’s top law enforcement officer mirrors what he said in 2020, his press secretary replied “no” via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, who’s expected to enter the 2026 governor’s race, “has always believed that there isn’t a one-size-fits-all solution for school safety and that schools need to work towards data-driven policies that fit their community,” Alexandra Duquet wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“School resource officers can be an important component of ensuring students and school personnel safety,” Duquet wrote. “Their primary focus should be ensuring the safety of all on-campus — not discipline — and they be given tools such as implicit bias training that ensure the equitable treatment of all students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond, \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-tony-thurmond-education-schools-e31cbf14dbec595f962b615bb8704915\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a declared 2026 gubernatorial candidate\u003c/a>, took no position on school policing during the forum. He recently told EdSource that he favors “well-trained school resource officers to handle serious situations.” He also called for “more training of school staff so they’re not calling police for something that’s a student discipline matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond also said that during his time as a member of the West Contra Costa Unified School District board from 2008–12, he saw police officers help students, calling them “some of the best social workers I’ve worked with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley) who during Thurmond’s forum praised Oakland’s shuttering of its school police department, said in an interview that school districts should consider alternatives to police the way some cities have started using trained civilians to respond to 911 mental-health-crisis calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989270\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2388px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989270\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A white woman wearing glasses and a white jacket holds a piece of paper and speaks into a microphone in a room.\" width=\"2388\" height=\"1608\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM.png 2388w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-800x539.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-1020x687.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-1536x1034.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-2048x1379.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-1920x1293.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2388px) 100vw, 2388px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/The Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Kids are emotional. Kids don’t have impulse control the way adults should, and to bring an officer in, especially since all of our officers are armed, can, rather than defuse the situation, make it worse,” Skinner said. Kids can act out what they experience at home or on the street, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner, the author of several major police accountability bills, also said she saw value in the data EdSource obtained and published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police logs can help officials decide if civilian staff should deal with more school incidents at a time when California’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/01/09/even-at-112000-starting-pay-fewer-people-want-to-be-cops/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">suffering a police shortage\u003c/a>, she said. That could leave sworn officers available for “real public safety needs. We never want to prevent a school from calling 911 if that’s needed. However, there might be some appropriate guidelines or boundaries that cities and schools could work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stopping a police chase\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The executive director of the Alabama-based National Association of School Resource Officers, Mo Candy, a retired cop, said districts would be mistaken to remove resource officers from campuses. Police will always be needed to respond to schools, and “we need for students and faculty to be able to feel like this officer is more than just a law enforcement officer, that they really are another trusted adult in that school environment.” A trained and well-known officer, “may be the person who comes into a situation with the coolest head,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loretta Whitson, executive director of the California School Counselors Association, has seen what can happen when police approach a student situation lacking the cool-headedness Candy described.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a school counselor in the Monrovia Unified School District in Los Angeles County, she once worked with a child who ran away from school multiple times. Finally, an exacerbated principal called the police, who chased after the student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The principal didn’t stop them. I felt as (officers) went on in their rant this kid is getting more damaged. So, I said, ‘Stop, stop,”’ Whitson said. “We already had a very damaged kid, and this wasn’t helping.” The student was later found to need special education services, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Nolan, a retired Boston police lieutenant turned sociologist who’s taught at several universities and studied school policing, said when law enforcement officers are called into a school situation, “they become the shot callers,” deciding what to do whether it is in the child’s best interest or not. Too often, principals are calling them for minor problems like lost keys and disciplinary matters, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The research is unequivocal in demonstrating that the police coming into schools, or police being assigned to schools, is almost always a bad idea. It has bad outcomes for children. It has bad outcomes for school safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nolan said police are not school counselors and shouldn’t play that role. “That’s something that’s a very specific skill set that is attained through years of graduate level study by mental health practitioners and clinicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Police Chiefs Association declined to make anyone from its leadership available for an interview. In an email, its executive director described school policing as a matter best discussed at local levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, a powerful federation of police unions, wasn’t available for an interview, a spokesperson said. In a statement, Marvel, a San Diego police officer, said cops assigned to schools “play an important role in” schools. They act as “educators, emergency/crisis managers, first responders, informal counselors, mentors, and model the kind of behavior that builds trust and respect between law enforcement and the communities they serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data shows that sometimes, regardless of who might be available to counsel or advise a student, one may just do something dumb, like putting a death threat in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 15, 2023, James Morris, the county administrator who also acts as Inglewood Unified superintendent, received a death threat via email, police call records show. Morris, a veteran administrator, was brought on to lift Inglewood out of years of state receivership because of fiscal woes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can just say, generally, it was a student,” Morris said when asked about the threat. Police took a report, but Morris said he didn’t want charges filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been doing this for 44 years. It takes a lot to rattle me,” he said. “It was a young person who just needed help.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: This is the first in a continuing investigation into school policing in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Middle schooler allegedly attacks classmate twice, choking him severely. Police recommend attempted murder charges to district attorney.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>School staff calls police to report squirrel with injured leg in school courtyard.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Unknown man in swimsuit briefs adorned with Australian flag trespassing at high school pool. Lifeguard sees a man follow boys 9 and 12, into the locker room. Man strips, pulls back the shower curtain to see the boy and asks: “Does this make you uncomfortable?” Man flees. Police list indecent exposure and lewd acts as possible offenses.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Officer dispatched to investigate ringing school alarm. Burnt English muffin found in teachers’ lounge. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Crescent City, Weed and Alturas in the far north to Calexico and El Cajon nearly 800 miles south, all along the Pacific Coast, across the sprawling Central Valley and up into the High Sierra and down into the Mojave Desert, police are dispatched to California schools thousands of times on any given day classes are in session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reasons are myriad: Students bringing guns and knives — and even a spear and a bow and arrow — to school, sexual assaults and “perversion reports” and fights. Then there are lost keys, malfunctioning alarms, and dogs — even cattle — loose on school grounds. Once, police were called for help with a swarm of bees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cops rush to reports of students attempting suicide and overdosing on drugs, bullying, sexual assault and unwanted touching. They surveil high schoolers leaving campuses for lunch. They break up fights between parents over spots in elementary school pickup queues. They haul drunken adults from the stands at school sporting events. They once investigated a teacher’s claim that someone stole $10,000 from her classroom desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mostly the call logs capture the anguish of youngsters with mental health challenges, victims whose nude photos are showing up on social media for all to see and parents turning to school administrators to deal with it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such details emerged from \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nearly 46,000 police call logs and dispatch records EdSource obtained\u003c/a> from 164 law enforcement agencies in 57 of California’s 58 counties as part of a sweeping statewide investigation into school policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data offered a raw, first-blush look at why school staff summon cops, reasons that sometimes lead to juvenile and adult arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>All incidents included in the police logs largely remain out of public view due to state laws that shield juveniles and allow police to withhold information on investigations. As a result, the data collected as a representative sample of the state is also clearly an undercount of what routinely occurs in California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An EdSource analysis found that nearly a third of all calls for police were for incidents deemed serious. After consulting police experts, EdSource tagged the data with a definition for serious incidents as those that reasonably required a police presence. Included among serious incidents are those tagged as violent, which include anything involving a violent act, including self-harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The share of serious incidents increases to 4 out of 10 when police patrols are set aside. They make up about a third of all records, but most have little detail on what police were doing at or near the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis also showed that high school students in districts with their own police departments are policed at a higher rate than in districts that rely on municipal police and sheriffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>School police calls across California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years after Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin murdered George Floyd, igniting a national revolt and the defund-the-police movement, only about 20 of California’s 977 public school districts made significant changes to school policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most that acted ended contracts with municipal police departments to post cops — commonly called school resource officers — in schools. And three districts that made changes reversed course and brought police back after short hiatuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EdSource’s investigation sampled records showing calls from and about schools to city and school district police departments and county sheriffs. In some cases, officers stationed in schools dispatch themselves to a problem by radioing their dispatcher. Schools without campus police often call 911. Typically, police record their activity as “patrol” or “school check,” vague descriptions that raise questions about the use of public resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever a school resource officer ran along a corridor, one hand on a radio microphone, or a sheriff’s deputy raced along a country road with lights and sirens on to reach a distant rural school, they contributed to what data showed is a vast, continuing police presence in California’s pre-K to 12 public education, EdSource found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The records resurfaced a debate lingering years after Floyd’s killing about how much policing schools need and if deploying armed officers does more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly to police debates at the municipal level, school policing can be polarizing. Across California, the issue emerges as a political divide, with some seeing the police as necessary to ensure safety and others seeing them as agents of racial injustice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the ACLU of Southern California issued a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/no_police_in_schools_-_report_-_aclu_-_082421.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">scathing report\u003c/a> that recommended an end to school policing in the Golden State, calling it “discriminatory, costly, and counterproductive.” In schools with regularly assigned cops, students across “all groups” were more likely to be arrested or referred to law enforcement, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2020 University of Maryland study published in the journal Criminology and Public Policy, found school districts that increased policing through federal grants “did not increase school safety.” Researchers recommended improving safety through “the many alternatives” to police in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, school policing is “a structure. It’s part of the budgets, it’s part of the vocabulary of the schools. It’s part of what the expectation is from the parents and the students,” said Southwestern Law School professor Jyoti Nandam, who has researched school policing for 25 years and calls it “completely unnecessary,” adding, America is the lone civilized country where it is practiced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural California, school policing is seen as routine, allowing students to become “comfortable interacting with someone in a uniform, wearing a badge, and carrying a gun, so that as they grew older, they see those people as a friendly face, a resource that they could go to as opposed to someone that they should be afraid of,” Tulare County School Superintendent Tim Hire told EdSource. The practice is spreading in Tulare, where three small districts recently agreed to share a resource officer to travel among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such decisions are often couched as safety matters, a vigilant effort to prevent the next school shooting and avoid the failure of Uvalde, Texas police to stop the gunman who slaughtered 19 students and two teachers in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When state Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Riverside) introduced legislation in February to require an armed police officer in each public school with more than 50 students, he described the need in base terms: “We need good guys and girls with guns, ready to act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essayli’s idea is “a step backward,” Assembly Education Committee member Mia Bonta (D-Alameda) said at a hearing where the bill died in April. “We know it to be true that there’s a disproportionate impact on Black and brown students when police officers are in schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A matter of local control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Education offers no guidance or best practices, calling policing a local matter, a spokesperson said. There’s little consistency statewide in whether police are deployed in schools. Nineteen school districts have their own police departments, including Los Angeles United, which refused to release its police call data, some with only a handful of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified cut its police department’s budget by 35% in 2020 and banned officers from being posted in schools. Following reports of escalating violence, the district recently reinstated police to two schools through mid-June. Superintendent Alberto Carvalho had informed the school board that he was planning to return police to 20 schools, but he got community and trustee backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified disbanded its police department in favor of non-police staffers to keep peace in schools and respond to emergencies. Principals were trained on when to call city police only as a last resort. Still, data shows eight of the district’s 18 traditional middle and high schools combined to call city police 225 times, with nearly half of them serious, between Jan. 15 and June 30, 2023. Reasons include assault with a deadly weapon, suicide attempts, battery and terrorist/criminal threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Long Beach and San Diego school Superintendent Carl Cohn, who served on the California State Board of Education from 2011 to 2018, said Oakland’s model of deploying people to talk students through peaceful resolutions of disputes can work. In the early 1990s, he ran the Long Beach schools anti-gang task force, hiring people with “street cred,” including former gang members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They “could stop instantly what was going on on a campus by their mere presence,” Cohn said. “Their credibility with youngsters that might be on the verge of gang affiliation was really powerful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Cohn’s “not on board with this notion of ‘let’s abandon the school police altogether.’ It’s the type of thing where ultimately there’s enough bad things from time to time happening that the safety of children has to be front and center.” Police must be well-trained, and school officials must cooperate with them, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shutting down the Oakland Unified police department of 11 officers and changing its policing culture is tough and ongoing, said a leader of a racial justice group that pushed for the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still the ideology of policing that exists on campus and is embedded in the infrastructure of schools that we’re also up against,” said Jessica Black, a Black Organizing Project activist. “The criminalization of young people, implicit bias, and anti-Black racist practices” still need to be confronted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only after Floyd’s murder that Dr. Tony Moos, a physician, learned that her four children, who had each attended high school in the affluent Santa Clara County city of Los Altos, had “negative interactions” with school resources officers “that they’d kept to themselves,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moos was motivated to act and got the city to examine school police practices and make changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hearings that included a Black high school teacher saying a resource officer had once pushed her to the ground, the city pulled police from the high school. The city also replaced its police chief in 2022. The new hire, a Black woman, came with much-needed experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Out of public view\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California law grants police-wide powers to withhold documents, including investigatory records, requested under the Public Records Act without revealing how many such records are being withheld. Many departments withheld from EdSource some — or even all — of the school calls they received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same is true about what information police can reveal in news releases or public statements about individual school incidents, especially involving juveniles. The public is often then not informed about police activity in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means that the serious incidents — weapons, death threats, rapes, assaults, fights, drugs — that police are responding to in 3 out of 10 calls often remain confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police in Crescent City, Del Norte County, for example, didn’t release information about the attempted murder of a student at Crescent Elk Middle School by a classmate who allegedly repeatedly choked him on Jan. 23, 2023, until EdSource asked about the incident more than a year later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When EdSource asked police in Avenal, Kings County to elaborate on a call record of a late-night report of “shots fired” at the city’s high school, a lawyer responded claiming the information was exempt from disclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that (the exemptions) apply to virtually everything law enforcement does. They never expire. So, every police report is potentially covered by the investigatory records exemption,” said David Loy, legal director of the First Amendment Coalition, an open government group. The lack of disclosure of police activity in schools makes it all the harder to determine what the correct level of policing should be, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the importance of the issue, the lack of information is troubling, Loy said. The debate over school policing “should be held on the basis of full and complete data and not driven by anecdote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A day of policing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The one-day record of police responding to a school for serious incidents was 10, the data sample shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was May 17, 2023, at \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/15737421531367\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Burroughs High School\u003c/a> in the Sierra Sands Unified School District in Ridgecrest, a desert city of 28,000 in eastern Kern County near Death Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first occurred at 8:38 a.m. when a school resource officer arrested a student for battery and released him to his parents. District Assistant Superintendent Brian Auld, who’s in charge of security, told EdSource the student “didn’t even go to the police station.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was followed at 9:09 a.m. by reports of two students who appeared to be under the influence of drugs. They were evaluated and returned to class. Another report of two students apparently under the influence came in at 10:26 a.m. One student was impaired and released to their parents, Auld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than 10 minutes later, the resource officer responded to a student in “mental distress” who was taken for a psychological evaluation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 1:23 p.m., police were alerted to a terrorist threat that ended up involving a student threatening to beat up someone, Auld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 minutes later, two girls began fighting in art class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One grabbed what Auld called “an art project” — apparently a ceramic object — and allegedly swung it at the other girl’s head. Police called it assault with a deadly weapon, arresting the aggressor. “Deadly weapon sounds like a knife or a gun. The officer made the decision that (the object) could have done serious bodily harm,” Auld said. “I’m not downplaying it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 3:14 p.m. a report of disturbing the peace came in. No details were provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 10:26 p.m., a vandalism report to the police turned out to be benign — police found that soon-to-graduate seniors had decorated the school with toilet paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ridgecrest is “a unique, isolated community” near a military base. The school district considers its relationship with the police as a successful partnership, Auld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials “have some, or even total, discretion regarding whether or not an arrest is made,” he added. The district has 15 counselors, mental health therapists and a registered behavioral therapist, Auld said. It’s also implementing restorative practices and social-emotional learning to “change behaviors before they result in suspensions, expulsions and arrests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Kings of calls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most total call and dispatch records in the data for one school that relies on calling 911 was \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/16639821635606\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lemoore High School\u003c/a>, in Lemoore, a city of 26,600 in Kings County with 471 calls over a nearly six-month period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemoore police, which refers to school police as youth development officers, provided scant detail on the reasons for the calls, listing hundreds in records as premises checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview, Lt. Alvaro Santos, who supervises Lemoore’s school policing, attributed the numbers to the department’s practice of having all available officers “drop what they’re doing” during the times students arrive at school and leave for lunch and later go home, basically surrounding the buildings, some on side streets out of view of students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re around the school. They could be either parked on a side street or they could be driving by looking for vehicle code violations or anything that would pose a danger to the students,” Santos said. He said the schools are near a main road through the city and that there are concerns about drunk drivers in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More serious calls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sampled data shows that middle schools have a higher rate of serious incidents reported to police than high schools. At \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/41689990136093\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Cesar Chavez Middle School\u003c/a>, in East Palo Alto, 41% of calls to police reported violent incidents, threats and sexual misconduct, data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of two calls that East Palo Alto police labeled “perversion report,” a student allegedly used a phone to make “a TikTok” of another girl using the restroom, according to a recording of a heavily redacted 911 call to police from a school official. Police refused to release any details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/10621660129338\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gaston Middle School\u003c/a> is in a neighborhood plagued by violence, gangs and drugs, all of which follow students through the school doors, both police and Fresno Unified Superintendent Bob Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2528px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A police vehicle is parked on dirt with children playing basketball in the background.\" width=\"2528\" height=\"1604\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM.png 2528w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-800x508.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-1020x647.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-160x102.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-1536x975.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-2048x1299.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.05.55 PM-1920x1218.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2528px) 100vw, 2528px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Encore High School play basketball as a San Bernardino County Sheriff deputy parks outside of the school Sept. 22, 2016 in Hesperia. \u003ccite>(James Quigg/The Daily Press via AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would love for there to be no acts of any physical harm on another person, but that’s impossible,” Sgt. Anthony Alvarado said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno Unified has been debating what level of policing to have in its schools for several years. In 2020 police were pulled from the district’s middle schools but remained in high schools. After several violent incidents, police were returned to some middle schools in 2022 and the rest in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>School “feels like a prison”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The daily presence of Kern High School District police at Mira Monte High in Bakersfield “feels ghetto,” sophomore Jose Delgado said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school “feels like a prison. It’s like they don’t trust us at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Delgado said, he understands the need for police, noting a lot of fights at the school. “It’s for the best, but it makes us feel ghetto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://callingthecops.edsource.org/school/15635290116400\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Data shows 163 police call records at Delgado’s school\u003c/a> for the five-and-a-half-month period. They describe incidents including assault with a deadly weapon, an irate parent, out-of-control juveniles and resisting a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delgado’s sense of school as a prison and not being trusted are among the reasons why the negatives of school policing “completely outweigh the positives,” Nandam, the Southwestern Law School professor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students who police typically interact with “are not the children that are doing well in school,” Nandam said. “Part of why there isn’t an outrage, a global outrage, is because it’s not impacting the people that are in power, the people who have agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children seeing police in schools can be akin to going to an airport and encountering armed officers at a security checkpoint, said University of Florida education professor Chris Curran, who has studied school policing extensively. “It’s natural to wonder what’s wrong, why are there people with guns?” he said. “You find yourself saying, ‘What do I not know about? What’s this danger that has necessitated assault rifles?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No state guidance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When he was a state Assembly member in 2020, California Attorney General Rob Bonta, Assemblymember Mia Bonta’s spouse, clearly came down on the side of removing police from schools when he spoke at a forum after Floyd’s murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just really important to call out this incredible moment,” he said, lauding districts, including Oakland, that ended policing. “There’s a general dehumanization of children of color, a belief that they need to be surveilled and monitored and watched and policed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989269\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2594px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989269\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a suit gestures with his hands in front of a microphone.\" width=\"2594\" height=\"1594\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM.png 2594w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-800x492.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-1020x627.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-160x98.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-1536x944.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-2048x1258.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.40 PM-1920x1180.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2594px) 100vw, 2594px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond. \u003ccite>(Andrew Reed/EdSource)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The outcomes don’t make our students safer,” he said. School policing is “not achieving what we’re seeking,” \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CAEducation/videos/288417659174199\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a video of the forum\u003c/a> shows. It was hosted by State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked recently if Bonta’s position on school policing as the state’s top law enforcement officer mirrors what he said in 2020, his press secretary replied “no” via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, who’s expected to enter the 2026 governor’s race, “has always believed that there isn’t a one-size-fits-all solution for school safety and that schools need to work towards data-driven policies that fit their community,” Alexandra Duquet wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“School resource officers can be an important component of ensuring students and school personnel safety,” Duquet wrote. “Their primary focus should be ensuring the safety of all on-campus — not discipline — and they be given tools such as implicit bias training that ensure the equitable treatment of all students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond, \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-tony-thurmond-education-schools-e31cbf14dbec595f962b615bb8704915\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a declared 2026 gubernatorial candidate\u003c/a>, took no position on school policing during the forum. He recently told EdSource that he favors “well-trained school resource officers to handle serious situations.” He also called for “more training of school staff so they’re not calling police for something that’s a student discipline matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond also said that during his time as a member of the West Contra Costa Unified School District board from 2008–12, he saw police officers help students, calling them “some of the best social workers I’ve worked with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley) who during Thurmond’s forum praised Oakland’s shuttering of its school police department, said in an interview that school districts should consider alternatives to police the way some cities have started using trained civilians to respond to 911 mental-health-crisis calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989270\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2388px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989270\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A white woman wearing glasses and a white jacket holds a piece of paper and speaks into a microphone in a room.\" width=\"2388\" height=\"1608\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM.png 2388w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-800x539.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-1020x687.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-1536x1034.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-2048x1379.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Screenshot-2024-06-06-at-12.06.48 PM-1920x1293.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2388px) 100vw, 2388px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Nancy Skinner, D-Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/The Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Kids are emotional. Kids don’t have impulse control the way adults should, and to bring an officer in, especially since all of our officers are armed, can, rather than defuse the situation, make it worse,” Skinner said. Kids can act out what they experience at home or on the street, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner, the author of several major police accountability bills, also said she saw value in the data EdSource obtained and published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police logs can help officials decide if civilian staff should deal with more school incidents at a time when California’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/01/09/even-at-112000-starting-pay-fewer-people-want-to-be-cops/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">suffering a police shortage\u003c/a>, she said. That could leave sworn officers available for “real public safety needs. We never want to prevent a school from calling 911 if that’s needed. However, there might be some appropriate guidelines or boundaries that cities and schools could work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stopping a police chase\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The executive director of the Alabama-based National Association of School Resource Officers, Mo Candy, a retired cop, said districts would be mistaken to remove resource officers from campuses. Police will always be needed to respond to schools, and “we need for students and faculty to be able to feel like this officer is more than just a law enforcement officer, that they really are another trusted adult in that school environment.” A trained and well-known officer, “may be the person who comes into a situation with the coolest head,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loretta Whitson, executive director of the California School Counselors Association, has seen what can happen when police approach a student situation lacking the cool-headedness Candy described.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a school counselor in the Monrovia Unified School District in Los Angeles County, she once worked with a child who ran away from school multiple times. Finally, an exacerbated principal called the police, who chased after the student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The principal didn’t stop them. I felt as (officers) went on in their rant this kid is getting more damaged. So, I said, ‘Stop, stop,”’ Whitson said. “We already had a very damaged kid, and this wasn’t helping.” The student was later found to need special education services, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Nolan, a retired Boston police lieutenant turned sociologist who’s taught at several universities and studied school policing, said when law enforcement officers are called into a school situation, “they become the shot callers,” deciding what to do whether it is in the child’s best interest or not. Too often, principals are calling them for minor problems like lost keys and disciplinary matters, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The research is unequivocal in demonstrating that the police coming into schools, or police being assigned to schools, is almost always a bad idea. It has bad outcomes for children. It has bad outcomes for school safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nolan said police are not school counselors and shouldn’t play that role. “That’s something that’s a very specific skill set that is attained through years of graduate level study by mental health practitioners and clinicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Police Chiefs Association declined to make anyone from its leadership available for an interview. In an email, its executive director described school policing as a matter best discussed at local levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, a powerful federation of police unions, wasn’t available for an interview, a spokesperson said. In a statement, Marvel, a San Diego police officer, said cops assigned to schools “play an important role in” schools. They act as “educators, emergency/crisis managers, first responders, informal counselors, mentors, and model the kind of behavior that builds trust and respect between law enforcement and the communities they serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data shows that sometimes, regardless of who might be available to counsel or advise a student, one may just do something dumb, like putting a death threat in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 15, 2023, James Morris, the county administrator who also acts as Inglewood Unified superintendent, received a death threat via email, police call records show. Morris, a veteran administrator, was brought on to lift Inglewood out of years of state receivership because of fiscal woes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can just say, generally, it was a student,” Morris said when asked about the threat. Police took a report, but Morris said he didn’t want charges filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been doing this for 44 years. It takes a lot to rattle me,” he said. “It was a young person who just needed help.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "can-san-francisco-arrest-its-way-out-of-tenderloins-drug-crisis",
"title": "Can San Francisco Arrest Its Way Out of Tenderloin’s Drug Crisis?",
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"headTitle": "Can San Francisco Arrest Its Way Out of Tenderloin’s Drug Crisis? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>One year into San Francisco’s push to dismantle open-air drug markets, authorities are touting thousands of arrests by the law enforcement campaign; last week alone, police announced they had arrested 10 people in a single-day operation in the Tenderloin, as well as the arrests days earlier of two brothers suspected of trafficking drugs in the area and carrying 6 kilograms of fentanyl, among other substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, with people dying of overdoses near a record pace and neighbors’ complaints of a pervasive drug trade, some policy experts have questioned whether San Francisco is taking the right approach to the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed launched the Drug Market Agency Coordination Center, a centralized hub for local, state and federal law enforcement agencies to disrupt drug dealing and public drug use in the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods, in May 2023. Last week, on its first anniversary, Breed’s office released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/drug-market-agency-coordination-center\">public data dashboard\u003c/a> showing that in the first year of the crackdown, law enforcement officials made more than 3,000 arrests and seized nearly 200 kilos of narcotics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those arrests, 1,008 people were suspected of dealing drugs, 1,284 were suspected of using drugs, and 858 people had outstanding warrants. The top two drugs seized by weight were fentanyl, at more than 89 kilos, and methamphetamine, at 48 kilos. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news/san-francisco-dmacc-marks-one-year-milestone-200-kilos-narcotics-seized-and-3000-arrests\">statement announcing the first-year data\u003c/a>, city officials called those “significant results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The partnerships we put in place are getting fentanyl out of our neighborhoods, and with new technology being deployed and more officers joining our ranks, our efforts will only grow stronger over the coming year,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some residents and policy experts, however, said the coordination center has had little effect on the neighborhoods’ struggle to curtail drug dealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randy Shaw, co-founder of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said that while arrests and seizures have been centralized around United Nations Plaza, the area’s drug market is still pervasive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a place like 7th and Market, which I’ve written about a lot and which has gotten a lot of attention on social media, there’s still 50 drug dealers and drug users out there every night,” Shaw said. “Why is that still happening?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the two and a half years since Breed declared a state of emergency in the Tenderloin related to the fentanyl crisis, San Francisco has recorded its highest number of overdose deaths in one year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">totaling 810 in 2023\u003c/a>. This year, the city is on track to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%2005_OCME%20Overdose%20Report.pdf\">surpass 770 overdose deaths\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the city’s efforts, the crisis on the streets of the Tenderloin remains, Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We created an emergency coordination center, and a year later, the activities that exist there remain higher than any other neighborhood would tolerate and would be allowed to continue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982333\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two men sitting on the sidewalk while another man on the left wearing a neon yellow and orange jacket stands near parked cars on the street.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit on the sidewalk in the Tenderloin neighborhood, a part of the 5th Supervisorial District, in San Francisco on April 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Keith Humphreys, a drug policy expert and professor of psychology at Stanford University, said he believes this is because San Francisco’s efforts are too focused on arresting drug dealers and users, which isn’t necessarily aligned with residents’ goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can arrest individual dealers forever, but your goal, I think, is to suppress the open-air market, and that is not done by individual arrests,” Humphreys told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Humphreys, data shows that closing drug markets takes collaboration not only among law enforcement agencies but with social service providers and prosecutors as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coordination center works with city agencies, including the Department of Public Health and the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, to connect people with treatment and shelter options, city officials said in a statement. However, in contrast to the arrests dashboard, no data was available on the number of people who used those resources, and the mayor’s office did not respond to a request for the information at the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1993048,news_11987962,news_11982329,news_11972898 label='related coverage']Another point that could work against the city’s efforts is the discrepancy between the numbers of arrests and convictions in the data, Humphreys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t have [convictions], the arrests are counterproductive because if they don’t result in convictions, it teaches people being arrested is no big deal,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of May 25, the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office said it had been presented with 394 felony narcotics cases this year and filed 344 of them. Officers with the Drug Market Agency Coordination Center have made 1,159 narcotics arrests since January, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/drug-market-agency-coordination-center\">according to SFPD data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As officials tout the number of arrests and the amount of drugs confiscated, Humphreys said the city should track other metrics instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I would like to see on their dashboard is, ‘How many sidewalks can you walk down without seeing a dealer or users?’ You can assess that very easily,” Humphreys said. “I think if they looked at that, my suspicion would be that while the arrests went up, that number stayed the same. When you gather that data, you think, ‘We need to think of a different strategy.’”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Authorities are touting over 3,000 arrests in the first year of a law enforcement campaign against open-air drug markets, but some policy experts have questioned whether that’s the right approach.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One year into San Francisco’s push to dismantle open-air drug markets, authorities are touting thousands of arrests by the law enforcement campaign; last week alone, police announced they had arrested 10 people in a single-day operation in the Tenderloin, as well as the arrests days earlier of two brothers suspected of trafficking drugs in the area and carrying 6 kilograms of fentanyl, among other substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, with people dying of overdoses near a record pace and neighbors’ complaints of a pervasive drug trade, some policy experts have questioned whether San Francisco is taking the right approach to the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed launched the Drug Market Agency Coordination Center, a centralized hub for local, state and federal law enforcement agencies to disrupt drug dealing and public drug use in the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods, in May 2023. Last week, on its first anniversary, Breed’s office released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/drug-market-agency-coordination-center\">public data dashboard\u003c/a> showing that in the first year of the crackdown, law enforcement officials made more than 3,000 arrests and seized nearly 200 kilos of narcotics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those arrests, 1,008 people were suspected of dealing drugs, 1,284 were suspected of using drugs, and 858 people had outstanding warrants. The top two drugs seized by weight were fentanyl, at more than 89 kilos, and methamphetamine, at 48 kilos. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news/san-francisco-dmacc-marks-one-year-milestone-200-kilos-narcotics-seized-and-3000-arrests\">statement announcing the first-year data\u003c/a>, city officials called those “significant results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The partnerships we put in place are getting fentanyl out of our neighborhoods, and with new technology being deployed and more officers joining our ranks, our efforts will only grow stronger over the coming year,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some residents and policy experts, however, said the coordination center has had little effect on the neighborhoods’ struggle to curtail drug dealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randy Shaw, co-founder of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, said that while arrests and seizures have been centralized around United Nations Plaza, the area’s drug market is still pervasive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a place like 7th and Market, which I’ve written about a lot and which has gotten a lot of attention on social media, there’s still 50 drug dealers and drug users out there every night,” Shaw said. “Why is that still happening?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the two and a half years since Breed declared a state of emergency in the Tenderloin related to the fentanyl crisis, San Francisco has recorded its highest number of overdose deaths in one year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">totaling 810 in 2023\u003c/a>. This year, the city is on track to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%2005_OCME%20Overdose%20Report.pdf\">surpass 770 overdose deaths\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the city’s efforts, the crisis on the streets of the Tenderloin remains, Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We created an emergency coordination center, and a year later, the activities that exist there remain higher than any other neighborhood would tolerate and would be allowed to continue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982333\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two men sitting on the sidewalk while another man on the left wearing a neon yellow and orange jacket stands near parked cars on the street.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-006-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit on the sidewalk in the Tenderloin neighborhood, a part of the 5th Supervisorial District, in San Francisco on April 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Keith Humphreys, a drug policy expert and professor of psychology at Stanford University, said he believes this is because San Francisco’s efforts are too focused on arresting drug dealers and users, which isn’t necessarily aligned with residents’ goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can arrest individual dealers forever, but your goal, I think, is to suppress the open-air market, and that is not done by individual arrests,” Humphreys told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Humphreys, data shows that closing drug markets takes collaboration not only among law enforcement agencies but with social service providers and prosecutors as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coordination center works with city agencies, including the Department of Public Health and the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, to connect people with treatment and shelter options, city officials said in a statement. However, in contrast to the arrests dashboard, no data was available on the number of people who used those resources, and the mayor’s office did not respond to a request for the information at the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another point that could work against the city’s efforts is the discrepancy between the numbers of arrests and convictions in the data, Humphreys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t have [convictions], the arrests are counterproductive because if they don’t result in convictions, it teaches people being arrested is no big deal,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of May 25, the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office said it had been presented with 394 felony narcotics cases this year and filed 344 of them. Officers with the Drug Market Agency Coordination Center have made 1,159 narcotics arrests since January, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/drug-market-agency-coordination-center\">according to SFPD data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As officials tout the number of arrests and the amount of drugs confiscated, Humphreys said the city should track other metrics instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I would like to see on their dashboard is, ‘How many sidewalks can you walk down without seeing a dealer or users?’ You can assess that very easily,” Humphreys said. “I think if they looked at that, my suspicion would be that while the arrests went up, that number stayed the same. When you gather that data, you think, ‘We need to think of a different strategy.’”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Alameda County Again Delays Vote to Create Civilian Oversight of Sheriff",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alameda County supervisors on Tuesday again postponed a vote on whether to create civilian oversight of the sheriff, the latest in months of delays that have dragged the yearslong effort to a near standstill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reading from a statement on Tuesday, Supervisor Elisa Márquez reiterated her support for civilian oversight but pointed to the absence of Supervisors Lena Tam and Keith Carson, who were not present when the meeting began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is paramount that all of my colleagues be present in person to fully participate in this long-awaited, critical public safety action item,” Márquez said, requesting the item be placed on the agenda for the board’s June 18 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county began developing the proposal in 2020 after the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1185/id/2211013\">AB 1185\u003c/a>, a state law that empowered every California county to establish civilian sheriff’s oversight through a public vote or a Board of Supervisors resolution and gave those oversight bodies the power to subpoena records from the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest delay added to the frustrations of community activists who have been calling for increased oversight of the embattled Alameda County Sheriff’s Office for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these supervisors, during their candidacy, were all supportive of sheriff oversight,” Millie Cleveland, a member of the California Coalition for Sheriff Oversight, a group of civil rights organizations, said Tuesday. “But every step of the way, they seem to be blocking any movement on this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists have pointed out, among other concerns, the worryingly high number of deaths at the county jail, which the sheriff’s office oversees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, more than 60 people have died at Santa Rita Jail, according to reporting by the Guardian, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/03/death-in-california-jails/\">deaths in county jails have been on the rise statewide\u003c/a>. The human toll has been compounded by a financial one: Between 2015 and 2020, the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office led the Bay Area in payouts resulting from wrongful deaths and excessive force lawsuits, according to the ACLU of Northern California. The jail has been under \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/08/judge-places-santa-rita-jail-under-external-oversight-ending-mental-health-abuse-lawsuit/\">federal oversight\u003c/a> since 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s postponement at the Board of Supervisors comes after the county’s Public Protection Committee — chaired by Márquez — sent two proposed oversight ordinances to the board in February. Both would create a Sheriff Oversight Board and Office of the Inspector General. One is slightly more detailed, specifying that no law enforcement officers or out-of-county residents would be allowed to serve on the board and would allow the inspector general to hire independent legal counsel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoel Haile, director of the criminal justice program at the ACLU of Northern California, said both proposals fall short by requiring the sheriff to approve any investigation by the civilian oversight board or the inspector general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“County residents, who are the primary stakeholders in what the sheriff does, should have the ability to investigate,” Haile said, “should have the ability to question the sheriff, to find out the facts, to have subpoena power so that interviews can be conducted with the people who are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez’s office has not publicly weighed in on the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to recognize that any oversight has to be conducted collaboratively, with the interests of public safety, individuals’ constitutional rights, and the county’s fiduciary responsibility as the agenda,” a spokesperson for the department said in a statement on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, either resolution would bring community oversight to the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office for the first time. It would also make Alameda the fifth Bay Area county to create sheriff’s civilian oversight, following San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969550/san-mateo-county-supes-to-vote-on-civilian-oversight-of-sheriffs-department\">San Mateo\u003c/a>, Sonoma and Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alameda County supervisors on Tuesday again postponed a vote on whether to create civilian oversight of the sheriff, the latest in months of delays that have dragged the yearslong effort to a near standstill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reading from a statement on Tuesday, Supervisor Elisa Márquez reiterated her support for civilian oversight but pointed to the absence of Supervisors Lena Tam and Keith Carson, who were not present when the meeting began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is paramount that all of my colleagues be present in person to fully participate in this long-awaited, critical public safety action item,” Márquez said, requesting the item be placed on the agenda for the board’s June 18 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county began developing the proposal in 2020 after the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1185/id/2211013\">AB 1185\u003c/a>, a state law that empowered every California county to establish civilian sheriff’s oversight through a public vote or a Board of Supervisors resolution and gave those oversight bodies the power to subpoena records from the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest delay added to the frustrations of community activists who have been calling for increased oversight of the embattled Alameda County Sheriff’s Office for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these supervisors, during their candidacy, were all supportive of sheriff oversight,” Millie Cleveland, a member of the California Coalition for Sheriff Oversight, a group of civil rights organizations, said Tuesday. “But every step of the way, they seem to be blocking any movement on this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists have pointed out, among other concerns, the worryingly high number of deaths at the county jail, which the sheriff’s office oversees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, more than 60 people have died at Santa Rita Jail, according to reporting by the Guardian, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/03/death-in-california-jails/\">deaths in county jails have been on the rise statewide\u003c/a>. The human toll has been compounded by a financial one: Between 2015 and 2020, the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office led the Bay Area in payouts resulting from wrongful deaths and excessive force lawsuits, according to the ACLU of Northern California. The jail has been under \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/08/judge-places-santa-rita-jail-under-external-oversight-ending-mental-health-abuse-lawsuit/\">federal oversight\u003c/a> since 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s postponement at the Board of Supervisors comes after the county’s Public Protection Committee — chaired by Márquez — sent two proposed oversight ordinances to the board in February. Both would create a Sheriff Oversight Board and Office of the Inspector General. One is slightly more detailed, specifying that no law enforcement officers or out-of-county residents would be allowed to serve on the board and would allow the inspector general to hire independent legal counsel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoel Haile, director of the criminal justice program at the ACLU of Northern California, said both proposals fall short by requiring the sheriff to approve any investigation by the civilian oversight board or the inspector general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“County residents, who are the primary stakeholders in what the sheriff does, should have the ability to investigate,” Haile said, “should have the ability to question the sheriff, to find out the facts, to have subpoena power so that interviews can be conducted with the people who are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez’s office has not publicly weighed in on the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to recognize that any oversight has to be conducted collaboratively, with the interests of public safety, individuals’ constitutional rights, and the county’s fiduciary responsibility as the agenda,” a spokesperson for the department said in a statement on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, either resolution would bring community oversight to the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office for the first time. It would also make Alameda the fifth Bay Area county to create sheriff’s civilian oversight, following San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969550/san-mateo-county-supes-to-vote-on-civilian-oversight-of-sheriffs-department\">San Mateo\u003c/a>, Sonoma and Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reporting on prisons from the outside is often difficult; it’s a closed and secretive world. But there is also important reporting being done by people who are inside prison, which comes with dangers of its own. Sukey and Julie sit down with two formerly incarcerated journalists, Rahsaan Thomas and Jesse Vasquez, to talk about the challenges and opportunities of prison reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6919454101\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rahsaan Thomas is the Executive Director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.empowermentave.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Empowerment Avenue\u003c/a> and a producer at \u003ca href=\"https://www.earhustlesq.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ear Hustle\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesse Vasquez is the Executive Director of the \u003ca href=\"https://polleninitiative.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pollen Initiative\u003c/a> and former Editor-in-Chief of the \u003ca href=\"https://sanquentinnews.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Quentin News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003c/h2>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Chris Egusa: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we start. Just wanted to give you a heads up that this episode references acts of violence. If you or someone you know needs support. We’ve got links to resources in the episode description. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi and welcome back to another bonus episode of On Our Watch I’m \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Throughout reporting this season, my co-reporter \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and I knocked on a lot of closed doors, pored over hundreds of pages of documents that were often redacted beyond recognition, and our best hope of contacting a source in prison was usually to send a letter via snail mail and hope they responded. In general, reporting on prisons can be really difficult, finding sources and navigating the politics of a closed world. But in recent years, there’s also been a revival of the prison journalism movement. Newspapers and podcasts created from inside that world by incarcerated reporters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this episode, Julie and I talk to two journalists who started their careers inside prison. Rahsaan “New York” Thomas, who consulted on this season of On Our Watch, is also a producer for the Ear Hustle podcast and started a nonprofit called Empowerment Avenue that supports incarcerated writers and artists. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was editor in chief of the San Quentin News newspaper and now directs a nonprofit called the Pollen Initiative, which provides multimedia training to other people in California prisons. Here’s our conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you, everybody, for coming here today to the various places that we are joining, joining each other from. Rahsaan, how did you become a journalist? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I became a journalist by accident and half way because of a scam. I arrived in the San Quentin prison yard after working on this book for like, maybe seven, eight, almost ten years. And, but the book was mostly handwritten and there was no way to really edit it. Like when you want to edit it, you have to rewrite it or retype it and it’s like… And so I wanted to work for San Quentin News because they had computers and I wanted to type my book and set a computer so I can get somebody to help me edit it and hopefully publish it and get it on the New York Times bestseller list and change the world. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so I went in there with that mindset. But I started fell in love with journalism. They made me the, sports reporter. And at first I was like, I want to write about bigger and better issues. Sports just seems so limited. But then I realized that. There was some social justice things happening, some really beautiful human interest things happening on the basketball court because it was uniting worlds that never meet normally, like billionaires and millionaires were playing basketball with kids from the streets of Los Angeles. And so something beautiful happening. And I fell in love with writing. And I found out at the same time that my book was horrible. Nobody ever deserves to see it. I need to rewrite it anyway. And but I got so caught up with journalism I never got to finish the book. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I feel you, I’m a I’m a failed novelist and poet. So journalism. Same save the universe from my creative writing as well. Jesse, what was your journey to journalism? How did you become involved in this world? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I think my journey started with kind of like Rahsaan as an accident. I was more into daily journaling, and I was a pretty good writer in my academic, pursuits. Then I decided to transfer to San Quentin because I saw the San Quentin News join the Journalism Guild. And I fell in love with just telling people stories and meeting people in the yard and seeing what they were up to and making a difference in our community inside. I think journalism for me was what gave me purpose. In spite of the multiple life sentences that I was serving. It gave me an outlet to share people’s stories and make a difference while I was incarcerated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And now you’re an editor. Like, how how was that transition and what’s the difference in in your mind if there is one between the work that you did as a journalist and as an editor? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think the huge difference is I have to think more in terms of management and structure, like it’s… Before it was just, you know, I want to tell impactful stories, powerful stories, you know, human interest stories. And then I realized that there’s, you know, a ripple effect to what we say, how we say it and to who we say it, depending on the platform that we’re using. And editing and overseeing the management of incarcerated produced content for, like an institutional publication like San Quentin News can be a bit tricky just because, you know, there’s certain things that we want to be mindful of when it comes to what we publish and produce. So it’s very it’s a very political position. I never understood that being an editor was very political, and you have to be very mindful of, you know, how you approach a subject, you know, not just because of the liabilities, you know, but also because we have a certain responsibility to the community that we represent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. The San Quentin News is such a unique publication. I myself am an alum of that program. When I was in graduate school at UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism, I got to go in with my professor, Bill Drummond, and work with some of the incarcerated journalists. And for me, you know, as a baby reporter myself, just figuring out the world of journalism, it was so inspiring to work with incarcerated reporters and also just to learn more about the this world of prison, prison reporting and criminal justice and kind of got me started heading down deeper and deeper into gaining expertise in the field and becoming a criminal justice reporter myself. What about you, Julie? Like what- what drew you to prison reporting in the first place? And, you know, is there a kind of seminal story for you about it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, I, I like to say that it picked me. I didn’t pick prisons, picked prisons, picked me because my first day on the job in Sacramento was the day the then Governor Schwarzenegger declared a state of emergency in the prisons for overcrowding. The first major story I did was, you know, going into San Quentin, actually, with the federal receiver who’d been appointed by a federal judge to improve prison medical care because one person a day was dying inside our prisons because they couldn’t get access to care. There were like 200,000, almost 200,000 people incarcerated in California in 2006 for facilities designed for 80,000 people. And you can only imagine that’s going to compromise every aspect of life, especially medical care. So the Supreme Court ordered California to reduce the crowding. And that was sort of unprecedented, kind of order to get from the US Supreme Court. So it’s just been a part of my life following that, mostly, for over a decade. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Or San for you, is there a story that you feel kind of most proud of reporting, or a moment where you feel like your journalism was kind of able to, you know, affect the broadest number of people or anything like that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s definitely a story I’m proud of, but I don’t feel it had the impact I wanted. I wrote a story for Wall City Magazine, which is a division of San Quentin News, about stopping gun violence, because I was watching TV one day and the senator was acting like he’s an expert on stopping gun violence because he talked to a gunshot victim. And based on talking to this gunshot victim, he came up with this or supported this idea of arming the teachers. And I’m sitting here thinking like, if you arm to teachers, that’s where the next guns are going to come from, you big dummy. And I just felt like, here I am in a prison with 2500 lifers running around with very little supervision at times, and it’s one of the safest places I had ever been up at that point in my life. And most of these guys that committed violence and we stopped it by therapy really, like putting restorative justice into place, not as a way to deal with harm, but as a as a way of life. So when harm is thinking about happening, this way of life is already in place to prevent it. Right. And just that therapy and being included in a community, being exclusioned, leaving people out of society, right, and rubbing in their face that you’re here but you’re not one of us. There’s all these different things that were happening in San Quentin, and I felt like were an answer to gun violence. And I wanted to get that out there. And so I did a lot of research and wrote this article I’m really proud of, and I think I’m the only that read it. Cuz we still get shot. Ah it’s sad. It’s sad.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oh I’m sorry. That that’s one of the most frustrating things is finding an audience for for your reporting. What about you, Jesse? Is there a story that you’re the most, you know, proud of writing or, you know, being an editor for getting getting in the paper? You know, despite obstacles?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I will clarify that. I did read Roseanne’s piece on gun violence. So it was two of us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least two people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least two of us read it. Well, there was probably one adviser who read it to to proofread it. So we did the best we could. There is one story that I think, I, I mean, I wrote and it was based on the victim compensation fund and the Department of Corrections. And I think the reason why I remember that story very vividly, because I had a couple guys on the prison yard actually come to me, right? And tell me, like, dude, like I didn’t know where my restitution money was going. I didn’t understand that there’s this victim compensation fund that is there, but the victims had to actually request it. You know, it’s not an automatic thing where, you know, like you’re paying into the restitution and a check is sent to the victims every, you know, month or every six months or whatever. It’s they have to keep their address up to date. They have to check that the money is there. They have to make sure that they tell the, you know, victim compensation board to make sure that they, you know, get their money. So I had a couple guys come to me and say, like, ‘You know what, I contacted my family to contact so-and-so to let them know, like, hey, there’s some money waiting for you because I’m getting charged for it. And I want to make sure that the victims get it. Instead of it being rolled into the general fund or whatever, you know that the state does.’ And I think the reason why I’m most proud of that story in particular, is because I’ve always wanted to at least make a difference in the small community that we were serving. And for me, that immediate context is the people that I was locked up with. And that’s why, like, you know, still to this day, I remember that one story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rahsaan, I was also wanting to ask you about the stories that you didn’t get to tell. Like, are there any stories that you wished you could tell, you know, while you were incarcerated but could not, because of, you know, the pressures or the censorship from others or just the limitations of the environment?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Honestly, there’s stories that I wish were told, but I didn’t want to tell them. For instance, there were like prison officials and wardens that were like getting in legal troubles. And so it felt hypocritical that they weren’t being punished and they were responsible for holding us accountable. But at the same time, I’m not trying to do stories about, like, blood and crip stuff, right? Like I’m trying to do positive stories or story that’s going to make a difference in stories like, look what they’re doing, right? I wanted to do stories that like, ‘Look what we could be doing and be a better place.’ So I can’t say there’s any stories that I really held back on. There’s stories I haven’t finished yet. There’s stories I’m working on, but nothing’s stopping me with me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And you know, Jesse, I have a slightly different question for you, which is just, you know, as an editor, has there ever been a time where, you know, CDCR leadership or, you know, the warden of San Quentin or now that you’ve spread to other, you know, places has, you know, shut down a story or killed a story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, there was a story, one in particular that was going to go into Wall City Magazine. And it was a great story about, you know, two people finding love inside of the carceral system. I don’t know if you remember this one Rahsaan, but it was going to go in Wall City Magazine, and it was a great story written by Joe Garcia. And the lead editor on that was Kate McQueen. And it was an awesome piece, maybe about 2500 words. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the reason why it became an issue was for safety concerns. You know, inside of the California prison system, you can imagine the amount of, you know, machismo and, let’s say gender bias and stuff that exists, and a lot of the violence that is perpetuated against trans and, you know, other communities that people consider other. So it was like the administration was like, ‘We can’t let you run that story. It’s going to jeopardize these individuals, you know, if they get transferred somewhere else. San Quentin is a more, let’s say, tolerant environment, a more accepting environment. But if they ever get transferred somewhere else, you’re jeopardizing their safety. And, you know, we can’t allow that.’ \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that was one issue where I didn’t agree with the decision. But I also understood that it’s not my responsibility to worry about people’s safety. That’s the state responsibility. And they’re seeing it from a liability perspective that I wasn’t paying attention to. I was just looking at it as a good story. They were looking at it well, there’s liability, you know, and there’s implications. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, I wanted to shift us into talking a little bit about some of the things that we ran into reporting this podcast, you know, this season of On Our Watch. Rahsaan, you were an editorial consultant for On Our Watch, and you gave feedback along the way about the series. And, you know, I always just really appreciated your input. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the things that you just kind of, I think brought home for me, in the editorial room was the kind of wildness of the situation with the murder of Luis Giovanny Aguilar. The fact that deadly force was not used, you know, in this unit and, you know, when this was transpiring. And you really wanted to, you know, help us get that across to listeners because we, you know, in our earlier drafts, we’re not doing so. Can you talk a little bit about that, like why that particular environment, why it was so kind of startling to you — who has a familiarity with the world inside prison — why the deadly force was not used as an option? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. The first thing you see, or one of the first things you notice that sounds really cold is the sign on the wall that says no warning shots, and they mean it. They don’t yell, you know, ‘Stop, break up the fight.’ They break up fights with gunfire. And so I know them to be really harsh with that weapon that Mini 14. I’ve been on the yard with people who have bullets in them from that Mini 14, and for it not to be used in that incident where the that might have been a viable way to stop somebody from getting killed? And they didn’t? It just spoke to me it like that was a setup. Like that was a huge clue to me that that’s not how that world works. I’ve actually seen the gun fired at San Quentin before, and this is like one guy had another guy in a headlock. No weapons were involved, but he just wouldn’t let him out of a headlock. And then, thank God, the officer fired into the ground. But he fired into the ground three times, right next to where the guy had the other guy in a headlock for a wrestling match, right? So I just don’t know a world where somebody’s gets stabbed to death and they don’t use that gun. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And you talked about the kind of psychological impact of, like, living under that gun, like that, you know, that gun is in the control booth kind of looking over you all the time. And that really made an impact on me because I was kind of thinking about it more from the perspective of just like, ‘Oh, this is this person’s job is supposed to keep people safe.’ But there is just always this gun looking over you no matter what you’re doing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I always felt like it’s supposed to protect you, but I always felt like because they have a bad habit of hitting people of color, not using them when your lives on the line, just, like, really selective. And even in a perfect world where they’re trying to do the right thing, it’s still a matter of aim and movement and just all these different factors. I rather take my chances with the ice pick. Y’all mind y’all business. I rather take my chances with the ice pick than that gun being over my head. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wow. Jesse, I also called you a number of times while working on this series because I just think of you as somebody who’s got really good advice about how to deal with tricky situations, ethical decisions, and, you know, just to make sure, like, do a gut check on myself about how I’m approaching certain things. And I know you have really strong feelings about this, but like, can you tell me, you know, what are your pet peeves? What are the pitfalls that you see reporters or news organizations falling prey to, you know, when they’re reporting on prisons and incarceration? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. It’s, I think it’s it’s personal to me just because, like, I know the folks inside, you know, and having been there for, you know, two decades, you get to learn people’s mannerisms and stuff and you have a different appreciation for life. So some of the things that I know, you know, when people report on the incarcerated or just on things that pertain to our living environment, there’s certain things that need to be said and told. Right? But they have repercussions for us as a population. It’s just like one thing, right? Like, for instance, they told the story about us getting, you know, Snickers bars and peanuts back in the days for Christmas. We used to get free Christmas packages, you know, that were paid for by the state. And a reporter happened to run the story and stuff like that. And it was great that the state was doing something for the incarcerated during Christmas time, you know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But unfortunately, when the story came out, there was so much backlash behind the state being “soft on crime” that they stopped that program. So it’s like, did you do this story as a human interest story or were you doing the story? Just because look at what taxpayer money is doing. Look at what they’re doing. They’re feeding these criminals and stuff. Right. So it’s the twist that they put on it. And sadly, you know, most of the stories that have come out of prison, you know, have been detrimental to the incarcerated, to our conditions. And everybody’s been speaking on our behalf, taking our quotes out of context. And it’s like, well, how come you just don’t let me tell the story, you know, how come you just don’t, like, report accurately what I’m trying to mention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most reporters, they parachute into the prisons, they parachute in, get a story, run that story, and they tell you like, you know, number one is like, we want to protect people’s, you know, safety and well-being and stuff like that. That’s an illusion. That’s to appease your conscience. You can’t. You can’t guarantee anything. You know, once you take that story and run with it. Right. You can’t guarantee nobody’s safety. That’s number one. Number two, the idea of, you know, journalism doing no harm. It’s like nobody tells a story not intending to do harm. Sometimes we tell the story one and people to go to jail wanting things to change. Like that’s a reality. That’s harm. That’s going to happen to somebody’s family somewhere, somehow. You know, so when you take a story that a reporter publishes and then they don’t come back to talk to the person that they interviewed, when they don’t try to create community or relationships or stay engaged to make sure that nothing does happen to this person, like, that’s a disservice to that individual and to themselves as journalists, because now you’ve lost your credibility with the incarcerated because you told them you wanted this story to make a difference, but then you, like, let them down by just walking away after you got a Pulitzer or something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As part of Empowerment Avenue, we have help writers publish stories that are critical to CDCR and major platforms, and they have gotten flack for it. One writer in particular, he was put into a cell with a guy known for attacking people, and we feel it was on purpose. Like, you know, this guy’s attacking. You know, he keeps attacking people. He’s an old man with mental health issues. You know, this is going to happen. Sure enough, my boy got attacked. He didn’t fight back, though. He just did enough to, like, stop the attack. And they still put him in a hole even though he was the victim. Right. So we really feel like it was retaliatory. And in situations like that, your heart goes out and it’s a reminder that everybody’s not in San Quentin. Where the retaliat- I believe there’s retaliation as well, but it looks different. It doesn’t look like violence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Was he was that person okay? Like what? What happened to them? Physically? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They’re fine. They survived it. Got hit in the head with a lock. So he survived it. And we’re trying to like right now sue to get the video footage to try to do something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie, I was going to ask you, was is there anything, you know, that you’ve noticed in your years of reporting about prisons, you know, blind spots that you see regularly in the media or, you know, things that you’ve learned over the years that have kind of informed the way you approach prison reporting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, I like what was said about people parachuting in. That happens a lot. I like to think that I didn’t parachute in, but, because I kept covering the stories. But I can see now that I, I relied too heavily on advocates and people on the outside. It was harder before to actually speak to people who are incarcerated. And the first experience of having good access was during Covid. And I was able to talk to people in San Quentin as things were happening. But that was relatively new and recorded on a decent line. And, so it’s it’s changed and there’s better access now, but, a lot of times people will just focus in on one issue. There’s so many systemic issues. It needs to be covered over a period of time. So you can see if anything’s changing, if anything’s coming out of your reporting. It’s nearly impossible because it’s such a closed system. And I didn’t really appreciate that until we did this podcast. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, and I was thinking about the things that are being measured throughout my career, you know, the medical care, mental health care, how many visits to the therapist, dental care. You know, those were tangible things that I could measure, and even use of force going up or use of force going down. But we actually aren’t told what’s going on inside the prisons, where if a crime occurs inside, it’s not a public record. There’s so much going on, and it’s really hard for us to gauge how how dangerous it is because it’s completely being withheld from us. And, this podcast was the first time I really got to talk to correctional officers who were open about it, and also realizing that there are- they’re also people on that side caught in this, you know, silence, this code of silence that you can’t break it. They don’t agree with it. They’re aware of the problems, but they go along. And so I guess. That’s a much harder story to get at. And it took two years for us to get it. That’s, you know, and that’s maybe why people don’t get at it. But, this is breaking through that silence. The only way is to find to talk to more people who are formerly incarcerated and more people who are currently incarcerated and former staff of any stripe, whether they’re officers or psych techs or whatever they are. It’s the only way we’re going to know, really, what’s going on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jesse, you know, two of the kind of main subjects of the series were these two correctional officers who became whistleblowers, who reported misconduct, you know, within the ISU, the investigative services unit that they worked. And I just wonder about your experience with that. Like, have you had experience with correctional officers who became whistleblowers, who are willing to talk to you for stories or willing to talk to reporters for the San Quentin News? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I’ve. I’ve gotten, I mean, I know some corrections officers, now. It’s interesting to say, you know, that we’re friends to some extent. You know, it’s it would be odd, you know, to say that they weren’t, though, just because the level of intimacy that we’ve developed over time, and I think that just came with, like, developing a relationship where there was like, care and concern for the individual as a person versus just as a source for a story. And even though some of the stories that they’ve shared. Right, they go back, you know, five years, ten years, 15 years. Right. We haven’t really pursued them in a formal way, in an official way. Like if I get a story, I’ll usually pawn it off on somebody else because it’s not what we actually do at San Quentin News, or it’s something that I know is going to jeopardize, you know, that individual’s job or his safety. And it’s a story that I believe that, it’s not going to necessarily influence policy. Right. Because one of the things, right, when I hear stories of corrections officers in the struggles that they go through, you know, they go through the same issues that we go through as a culture inside of the prison system. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, Rahsaan, what was your experience, you know, as a journalist incarcerated, you know, trying to get people to talk, you know, trying to get people to break that code of silence or that taboo against, you know, quote unquote, snitching?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I had different experiences. Some I never broke it, some I did, but for the most part, I wasn’t asking people to snitch on anything. Right. I allow people to be comfortable talking about the story without editing. And then I would edit in a way that would be to tell a story, but be respectful to the to their lives, to their trust in me, their faith in me. Because I always tell people, ‘I’m not TMZ, right? I’m trying to tell a story to make a difference. Right? I’m not. I’m a solution based reporter. I’m not. I’m just telling the story for entertainment. I don’t care about clicks. I don’t care about ratings. I don’t care about none of that stuff.’ I just want to put some intelligence on our world and show people like how we can deal with things in a way that’s gonna be effective. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so people trusted me with their stories because I wouldn’t put stuff out there that didn’t belong out there. That wasn’t necessary for the story. And if there was something edgy where we walking the line, I would talk about it with them and ask them did they feel comfortable? And they would have to make a grown person decision. Then when we started doing that, there were like OGs that would vouch for us. There were like there were people in the community be like, ‘Nah.’ Then an OG be like, ‘Yo, they good, I good bro. Like, you can talk to them.’ And they would get the green light to do the interview. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s really amazing. Another like really big hurdle that we dealt with and also that incarcerated people face, not just in the world of journalism, but overall is this perceived lack of credibility. And we saw this over and over again, you know, incarcerated people who had reported officers for using excessive force. But if the use of force happened in a place where there were no cameras, if there was no other tangible evidence to back up their story, it was not their story did not prevail. Jesse, can you talk a little bit about how you deal with these issues of credibility as an editor and how you advise journalists that you work with to think about these issues and help them get, you know, accountability or get justice through reporting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. It’s, very tricky. Just because there’s, a couple of things, right, that I learned when I first went into the system before I became a journalist. Right. That have carried over into how we set editorial, reporting expectations. You know, it’s like you can go to an interview, hear a story from somebody, and then if it’s an allegation of misconduct or something like that, then we ask for like, documentation, paperwork, you know, appointment dockets. We ask for corroborating evidence, you know, like maybe a witness or two. Right. Somebody that was there and stuff like that. But the other thing that we also tell our reporters is the people that they’re interviewing, like if there isn’t documentation yet, had them document it now and start lodging those, you know, grievance forms like a 602, right. Start writing the ombudsman, start sending something to the attorney general and stuff like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then that way our story isn’t just, you know, he said she said, because that also protects us. Like, I want to make sure that above all else, right, that we continue to have some institutional credibility as a publication that at least tries to fact check and, you know, try to advise the people that were interviewing to do what’s right. Because the main thing that I realize about, the outside world and how they look at prison journalism, the way that we do it, is they think that it’s always advocacy journalism. And it’s not always that, you know, but they think because it’s prison journalists producing journalism, that it has to be advocacy because we’re talking against a system. And sometimes I think what we’re actually doing is just, you know, as they say, historically, journalism happens to be the first rough draft of human history. And I think that’s what we’re doing, just chronicling, you know, what’s happening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What about you, Rahsaan? Is there, like any difference in the way that you think about credibility in, in prison or in talking to incarcerated sources versus just, you know, any source that you might talk to for a story? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No, I start out with talking with anyone as if they’re telling the truth, unless my instincts or they give me a reason not to believe them, or they make a claim that the world might not believe. And like Jesse said, you need proof to back it up. Not for me, but because if we’re going to print, it could be a lawsuit. Whatever I need to be able to back this up, it needs to be a fact, right? I think one of my greatest problems or greatest issues I ran into was being a freelancer. When it came to quoting incarcerated people in the yard. There were organizations that wanted like, it was just hard for them to accept a quote from an incarcerated person. They wanted, like notes and verification and just all this extra layers. But yet they’ll take a CDCR quote and run with it. Just don’t even fact check nothing, just run with it, put out propaganda. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I just felt like what makes their work better than ours? Or what as a journalist like, why would you devalue- is it me? Because like, you know, we have people on NBC that was known liars, like all kinds of journalists, on major platforms. So it’s not where you at, you know, that determines your level of integrity. And so I felt like I was almost being censored by my colleagues because you’re putting a higher standard on who’s quotable or who’s reliable. When I’m telling you I’m living right here. And I see this person’s daily walk every day. They’re reliable, right? They have a reliable track record. Right. And so who are you doubting, me? Them? Both? And what are you using to weigh credibility? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie, I know you have spent many years covering prisons, a lot of years talking to public information officers and public affairs officers for CDCR. A lot of years, you know, trying to break through the wall of bureaucracy and official speak to get real answers on things that are incredibly important, you know, both for people who are incarcerated and for people who are not incarcerated, who pay for this incredibly expensive system that we all own here in California. You know, what are your, you know, tips, and, and how to do that or if not tips, what are your frustrations with trying to do that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I, I’m going to be a little negative here. I don’t think you’ll ever get a specific answer to a specific question unless it’s innocuous or makes them look good. I think the way to deal with it is to get your information and to dig deep and have your facts. And like we did in the podcast, like, say, ‘This, this and this happened, what’s your response?’ So that it’s like you’re giving them enough rope. They are saying something ludicrous in response to evidence that you’re presenting in your story. So I think it’s like going every other place to get the information, stacking it up and presenting it and then saying, ‘Okay, now try to deny all this.’ And then let them, let them deny it. And they it just exposes them as for what they are, just not telling the truth. Not not being forthright. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what’s been your experience like, Jesse? I mean, I know, like when you were incarcerated, you would have to, you know, try and get response from CDCR and now, you know, as you know, kind of a publisher, like helping other journalists who are incarcerated, you know, how do you kind of bring accountability questions to, you know, CDC, our public affairs, and what are the kinds of answers you get? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So it’s pretty interesting because the whole profession of being a public information officer, right? It’s a lot of damage control. You know, it’s a lot of damage control. It’s a lot of, you know, trying to salvage an image, you know, and I think, again, like I always preface what I say with, I try to give people a lot of grace because I understand as individuals you’re put in between a rock and a hard spot, right? When this is your job, this is what you get paid for. This is what you’re supposed to do, right? Ethically and morally, you may not agree with it, right? And you may have questions. But, you know, at the end of the day, you have to protect your institution from liability, you know? So I’m very mindful of that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, when I talk to our reporters and everybody that we’re training to be reporters inside the carceral system, it’s like, don’t expect people to validate the truth that you know. You know, like, just know that there’s going to be some version that’s going to come out that may not be the actual truth, you know, but you have to find a way to tell that story anyway. And then we have to be able to, not just bring them accountability, but also bring enough awareness and notoriety to the issue that it’s going to make a difference. Right? Because it can’t just come from one person and one source. And I think that’s been the thing that has helped us. Right? It’s not just about like the incarcerated. So our editor in chief wants to know this, you know, do you have an answer for him? It’s like, well, our editor in chief, you know, these two other publications and these five organizations, you know, are interested in what’s happening here. And all of a sudden it’s like, oh, you got more people involved and stuff, right? So it’s like there’s more eyeballs. There’s more accountability, right? Having more like institutions that produce journalism be involved with prison journalists is essential if we’re going to hold the systems accountable. Right. Because I think at the end of the day, most people want accountability and transparency, right? But it’s scary to go through that change. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, Rahsaan, I know we’ve talked in the past before about like, the frustrations that you have about the kinds of stories you feel like you’re allowed to tell, or people want you to tell. Can you speak to that a little bit about just, you know, the limitations that people of the journalism people allow you? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It goes back to credibility again. Right? For whatever reason, they don’t respect incarcerated people as real journalists, even though we are behind enemy lines, so to speak, and speaking from the belly of the beast, which is a tough. But certain organizations limit you to opinion pieces. Right. And so I try to be positive about that. Like we do enough opinion pieces and they’ll respect, like, we’ll build a relationship and then they’ll respect us. And then a guy will end up, you know, doing a feature piece, doing an actual reported piece. And, you know, here and there that works out, but some of us are still stuck, and some of these organizations still got it stuck in opinion piece mode. And I just think we’re so much better than that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I know that sometimes somebody might take offense that they’ve been to journalism school and got this degree and spent all this money and here comes somebody who just bootleg trained off the yard in the Journalism Guild, and they’re able to earn a living from prison or take up space in that paper that maybe these journalists feel like that belongs to me and my degree. But I think that if you want a better society, you have to get the whole story. Then we’ll be doing what we supposed to do as journalists, which I believe is a- to foster democracy, a world that’s inclusive, a world that’s better, a world that works for all of us. But if we only featuring one side of the story and we limit ourselves to this crap. This clickbait. We get what we we going to keep getting what we’ve been getting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I do want to say that I think things are getting somewhat better. Empowerment Avenue launched during Covid when reporters couldn’t get the story except having direct access to us. And so we controlled the narrative and we were able to put stories out. But COVID’s gone and the demand for incarcerated voices has gone up. And now guys have actual journalism jobs as like editors and reporters from prison and making decent salaries. So I think the world is changing. But there’s still some organizations that don’t have incarcerated voices connected. They haven’t built that community. They don’t know where the experts are. So there’s still more work to be done. But because that the demand for our voices has grown, and formerly incarcerated people keep winning Pulitzer Prizes. So I’m super proud. Like the world wants to hear our side of the story, they tired of the same old law and order crap, right? And so I’m really going into the future hopeful, but yet still speaking loudly about all the flaws that we need to fix so we can hurry up and fix them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I think I’ll just add that what made prison journalism a force to be reckoned with in the 1800s early 1900s, up until 1991, when we had, you know 300 newspapers inside of prisons, it was community engagement, you know, like deep engagement, you know, with the prison system and, you know, just paying attention to those stories and holding the system accountable. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The other thing, too, like a lot of times we think that change in policy is going to change the world. And it doesn’t. You know, you can’t legislate how people feel about each other. You can’t tell me I gotta like somebody. You have to create a culture and an environment and a space where I want to help, where I want to care, where I want to be involved. Right. And I think creating spaces like this prison journalism movement that we have going on, like we’re actually trying to develop more civic engagement because people who are civically engaged care about their communities, and their communities start caring about them. So and I think that’s going to be at the core of how we create a cultural change that’s going to, you know, supersede policy, you know, by maybe five, ten years. So be mindful that, you know, like how you report on people, shows what you care for. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All right. Thank you so much for coming in. Thank you, Jessie and Roseanne and Julie for having this great conversation about journalism. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Bye. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you. I appreciate being here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Thanks for having us as colleagues on here. It’s great. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We have links to Jesse and Rahsaan’s work in our episode description, as well as other resources to support prison journalism. Please continue to send tips or feedback about the series to onourwatch@KQED.org. This episode was hosted by me, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is also KQED’s Director of Podcasts. It was produced by Chris Egusa. Final mixing by Brendan Willard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Original music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our podcast operations manager, our managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis R. Taylor Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsay, our Vice President of News and KQED Chief Content Officer Holly Kernan. And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "BONUS: “The Prison Beat” | S2: New Folsom | KQED",
"description": "Reporting on prisons from the outside is often difficult; it’s a closed and secretive world. But there is also important reporting being done by people who are inside prison, which comes with dangers of its own. Sukey and Julie sit down with two formerly incarcerated journalists, Rahsaan Thomas and Jesse Vasquez, to talk about the challenges and opportunities of prison reporting.",
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"socialDescription": "Reporting on prisons from the outside is often difficult; it’s a closed and secretive world. But there is also important reporting being done by people who are inside prison, which comes with dangers of its own. Sukey and Julie sit down with two formerly incarcerated journalists, Rahsaan Thomas and Jesse Vasquez, to talk about the challenges and opportunities of prison reporting.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reporting on prisons from the outside is often difficult; it’s a closed and secretive world. But there is also important reporting being done by people who are inside prison, which comes with dangers of its own. Sukey and Julie sit down with two formerly incarcerated journalists, Rahsaan Thomas and Jesse Vasquez, to talk about the challenges and opportunities of prison reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6919454101\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rahsaan Thomas is the Executive Director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.empowermentave.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Empowerment Avenue\u003c/a> and a producer at \u003ca href=\"https://www.earhustlesq.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ear Hustle\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesse Vasquez is the Executive Director of the \u003ca href=\"https://polleninitiative.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pollen Initiative\u003c/a> and former Editor-in-Chief of the \u003ca href=\"https://sanquentinnews.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Quentin News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Chris Egusa: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we start. Just wanted to give you a heads up that this episode references acts of violence. If you or someone you know needs support. We’ve got links to resources in the episode description. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi and welcome back to another bonus episode of On Our Watch I’m \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Throughout reporting this season, my co-reporter \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and I knocked on a lot of closed doors, pored over hundreds of pages of documents that were often redacted beyond recognition, and our best hope of contacting a source in prison was usually to send a letter via snail mail and hope they responded. In general, reporting on prisons can be really difficult, finding sources and navigating the politics of a closed world. But in recent years, there’s also been a revival of the prison journalism movement. Newspapers and podcasts created from inside that world by incarcerated reporters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this episode, Julie and I talk to two journalists who started their careers inside prison. Rahsaan “New York” Thomas, who consulted on this season of On Our Watch, is also a producer for the Ear Hustle podcast and started a nonprofit called Empowerment Avenue that supports incarcerated writers and artists. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was editor in chief of the San Quentin News newspaper and now directs a nonprofit called the Pollen Initiative, which provides multimedia training to other people in California prisons. Here’s our conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you, everybody, for coming here today to the various places that we are joining, joining each other from. Rahsaan, how did you become a journalist? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I became a journalist by accident and half way because of a scam. I arrived in the San Quentin prison yard after working on this book for like, maybe seven, eight, almost ten years. And, but the book was mostly handwritten and there was no way to really edit it. Like when you want to edit it, you have to rewrite it or retype it and it’s like… And so I wanted to work for San Quentin News because they had computers and I wanted to type my book and set a computer so I can get somebody to help me edit it and hopefully publish it and get it on the New York Times bestseller list and change the world. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so I went in there with that mindset. But I started fell in love with journalism. They made me the, sports reporter. And at first I was like, I want to write about bigger and better issues. Sports just seems so limited. But then I realized that. There was some social justice things happening, some really beautiful human interest things happening on the basketball court because it was uniting worlds that never meet normally, like billionaires and millionaires were playing basketball with kids from the streets of Los Angeles. And so something beautiful happening. And I fell in love with writing. And I found out at the same time that my book was horrible. Nobody ever deserves to see it. I need to rewrite it anyway. And but I got so caught up with journalism I never got to finish the book. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I feel you, I’m a I’m a failed novelist and poet. So journalism. Same save the universe from my creative writing as well. Jesse, what was your journey to journalism? How did you become involved in this world? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I think my journey started with kind of like Rahsaan as an accident. I was more into daily journaling, and I was a pretty good writer in my academic, pursuits. Then I decided to transfer to San Quentin because I saw the San Quentin News join the Journalism Guild. And I fell in love with just telling people stories and meeting people in the yard and seeing what they were up to and making a difference in our community inside. I think journalism for me was what gave me purpose. In spite of the multiple life sentences that I was serving. It gave me an outlet to share people’s stories and make a difference while I was incarcerated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And now you’re an editor. Like, how how was that transition and what’s the difference in in your mind if there is one between the work that you did as a journalist and as an editor? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think the huge difference is I have to think more in terms of management and structure, like it’s… Before it was just, you know, I want to tell impactful stories, powerful stories, you know, human interest stories. And then I realized that there’s, you know, a ripple effect to what we say, how we say it and to who we say it, depending on the platform that we’re using. And editing and overseeing the management of incarcerated produced content for, like an institutional publication like San Quentin News can be a bit tricky just because, you know, there’s certain things that we want to be mindful of when it comes to what we publish and produce. So it’s very it’s a very political position. I never understood that being an editor was very political, and you have to be very mindful of, you know, how you approach a subject, you know, not just because of the liabilities, you know, but also because we have a certain responsibility to the community that we represent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. The San Quentin News is such a unique publication. I myself am an alum of that program. When I was in graduate school at UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism, I got to go in with my professor, Bill Drummond, and work with some of the incarcerated journalists. And for me, you know, as a baby reporter myself, just figuring out the world of journalism, it was so inspiring to work with incarcerated reporters and also just to learn more about the this world of prison, prison reporting and criminal justice and kind of got me started heading down deeper and deeper into gaining expertise in the field and becoming a criminal justice reporter myself. What about you, Julie? Like what- what drew you to prison reporting in the first place? And, you know, is there a kind of seminal story for you about it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, I, I like to say that it picked me. I didn’t pick prisons, picked prisons, picked me because my first day on the job in Sacramento was the day the then Governor Schwarzenegger declared a state of emergency in the prisons for overcrowding. The first major story I did was, you know, going into San Quentin, actually, with the federal receiver who’d been appointed by a federal judge to improve prison medical care because one person a day was dying inside our prisons because they couldn’t get access to care. There were like 200,000, almost 200,000 people incarcerated in California in 2006 for facilities designed for 80,000 people. And you can only imagine that’s going to compromise every aspect of life, especially medical care. So the Supreme Court ordered California to reduce the crowding. And that was sort of unprecedented, kind of order to get from the US Supreme Court. So it’s just been a part of my life following that, mostly, for over a decade. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Or San for you, is there a story that you feel kind of most proud of reporting, or a moment where you feel like your journalism was kind of able to, you know, affect the broadest number of people or anything like that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s definitely a story I’m proud of, but I don’t feel it had the impact I wanted. I wrote a story for Wall City Magazine, which is a division of San Quentin News, about stopping gun violence, because I was watching TV one day and the senator was acting like he’s an expert on stopping gun violence because he talked to a gunshot victim. And based on talking to this gunshot victim, he came up with this or supported this idea of arming the teachers. And I’m sitting here thinking like, if you arm to teachers, that’s where the next guns are going to come from, you big dummy. And I just felt like, here I am in a prison with 2500 lifers running around with very little supervision at times, and it’s one of the safest places I had ever been up at that point in my life. And most of these guys that committed violence and we stopped it by therapy really, like putting restorative justice into place, not as a way to deal with harm, but as a as a way of life. So when harm is thinking about happening, this way of life is already in place to prevent it. Right. And just that therapy and being included in a community, being exclusioned, leaving people out of society, right, and rubbing in their face that you’re here but you’re not one of us. There’s all these different things that were happening in San Quentin, and I felt like were an answer to gun violence. And I wanted to get that out there. And so I did a lot of research and wrote this article I’m really proud of, and I think I’m the only that read it. Cuz we still get shot. Ah it’s sad. It’s sad.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oh I’m sorry. That that’s one of the most frustrating things is finding an audience for for your reporting. What about you, Jesse? Is there a story that you’re the most, you know, proud of writing or, you know, being an editor for getting getting in the paper? You know, despite obstacles?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I will clarify that. I did read Roseanne’s piece on gun violence. So it was two of us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least two people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At least two of us read it. Well, there was probably one adviser who read it to to proofread it. So we did the best we could. There is one story that I think, I, I mean, I wrote and it was based on the victim compensation fund and the Department of Corrections. And I think the reason why I remember that story very vividly, because I had a couple guys on the prison yard actually come to me, right? And tell me, like, dude, like I didn’t know where my restitution money was going. I didn’t understand that there’s this victim compensation fund that is there, but the victims had to actually request it. You know, it’s not an automatic thing where, you know, like you’re paying into the restitution and a check is sent to the victims every, you know, month or every six months or whatever. It’s they have to keep their address up to date. They have to check that the money is there. They have to make sure that they tell the, you know, victim compensation board to make sure that they, you know, get their money. So I had a couple guys come to me and say, like, ‘You know what, I contacted my family to contact so-and-so to let them know, like, hey, there’s some money waiting for you because I’m getting charged for it. And I want to make sure that the victims get it. Instead of it being rolled into the general fund or whatever, you know that the state does.’ And I think the reason why I’m most proud of that story in particular, is because I’ve always wanted to at least make a difference in the small community that we were serving. And for me, that immediate context is the people that I was locked up with. And that’s why, like, you know, still to this day, I remember that one story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rahsaan, I was also wanting to ask you about the stories that you didn’t get to tell. Like, are there any stories that you wished you could tell, you know, while you were incarcerated but could not, because of, you know, the pressures or the censorship from others or just the limitations of the environment?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Honestly, there’s stories that I wish were told, but I didn’t want to tell them. For instance, there were like prison officials and wardens that were like getting in legal troubles. And so it felt hypocritical that they weren’t being punished and they were responsible for holding us accountable. But at the same time, I’m not trying to do stories about, like, blood and crip stuff, right? Like I’m trying to do positive stories or story that’s going to make a difference in stories like, look what they’re doing, right? I wanted to do stories that like, ‘Look what we could be doing and be a better place.’ So I can’t say there’s any stories that I really held back on. There’s stories I haven’t finished yet. There’s stories I’m working on, but nothing’s stopping me with me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And you know, Jesse, I have a slightly different question for you, which is just, you know, as an editor, has there ever been a time where, you know, CDCR leadership or, you know, the warden of San Quentin or now that you’ve spread to other, you know, places has, you know, shut down a story or killed a story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, there was a story, one in particular that was going to go into Wall City Magazine. And it was a great story about, you know, two people finding love inside of the carceral system. I don’t know if you remember this one Rahsaan, but it was going to go in Wall City Magazine, and it was a great story written by Joe Garcia. And the lead editor on that was Kate McQueen. And it was an awesome piece, maybe about 2500 words. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the reason why it became an issue was for safety concerns. You know, inside of the California prison system, you can imagine the amount of, you know, machismo and, let’s say gender bias and stuff that exists, and a lot of the violence that is perpetuated against trans and, you know, other communities that people consider other. So it was like the administration was like, ‘We can’t let you run that story. It’s going to jeopardize these individuals, you know, if they get transferred somewhere else. San Quentin is a more, let’s say, tolerant environment, a more accepting environment. But if they ever get transferred somewhere else, you’re jeopardizing their safety. And, you know, we can’t allow that.’ \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that was one issue where I didn’t agree with the decision. But I also understood that it’s not my responsibility to worry about people’s safety. That’s the state responsibility. And they’re seeing it from a liability perspective that I wasn’t paying attention to. I was just looking at it as a good story. They were looking at it well, there’s liability, you know, and there’s implications. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, I wanted to shift us into talking a little bit about some of the things that we ran into reporting this podcast, you know, this season of On Our Watch. Rahsaan, you were an editorial consultant for On Our Watch, and you gave feedback along the way about the series. And, you know, I always just really appreciated your input. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the things that you just kind of, I think brought home for me, in the editorial room was the kind of wildness of the situation with the murder of Luis Giovanny Aguilar. The fact that deadly force was not used, you know, in this unit and, you know, when this was transpiring. And you really wanted to, you know, help us get that across to listeners because we, you know, in our earlier drafts, we’re not doing so. Can you talk a little bit about that, like why that particular environment, why it was so kind of startling to you — who has a familiarity with the world inside prison — why the deadly force was not used as an option? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. The first thing you see, or one of the first things you notice that sounds really cold is the sign on the wall that says no warning shots, and they mean it. They don’t yell, you know, ‘Stop, break up the fight.’ They break up fights with gunfire. And so I know them to be really harsh with that weapon that Mini 14. I’ve been on the yard with people who have bullets in them from that Mini 14, and for it not to be used in that incident where the that might have been a viable way to stop somebody from getting killed? And they didn’t? It just spoke to me it like that was a setup. Like that was a huge clue to me that that’s not how that world works. I’ve actually seen the gun fired at San Quentin before, and this is like one guy had another guy in a headlock. No weapons were involved, but he just wouldn’t let him out of a headlock. And then, thank God, the officer fired into the ground. But he fired into the ground three times, right next to where the guy had the other guy in a headlock for a wrestling match, right? So I just don’t know a world where somebody’s gets stabbed to death and they don’t use that gun. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And you talked about the kind of psychological impact of, like, living under that gun, like that, you know, that gun is in the control booth kind of looking over you all the time. And that really made an impact on me because I was kind of thinking about it more from the perspective of just like, ‘Oh, this is this person’s job is supposed to keep people safe.’ But there is just always this gun looking over you no matter what you’re doing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I always felt like it’s supposed to protect you, but I always felt like because they have a bad habit of hitting people of color, not using them when your lives on the line, just, like, really selective. And even in a perfect world where they’re trying to do the right thing, it’s still a matter of aim and movement and just all these different factors. I rather take my chances with the ice pick. Y’all mind y’all business. I rather take my chances with the ice pick than that gun being over my head. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wow. Jesse, I also called you a number of times while working on this series because I just think of you as somebody who’s got really good advice about how to deal with tricky situations, ethical decisions, and, you know, just to make sure, like, do a gut check on myself about how I’m approaching certain things. And I know you have really strong feelings about this, but like, can you tell me, you know, what are your pet peeves? What are the pitfalls that you see reporters or news organizations falling prey to, you know, when they’re reporting on prisons and incarceration? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. It’s, I think it’s it’s personal to me just because, like, I know the folks inside, you know, and having been there for, you know, two decades, you get to learn people’s mannerisms and stuff and you have a different appreciation for life. So some of the things that I know, you know, when people report on the incarcerated or just on things that pertain to our living environment, there’s certain things that need to be said and told. Right? But they have repercussions for us as a population. It’s just like one thing, right? Like, for instance, they told the story about us getting, you know, Snickers bars and peanuts back in the days for Christmas. We used to get free Christmas packages, you know, that were paid for by the state. And a reporter happened to run the story and stuff like that. And it was great that the state was doing something for the incarcerated during Christmas time, you know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But unfortunately, when the story came out, there was so much backlash behind the state being “soft on crime” that they stopped that program. So it’s like, did you do this story as a human interest story or were you doing the story? Just because look at what taxpayer money is doing. Look at what they’re doing. They’re feeding these criminals and stuff. Right. So it’s the twist that they put on it. And sadly, you know, most of the stories that have come out of prison, you know, have been detrimental to the incarcerated, to our conditions. And everybody’s been speaking on our behalf, taking our quotes out of context. And it’s like, well, how come you just don’t let me tell the story, you know, how come you just don’t, like, report accurately what I’m trying to mention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most reporters, they parachute into the prisons, they parachute in, get a story, run that story, and they tell you like, you know, number one is like, we want to protect people’s, you know, safety and well-being and stuff like that. That’s an illusion. That’s to appease your conscience. You can’t. You can’t guarantee anything. You know, once you take that story and run with it. Right. You can’t guarantee nobody’s safety. That’s number one. Number two, the idea of, you know, journalism doing no harm. It’s like nobody tells a story not intending to do harm. Sometimes we tell the story one and people to go to jail wanting things to change. Like that’s a reality. That’s harm. That’s going to happen to somebody’s family somewhere, somehow. You know, so when you take a story that a reporter publishes and then they don’t come back to talk to the person that they interviewed, when they don’t try to create community or relationships or stay engaged to make sure that nothing does happen to this person, like, that’s a disservice to that individual and to themselves as journalists, because now you’ve lost your credibility with the incarcerated because you told them you wanted this story to make a difference, but then you, like, let them down by just walking away after you got a Pulitzer or something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As part of Empowerment Avenue, we have help writers publish stories that are critical to CDCR and major platforms, and they have gotten flack for it. One writer in particular, he was put into a cell with a guy known for attacking people, and we feel it was on purpose. Like, you know, this guy’s attacking. You know, he keeps attacking people. He’s an old man with mental health issues. You know, this is going to happen. Sure enough, my boy got attacked. He didn’t fight back, though. He just did enough to, like, stop the attack. And they still put him in a hole even though he was the victim. Right. So we really feel like it was retaliatory. And in situations like that, your heart goes out and it’s a reminder that everybody’s not in San Quentin. Where the retaliat- I believe there’s retaliation as well, but it looks different. It doesn’t look like violence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Was he was that person okay? Like what? What happened to them? Physically? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They’re fine. They survived it. Got hit in the head with a lock. So he survived it. And we’re trying to like right now sue to get the video footage to try to do something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie, I was going to ask you, was is there anything, you know, that you’ve noticed in your years of reporting about prisons, you know, blind spots that you see regularly in the media or, you know, things that you’ve learned over the years that have kind of informed the way you approach prison reporting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, I like what was said about people parachuting in. That happens a lot. I like to think that I didn’t parachute in, but, because I kept covering the stories. But I can see now that I, I relied too heavily on advocates and people on the outside. It was harder before to actually speak to people who are incarcerated. And the first experience of having good access was during Covid. And I was able to talk to people in San Quentin as things were happening. But that was relatively new and recorded on a decent line. And, so it’s it’s changed and there’s better access now, but, a lot of times people will just focus in on one issue. There’s so many systemic issues. It needs to be covered over a period of time. So you can see if anything’s changing, if anything’s coming out of your reporting. It’s nearly impossible because it’s such a closed system. And I didn’t really appreciate that until we did this podcast. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, and I was thinking about the things that are being measured throughout my career, you know, the medical care, mental health care, how many visits to the therapist, dental care. You know, those were tangible things that I could measure, and even use of force going up or use of force going down. But we actually aren’t told what’s going on inside the prisons, where if a crime occurs inside, it’s not a public record. There’s so much going on, and it’s really hard for us to gauge how how dangerous it is because it’s completely being withheld from us. And, this podcast was the first time I really got to talk to correctional officers who were open about it, and also realizing that there are- they’re also people on that side caught in this, you know, silence, this code of silence that you can’t break it. They don’t agree with it. They’re aware of the problems, but they go along. And so I guess. That’s a much harder story to get at. And it took two years for us to get it. That’s, you know, and that’s maybe why people don’t get at it. But, this is breaking through that silence. The only way is to find to talk to more people who are formerly incarcerated and more people who are currently incarcerated and former staff of any stripe, whether they’re officers or psych techs or whatever they are. It’s the only way we’re going to know, really, what’s going on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jesse, you know, two of the kind of main subjects of the series were these two correctional officers who became whistleblowers, who reported misconduct, you know, within the ISU, the investigative services unit that they worked. And I just wonder about your experience with that. Like, have you had experience with correctional officers who became whistleblowers, who are willing to talk to you for stories or willing to talk to reporters for the San Quentin News? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I’ve. I’ve gotten, I mean, I know some corrections officers, now. It’s interesting to say, you know, that we’re friends to some extent. You know, it’s it would be odd, you know, to say that they weren’t, though, just because the level of intimacy that we’ve developed over time, and I think that just came with, like, developing a relationship where there was like, care and concern for the individual as a person versus just as a source for a story. And even though some of the stories that they’ve shared. Right, they go back, you know, five years, ten years, 15 years. Right. We haven’t really pursued them in a formal way, in an official way. Like if I get a story, I’ll usually pawn it off on somebody else because it’s not what we actually do at San Quentin News, or it’s something that I know is going to jeopardize, you know, that individual’s job or his safety. And it’s a story that I believe that, it’s not going to necessarily influence policy. Right. Because one of the things, right, when I hear stories of corrections officers in the struggles that they go through, you know, they go through the same issues that we go through as a culture inside of the prison system. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, Rahsaan, what was your experience, you know, as a journalist incarcerated, you know, trying to get people to talk, you know, trying to get people to break that code of silence or that taboo against, you know, quote unquote, snitching?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I had different experiences. Some I never broke it, some I did, but for the most part, I wasn’t asking people to snitch on anything. Right. I allow people to be comfortable talking about the story without editing. And then I would edit in a way that would be to tell a story, but be respectful to the to their lives, to their trust in me, their faith in me. Because I always tell people, ‘I’m not TMZ, right? I’m trying to tell a story to make a difference. Right? I’m not. I’m a solution based reporter. I’m not. I’m just telling the story for entertainment. I don’t care about clicks. I don’t care about ratings. I don’t care about none of that stuff.’ I just want to put some intelligence on our world and show people like how we can deal with things in a way that’s gonna be effective. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so people trusted me with their stories because I wouldn’t put stuff out there that didn’t belong out there. That wasn’t necessary for the story. And if there was something edgy where we walking the line, I would talk about it with them and ask them did they feel comfortable? And they would have to make a grown person decision. Then when we started doing that, there were like OGs that would vouch for us. There were like there were people in the community be like, ‘Nah.’ Then an OG be like, ‘Yo, they good, I good bro. Like, you can talk to them.’ And they would get the green light to do the interview. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s really amazing. Another like really big hurdle that we dealt with and also that incarcerated people face, not just in the world of journalism, but overall is this perceived lack of credibility. And we saw this over and over again, you know, incarcerated people who had reported officers for using excessive force. But if the use of force happened in a place where there were no cameras, if there was no other tangible evidence to back up their story, it was not their story did not prevail. Jesse, can you talk a little bit about how you deal with these issues of credibility as an editor and how you advise journalists that you work with to think about these issues and help them get, you know, accountability or get justice through reporting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. It’s, very tricky. Just because there’s, a couple of things, right, that I learned when I first went into the system before I became a journalist. Right. That have carried over into how we set editorial, reporting expectations. You know, it’s like you can go to an interview, hear a story from somebody, and then if it’s an allegation of misconduct or something like that, then we ask for like, documentation, paperwork, you know, appointment dockets. We ask for corroborating evidence, you know, like maybe a witness or two. Right. Somebody that was there and stuff like that. But the other thing that we also tell our reporters is the people that they’re interviewing, like if there isn’t documentation yet, had them document it now and start lodging those, you know, grievance forms like a 602, right. Start writing the ombudsman, start sending something to the attorney general and stuff like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then that way our story isn’t just, you know, he said she said, because that also protects us. Like, I want to make sure that above all else, right, that we continue to have some institutional credibility as a publication that at least tries to fact check and, you know, try to advise the people that were interviewing to do what’s right. Because the main thing that I realize about, the outside world and how they look at prison journalism, the way that we do it, is they think that it’s always advocacy journalism. And it’s not always that, you know, but they think because it’s prison journalists producing journalism, that it has to be advocacy because we’re talking against a system. And sometimes I think what we’re actually doing is just, you know, as they say, historically, journalism happens to be the first rough draft of human history. And I think that’s what we’re doing, just chronicling, you know, what’s happening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What about you, Rahsaan? Is there, like any difference in the way that you think about credibility in, in prison or in talking to incarcerated sources versus just, you know, any source that you might talk to for a story? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No, I start out with talking with anyone as if they’re telling the truth, unless my instincts or they give me a reason not to believe them, or they make a claim that the world might not believe. And like Jesse said, you need proof to back it up. Not for me, but because if we’re going to print, it could be a lawsuit. Whatever I need to be able to back this up, it needs to be a fact, right? I think one of my greatest problems or greatest issues I ran into was being a freelancer. When it came to quoting incarcerated people in the yard. There were organizations that wanted like, it was just hard for them to accept a quote from an incarcerated person. They wanted, like notes and verification and just all this extra layers. But yet they’ll take a CDCR quote and run with it. Just don’t even fact check nothing, just run with it, put out propaganda. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I just felt like what makes their work better than ours? Or what as a journalist like, why would you devalue- is it me? Because like, you know, we have people on NBC that was known liars, like all kinds of journalists, on major platforms. So it’s not where you at, you know, that determines your level of integrity. And so I felt like I was almost being censored by my colleagues because you’re putting a higher standard on who’s quotable or who’s reliable. When I’m telling you I’m living right here. And I see this person’s daily walk every day. They’re reliable, right? They have a reliable track record. Right. And so who are you doubting, me? Them? Both? And what are you using to weigh credibility? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie, I know you have spent many years covering prisons, a lot of years talking to public information officers and public affairs officers for CDCR. A lot of years, you know, trying to break through the wall of bureaucracy and official speak to get real answers on things that are incredibly important, you know, both for people who are incarcerated and for people who are not incarcerated, who pay for this incredibly expensive system that we all own here in California. You know, what are your, you know, tips, and, and how to do that or if not tips, what are your frustrations with trying to do that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I, I’m going to be a little negative here. I don’t think you’ll ever get a specific answer to a specific question unless it’s innocuous or makes them look good. I think the way to deal with it is to get your information and to dig deep and have your facts. And like we did in the podcast, like, say, ‘This, this and this happened, what’s your response?’ So that it’s like you’re giving them enough rope. They are saying something ludicrous in response to evidence that you’re presenting in your story. So I think it’s like going every other place to get the information, stacking it up and presenting it and then saying, ‘Okay, now try to deny all this.’ And then let them, let them deny it. And they it just exposes them as for what they are, just not telling the truth. Not not being forthright. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what’s been your experience like, Jesse? I mean, I know, like when you were incarcerated, you would have to, you know, try and get response from CDCR and now, you know, as you know, kind of a publisher, like helping other journalists who are incarcerated, you know, how do you kind of bring accountability questions to, you know, CDC, our public affairs, and what are the kinds of answers you get? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So it’s pretty interesting because the whole profession of being a public information officer, right? It’s a lot of damage control. You know, it’s a lot of damage control. It’s a lot of, you know, trying to salvage an image, you know, and I think, again, like I always preface what I say with, I try to give people a lot of grace because I understand as individuals you’re put in between a rock and a hard spot, right? When this is your job, this is what you get paid for. This is what you’re supposed to do, right? Ethically and morally, you may not agree with it, right? And you may have questions. But, you know, at the end of the day, you have to protect your institution from liability, you know? So I’m very mindful of that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, when I talk to our reporters and everybody that we’re training to be reporters inside the carceral system, it’s like, don’t expect people to validate the truth that you know. You know, like, just know that there’s going to be some version that’s going to come out that may not be the actual truth, you know, but you have to find a way to tell that story anyway. And then we have to be able to, not just bring them accountability, but also bring enough awareness and notoriety to the issue that it’s going to make a difference. Right? Because it can’t just come from one person and one source. And I think that’s been the thing that has helped us. Right? It’s not just about like the incarcerated. So our editor in chief wants to know this, you know, do you have an answer for him? It’s like, well, our editor in chief, you know, these two other publications and these five organizations, you know, are interested in what’s happening here. And all of a sudden it’s like, oh, you got more people involved and stuff, right? So it’s like there’s more eyeballs. There’s more accountability, right? Having more like institutions that produce journalism be involved with prison journalists is essential if we’re going to hold the systems accountable. Right. Because I think at the end of the day, most people want accountability and transparency, right? But it’s scary to go through that change. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, Rahsaan, I know we’ve talked in the past before about like, the frustrations that you have about the kinds of stories you feel like you’re allowed to tell, or people want you to tell. Can you speak to that a little bit about just, you know, the limitations that people of the journalism people allow you? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It goes back to credibility again. Right? For whatever reason, they don’t respect incarcerated people as real journalists, even though we are behind enemy lines, so to speak, and speaking from the belly of the beast, which is a tough. But certain organizations limit you to opinion pieces. Right. And so I try to be positive about that. Like we do enough opinion pieces and they’ll respect, like, we’ll build a relationship and then they’ll respect us. And then a guy will end up, you know, doing a feature piece, doing an actual reported piece. And, you know, here and there that works out, but some of us are still stuck, and some of these organizations still got it stuck in opinion piece mode. And I just think we’re so much better than that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I know that sometimes somebody might take offense that they’ve been to journalism school and got this degree and spent all this money and here comes somebody who just bootleg trained off the yard in the Journalism Guild, and they’re able to earn a living from prison or take up space in that paper that maybe these journalists feel like that belongs to me and my degree. But I think that if you want a better society, you have to get the whole story. Then we’ll be doing what we supposed to do as journalists, which I believe is a- to foster democracy, a world that’s inclusive, a world that’s better, a world that works for all of us. But if we only featuring one side of the story and we limit ourselves to this crap. This clickbait. We get what we we going to keep getting what we’ve been getting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I do want to say that I think things are getting somewhat better. Empowerment Avenue launched during Covid when reporters couldn’t get the story except having direct access to us. And so we controlled the narrative and we were able to put stories out. But COVID’s gone and the demand for incarcerated voices has gone up. And now guys have actual journalism jobs as like editors and reporters from prison and making decent salaries. So I think the world is changing. But there’s still some organizations that don’t have incarcerated voices connected. They haven’t built that community. They don’t know where the experts are. So there’s still more work to be done. But because that the demand for our voices has grown, and formerly incarcerated people keep winning Pulitzer Prizes. So I’m super proud. Like the world wants to hear our side of the story, they tired of the same old law and order crap, right? And so I’m really going into the future hopeful, but yet still speaking loudly about all the flaws that we need to fix so we can hurry up and fix them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I think I’ll just add that what made prison journalism a force to be reckoned with in the 1800s early 1900s, up until 1991, when we had, you know 300 newspapers inside of prisons, it was community engagement, you know, like deep engagement, you know, with the prison system and, you know, just paying attention to those stories and holding the system accountable. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The other thing, too, like a lot of times we think that change in policy is going to change the world. And it doesn’t. You know, you can’t legislate how people feel about each other. You can’t tell me I gotta like somebody. You have to create a culture and an environment and a space where I want to help, where I want to care, where I want to be involved. Right. And I think creating spaces like this prison journalism movement that we have going on, like we’re actually trying to develop more civic engagement because people who are civically engaged care about their communities, and their communities start caring about them. So and I think that’s going to be at the core of how we create a cultural change that’s going to, you know, supersede policy, you know, by maybe five, ten years. So be mindful that, you know, like how you report on people, shows what you care for. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All right. Thank you so much for coming in. Thank you, Jessie and Roseanne and Julie for having this great conversation about journalism. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Bye. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rahsaan Thomas:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you. I appreciate being here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jesse Vasquez:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Thanks for having us as colleagues on here. It’s great. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We have links to Jesse and Rahsaan’s work in our episode description, as well as other resources to support prison journalism. Please continue to send tips or feedback about the series to onourwatch@KQED.org. This episode was hosted by me, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is also KQED’s Director of Podcasts. It was produced by Chris Egusa. Final mixing by Brendan Willard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Original music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our podcast operations manager, our managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis R. Taylor Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsay, our Vice President of News and KQED Chief Content Officer Holly Kernan. And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 7 p.m. Monday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A heated dispute over the decision by the Alameda County district attorney’s office to forgo criminal charges in a stabbing case has spun out into an unusually public spat between two of the county’s top law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the conflict is a federal parole violation hearing set to be heard Monday morning in San Francisco. The defendant, Hayward resident Robert Barroca, 59, was convicted in 2005 for making methamphetamine and being in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County sheriff’s officials identified Barroca as a suspect in a January stabbing that took place in Hayward’s Meek Estate Park, the sheriff’s department said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=854665116705613&set=a.256424806529650\">a May 30 Facebook post\u003c/a>. An Alameda County Superior Court judge issued an arrest warrant for Barroca, and on May 16, he was arrested by sheriff’s deputies, who presented the case to the district’s attorney’s office for charging, according to the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the DA declined to charge, the sheriff’s office said deputies reported Barroca’s alleged involvement in the stabbing to Barroca’s federal parole agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department’s Facebook post about the case garnered more than a hundred comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price, whose critics have accused her of not pursuing criminal cases aggressively enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time we have pointed out that the DA did not charge something,” a sheriff’s spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/alameda-county-sheriff-seeks-help-from-feds-after-da-declines-to-file-charges/\">told KRON4\u003c/a>. “It’s been more consistent. This is not a war on the DA’s office; this is us being honest with the public, with our community, about what’s happening,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Monday morning, Haaziq Madyun, a spokesperson for the DA’s office, said he couldn’t explain the decision not to charge Barroca because Price, who could provide that information, is away from the office at least through the end of the week, following the recent death of her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The matter was reviewed by a veteran charging deputy attorney, who advised ACSO to present the case to our federal law enforcement partners,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='pamela-price']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although KRON4 reported that Madyun said the DA’s office had reached out to federal authorities, Madyun later told KQED that the statement was incorrect and clarified it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=768694235446601&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> on Friday, Price’s campaign against the recall suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA’s office declined to prosecute but conspicuously left that information out of its Facebook post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign’s post invited Alameda County Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez to call Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A call seems like an appropriate first step from one professional Alameda County law enforcement official to another,” the post said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be fair, if the ACSO wants to make social media posts highlighting when cases are not charged, the community should demand that the ACSO create social media posts every time the DAO does charge on cases presented by the Sheriff’s Office,” the post continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday afternoon, Lt. Tya Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office, said the office regularly posts on social media about the outcomes of department investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May, the sheriff’s office posted five times on its Facebook page about arrests, including the post about Barroca. Three mentioned the DA’s office charging the suspect, and the fourth, regarding a series of arrests made during an operation targeting a sideshow, didn’t mention whether charges were brought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the DA brings charges we say that, and when they don’t we say that,” Modeste said, adding that the sheriff’s office never goes into why a case was or was not charged by the DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Barroca’s case, Modeste said the DA declined to bring charges because the victim was not entirely certain Barroca was the person who stabbed them. On a 10-point scale, the victim ranked their certainty at an 8 or 9, according to Modeste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madyun said the dispute, and the comments on the sheriff’s Facebook post, point to a larger issue: Most of the DA’s work happens outside of public view, and when one case gets highlighted, it’s easy for the public to think that case is representative of all of the DA’s work when it might not be, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions to charge or not charge are made everyday by DA’s across the country. Individual cases are not posted on [Facebook] everyday,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County District Attorney’s 2023 annual report, charging rates under Price have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">remained relatively consistent\u003c/a> with those of her predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. The office reports it took action on 11,977 cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A Facebook post by the sheriff’s office about the case garnered more than 100 comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price. Price’s anti-recall campaign suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA declined to prosecute.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 7 p.m. Monday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A heated dispute over the decision by the Alameda County district attorney’s office to forgo criminal charges in a stabbing case has spun out into an unusually public spat between two of the county’s top law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the conflict is a federal parole violation hearing set to be heard Monday morning in San Francisco. The defendant, Hayward resident Robert Barroca, 59, was convicted in 2005 for making methamphetamine and being in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County sheriff’s officials identified Barroca as a suspect in a January stabbing that took place in Hayward’s Meek Estate Park, the sheriff’s department said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=854665116705613&set=a.256424806529650\">a May 30 Facebook post\u003c/a>. An Alameda County Superior Court judge issued an arrest warrant for Barroca, and on May 16, he was arrested by sheriff’s deputies, who presented the case to the district’s attorney’s office for charging, according to the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the DA declined to charge, the sheriff’s office said deputies reported Barroca’s alleged involvement in the stabbing to Barroca’s federal parole agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department’s Facebook post about the case garnered more than a hundred comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price, whose critics have accused her of not pursuing criminal cases aggressively enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time we have pointed out that the DA did not charge something,” a sheriff’s spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/alameda-county-sheriff-seeks-help-from-feds-after-da-declines-to-file-charges/\">told KRON4\u003c/a>. “It’s been more consistent. This is not a war on the DA’s office; this is us being honest with the public, with our community, about what’s happening,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Monday morning, Haaziq Madyun, a spokesperson for the DA’s office, said he couldn’t explain the decision not to charge Barroca because Price, who could provide that information, is away from the office at least through the end of the week, following the recent death of her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The matter was reviewed by a veteran charging deputy attorney, who advised ACSO to present the case to our federal law enforcement partners,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although KRON4 reported that Madyun said the DA’s office had reached out to federal authorities, Madyun later told KQED that the statement was incorrect and clarified it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=768694235446601&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> on Friday, Price’s campaign against the recall suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA’s office declined to prosecute but conspicuously left that information out of its Facebook post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign’s post invited Alameda County Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez to call Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A call seems like an appropriate first step from one professional Alameda County law enforcement official to another,” the post said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be fair, if the ACSO wants to make social media posts highlighting when cases are not charged, the community should demand that the ACSO create social media posts every time the DAO does charge on cases presented by the Sheriff’s Office,” the post continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday afternoon, Lt. Tya Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office, said the office regularly posts on social media about the outcomes of department investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May, the sheriff’s office posted five times on its Facebook page about arrests, including the post about Barroca. Three mentioned the DA’s office charging the suspect, and the fourth, regarding a series of arrests made during an operation targeting a sideshow, didn’t mention whether charges were brought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the DA brings charges we say that, and when they don’t we say that,” Modeste said, adding that the sheriff’s office never goes into why a case was or was not charged by the DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Barroca’s case, Modeste said the DA declined to bring charges because the victim was not entirely certain Barroca was the person who stabbed them. On a 10-point scale, the victim ranked their certainty at an 8 or 9, according to Modeste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madyun said the dispute, and the comments on the sheriff’s Facebook post, point to a larger issue: Most of the DA’s work happens outside of public view, and when one case gets highlighted, it’s easy for the public to think that case is representative of all of the DA’s work when it might not be, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions to charge or not charge are made everyday by DA’s across the country. Individual cases are not posted on [Facebook] everyday,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County District Attorney’s 2023 annual report, charging rates under Price have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">remained relatively consistent\u003c/a> with those of her predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. The office reports it took action on 11,977 cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Case of Former San José Police Union Official Charged With Attempting to Import Illegal Drugs Could Be Resolved by August",
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"content": "\u003cp>The long-running case of a former San José police union employee charged with attempting to illegally import drugs to the U.S. could be resolved by August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joanne Segovia, the former longtime executive director at the San José Police Officers’ Association, appeared in federal court today in San José for the first time since her initial hearing in March 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia, now 65, was charged in connection with an apparent international drug ring scheming to bring illicit opioids into the Bay Area and the U.S. She came to the attention of Homeland Security Investigations agents who were pursuing leads in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of her charging, officials said she could face up to 20 years in prison if convicted, though it appears the case could be headed toward a plea bargain, according to legal filings and statements by attorneys in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magistrate Judge Nathanael Cousins told prosecutors and Segovia’s defense attorneys on Tuesday they’d need to appear in court Friday to give a status update on the case, which has been continued 14 times while the two sides discussed facts and circumstances of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the requests by attorneys for time extensions came just hours before a hearing was scheduled to begin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cousins reminded the attorneys of the public interest in the “prompt disposition of criminal cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 14 continuances made me think then and now that the public’s interest was not being satisfied,” Cousins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant U.S. Attorney Joseph Tartakovsky, the lead prosecutor on the case, told Cousins the government is “keenly interested” in bringing the case to a resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It hasn’t happened yet, despite extensive discussions, because there are a number of very unusual factual issues that this case presents,” Tartakovsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked the court for a month more time but said he wouldn’t seek another extension after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One last extension. At that point, the government will either present the court with a resolution or the government will indict. But that will be the end of the line,” Tartakovsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason for the extensions in the case is “differences in the government’s and the defendant’s views of the facts,” Segovia’s attorney, Will Edelman, wrote in a court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edelman, citing health issues and personal difficulties, is withdrawing from the case and Segovia will be represented by attorney Adam Gasner. Edelman noted in his filing that finding a new attorney for Segovia and transitioning the case to Gasner required additional time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, “the parties have engaged in extensive back-and-forth discussions about such potential resolutions, including multiple meetings, presentations, and detailed correspondence,” Edelman wrote. He characterized the talks as productive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A potential case resolution that has been discussed and refined extensively remains a possibility,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner asked the court to schedule the next hearing for August 15 to ensure he has time to review all the details of the case, and Cousins granted the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julia Jayne, a white-collar criminal defense attorney based in Berkeley, said the length of this case is not exceptional, as two sides are trying to find a middle ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what should be done in every case, right? If you want to potentially resolve it, you go back and forth, you talk about it, to try to figure out a resolution. Sometimes that takes time,” Jayne said. “(The attorneys) are basically saying ‘it’s not like we’ve been sitting around doing nothing.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tartakovsky, Gasner and Segovia all declined to comment when leaving the courthouse Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prosecutors listed just one alleged crime in a March 2023 criminal complaint against Segovia, a supporting report written by a Homeland Security special agent laid out a series of alleged actions by Segovia over several years, which officials said are consistent with the shipping, receiving and distributing of illicit drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia used both her personal computer and a computer at the police union office to order thousands of opioids and other pills to her San José home “and agreed to distribute the drugs elsewhere in the United States,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office said previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From October 2015 to January 2023, Segovia had at least 61 shipments mailed to her home, originating from various other nations. While the shipping information for the packages claimed they contained things like “Wedding Party Favors,” “Gift Makeup,” or “Chocolate and Sweets,” investigators believe they contained drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between July 2019 and January 2023, officials intercepted and opened five of these shipments and found that they contained thousands of pills of controlled substances, including the synthetic opioids Tramadol and Tapentadol,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office said. Investigators seized drugs at both her home and office, including hundreds of Tapentadol pills at her police union office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators said Segovia used CashApp and PayPal to send money to people in various countries and WhatsApp to send and receive hundreds of logistics messages and photos to a person with an Indian country code phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one image she allegedly sent showing a PayPal payment confirmation of $999.99, her work computer monitor can be seen along with a San José Police Officers’ Association letter opener and one of her police union business cards below the monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11945256,news_11983119,news_11983106\"]When initially confronted about the alleged drug shipments, federal investigators said Segovia lied to them about her activities and tried to shift blame onto her housekeeper. Though Segovia is not a police officer and was an administrative employee for the union representing roughly 1,100 San José police officers, investigators said she claimed at one point to “work for the police department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia is alleged to have continued ordering drugs after being interviewed by federal authorities in February 2023. A package sent from China in March 2023 addressed to her and labeled as containing a “clock” was seized by federal agents in Kentucky. The attorney’s office said the package actually contained valeryl fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys in the case have not commented on what a possible deal might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where a case involves serious drugs, that involves any kind of distribution, somebody is often looking at prison time,” Jayne said. She noted the amounts of drugs involved and mitigating issues like addiction could also factor into any potential deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the roughly 14 months after Segovia’s first court hearing, federal judges approved some travel for her, allowing her to attend family events out of state and go on vacation. She was not permitted to travel internationally, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia was fired by the police union on April 7, 2023, after an initial internal investigation by police union executives. In the wake of the drug charge revelations, union officials claimed there were no other union employees or police officers involved in the alleged drug crimes and that no one knew about Segovia’s behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police union leaders said last year that the organization would also hire an outside investigator to look into Segovia’s alleged actions and examine the union’s own internal processes to see if there were steps that could have been taken to identify her alleged behavior sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magistrate Judge Nathanael Cousins told prosecutors and Segovia’s defense attorneys on Tuesday they’d need to appear in court Friday to give a status update on the case, which has been continued 14 times while the two sides discussed facts and circumstances of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the requests by attorneys for time extensions came just hours before a hearing was scheduled to begin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cousins reminded the attorneys of the public interest in the “prompt disposition of criminal cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 14 continuances made me think then and now that the public’s interest was not being satisfied,” Cousins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant U.S. Attorney Joseph Tartakovsky, the lead prosecutor on the case, told Cousins the government is “keenly interested” in bringing the case to a resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It hasn’t happened yet, despite extensive discussions, because there are a number of very unusual factual issues that this case presents,” Tartakovsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked the court for a month more time but said he wouldn’t seek another extension after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One last extension. At that point, the government will either present the court with a resolution or the government will indict. But that will be the end of the line,” Tartakovsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason for the extensions in the case is “differences in the government’s and the defendant’s views of the facts,” Segovia’s attorney, Will Edelman, wrote in a court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edelman, citing health issues and personal difficulties, is withdrawing from the case and Segovia will be represented by attorney Adam Gasner. Edelman noted in his filing that finding a new attorney for Segovia and transitioning the case to Gasner required additional time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, “the parties have engaged in extensive back-and-forth discussions about such potential resolutions, including multiple meetings, presentations, and detailed correspondence,” Edelman wrote. He characterized the talks as productive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A potential case resolution that has been discussed and refined extensively remains a possibility,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner asked the court to schedule the next hearing for August 15 to ensure he has time to review all the details of the case, and Cousins granted the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julia Jayne, a white-collar criminal defense attorney based in Berkeley, said the length of this case is not exceptional, as two sides are trying to find a middle ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what should be done in every case, right? If you want to potentially resolve it, you go back and forth, you talk about it, to try to figure out a resolution. Sometimes that takes time,” Jayne said. “(The attorneys) are basically saying ‘it’s not like we’ve been sitting around doing nothing.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tartakovsky, Gasner and Segovia all declined to comment when leaving the courthouse Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prosecutors listed just one alleged crime in a March 2023 criminal complaint against Segovia, a supporting report written by a Homeland Security special agent laid out a series of alleged actions by Segovia over several years, which officials said are consistent with the shipping, receiving and distributing of illicit drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia used both her personal computer and a computer at the police union office to order thousands of opioids and other pills to her San José home “and agreed to distribute the drugs elsewhere in the United States,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office said previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From October 2015 to January 2023, Segovia had at least 61 shipments mailed to her home, originating from various other nations. While the shipping information for the packages claimed they contained things like “Wedding Party Favors,” “Gift Makeup,” or “Chocolate and Sweets,” investigators believe they contained drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between July 2019 and January 2023, officials intercepted and opened five of these shipments and found that they contained thousands of pills of controlled substances, including the synthetic opioids Tramadol and Tapentadol,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office said. Investigators seized drugs at both her home and office, including hundreds of Tapentadol pills at her police union office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators said Segovia used CashApp and PayPal to send money to people in various countries and WhatsApp to send and receive hundreds of logistics messages and photos to a person with an Indian country code phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one image she allegedly sent showing a PayPal payment confirmation of $999.99, her work computer monitor can be seen along with a San José Police Officers’ Association letter opener and one of her police union business cards below the monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When initially confronted about the alleged drug shipments, federal investigators said Segovia lied to them about her activities and tried to shift blame onto her housekeeper. Though Segovia is not a police officer and was an administrative employee for the union representing roughly 1,100 San José police officers, investigators said she claimed at one point to “work for the police department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia is alleged to have continued ordering drugs after being interviewed by federal authorities in February 2023. A package sent from China in March 2023 addressed to her and labeled as containing a “clock” was seized by federal agents in Kentucky. The attorney’s office said the package actually contained valeryl fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys in the case have not commented on what a possible deal might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where a case involves serious drugs, that involves any kind of distribution, somebody is often looking at prison time,” Jayne said. She noted the amounts of drugs involved and mitigating issues like addiction could also factor into any potential deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the roughly 14 months after Segovia’s first court hearing, federal judges approved some travel for her, allowing her to attend family events out of state and go on vacation. She was not permitted to travel internationally, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia was fired by the police union on April 7, 2023, after an initial internal investigation by police union executives. In the wake of the drug charge revelations, union officials claimed there were no other union employees or police officers involved in the alleged drug crimes and that no one knew about Segovia’s behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police union leaders said last year that the organization would also hire an outside investigator to look into Segovia’s alleged actions and examine the union’s own internal processes to see if there were steps that could have been taken to identify her alleged behavior sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Portola Elementary School students sickened by chemicals released during a training exercise at a nearby San Bruno jail last week experienced more severe symptoms than were initially reported, with some even requiring emergency medical care, according to the school district superintendent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chemical agents, including pepper spray and 2-chlorobenzylidene malononitrile, a common form of tear gas, were released during a crowd control and intervention training exercise on May 21 at the San Francisco County Jail in San Bruno, according to the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office. They reached Portola Elementary School, about half a mile away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials initially reported that 20 students and one teacher were sickened. However, nearly 30 students reported symptoms such as watery eyes, coughing, wheezing and trouble breathing at the time of the incident, San Bruno Park School District Superintendent Matthew Duffy said in a statement on Thursday. The school later determined that over the following days, students experienced more severe symptoms, including upset stomach, vomiting and rashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More than a week later, we still have some students who are suffering adverse effects from the exposure to the tear gas and pepper spray dispersed into the air that day,” Duffy said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a two-hour town hall meeting with school officials and the sheriff’s office on Tuesday night, parents criticized a lack of communication after the chemical exposure, saying they pieced together what had happened only after multiple wrote in an online forum that their children were experiencing similar symptoms, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/chemical-exposure-school-children-san-bruno-19484750.php\">the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents also reported that the school did not take steps to clean surfaces on the exterior of the campus for two days and only did so after parents demanded it, according to the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duffy said that after conversations with local law enforcement and environmental and academic agencies, the school washed down outside campus areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County Supervisor David Canepa told KQED on Wednesday that the chemical agents released may have been expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981516,news_11980987,news_11967985 label='related coverage']“The chemical agent we used for the training does not have an expiration date, though we do use our oldest canisters for training purposes,” Christian Kropff, acting director of communications for the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Canepa is considering calling a hearing over the incident and the larger practice of gas-related training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This requires transparency. This requires acknowledging that a mistake was made, but most importantly, making sure that it doesn’t happen again by putting in the correct protocols,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school district plans to write a letter to the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office asking that all gas-related training at the jail stop immediately, Duffy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate the time the SF Sheriff’s department has dedicated to understanding the events of that day, and we look forward to a partnership that sheds light on any inappropriate actions taken as well as needed steps to remedy the situation,” Duffy said in his statement.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Portola Elementary School students sickened by chemicals released during a training exercise at a nearby San Bruno jail last week experienced more severe symptoms than were initially reported, with some even requiring emergency medical care, according to the school district superintendent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chemical agents, including pepper spray and 2-chlorobenzylidene malononitrile, a common form of tear gas, were released during a crowd control and intervention training exercise on May 21 at the San Francisco County Jail in San Bruno, according to the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office. They reached Portola Elementary School, about half a mile away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials initially reported that 20 students and one teacher were sickened. However, nearly 30 students reported symptoms such as watery eyes, coughing, wheezing and trouble breathing at the time of the incident, San Bruno Park School District Superintendent Matthew Duffy said in a statement on Thursday. The school later determined that over the following days, students experienced more severe symptoms, including upset stomach, vomiting and rashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More than a week later, we still have some students who are suffering adverse effects from the exposure to the tear gas and pepper spray dispersed into the air that day,” Duffy said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a two-hour town hall meeting with school officials and the sheriff’s office on Tuesday night, parents criticized a lack of communication after the chemical exposure, saying they pieced together what had happened only after multiple wrote in an online forum that their children were experiencing similar symptoms, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/chemical-exposure-school-children-san-bruno-19484750.php\">the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents also reported that the school did not take steps to clean surfaces on the exterior of the campus for two days and only did so after parents demanded it, according to the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duffy said that after conversations with local law enforcement and environmental and academic agencies, the school washed down outside campus areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County Supervisor David Canepa told KQED on Wednesday that the chemical agents released may have been expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The chemical agent we used for the training does not have an expiration date, though we do use our oldest canisters for training purposes,” Christian Kropff, acting director of communications for the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Canepa is considering calling a hearing over the incident and the larger practice of gas-related training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This requires transparency. This requires acknowledging that a mistake was made, but most importantly, making sure that it doesn’t happen again by putting in the correct protocols,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school district plans to write a letter to the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office asking that all gas-related training at the jail stop immediately, Duffy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate the time the SF Sheriff’s department has dedicated to understanding the events of that day, and we look forward to a partnership that sheds light on any inappropriate actions taken as well as needed steps to remedy the situation,” Duffy said in his statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Supervisor Hillary Ronen on Tuesday outlined the beginnings of a plan to reform the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention, or SHARP, which has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985525/failures-of-sf-office-on-sexual-assault-complaints-draw-scrutiny\">come under recent scrutiny\u003c/a> over its shortcomings since it was established six years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials have said SHARP has failed in its mandate to help survivors of sexual harassment and assault navigate San Francisco’s bureaucratic systems, to report city officers should they fail to help, and to suggest policy reforms for government agencies to better help victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHARP will be folded into a new office, the San Francisco Office of Victim and Witness Rights, which aims to help victims of all types of crime. Ronen’s office plans to introduce legislation in the coming weeks that will merge the entities and “clarify [the office’s] duties and powers to ensure it is best able to meet the needs of survivors,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new office’s inaugural director will be Ivy Lee, an attorney and former policy adviser to Breed, the mayor announced during a press conference on Tuesday at the West Portal Recreation Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This office will have one purpose, which is to try to make government work better for survivors,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, Lee was Breed’s policy adviser on public safety and victims’ rights. She also served on the City College of San Francisco Board of Trustees and as a legislative aide of former Supervisors Jane Kim and Norman Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen created SHARP in 2018 to respond to sexual assault victims who said the San Francisco Police Department did not adequately investigate their claims. The office’s deficiencies came to light in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/sf-sharp-sex-assault-response-19429042.php\">a scathing investigation by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which found SHARP did not propose any policy changes to the three largest city agencies that sexual assault survivors often encounter: the San Francisco Police Department, the district attorney’s office or San Francisco General Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"sexual-assault\"]“Setting up SHARP was never easy. But Ivy is that person because she has the diplomacy, she has the credibility, she has the relationships,” Ronen said at Tuesday’s press conference. “That’s why I know SHARP is going to succeed like it never has before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee told KQED that SHARP would need a larger staff to do enough outreach to victims; right now, it has only two employees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sharp-sf.org/our-team\">according to its website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we are going to have that public-facing aspect, you need to be staffed up appropriately,” Lee said. “If we want to help victims, then ask them what they need, ask them what they want, resource it, and deliver it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The creation of the Office of Victim and Witness Rights was mandated by the June 2022 voter passage of Proposition D, which was authored by Supervisor Catherine Stefani, who is running for state Assembly. Discussions of victims’ needs were at a fever pitch during 2022 as people debated the efficacy of former District Attorney Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled in that same election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveys conducted after Proposition D’s passage showed a need for the new office to represent victims broadly, according to the mayor’s office: San Franciscans said they experienced challenges navigating the criminal legal process, had unmet emotional and mental health support needs, and lacked access to emergency financial relief after a traumatic or violent event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHARP is similar to the new Office of Victim and Witness Rights in purpose; only its focus is more narrowly tailored to help sexual assault survivors. In a City Hall hearing earlier this month, supervisors asked its leaders why SHARP hadn’t carried out its mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheryl Evans Davis, the executive director of the Human Rights Commission, which oversees SHARP, said the office instead focused on community education and prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are apologetic and regretful, but we are also committed to doing better,” Davis said in the hearing. “We’ve had some shortcomings here.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Supervisor Hillary Ronen on Tuesday outlined the beginnings of a plan to reform the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention, or SHARP, which has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985525/failures-of-sf-office-on-sexual-assault-complaints-draw-scrutiny\">come under recent scrutiny\u003c/a> over its shortcomings since it was established six years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials have said SHARP has failed in its mandate to help survivors of sexual harassment and assault navigate San Francisco’s bureaucratic systems, to report city officers should they fail to help, and to suggest policy reforms for government agencies to better help victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHARP will be folded into a new office, the San Francisco Office of Victim and Witness Rights, which aims to help victims of all types of crime. Ronen’s office plans to introduce legislation in the coming weeks that will merge the entities and “clarify [the office’s] duties and powers to ensure it is best able to meet the needs of survivors,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new office’s inaugural director will be Ivy Lee, an attorney and former policy adviser to Breed, the mayor announced during a press conference on Tuesday at the West Portal Recreation Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This office will have one purpose, which is to try to make government work better for survivors,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, Lee was Breed’s policy adviser on public safety and victims’ rights. She also served on the City College of San Francisco Board of Trustees and as a legislative aide of former Supervisors Jane Kim and Norman Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen created SHARP in 2018 to respond to sexual assault victims who said the San Francisco Police Department did not adequately investigate their claims. The office’s deficiencies came to light in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/sf-sharp-sex-assault-response-19429042.php\">a scathing investigation by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which found SHARP did not propose any policy changes to the three largest city agencies that sexual assault survivors often encounter: the San Francisco Police Department, the district attorney’s office or San Francisco General Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Setting up SHARP was never easy. But Ivy is that person because she has the diplomacy, she has the credibility, she has the relationships,” Ronen said at Tuesday’s press conference. “That’s why I know SHARP is going to succeed like it never has before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee told KQED that SHARP would need a larger staff to do enough outreach to victims; right now, it has only two employees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sharp-sf.org/our-team\">according to its website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we are going to have that public-facing aspect, you need to be staffed up appropriately,” Lee said. “If we want to help victims, then ask them what they need, ask them what they want, resource it, and deliver it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The creation of the Office of Victim and Witness Rights was mandated by the June 2022 voter passage of Proposition D, which was authored by Supervisor Catherine Stefani, who is running for state Assembly. Discussions of victims’ needs were at a fever pitch during 2022 as people debated the efficacy of former District Attorney Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled in that same election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveys conducted after Proposition D’s passage showed a need for the new office to represent victims broadly, according to the mayor’s office: San Franciscans said they experienced challenges navigating the criminal legal process, had unmet emotional and mental health support needs, and lacked access to emergency financial relief after a traumatic or violent event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHARP is similar to the new Office of Victim and Witness Rights in purpose; only its focus is more narrowly tailored to help sexual assault survivors. In a City Hall hearing earlier this month, supervisors asked its leaders why SHARP hadn’t carried out its mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheryl Evans Davis, the executive director of the Human Rights Commission, which oversees SHARP, said the office instead focused on community education and prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are apologetic and regretful, but we are also committed to doing better,” Davis said in the hearing. “We’ve had some shortcomings here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The man who invaded the Pelosis’ San Francisco home in an extremism-fueled attempt to kidnap the then-speaker of the House in late 2022 apologized to Paul Pelosi at a federal court hearing on Tuesday to reconsider his sentence after a court error had thrown his prison term into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, David DePape’s approximately 90-second statement stopped short of showing remorse for his broader plan to target and capture a diverse list of public figures and political leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I should have left the house when I learned Nancy Pelosi wasn’t there,” DePape said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986718/david-depape-sentenced-to-30-years-in-federal-prison-for-attack-on-nancy-pelosis-husband\">sentenced to 30 years\u003c/a> in federal prison earlier this month, the judge presiding over the case \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986847/federal-judge-orders-new-sentencing-hearing-for-david-depape-in-trial-over-pelosi-attack\">ordered a redo\u003c/a>, acknowledging that the court had failed to ask him if he would like to make a statement first. U.S. District Judge Jacqueline Scott Corley issued an unchanged sentence after DePape spoke Tuesday, totaling 30 years in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape had taken public transportation overnight from the East Bay to the Pelosis’ home in San Francisco’s Pacific Heights neighborhood, arriving in the early hours of Oct. 28, 2022. He broke into the home by repeatedly hitting a sliding glass door until it shattered, according to security camera video played during DePape’s federal trial that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967595/david-depape-found-guilty-in-paul-pelosi-hammer-attack\">ended with a guilty verdict\u003c/a> in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He awoke Paul Pelosi asking the now-infamous phrase, “Where’s Nancy?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Pelosi managed to call 911 after DePape decided to wait with him for his wife to return home. When two officers confronted both men in the front doorway to the home, DePape suddenly turned and struck Paul Pelosi multiple times in the head with a hammer as the officers rushed in and eventually restrained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense argued before sentencing that undiagnosed mental illness and a difficult relationship with the mother of his children had left the 44-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966865/defense-focuses-on-conspiracy-theories-in-first-day-of-trial-over-attempted-nancy-pelosi-kidnapping\">vulnerable to conspiracy theories\u003c/a> that he consumed with increasing frequency in online videos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time he launched his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967247/david-depape-on-witness-stand-details-grand-plan-to-violently-interrogate-nancy-pelosi\">plan to kidnap then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a>, DePape was obsessed with exposing what he believed was a cabal of politicians promoting child abuse and corruption. Among his other targets: actor Tom Hanks, Rep. Adam Schiff, former Vice President Mike Pence and the president’s son Hunter Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"david-depape\"]Corley apologized to DePape at the beginning of his “reopened” sentencing hearing on Tuesday for neglecting to ask him to make a statement when she initially sentenced him on May 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m truly sorry for my mistake,” Corley said from the bench. But she denied a defense motion to assign DePape’s sentencing to another judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After DePape’s statement, the judge reiterated the seriousness of his crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t break into the speaker of the House’s home,” Corley said. “It’s hard to overstate the seriousness of that and the damage it has caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sentencing do-over in federal court has affected scheduling for the beginning of a second trial for DePape on state-level charges, including attempted murder and aggravated kidnapping, which carries a potential life sentence without the possibility of parole. Opening statements in that case were initially set to begin by Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, a San Francisco Superior Court judge heard this morning from DePape’s local public defenders, who argue that California-specific protections against double jeopardy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">require several charges be dismissed\u003c/a> following his federal conviction. The judge declined to rule on the motion, saying he’ll wait for local prosecutors to present their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Alex Hall of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The man who invaded the Pelosis’ San Francisco home in an extremism-fueled attempt to kidnap the then-speaker of the House in late 2022 apologized to Paul Pelosi at a federal court hearing on Tuesday to reconsider his sentence after a court error had thrown his prison term into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, David DePape’s approximately 90-second statement stopped short of showing remorse for his broader plan to target and capture a diverse list of public figures and political leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I should have left the house when I learned Nancy Pelosi wasn’t there,” DePape said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986718/david-depape-sentenced-to-30-years-in-federal-prison-for-attack-on-nancy-pelosis-husband\">sentenced to 30 years\u003c/a> in federal prison earlier this month, the judge presiding over the case \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986847/federal-judge-orders-new-sentencing-hearing-for-david-depape-in-trial-over-pelosi-attack\">ordered a redo\u003c/a>, acknowledging that the court had failed to ask him if he would like to make a statement first. U.S. District Judge Jacqueline Scott Corley issued an unchanged sentence after DePape spoke Tuesday, totaling 30 years in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape had taken public transportation overnight from the East Bay to the Pelosis’ home in San Francisco’s Pacific Heights neighborhood, arriving in the early hours of Oct. 28, 2022. He broke into the home by repeatedly hitting a sliding glass door until it shattered, according to security camera video played during DePape’s federal trial that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967595/david-depape-found-guilty-in-paul-pelosi-hammer-attack\">ended with a guilty verdict\u003c/a> in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He awoke Paul Pelosi asking the now-infamous phrase, “Where’s Nancy?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Pelosi managed to call 911 after DePape decided to wait with him for his wife to return home. When two officers confronted both men in the front doorway to the home, DePape suddenly turned and struck Paul Pelosi multiple times in the head with a hammer as the officers rushed in and eventually restrained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense argued before sentencing that undiagnosed mental illness and a difficult relationship with the mother of his children had left the 44-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966865/defense-focuses-on-conspiracy-theories-in-first-day-of-trial-over-attempted-nancy-pelosi-kidnapping\">vulnerable to conspiracy theories\u003c/a> that he consumed with increasing frequency in online videos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time he launched his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967247/david-depape-on-witness-stand-details-grand-plan-to-violently-interrogate-nancy-pelosi\">plan to kidnap then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a>, DePape was obsessed with exposing what he believed was a cabal of politicians promoting child abuse and corruption. Among his other targets: actor Tom Hanks, Rep. Adam Schiff, former Vice President Mike Pence and the president’s son Hunter Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Corley apologized to DePape at the beginning of his “reopened” sentencing hearing on Tuesday for neglecting to ask him to make a statement when she initially sentenced him on May 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m truly sorry for my mistake,” Corley said from the bench. But she denied a defense motion to assign DePape’s sentencing to another judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After DePape’s statement, the judge reiterated the seriousness of his crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t break into the speaker of the House’s home,” Corley said. “It’s hard to overstate the seriousness of that and the damage it has caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sentencing do-over in federal court has affected scheduling for the beginning of a second trial for DePape on state-level charges, including attempted murder and aggravated kidnapping, which carries a potential life sentence without the possibility of parole. Opening statements in that case were initially set to begin by Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, a San Francisco Superior Court judge heard this morning from DePape’s local public defenders, who argue that California-specific protections against double jeopardy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">require several charges be dismissed\u003c/a> following his federal conviction. The judge declined to rule on the motion, saying he’ll wait for local prosecutors to present their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Alex Hall of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"code-switch-life-kit": {
"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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