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"title": "Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Wrongly Deported to El Salvador, Is Back in the US to Face Smuggling Charges",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, the Maryland man at the center of a bitter, months-long political and legal fight after he was mistakenly deported to El Salvador, has been returned to the United States to face charges of transporting migrants who were in the country illegally, according to an indictment announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi announced his return at a short press conference Friday afternoon at the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what American justice looks like,” Bondi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thanked Salvadoran President \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5368266/trump-week-el-salvador-abrego-garcia\">\u003cu>Nayib Bukele\u003c/u>\u003c/a> for agreeing to send Abrego Garcia back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi told reporters that a federal grand jury indicted Abrego Garcia on May 21 in Tennessee over allegations he conspired to transport thousands of migrants without legal status from Texas across the U.S. between 2016–2025. The\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two-count indictment accuses Abrego Garcia “of conspiracy to unlawfully transport illegal aliens for financial gain” and “unlawful transportation of illegal aliens for financial gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi says Abrego Garcia will face trial in the U.S. on these charges and, if found guilty, will serve time in a U.S. prison before being deported back to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrego Garcia’s attorney said they’re going to keep fighting to get him a fair trial. “Now, after months of delay and secrecy, they’re bringing him back, not to correct their error but to prosecute him. This shows that they were playing games with the court all along,” Abrego Garcia’s lawyer, Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg, told NPR. “Due process means the chance to defend yourself before you’re punished, not after. This is an abuse of power, not justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12042492 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250501_MayDayRally_GC-11_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Salvadoran native who had been living with his wife and children in Maryland, Abrego-Garcia was deported in March to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison despite a 2019 court order barring his deportation to that country due to fear of persecution. The Trump administration defended the move, claiming he was a member of the criminal gang MS-13. His wife and attorneys deny that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-page criminal indictment unsealed today alleges that Abrego Garcia participated in more than 100 trips smuggling individuals, including unaccompanied minors and alleged members of the Salvadoran gang MS-13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrego Garcia’s deportation case has become a bedrock for both the Trump administration and immigration advocates as the push to streamline deportations undercuts key elements of due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the announcement of Abrego Garcia’s return, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a statement that the indictment against Abrego Garcia “proves the unhinged Democrat Party was wrong, and their stenographers in the Fake News Media were once again played like fools,” adding that the administration would “continue to hold criminals accountable to the fullest extent of the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been nearly three months since the father of three children was pulled over in his car by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and ended up imprisoned in El Salvador. Abrego Garcia was arrested on March 12 on his way home from work in Baltimore. He was deported a few days later, along with more than 230 other immigrants, and housed at CECOT. By April 20, according to court documents, Abrego Garcia was moved to a lower security Salvadoran prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration was quick to admit that it had deported Abrego Garcia due to an “administrative error.” Abrego Garcia, who had arrived unlawfully in the U.S., when he was a teenager, had received protection from removal to El Salvador in 2019 by an immigration judge. That protection, known as withholding of removal, had never been challenged by government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis in Maryland has overseen the months-long legal case over the deportation of Abrego Garcia. Xinis, an Obama-appointed judge, last month ordered the government to facilitate Abrego Garcia’s return. The Justice Department repeatedly invoked the state secrets privilege in federal court to withhold information related to the first three flights to El Salvador, one of which Abrego Garcia was on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 10, in a 9–0 ruling U.S. Supreme Court that\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/10/nx-s1-5358421/supreme-court-abrego-garcia-deportation-decision\">\u003cu>the government “must facilitate\u003c/u>\u003c/a>” the return of Abrego Garcia. Still, the administration slow-walked the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials had remained adamant since the Supreme Court ruling that Abrego Garcia would “never” return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Salvadoran President \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5368266/trump-week-el-salvador-abrego-garcia\">\u003cu>Bukele also said\u003c/u>\u003c/a> he would not release Abrego Garcia. Notably, Sen. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Salvadoran native who had been living with his wife and children in Maryland, Abrego-Garcia was deported in March to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison despite a 2019 court order barring his deportation to that country due to fear of persecution. The Trump administration defended the move, claiming he was a member of the criminal gang MS-13. His wife and attorneys deny that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-page criminal indictment unsealed today alleges that Abrego Garcia participated in more than 100 trips smuggling individuals, including unaccompanied minors and alleged members of the Salvadoran gang MS-13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrego Garcia’s deportation case has become a bedrock for both the Trump administration and immigration advocates as the push to streamline deportations undercuts key elements of due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the announcement of Abrego Garcia’s return, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a statement that the indictment against Abrego Garcia “proves the unhinged Democrat Party was wrong, and their stenographers in the Fake News Media were once again played like fools,” adding that the administration would “continue to hold criminals accountable to the fullest extent of the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been nearly three months since the father of three children was pulled over in his car by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and ended up imprisoned in El Salvador. Abrego Garcia was arrested on March 12 on his way home from work in Baltimore. He was deported a few days later, along with more than 230 other immigrants, and housed at CECOT. By April 20, according to court documents, Abrego Garcia was moved to a lower security Salvadoran prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration was quick to admit that it had deported Abrego Garcia due to an “administrative error.” Abrego Garcia, who had arrived unlawfully in the U.S., when he was a teenager, had received protection from removal to El Salvador in 2019 by an immigration judge. That protection, known as withholding of removal, had never been challenged by government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis in Maryland has overseen the months-long legal case over the deportation of Abrego Garcia. Xinis, an Obama-appointed judge, last month ordered the government to facilitate Abrego Garcia’s return. The Justice Department repeatedly invoked the state secrets privilege in federal court to withhold information related to the first three flights to El Salvador, one of which Abrego Garcia was on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 10, in a 9–0 ruling U.S. Supreme Court that\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/10/nx-s1-5358421/supreme-court-abrego-garcia-deportation-decision\">\u003cu>the government “must facilitate\u003c/u>\u003c/a>” the return of Abrego Garcia. Still, the administration slow-walked the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials had remained adamant since the Supreme Court ruling that Abrego Garcia would “never” return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Salvadoran President \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5368266/trump-week-el-salvador-abrego-garcia\">\u003cu>Bukele also said\u003c/u>\u003c/a> he would not release Abrego Garcia. Notably, Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., traveled to El Salvador in late April to seek Abrego Garcia’s release. Several other Democrats made their own trips, arguing that the Trump administration was violating due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors have requested that Abrego Garcia be held in “pre-trial custody because he poses a danger to the community and a serious risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The text message sent to NPR came in early May:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x59.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x566.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In early May, NPR began receiving desperate messages from family members of detainees in Florida. \u003ccite>(Jasmine Garsd/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was accompanied by a screenshot of a photo of a man with swollen red eyes, with another screenshot of his full detainee information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please help me. Im desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman who sent it, Maria, was texting about her brother at the Krome Detention Center in Miami. She requested their last name be withheld for fear of retaliation against her brother, who has been held in detention for more than two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told NPR he had a fever, a serious eye infection for almost two weeks, and says he was denied medication for both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of sick people there, and they aren’t getting medical attention,” she said in a phone interview. “They are sleeping on the floor and sometimes don’t get meals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043009\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043009\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"1178\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1005.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a May 1 press conference at the ICE-Enforcement and Removal Operation office in Miramar, Fla. DeSantis talked about an immigration enforcement effort called Operation Tidal Wave that officials say resulted in more than 1,100 arrests in a week in Florida. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images/Getty Images North America)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Florida has pledged to be a national model for state cooperation with President Trump’s immigration crackdown. As detention centers here and across the country fill up, NPR has received an outpouring of messages about severe overcrowding and inhumane conditions in immigration facilities across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen detainees, family members and lawyers described similar issues as Maria, including detainees underfed and in ill health. Krome, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-21-Apr24.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">which is run by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>, has been dogged for years by allegations of inhumane conditions and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/05/us/sexual-abuse-reported-at-an-immigration-center.html\">investigated by the Department of Justice in 2000\u003c/a> on accusations of sexual abuse. This year alone, there have been two deaths at the facility: Ukrainian immigrant \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddrMaksymChernyak.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Maksym Chernayak\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddr-GenryRuizGuillen.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Genry Ruiz Guillen\u003c/a> of Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, a group of Krome detainees assembled in the patio to form a human “SOS” sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, ICE told NPR that “a group of detainees at the Krome Service Processing Center (Krome) decided to stage a peaceful sit-in in the center’s recreation area. There has been no injuries or use of force of any kind during this demonstration.” It added, “U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is committed to ensuring that all those in the agency’s custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments under appropriate conditions of confinement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a client who was at Krome,” says Miami based lawyer Jeff Botelho, who adds the client recently told him that “they had been sleeping on the floor for a week or two. For food, he said they were given a cup of rice and a glass of water a day. It was very concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers, advocates and experts are warning that overcrowding is the new normal across the country. The federal government is holding more than 48,000 people in immigration detention, about a 20% increase since January. But deportations are not keeping pace. Experts say that’s largely what’s driving the overcrowding in detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s incredible pressure to ramp up arrests inside the interior of the United States,” says Adam Isacson of the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), a nonprofit immigrant advocacy group. He estimates that ICE is at 125% detention capacity. “And so far, there has been, if anything, just a slight increase in the capacity to actually deport people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE told NPR that “some ICE facilities are experiencing temporary overcrowding due to recent increases in detention populations. We are actively implementing measures to manage capacity while maintaining compliance with federal standards and our commitment to humane treatment. The reality is that these accusations do not reflect ICE’s policies or practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do the detention and deportation numbers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The increase to nearly 50,000 detainees marks a sharp increase from the number of detentions during the Biden administration, which climbed to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/753/\">39,703 in January 2025\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Syracuse University \u003ca href=\"https://newhouse.syracuse.edu/people/austin-kocher\">professor Austin Kocher\u003c/a>, who tracks immigration statistics, notes that immigration arrest numbers are simply not made available by local or federal officials.[aside postID=news_12002260 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']ICE did not respond to NPR’s questions about Florida’s detention numbers so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportation numbers are even trickier to come by. The government claims it has deported more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-conducts-single-adult-family-unit-removal-flights-nov-1-0#:~:text=Since%20the%20Presidential%20Proclamation%20and,airports%20or%20the%20northern%20border.\">160,000 people\u003c/a> since Trump took office for a second term in January. Some experts are skeptical that those figures are accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Up until about three weeks ago or so, things were pretty consistent with what they were in terms of the end of the Biden Administration,” says \u003ca href=\"https://witnessattheborder.org/\">Tom Cartwright\u003c/a>, who has been tracking deportation flights for years. “Typically four to five deportation flights per day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cartwright says that number has increased in the last few weeks to six to seven flights a day, mostly to Central America. And while he has no way of knowing how many people are in each airplane, he calculates each plane has the capacity to carry between 120 and 150 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At most, that’s an estimated 1,050 people being deported every day out of the 50,000 or so who are detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Overcrowding, illness and hunger reported in detention facilities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“They’re serving rotten food. People are getting sick. My spouse is not eating,” J. told NPR in May. His loved one was being held at Glades County Detention Center in Moore Haven, Fla. He asked that we refer to him by his first initial because he fears retaliation against his loved one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>J. is one of the many family members of detainees who called NPR to report their loved ones not receiving meals or getting rotten food. Detainees who NPR spoke to over the phone confirmed this, and many said they’d had to sleep on the floor for weeks.[aside postID=forum_2010101909406 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/03/immigration-1020x574.jpg']The situation at Krome Detention Center is believed to have gotten so dire, Democratic Rep. Debbie Wasserman-Schultz of Florida paid \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/immigration/2025-05-29/krome-miami-wasserman-schultz\">a surprise visit\u003c/a> there last week. She told NPR that in the intake area, two to three dozen men are “crammed into the perimeter of a very tiny room for up to 48 hours. They defecate in front of each other, they eat, they sleep on stone floors. It’s really inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say this situation is playing out nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen a rapid deterioration over the last few months,” says Setareh Ghandehari, advocacy director at the nonprofit advocacy group Detention Watch Network. “We’re hearing reports … that there isn’t enough food.” She says she’s increasingly been hearing accounts from people in detention going hungry. “I’ve heard people use the word ‘starving.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/ice-acting-director-says-9-people-died-in-custody-since-january/3567956\">nine deaths in ICE detention since January\u003c/a>, which is on track to be the deadliest year \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detainee-death-reporting\">since 2020\u003c/a>. At least three of those deaths have been in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Major expansion of detention facilities coming\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is promising to increase the rate of arrests of immigrants to 3,000 people a day. “President Trump is going to keep pushing to get that number up higher each and every single day,” White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller told Fox News \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MJNXsOqFSZs&list=RDNSMJNXsOqFSZs&start_radio=1\">last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller was discussing the sweeping budget bill passed by the House and now before the Senate. It would provide $75 billion over the next couple of years in additional funding for ICE, including $45 billion for detention facilities and $14.4 billion for removal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can have, permanently, the safest, strongest, most secure system in American history,” Miller told the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant advocates warn the measure will expand mass detention and surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is not designed to increase the removals of people who are not legally allowed to be here,” says Deborah Fleischaker, former acting chief of staff for ICE during the Biden administration. “It is designed to hold more people for longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fleischaker believes ICE has historically been underfunded. But she says the bill as written “is so significant and so extreme. What they’re trying to enable … I don’t think it is within the imagination of the American people when they voted for Donald Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isacson of WOLA adds that the actions occurring now will multiply. “Plainclothes people using rough tactics and covering their faces to take people off the streets and sort of muscle them into vehicles,” he says. “This is going to be common. And it’s going to become much more common to see that all around the country military bases may have detention facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What are the chances my deportation flight will make a wrong turn?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I am anguished. I have not heard anything about my son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late in May, NPR began receiving messages from Vivian Ortega, a mother in Venezuela, regarding her son, Jhonkleiver Ortega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhonkleiver Ortega came to the U.S. three years ago and was working in construction. He was picked up while driving in November 2024 for not having a license, which under Florida state law is not available to immigrants without legal status. She told us she had sold her house in Venezuela to pay for his $7,000 bond in January. When he went to his next court hearing in February, he was detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian had heard from him infrequently, and she was terrified “he was barely eating in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data trackers and policy experts say the Trump administration’s goal of deporting one million migrants a year is so high that encouraging self-deportation is paramount. “The fact that [detention] is often so unsafe and unhealthy leads me to believe that there’s also a desire to wear people down,” says Isacson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-profile flights — with migrants sent to the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba, and to El Salvador’s notorious detention center CECOT and, more recently, a flight headed to South Sudan — have sent a strong message. For Vivian, the possibility was a source of constant anguish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 3, NPR was able to locate Jhonkleiver Ortega at Glades Detention Center in Florida. He had been to immigration court the day before. NPR was given permission by the family to record his conversation with his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me they had to review my asylum case,” Ortega told his mother. “They told me I have to send proof that I was tortured in Venezuela. And in four months they would give me an answer. And I said I can’t anymore. It’s been months of this. They barely feed us here. I can’t anymore. I asked to be deported. This week or next I will be on a flight to Venezuela. If they give me a call from Louisiana I’ll call you before the flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What?” his mother asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the judge what are the chances that my flight will get lost and accidentally end up in another country? And she said if that happens you call the deporter. Or email me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you have immigration tips you can contact our tip line, on Whatsapp and Signal: 202-713-6697 or reporter Jasmine Garsd: jgarsd@npr.org \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "In Recorded Calls, Reports of Overcrowding and Lack of Food at ICE Detention Centers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The text message sent to NPR came in early May:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x59.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x566.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In early May, NPR began receiving desperate messages from family members of detainees in Florida. \u003ccite>(Jasmine Garsd/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was accompanied by a screenshot of a photo of a man with swollen red eyes, with another screenshot of his full detainee information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please help me. Im desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman who sent it, Maria, was texting about her brother at the Krome Detention Center in Miami. She requested their last name be withheld for fear of retaliation against her brother, who has been held in detention for more than two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told NPR he had a fever, a serious eye infection for almost two weeks, and says he was denied medication for both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of sick people there, and they aren’t getting medical attention,” she said in a phone interview. “They are sleeping on the floor and sometimes don’t get meals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043009\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043009\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"1178\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1005.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a May 1 press conference at the ICE-Enforcement and Removal Operation office in Miramar, Fla. DeSantis talked about an immigration enforcement effort called Operation Tidal Wave that officials say resulted in more than 1,100 arrests in a week in Florida. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images/Getty Images North America)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Florida has pledged to be a national model for state cooperation with President Trump’s immigration crackdown. As detention centers here and across the country fill up, NPR has received an outpouring of messages about severe overcrowding and inhumane conditions in immigration facilities across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen detainees, family members and lawyers described similar issues as Maria, including detainees underfed and in ill health. Krome, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-21-Apr24.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">which is run by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>, has been dogged for years by allegations of inhumane conditions and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/05/us/sexual-abuse-reported-at-an-immigration-center.html\">investigated by the Department of Justice in 2000\u003c/a> on accusations of sexual abuse. This year alone, there have been two deaths at the facility: Ukrainian immigrant \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddrMaksymChernyak.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Maksym Chernayak\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddr-GenryRuizGuillen.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Genry Ruiz Guillen\u003c/a> of Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, a group of Krome detainees assembled in the patio to form a human “SOS” sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, ICE told NPR that “a group of detainees at the Krome Service Processing Center (Krome) decided to stage a peaceful sit-in in the center’s recreation area. There has been no injuries or use of force of any kind during this demonstration.” It added, “U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is committed to ensuring that all those in the agency’s custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments under appropriate conditions of confinement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a client who was at Krome,” says Miami based lawyer Jeff Botelho, who adds the client recently told him that “they had been sleeping on the floor for a week or two. For food, he said they were given a cup of rice and a glass of water a day. It was very concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers, advocates and experts are warning that overcrowding is the new normal across the country. The federal government is holding more than 48,000 people in immigration detention, about a 20% increase since January. But deportations are not keeping pace. Experts say that’s largely what’s driving the overcrowding in detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s incredible pressure to ramp up arrests inside the interior of the United States,” says Adam Isacson of the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), a nonprofit immigrant advocacy group. He estimates that ICE is at 125% detention capacity. “And so far, there has been, if anything, just a slight increase in the capacity to actually deport people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE told NPR that “some ICE facilities are experiencing temporary overcrowding due to recent increases in detention populations. We are actively implementing measures to manage capacity while maintaining compliance with federal standards and our commitment to humane treatment. The reality is that these accusations do not reflect ICE’s policies or practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do the detention and deportation numbers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The increase to nearly 50,000 detainees marks a sharp increase from the number of detentions during the Biden administration, which climbed to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/753/\">39,703 in January 2025\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Syracuse University \u003ca href=\"https://newhouse.syracuse.edu/people/austin-kocher\">professor Austin Kocher\u003c/a>, who tracks immigration statistics, notes that immigration arrest numbers are simply not made available by local or federal officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>ICE did not respond to NPR’s questions about Florida’s detention numbers so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportation numbers are even trickier to come by. The government claims it has deported more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-conducts-single-adult-family-unit-removal-flights-nov-1-0#:~:text=Since%20the%20Presidential%20Proclamation%20and,airports%20or%20the%20northern%20border.\">160,000 people\u003c/a> since Trump took office for a second term in January. Some experts are skeptical that those figures are accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Up until about three weeks ago or so, things were pretty consistent with what they were in terms of the end of the Biden Administration,” says \u003ca href=\"https://witnessattheborder.org/\">Tom Cartwright\u003c/a>, who has been tracking deportation flights for years. “Typically four to five deportation flights per day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cartwright says that number has increased in the last few weeks to six to seven flights a day, mostly to Central America. And while he has no way of knowing how many people are in each airplane, he calculates each plane has the capacity to carry between 120 and 150 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At most, that’s an estimated 1,050 people being deported every day out of the 50,000 or so who are detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Overcrowding, illness and hunger reported in detention facilities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“They’re serving rotten food. People are getting sick. My spouse is not eating,” J. told NPR in May. His loved one was being held at Glades County Detention Center in Moore Haven, Fla. He asked that we refer to him by his first initial because he fears retaliation against his loved one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>J. is one of the many family members of detainees who called NPR to report their loved ones not receiving meals or getting rotten food. Detainees who NPR spoke to over the phone confirmed this, and many said they’d had to sleep on the floor for weeks.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The situation at Krome Detention Center is believed to have gotten so dire, Democratic Rep. Debbie Wasserman-Schultz of Florida paid \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/immigration/2025-05-29/krome-miami-wasserman-schultz\">a surprise visit\u003c/a> there last week. She told NPR that in the intake area, two to three dozen men are “crammed into the perimeter of a very tiny room for up to 48 hours. They defecate in front of each other, they eat, they sleep on stone floors. It’s really inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say this situation is playing out nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen a rapid deterioration over the last few months,” says Setareh Ghandehari, advocacy director at the nonprofit advocacy group Detention Watch Network. “We’re hearing reports … that there isn’t enough food.” She says she’s increasingly been hearing accounts from people in detention going hungry. “I’ve heard people use the word ‘starving.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/ice-acting-director-says-9-people-died-in-custody-since-january/3567956\">nine deaths in ICE detention since January\u003c/a>, which is on track to be the deadliest year \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detainee-death-reporting\">since 2020\u003c/a>. At least three of those deaths have been in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Major expansion of detention facilities coming\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is promising to increase the rate of arrests of immigrants to 3,000 people a day. “President Trump is going to keep pushing to get that number up higher each and every single day,” White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller told Fox News \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MJNXsOqFSZs&list=RDNSMJNXsOqFSZs&start_radio=1\">last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller was discussing the sweeping budget bill passed by the House and now before the Senate. It would provide $75 billion over the next couple of years in additional funding for ICE, including $45 billion for detention facilities and $14.4 billion for removal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can have, permanently, the safest, strongest, most secure system in American history,” Miller told the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant advocates warn the measure will expand mass detention and surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is not designed to increase the removals of people who are not legally allowed to be here,” says Deborah Fleischaker, former acting chief of staff for ICE during the Biden administration. “It is designed to hold more people for longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fleischaker believes ICE has historically been underfunded. But she says the bill as written “is so significant and so extreme. What they’re trying to enable … I don’t think it is within the imagination of the American people when they voted for Donald Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isacson of WOLA adds that the actions occurring now will multiply. “Plainclothes people using rough tactics and covering their faces to take people off the streets and sort of muscle them into vehicles,” he says. “This is going to be common. And it’s going to become much more common to see that all around the country military bases may have detention facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What are the chances my deportation flight will make a wrong turn?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I am anguished. I have not heard anything about my son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late in May, NPR began receiving messages from Vivian Ortega, a mother in Venezuela, regarding her son, Jhonkleiver Ortega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhonkleiver Ortega came to the U.S. three years ago and was working in construction. He was picked up while driving in November 2024 for not having a license, which under Florida state law is not available to immigrants without legal status. She told us she had sold her house in Venezuela to pay for his $7,000 bond in January. When he went to his next court hearing in February, he was detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian had heard from him infrequently, and she was terrified “he was barely eating in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data trackers and policy experts say the Trump administration’s goal of deporting one million migrants a year is so high that encouraging self-deportation is paramount. “The fact that [detention] is often so unsafe and unhealthy leads me to believe that there’s also a desire to wear people down,” says Isacson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-profile flights — with migrants sent to the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba, and to El Salvador’s notorious detention center CECOT and, more recently, a flight headed to South Sudan — have sent a strong message. For Vivian, the possibility was a source of constant anguish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 3, NPR was able to locate Jhonkleiver Ortega at Glades Detention Center in Florida. He had been to immigration court the day before. NPR was given permission by the family to record his conversation with his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me they had to review my asylum case,” Ortega told his mother. “They told me I have to send proof that I was tortured in Venezuela. And in four months they would give me an answer. And I said I can’t anymore. It’s been months of this. They barely feed us here. I can’t anymore. I asked to be deported. This week or next I will be on a flight to Venezuela. If they give me a call from Louisiana I’ll call you before the flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What?” his mother asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the judge what are the chances that my flight will get lost and accidentally end up in another country? And she said if that happens you call the deporter. Or email me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you have immigration tips you can contact our tip line, on Whatsapp and Signal: 202-713-6697 or reporter Jasmine Garsd: jgarsd@npr.org \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Estos campesinos de Sonoma pidieron un aumento y perdieron su empleo. Pero no se quedaron callados",
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"headTitle": "Estos campesinos de Sonoma pidieron un aumento y perdieron su empleo. Pero no se quedaron callados | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042012/farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sólo unos metros de hoteles de lujo y salas de degustación, trabajadores agrícolas y activistas laborales se manifestaron el 28 de mayo en Healdsburg, el núcleo de la multimillonaria industria vinícola del condado de Sonoma, para anunciar un acuerdo con Redwood Empire Vineyard Management (o REVM por sus siglas en inglés), una empresa de gestión de viñedos con sede en Geyserville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados? ¡No!”, gritaban los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM pagará 33 mil 548 dólares a siete empleados después de que la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (o ALRB por sus siglas en inglés) del estado determinara que la empresa se negó a ofrecerles trabajo por haber formado parte de iniciativas para mejorar las condiciones laborales. La ALRB también descubrió que REVM obligó a los trabajadores agrícolas el año pasado a firmar un contrato en el que se comprometían a ser despedidos inmediatamente si intentaban renegociar su sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#algo\">\u003cstrong>Ir directo a: Qué hacer si le ocurre algo similar\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según funcionarios estatales, las acciones de la empresa se consideran prácticas laborales injustas que violan la \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/faqs-and-guidance/fact-sheet-english/\">Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos tenemos derecho a organizarnos con nuestros compañeros de trabajo para exigir mejores condiciones laborales y no sufrir represalias”, afirmó Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la ALRB. “En este caso, los trabajadores asistían a protestas y marchas para exigir mejores salarios. Eso es una condición laboral”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM no respondió a las múltiples solicitudes de comentarios por parte de KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB), habla en una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la ALRB por represalias y acciones ilegales por parte de la gerencia, esto en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes y Yolanda Prida González son algunos de los trabajadores agrícolas que colaboraron con la investigación de la ALRB. Ambos trabajaron para REVM durante varios años, ayudando a cuidar y cosechar los numerosos viñedos que la empresa gestiona en la región. Pero las cosas cambiaron cuando asistieron a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">una marcha el 28 de julio en Healdsburg\u003c/a>, cuando cientos trabajadores agrícolas salieron a las calles a reclamar salarios más altos que tomen en cuenta los riesgos que corren durante la temporada de incendios forestales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ahí fue cuando las cosas empezaron a ponerse feas”, dijo Cuevas Fuentes, y añadió que un compañero le avisó de que los jefes \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">habían visto una foto suya en la marcha\u003c/a> tomada por el periódico The Press Democrat. El 14 de agosto, Cuevas Fuentes intentó asistir a una reunión organizada por REVM para quienes iban a trabajar en la cosecha del otoño de 2024, pero fue impedido por la dirección de la empresa, que le señaló que su nombre ya no aparecía en la lista del equipo de trabajo a pesar de sus años de experiencia en la cosecha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando Alejandro me dijo que lo habían rechazado para la cosecha, Ese fue el impacto para mí que me dio la depresión”, dijo Prida González, pareja de Cuevas Fuentes. Juntos están criando a dos hijas. Para entonces, ella también había sido despedida por REVM. “Estaba muy decepcionada con mis jefes porque había trabajado con ellos durante muchos años, pero lo único que recibí de ellos fue su rechazo e indiferencia”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la ayuda del grupo de derechos laborales North Bay Jobs With Justice, la pareja, junto con cinco compañeros de trabajo, presentaron denuncias ante la ALRB, que inició una investigación de varios meses que incluyó entrevistas con empleados y directivos de REVM. La pareja aún tenía que encontrar una forma de pagar las facturas y mantener a sus hijas mientras continuaba la investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todo esto hizo que mi depresión fuera mucho más difícil. No quiero que los compañeros sufran lo mismo”, dijo Prida González. “Quiero que todos mis compañeros comprendan que tienen estos derechos y que dejen de lado el miedo a alzar la voz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El miedo, la falta de información y la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">intimidación por parte de la dirección\u003c/a> son factores que dificultan enormemente que los trabajadores agrícolas busquen ayuda, según Armando Elenes, secretario tesorero de United Farm Workers, quien habla con trabajadores de todo el estado sobre sus derechos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque California cuenta con mecanismos para exigir a los empleadores que sigan la ley, Elenes añadió: “Muchos trabajadores simplemente aceptan las represalias y se van a otro empleador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuantos más trabajadores se unan y formen sindicatos o emprendan acciones conjuntas, más podremos hacer frente a estos problemas”, afirmó. “La clave está en que los trabajadores participen y formen parte del proceso, eso es lo que hace que todo lo demás funcione”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como parte del acuerdo, REVM ya no exigirá a los empleados que firmen un contrato con cláusulas que amenacen con el despido por solicitar salarios más altos. Además, la empresa se ha comprometido con la ALRB a respetar los derechos de sus empleados a organizarse para mejorar sus condiciones laborales. En las próximas semanas, funcionarios de la ALRB hablarán con los trabajadores agrícolas de REVM sobre los derechos que les protegen y cómo identificar posibles represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los siete trabajadores del caso también tienen la oportunidad de volver a REVM. Por el momento, Cuevas Fuentes no volverá, pero Prida González sí ha regresado para asegurarse de que la empresa cumple su parte del acuerdo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores necesitamos ver cambios”, afirmó, y añadió que cree que su regreso a la empresa demostrará a sus compañeros que arriesgarse a alzar la voz tiene resultados. “Las cosas tienen que mejorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vecinos y activistas laborales asisten a una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas contra Redwood Empire Vineyard Management por represalias, en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"algo\">\u003c/a>¿Qué pasaría si a usted le ocurre algo similar en su trabajo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>KQED tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">una guía disponible sobre qué hacer si usted es trabajador agrícola\u003c/a> y su empleador ha tomado represalias contra usted por denunciar sus condiciones laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no es trabajador agrícola, siga leyendo para conocer la opinión de abogados expertos en derecho laboral en California y saber qué derechos y protecciones tienen todos los trabajadores cuando solicitan un aumento salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los riesgos de hacer algo por su cuenta\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>¿Quiere hablar con su jefe sobre cuánto le pagan? Por lo general, estará más protegido si lo hace junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, según Juan Villalvazo, abogado especializado en derechos laborales de La Raza Centro Legal, un grupo de asistencia jurídica en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se dirige a su jefe por su cuenta con el único objetivo de hablar sobre su salario, la situación podría ser muy diferente, afirma Villalvazo. En California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">tener un trabajo se considera de “voluntad propia”\u003c/a>, lo que significa que un empleador puede despedir a un trabajador en cualquier momento. Por supuesto, el empleo de voluntad propia también significa que un empleado puede renunciar en cualquier momento, pero le da “al empleador mucha deferencia y protección”, dice Villalvazo, y “su empleador tiene derecho a despedirlo por cualquier motivo, siempre y cuando el motivo subyacente no sea ilegal”.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']¿Qué sería ilegal en este caso? Un empleador podría tener problemas si el motivo por el que despide a alguien es discriminatorio (por motivos de raza, religión, género, discapacidad, orientación sexual u otra categoría protegida) o para tomar represalias contra un empleado que haya participado en una “actividad protegida”, como denunciar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002744/trabaja-en-interiores-durante-una-ola-de-calor-descubra-como-le-protegen-las-leyes-de-california\">condiciones de trabajo inseguras\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la conversación que quiera tener con su jefe es solo sobre su salario individual, la ley le da a su empleador mucho más poder. Podría acudir a su jefe y pedirle un aumento, dijo Villalvazo, pero “no solo no están obligados a concedérselo, sino que podrían despedirle y decirle: ‘Bueno, voy a contratar a alguien que esté contento con el salario'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, socio de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, un bufete que ofrece servicios jurídicos a los trabajadores, coincidió en que los empleados son más vulnerables cuando actúan solos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los empleados se encuentran en una posición mucho más sólida desde el punto de vista jurídico si plantean sus preocupaciones sobre su sueldo, no solo en nombre propio, sino también en nombre de los demás”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cientos de trabajadores agrícolas de North Bay Jobs With Justice y simpatizantes de la comunidad marchan por el puente Healdsburg Memorial Bridge para exigir salarios más altos y pagos por desastre, el 28 de julio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La unión hace la fuerza\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Acudir a su jefe para hablar sobre el salario, esta vez acompañado de sus compañeros de trabajo que tienen las mismas preocupaciones sobre su propia remuneración, no solo le coloca en una posición más fuerte para negociar, sino que también le proporciona una capa de protección legal, afirma Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto se debe a que las leyes estatales y federales protegen el derecho de los trabajadores a participar en “actividades concertadas”, lo que se define como cualquier acción emprendida por los empleados en nombre de un grupo, no solo en nombre propio, explica Palmer. “Puede tratarse de una acción emprendida como grupo, o puede ser un individuo que toma la iniciativa y plantea las inquietudes en nombre de otras personas”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un ejemplo muy conocido de actividad concertada es la formación de un sindicato por parte de los trabajadores. Sin embargo, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/espanol\">Ley Nacional de Relaciones Laborales\u003c/a> protege los derechos de todos los empleados a buscar mejores condiciones, no solo los que forman parte de un sindicato. La \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">Ley nacional de relaciones laborales\u003c/a>, aprobada por el Congreso tras \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">décadas de organización liderada por los trabajadores\u003c/a>, protege el derecho de los trabajadores a:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hablar entre sí sobre sus salarios y condiciones laborales.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hacer circular una petición para solicitar mejores horarios.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Participar en un rechazo colectivo a trabajar en condiciones inseguras.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar, junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, con su empleador, con organismos gubernamentales o con los medios de comunicación sobre los problemas en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>La Junta Nacional de Relaciones Laborales, que vela por el cumplimiento de las leyes laborales a nivel federal, advierte que los empleados \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">podrían perder sus protecciones\u003c/a> si se comunican con su empleador de una manera que pueda considerarse “gravemente ofensiva o deliberadamente falsa” o si “desprestigian públicamente” los productos del empleador de una manera que no esté relacionada con los asuntos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por eso, Palmer recomienda a los empleados que siempre “planteen sus inquietudes con respeto” pero a la misma vez, “con seguridad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores sostienen carteles en español en una rueda de prensa organizada por North Bay Jobs with Justice en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>¿Puede un contrato prohibirle hablar sobre un aumento salarial?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En el caso de los trabajadores agrícolas del condado de Sonoma, su empleador incluyó una cláusula en su contrato que amenazaba con el despido inmediato si los empleados hablaban sobre sus salarios. Los funcionarios de la ARLB determinaron que la cláusula violaba la ley estatal que protege los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas a negociar colectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese contrato básicamente les impide siquiera empezar a organizarse o hablar sobre ello”, dijo De Luna, de la ALRB.[aside postID=\"news_12002744\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Cooks-in-Kitchen.jpg\"]Pero si usted trabaja en otro sector que no es el agrícola, ¿puede su empleador añadir una cláusula en su contrato de trabajo que le impida a usted o a sus compañeros pedir un aumento de sueldo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso seguiría siendo una violación de la ley, afirmó Villavalzo, de La Raza Centro Legal. “Como grupo, tienen derecho a discutir entre ustedes los salarios, las prestaciones y las condiciones en el lugar de trabajo”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, dijo que el contrato que REVM ofreció a los trabajadores en 2024 restringe a los empleados la posibilidad de participar en una amplia gama de acciones, incluidas las actividades en grupo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es un intento claro de impedir que los empleados se comuniquen con sus compañeros sobre las preocupaciones que tienen”, afirmó Palmer. Si bien los empleadores pueden despedir a los trabajadores que inician peleas o crean un entorno de trabajo inseguro, “eso no es lo que pretende este tipo de disposición”, señaló. En cambio, “se trata simplemente de una exigencia clara de que los empleados no participen en ningún tipo de actividad concertada ni se comuniquen sobre las condiciones de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo hablar con su jefe sobre el sueldo: lo que sugieren los expertos legales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Palmer, es importante que los trabajadores se sientan cómodos expresando “que conocen su valor”, pero afirma que “siempre existe un riesgo” al pedir un aumento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted y otros compañeros creen que lo que se les paga no equivale el trabajo que realizan y piensan que tienen argumentos sólidos, hay cosas que pueden hacer para protegerse durante y después de las conversaciones con su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En primer lugar, recuerde que estará más protegido si solicita un aumento “como parte de una acción concertada en la que hace la solicitud junto con otros”, dijo Palmer. Pero también es una buena idea comprobar con antelación qué remuneración reciben otras personas por realizar un trabajo similar en otros lugares, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo destaca la importancia de mantener buenas relaciones con los compañeros de trabajo. “Si es amigo de sus compañeros de trabajo, será más fácil trabajar en equipo”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo también recomienda llevar un registro escrito de las conversaciones que mantenga con sus compañeros de trabajo, cuando decidan entre todos qué solicitar, y con su empleador cuando presente la solicitud. La comunicación escrita no tiene por qué ser muy formal, afirma, “puede ser simplemente un mensaje de texto”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si utiliza WhatsApp para hablar de asuntos laborales, tenga en cuenta que la aplicación permite a un usuario individual eliminar mensajes y chats para todas las demás personas que forman parte del grupo. Puede considerar la posibilidad de hacer capturas de pantalla del chat para mantener un registro de las conversaciones, o incluso proponer a sus compañeros que se comuniquen a través de otra aplicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo señala que, en muchos lugares de trabajo de California, algunos empleados trabajan con un estatus migratorio legal, mientras que otros pueden no tenerlo. “Mantenga la solidaridad con todos sus compañeros de trabajo, independientemente de su estatus migratorio, porque al fin y al cabo, todos ustedes \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/\">comparten muchos de los mismos derechos\u003c/a>”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si usted y sus colegas creen que su empleador les redujo el salario o los despidió por solicitar un aumento de manera colectiva, pueden presentar una queja ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">Puede presentar una queja por represalias en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede tomar varios meses para que una queja sea procesada por la Oficina del Comisionado de Trabajo, la agencia tiene la autoridad para investigar a los empleadores, imponer sanciones y restituir a ciertos trabajadores sus salarios perdidos o sus empleos.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Un grupo de trabajadores campesinos inmigrantes logró reportar a su empleador que estaba actuando en contra de las leyes de California. Además, explicamos qué derechos tiene cuando va pedir a su jefe un aumento.",
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"title": "Estos campesinos de Sonoma pidieron un aumento y perdieron su empleo. Pero no se quedaron callados | KQED",
"description": "Un grupo de trabajadores campesinos inmigrantes logró reportar a su empleador que estaba actuando en contra de las leyes de California. Además, explicamos qué derechos tiene cuando va pedir a su jefe un aumento.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042012/farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sólo unos metros de hoteles de lujo y salas de degustación, trabajadores agrícolas y activistas laborales se manifestaron el 28 de mayo en Healdsburg, el núcleo de la multimillonaria industria vinícola del condado de Sonoma, para anunciar un acuerdo con Redwood Empire Vineyard Management (o REVM por sus siglas en inglés), una empresa de gestión de viñedos con sede en Geyserville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados? ¡No!”, gritaban los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM pagará 33 mil 548 dólares a siete empleados después de que la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (o ALRB por sus siglas en inglés) del estado determinara que la empresa se negó a ofrecerles trabajo por haber formado parte de iniciativas para mejorar las condiciones laborales. La ALRB también descubrió que REVM obligó a los trabajadores agrícolas el año pasado a firmar un contrato en el que se comprometían a ser despedidos inmediatamente si intentaban renegociar su sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#algo\">\u003cstrong>Ir directo a: Qué hacer si le ocurre algo similar\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según funcionarios estatales, las acciones de la empresa se consideran prácticas laborales injustas que violan la \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/faqs-and-guidance/fact-sheet-english/\">Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos tenemos derecho a organizarnos con nuestros compañeros de trabajo para exigir mejores condiciones laborales y no sufrir represalias”, afirmó Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la ALRB. “En este caso, los trabajadores asistían a protestas y marchas para exigir mejores salarios. Eso es una condición laboral”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM no respondió a las múltiples solicitudes de comentarios por parte de KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB), habla en una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la ALRB por represalias y acciones ilegales por parte de la gerencia, esto en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes y Yolanda Prida González son algunos de los trabajadores agrícolas que colaboraron con la investigación de la ALRB. Ambos trabajaron para REVM durante varios años, ayudando a cuidar y cosechar los numerosos viñedos que la empresa gestiona en la región. Pero las cosas cambiaron cuando asistieron a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">una marcha el 28 de julio en Healdsburg\u003c/a>, cuando cientos trabajadores agrícolas salieron a las calles a reclamar salarios más altos que tomen en cuenta los riesgos que corren durante la temporada de incendios forestales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ahí fue cuando las cosas empezaron a ponerse feas”, dijo Cuevas Fuentes, y añadió que un compañero le avisó de que los jefes \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">habían visto una foto suya en la marcha\u003c/a> tomada por el periódico The Press Democrat. El 14 de agosto, Cuevas Fuentes intentó asistir a una reunión organizada por REVM para quienes iban a trabajar en la cosecha del otoño de 2024, pero fue impedido por la dirección de la empresa, que le señaló que su nombre ya no aparecía en la lista del equipo de trabajo a pesar de sus años de experiencia en la cosecha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando Alejandro me dijo que lo habían rechazado para la cosecha, Ese fue el impacto para mí que me dio la depresión”, dijo Prida González, pareja de Cuevas Fuentes. Juntos están criando a dos hijas. Para entonces, ella también había sido despedida por REVM. “Estaba muy decepcionada con mis jefes porque había trabajado con ellos durante muchos años, pero lo único que recibí de ellos fue su rechazo e indiferencia”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la ayuda del grupo de derechos laborales North Bay Jobs With Justice, la pareja, junto con cinco compañeros de trabajo, presentaron denuncias ante la ALRB, que inició una investigación de varios meses que incluyó entrevistas con empleados y directivos de REVM. La pareja aún tenía que encontrar una forma de pagar las facturas y mantener a sus hijas mientras continuaba la investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todo esto hizo que mi depresión fuera mucho más difícil. No quiero que los compañeros sufran lo mismo”, dijo Prida González. “Quiero que todos mis compañeros comprendan que tienen estos derechos y que dejen de lado el miedo a alzar la voz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El miedo, la falta de información y la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">intimidación por parte de la dirección\u003c/a> son factores que dificultan enormemente que los trabajadores agrícolas busquen ayuda, según Armando Elenes, secretario tesorero de United Farm Workers, quien habla con trabajadores de todo el estado sobre sus derechos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque California cuenta con mecanismos para exigir a los empleadores que sigan la ley, Elenes añadió: “Muchos trabajadores simplemente aceptan las represalias y se van a otro empleador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuantos más trabajadores se unan y formen sindicatos o emprendan acciones conjuntas, más podremos hacer frente a estos problemas”, afirmó. “La clave está en que los trabajadores participen y formen parte del proceso, eso es lo que hace que todo lo demás funcione”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como parte del acuerdo, REVM ya no exigirá a los empleados que firmen un contrato con cláusulas que amenacen con el despido por solicitar salarios más altos. Además, la empresa se ha comprometido con la ALRB a respetar los derechos de sus empleados a organizarse para mejorar sus condiciones laborales. En las próximas semanas, funcionarios de la ALRB hablarán con los trabajadores agrícolas de REVM sobre los derechos que les protegen y cómo identificar posibles represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los siete trabajadores del caso también tienen la oportunidad de volver a REVM. Por el momento, Cuevas Fuentes no volverá, pero Prida González sí ha regresado para asegurarse de que la empresa cumple su parte del acuerdo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores necesitamos ver cambios”, afirmó, y añadió que cree que su regreso a la empresa demostrará a sus compañeros que arriesgarse a alzar la voz tiene resultados. “Las cosas tienen que mejorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vecinos y activistas laborales asisten a una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas contra Redwood Empire Vineyard Management por represalias, en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"algo\">\u003c/a>¿Qué pasaría si a usted le ocurre algo similar en su trabajo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>KQED tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">una guía disponible sobre qué hacer si usted es trabajador agrícola\u003c/a> y su empleador ha tomado represalias contra usted por denunciar sus condiciones laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no es trabajador agrícola, siga leyendo para conocer la opinión de abogados expertos en derecho laboral en California y saber qué derechos y protecciones tienen todos los trabajadores cuando solicitan un aumento salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los riesgos de hacer algo por su cuenta\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>¿Quiere hablar con su jefe sobre cuánto le pagan? Por lo general, estará más protegido si lo hace junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, según Juan Villalvazo, abogado especializado en derechos laborales de La Raza Centro Legal, un grupo de asistencia jurídica en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se dirige a su jefe por su cuenta con el único objetivo de hablar sobre su salario, la situación podría ser muy diferente, afirma Villalvazo. En California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">tener un trabajo se considera de “voluntad propia”\u003c/a>, lo que significa que un empleador puede despedir a un trabajador en cualquier momento. Por supuesto, el empleo de voluntad propia también significa que un empleado puede renunciar en cualquier momento, pero le da “al empleador mucha deferencia y protección”, dice Villalvazo, y “su empleador tiene derecho a despedirlo por cualquier motivo, siempre y cuando el motivo subyacente no sea ilegal”.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>¿Qué sería ilegal en este caso? Un empleador podría tener problemas si el motivo por el que despide a alguien es discriminatorio (por motivos de raza, religión, género, discapacidad, orientación sexual u otra categoría protegida) o para tomar represalias contra un empleado que haya participado en una “actividad protegida”, como denunciar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002744/trabaja-en-interiores-durante-una-ola-de-calor-descubra-como-le-protegen-las-leyes-de-california\">condiciones de trabajo inseguras\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la conversación que quiera tener con su jefe es solo sobre su salario individual, la ley le da a su empleador mucho más poder. Podría acudir a su jefe y pedirle un aumento, dijo Villalvazo, pero “no solo no están obligados a concedérselo, sino que podrían despedirle y decirle: ‘Bueno, voy a contratar a alguien que esté contento con el salario'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, socio de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, un bufete que ofrece servicios jurídicos a los trabajadores, coincidió en que los empleados son más vulnerables cuando actúan solos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los empleados se encuentran en una posición mucho más sólida desde el punto de vista jurídico si plantean sus preocupaciones sobre su sueldo, no solo en nombre propio, sino también en nombre de los demás”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cientos de trabajadores agrícolas de North Bay Jobs With Justice y simpatizantes de la comunidad marchan por el puente Healdsburg Memorial Bridge para exigir salarios más altos y pagos por desastre, el 28 de julio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La unión hace la fuerza\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Acudir a su jefe para hablar sobre el salario, esta vez acompañado de sus compañeros de trabajo que tienen las mismas preocupaciones sobre su propia remuneración, no solo le coloca en una posición más fuerte para negociar, sino que también le proporciona una capa de protección legal, afirma Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto se debe a que las leyes estatales y federales protegen el derecho de los trabajadores a participar en “actividades concertadas”, lo que se define como cualquier acción emprendida por los empleados en nombre de un grupo, no solo en nombre propio, explica Palmer. “Puede tratarse de una acción emprendida como grupo, o puede ser un individuo que toma la iniciativa y plantea las inquietudes en nombre de otras personas”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un ejemplo muy conocido de actividad concertada es la formación de un sindicato por parte de los trabajadores. Sin embargo, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/espanol\">Ley Nacional de Relaciones Laborales\u003c/a> protege los derechos de todos los empleados a buscar mejores condiciones, no solo los que forman parte de un sindicato. La \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">Ley nacional de relaciones laborales\u003c/a>, aprobada por el Congreso tras \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">décadas de organización liderada por los trabajadores\u003c/a>, protege el derecho de los trabajadores a:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hablar entre sí sobre sus salarios y condiciones laborales.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hacer circular una petición para solicitar mejores horarios.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Participar en un rechazo colectivo a trabajar en condiciones inseguras.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar, junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, con su empleador, con organismos gubernamentales o con los medios de comunicación sobre los problemas en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>La Junta Nacional de Relaciones Laborales, que vela por el cumplimiento de las leyes laborales a nivel federal, advierte que los empleados \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">podrían perder sus protecciones\u003c/a> si se comunican con su empleador de una manera que pueda considerarse “gravemente ofensiva o deliberadamente falsa” o si “desprestigian públicamente” los productos del empleador de una manera que no esté relacionada con los asuntos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por eso, Palmer recomienda a los empleados que siempre “planteen sus inquietudes con respeto” pero a la misma vez, “con seguridad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores sostienen carteles en español en una rueda de prensa organizada por North Bay Jobs with Justice en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>¿Puede un contrato prohibirle hablar sobre un aumento salarial?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En el caso de los trabajadores agrícolas del condado de Sonoma, su empleador incluyó una cláusula en su contrato que amenazaba con el despido inmediato si los empleados hablaban sobre sus salarios. Los funcionarios de la ARLB determinaron que la cláusula violaba la ley estatal que protege los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas a negociar colectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese contrato básicamente les impide siquiera empezar a organizarse o hablar sobre ello”, dijo De Luna, de la ALRB.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pero si usted trabaja en otro sector que no es el agrícola, ¿puede su empleador añadir una cláusula en su contrato de trabajo que le impida a usted o a sus compañeros pedir un aumento de sueldo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso seguiría siendo una violación de la ley, afirmó Villavalzo, de La Raza Centro Legal. “Como grupo, tienen derecho a discutir entre ustedes los salarios, las prestaciones y las condiciones en el lugar de trabajo”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, dijo que el contrato que REVM ofreció a los trabajadores en 2024 restringe a los empleados la posibilidad de participar en una amplia gama de acciones, incluidas las actividades en grupo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es un intento claro de impedir que los empleados se comuniquen con sus compañeros sobre las preocupaciones que tienen”, afirmó Palmer. Si bien los empleadores pueden despedir a los trabajadores que inician peleas o crean un entorno de trabajo inseguro, “eso no es lo que pretende este tipo de disposición”, señaló. En cambio, “se trata simplemente de una exigencia clara de que los empleados no participen en ningún tipo de actividad concertada ni se comuniquen sobre las condiciones de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo hablar con su jefe sobre el sueldo: lo que sugieren los expertos legales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Palmer, es importante que los trabajadores se sientan cómodos expresando “que conocen su valor”, pero afirma que “siempre existe un riesgo” al pedir un aumento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted y otros compañeros creen que lo que se les paga no equivale el trabajo que realizan y piensan que tienen argumentos sólidos, hay cosas que pueden hacer para protegerse durante y después de las conversaciones con su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En primer lugar, recuerde que estará más protegido si solicita un aumento “como parte de una acción concertada en la que hace la solicitud junto con otros”, dijo Palmer. Pero también es una buena idea comprobar con antelación qué remuneración reciben otras personas por realizar un trabajo similar en otros lugares, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo destaca la importancia de mantener buenas relaciones con los compañeros de trabajo. “Si es amigo de sus compañeros de trabajo, será más fácil trabajar en equipo”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo también recomienda llevar un registro escrito de las conversaciones que mantenga con sus compañeros de trabajo, cuando decidan entre todos qué solicitar, y con su empleador cuando presente la solicitud. La comunicación escrita no tiene por qué ser muy formal, afirma, “puede ser simplemente un mensaje de texto”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si utiliza WhatsApp para hablar de asuntos laborales, tenga en cuenta que la aplicación permite a un usuario individual eliminar mensajes y chats para todas las demás personas que forman parte del grupo. Puede considerar la posibilidad de hacer capturas de pantalla del chat para mantener un registro de las conversaciones, o incluso proponer a sus compañeros que se comuniquen a través de otra aplicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo señala que, en muchos lugares de trabajo de California, algunos empleados trabajan con un estatus migratorio legal, mientras que otros pueden no tenerlo. “Mantenga la solidaridad con todos sus compañeros de trabajo, independientemente de su estatus migratorio, porque al fin y al cabo, todos ustedes \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/\">comparten muchos de los mismos derechos\u003c/a>”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si usted y sus colegas creen que su empleador les redujo el salario o los despidió por solicitar un aumento de manera colectiva, pueden presentar una queja ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">Puede presentar una queja por represalias en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede tomar varios meses para que una queja sea procesada por la Oficina del Comisionado de Trabajo, la agencia tiene la autoridad para investigar a los empleadores, imponer sanciones y restituir a ciertos trabajadores sus salarios perdidos o sus empleos.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation",
"title": "Farmworkers in Sonoma County Win Settlement After Alleged Retaliation",
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"headTitle": "Farmworkers in Sonoma County Win Settlement After Alleged Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042828/campesinos-sonoma-logran-acuerdo-tras-sufrir-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by elegant tasting rooms and high-end hotels, farmworkers and labor organizers rallied Wednesday in Healdsburg — the center of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County’s\u003c/a> multimillion-dollar wine industry — to announce a settlement with Redwood Empire Vineyard Management, a Geyserville-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados! ¡No!” workers chanted in Spanish, which translates to “Are you afraid? No! Are you tired? No!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">REVM will pay $33,548 to seven former and current employees after the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board determined the company refused to offer them jobs because of their involvement in efforts to improve working conditions. The ALRB also found that REVM required farmworkers last year to sign a contract stating they would be immediately fired if they attempted to renegotiate their compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Jump to: What to do if something similar happens to you\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to state officials, the company’s actions are considered unfair labor practices in violation of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_010112.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have the right to be able to organize with our coworkers to ask for better working conditions and not be retaliated against,” said Yesenia De Luna, ALRB’s regional director. “In this case, workers were going to protests and marches asking for better wages. That’s a working condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM did not return KQED’s multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, regional director at the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), speaks at a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the ALRB over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes and Yolanda Prida González are among the farmworkers named in the ALRB investigation. Both worked for REVM for several years, helping to care for and harvest the many vineyards the company manages around the region. But things changed when they attended \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">a march on July 28 in Healdsburg\u003c/a>, where farmworkers called for hazard pay — higher wages to reflect the risks they take during wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when things started to get bad,” Cuevas Fuentes said in Spanish, adding that a colleague gave him a heads-up that managers had seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">a photo of him at the march\u003c/a> taken by \u003ci>The Press Democrat\u003c/i>. On Aug. 14, Cuevas Fuentes tried to attend a meeting held by REVM for workers included in the 2024 fall harvest but was blocked by management, who pointed out that his name no longer appeared on the work crew list despite years of harvest experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Alejandro told me that he was rejected from the harvest, that’s when I fell into a depression,” said Prida González, Cuevas Fuentes’ partner. Together, they are raising two daughters. By that point, she had also been laid off by REVM. “I was really disappointed in my managers because I had worked with them for many years, but all I got from them was their rejection and indifference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11958506 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230817-PETALUMA-VINEYARD-FARMWORKERS-AP-ER-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the couple, along with five coworkers, filed complaints with the ALRB, which began a months-long investigation that included interviews with REVM employees and management. The couple still had to find a way to pay bills and support their daughters while the investigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this made my depression much more difficult. I would never want anyone else to go through this,” Prida González said. “I want all my fellow workers to understand that they have these rights as farmworkers and let go of that fear of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear, lack of information and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">intimidation from management\u003c/a> are all factors that make it very difficult for farmworkers to seek help, said United Farm Workers Secretary Treasurer Armando Elenes, who talks to workers across the state about their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California has mechanisms in place to hold employers accountable, Elenes added, “Many workers just accept the retaliation and then move on to another employer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more workers come together and form unions or take action together, the more we can deal with these issues,” he said. “Having workers participate and be part of the process, that’s the key — that’s what makes everything else work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement, REVM will no longer require employees to sign a contract with language that threatens termination for requesting higher wages. Additionally, the company has promised the ALRB that it will respect the rights of its workers to organize for better working conditions. ALRB officials will also be speaking to REVM farmworkers in the coming weeks about what rights protect them and how to identify retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seven workers in the case also have the opportunity to return to REVM. For the time being, Cuevas Fuentes won’t be coming back, but Prida González has returned to make sure the company keeps its part of the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We workers need to see changes,” she said, adding that she believes her return to the company will show her fellow farmworkers that taking the risk of speaking up has results. “Things have to get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community supporters attend a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the Agricultural Labor Relations Board against Redwood Empire Vineyard Management over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>What if something like this happens to you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\"> a guide available for what to do if you are a farmworker\u003c/a> and your employer has retaliated against you for speaking up about working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are not a farmworker, keep reading for insight from attorneys familiar with employment law in California to learn what rights and protections all workers have when asking for higher pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The risks of acting alone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want to talk to your employer about how much you’re getting paid? You’re usually more protected if you do this together with your coworkers, said Juan Villalvazo, a labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a San Francisco legal aid group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were to approach your boss by yourself with the motive of \u003ci>only\u003c/i> talking about your own compensation, it could be a very different story, Villalvazo said. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">having a job is considered “at-will,”\u003c/a> which means an employer can fire a worker at any moment. Of course, at-will employment also means an employee can quit at any time, but it gives “the employer a lot of deference and protection,” Villalvazo said, and “your employer has the right to fire you for whatever reason, so long as the underlying reason isn’t illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What \u003ci>would \u003c/i>be illegal in this case? An employer could be in trouble \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">if the reason they fire someone is discriminatory\u003c/a> (based on their race, religion, gender, disability, sexual orientation or another protected category) or to retaliate against an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">who engaged in a “protected activity”\u003c/a> like speaking up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the conversation you want to have with your boss is just about your \u003ci>own\u003c/i> individual wages, at-will employment rules give your employer a lot more power. You \u003ci>could \u003c/i>go to your boss and ask for a raise for yourself, Villalvazo said, but “not only are they not required to give it, they could take the action of firing you and say, ‘Well, I’m just gonna hire somebody who’s content with the pay rate.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, co-managing partner at the New York office of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, a firm that offers legal services to workers, agreed that employees are more vulnerable when acting alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees are in a much more legally sound position if they are raising concerns about their compensation not only on behalf of themselves, but on the behalf of others,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of farmworkers with North Bay Jobs With Justice and community supporters march on the Healdsburg Memorial Bridge, demanding higher wages and disaster pay, on July 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Strength in numbers\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approaching your boss to talk about wages — this time, accompanied by your coworkers who have the same concerns about their own pay — not only places you in a stronger position to negotiate, but also gives you a layer of legal protection, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because state and federal law protect the right of workers to engage in “concerted activity” — defined as any action taken by employees on behalf of a group, not just themselves — Palmer said. “It can be an action taken as a group, or it could be one individual who is taking the lead and raising concerns on behalf of other people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One very familiar example of concerted activity is workers forming a union. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/guidance/key-reference-materials/national-labor-relations-act\">National Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> protects the rights of all employees to collectively seek better working conditions — not just those who are part of a union. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">1935 law\u003c/a>, passed by Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">after decades of worker-led organizing\u003c/a>, protects the right of workers to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk among themselves about their wages and working conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Circulate a petition asking for better hours.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Participate in a concerted refusal to work in unsafe conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk — along with their coworkers — to their employer, government agency or the media about problems in their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board — the federal agency that enforces the NLRA — warns that employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">could lose their protections\u003c/a> if they communicate with their employer in a way that could be deemed “egregiously offensive or knowingly and maliciously false” or by “publicly disparaging” the employer’s products in a way that’s not related to the issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Palmer recommends employees to always “raise concerns respectfully,” as well as “with confidence of their concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold signs in Spanish reading ‘la unión hace la fuerza’ and ‘escuchen a los trabajadores’ at a press conference organized by North Bay Jobs with Justice at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Can a contract prohibit you from talking about higher pay?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the case of the farmworkers in Sonoma County, their employer included a clause in their contract that threatened immediate termination if employees spoke up about their wages. ARLB officials determined that the clause was in violation of the state law that protects the rights of farmworkers to bargain collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That contract is basically stopping them before they can even start to organize themselves or talk about that,” ALRB’s De Luna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you work in another industry that’s not agriculture, can your employer still add a clause in your work contract that prevents you or your colleagues from asking for a raise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would still be a violation of the law, said Villavalzo from La Raza Centro Legal. “As a collective, you have the right to discuss amongst yourselves about wages, benefits and conditions in the workplace,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, said the contract REVM offered workers in 2024 is written vaguely enough that it restricts employees from engaging in a wide range of actions, including concerted activities. He added that the clause, which threatens termination for employees who “create discontent in the crews, interrupting work,” is also problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a clear attempt to try to prevent employees from communicating with their colleagues about concerns that they have,” Palmer said. While employers \u003ci>can \u003c/i>fire workers who start fights or create an unsafe work environment, “that’s not what this kind of provision is getting at,” he said. Instead, “it is just a clear demand that employees not engage in any kind of concerted activity or communication about working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Talking to your boss about pay: What legal experts suggest\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Palmer, it’s important that workers feel comfortable expressing “that they know their worth,” but he said “there is always this risk” in asking for a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you and other colleagues believe what you’re being paid doesn’t reflect the work you do and think you have a strong case, there are things you can do to protect yourself during and after conversations with your employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, remember you are more protected if you request a raise “as part of a concerted action where you’re bringing the request along with that of others,” Palmer said. But it’s also a good idea to check ahead of time what compensation people are getting for doing similar work at other places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo emphasizes the importance of maintaining good relationships with your coworkers. “If you’re friends with your coworkers, it’s gonna be easier to work collectively,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo also recommends keeping written records of conversations you have with both coworkers — as you decide collectively what to request — and with your employer when presenting the request. The written communication doesn’t have to be very formal, he said, and “could just mean a text message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use WhatsApp to talk about work matters, keep in mind that the application allows an individual user to delete messages and chats for \u003ci>all \u003c/i>other people in the conversation. You may consider taking screenshots of the chat to keep a backup record of the conversations — or even propose that colleagues communicate through another app altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo points out that in many workplaces in California, some employees are working with a legal immigration status, while some of their colleagues may not be. “Stay in solidarity with all of your coworkers regardless of their immigration status, because at the end of the day, you all \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/#:~:text=In%20California%2C%20an%20employer%20who,law%20license%20for%20their%20actions.\">share many of the same rights\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you and your colleagues believe your employer cut your wages or fired you for collectively requesting a raise, you can file a complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a> or by calling 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it can take several months for a complaint to move through the Labor Commissioner’s Office, the agency does have the power to investigate employers, impose penalties and give certain workers their lost wages or job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042828/campesinos-sonoma-logran-acuerdo-tras-sufrir-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by elegant tasting rooms and high-end hotels, farmworkers and labor organizers rallied Wednesday in Healdsburg — the center of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County’s\u003c/a> multimillion-dollar wine industry — to announce a settlement with Redwood Empire Vineyard Management, a Geyserville-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados! ¡No!” workers chanted in Spanish, which translates to “Are you afraid? No! Are you tired? No!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">REVM will pay $33,548 to seven former and current employees after the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board determined the company refused to offer them jobs because of their involvement in efforts to improve working conditions. The ALRB also found that REVM required farmworkers last year to sign a contract stating they would be immediately fired if they attempted to renegotiate their compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Jump to: What to do if something similar happens to you\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to state officials, the company’s actions are considered unfair labor practices in violation of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_010112.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have the right to be able to organize with our coworkers to ask for better working conditions and not be retaliated against,” said Yesenia De Luna, ALRB’s regional director. “In this case, workers were going to protests and marches asking for better wages. That’s a working condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM did not return KQED’s multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, regional director at the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), speaks at a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the ALRB over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes and Yolanda Prida González are among the farmworkers named in the ALRB investigation. Both worked for REVM for several years, helping to care for and harvest the many vineyards the company manages around the region. But things changed when they attended \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">a march on July 28 in Healdsburg\u003c/a>, where farmworkers called for hazard pay — higher wages to reflect the risks they take during wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when things started to get bad,” Cuevas Fuentes said in Spanish, adding that a colleague gave him a heads-up that managers had seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">a photo of him at the march\u003c/a> taken by \u003ci>The Press Democrat\u003c/i>. On Aug. 14, Cuevas Fuentes tried to attend a meeting held by REVM for workers included in the 2024 fall harvest but was blocked by management, who pointed out that his name no longer appeared on the work crew list despite years of harvest experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Alejandro told me that he was rejected from the harvest, that’s when I fell into a depression,” said Prida González, Cuevas Fuentes’ partner. Together, they are raising two daughters. By that point, she had also been laid off by REVM. “I was really disappointed in my managers because I had worked with them for many years, but all I got from them was their rejection and indifference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the couple, along with five coworkers, filed complaints with the ALRB, which began a months-long investigation that included interviews with REVM employees and management. The couple still had to find a way to pay bills and support their daughters while the investigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this made my depression much more difficult. I would never want anyone else to go through this,” Prida González said. “I want all my fellow workers to understand that they have these rights as farmworkers and let go of that fear of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear, lack of information and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">intimidation from management\u003c/a> are all factors that make it very difficult for farmworkers to seek help, said United Farm Workers Secretary Treasurer Armando Elenes, who talks to workers across the state about their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California has mechanisms in place to hold employers accountable, Elenes added, “Many workers just accept the retaliation and then move on to another employer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more workers come together and form unions or take action together, the more we can deal with these issues,” he said. “Having workers participate and be part of the process, that’s the key — that’s what makes everything else work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement, REVM will no longer require employees to sign a contract with language that threatens termination for requesting higher wages. Additionally, the company has promised the ALRB that it will respect the rights of its workers to organize for better working conditions. ALRB officials will also be speaking to REVM farmworkers in the coming weeks about what rights protect them and how to identify retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seven workers in the case also have the opportunity to return to REVM. For the time being, Cuevas Fuentes won’t be coming back, but Prida González has returned to make sure the company keeps its part of the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We workers need to see changes,” she said, adding that she believes her return to the company will show her fellow farmworkers that taking the risk of speaking up has results. “Things have to get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community supporters attend a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the Agricultural Labor Relations Board against Redwood Empire Vineyard Management over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>What if something like this happens to you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\"> a guide available for what to do if you are a farmworker\u003c/a> and your employer has retaliated against you for speaking up about working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are not a farmworker, keep reading for insight from attorneys familiar with employment law in California to learn what rights and protections all workers have when asking for higher pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The risks of acting alone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want to talk to your employer about how much you’re getting paid? You’re usually more protected if you do this together with your coworkers, said Juan Villalvazo, a labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a San Francisco legal aid group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were to approach your boss by yourself with the motive of \u003ci>only\u003c/i> talking about your own compensation, it could be a very different story, Villalvazo said. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">having a job is considered “at-will,”\u003c/a> which means an employer can fire a worker at any moment. Of course, at-will employment also means an employee can quit at any time, but it gives “the employer a lot of deference and protection,” Villalvazo said, and “your employer has the right to fire you for whatever reason, so long as the underlying reason isn’t illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What \u003ci>would \u003c/i>be illegal in this case? An employer could be in trouble \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">if the reason they fire someone is discriminatory\u003c/a> (based on their race, religion, gender, disability, sexual orientation or another protected category) or to retaliate against an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">who engaged in a “protected activity”\u003c/a> like speaking up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the conversation you want to have with your boss is just about your \u003ci>own\u003c/i> individual wages, at-will employment rules give your employer a lot more power. You \u003ci>could \u003c/i>go to your boss and ask for a raise for yourself, Villalvazo said, but “not only are they not required to give it, they could take the action of firing you and say, ‘Well, I’m just gonna hire somebody who’s content with the pay rate.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, co-managing partner at the New York office of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, a firm that offers legal services to workers, agreed that employees are more vulnerable when acting alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees are in a much more legally sound position if they are raising concerns about their compensation not only on behalf of themselves, but on the behalf of others,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of farmworkers with North Bay Jobs With Justice and community supporters march on the Healdsburg Memorial Bridge, demanding higher wages and disaster pay, on July 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Strength in numbers\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approaching your boss to talk about wages — this time, accompanied by your coworkers who have the same concerns about their own pay — not only places you in a stronger position to negotiate, but also gives you a layer of legal protection, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because state and federal law protect the right of workers to engage in “concerted activity” — defined as any action taken by employees on behalf of a group, not just themselves — Palmer said. “It can be an action taken as a group, or it could be one individual who is taking the lead and raising concerns on behalf of other people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One very familiar example of concerted activity is workers forming a union. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/guidance/key-reference-materials/national-labor-relations-act\">National Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> protects the rights of all employees to collectively seek better working conditions — not just those who are part of a union. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">1935 law\u003c/a>, passed by Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">after decades of worker-led organizing\u003c/a>, protects the right of workers to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk among themselves about their wages and working conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Circulate a petition asking for better hours.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Participate in a concerted refusal to work in unsafe conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk — along with their coworkers — to their employer, government agency or the media about problems in their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board — the federal agency that enforces the NLRA — warns that employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">could lose their protections\u003c/a> if they communicate with their employer in a way that could be deemed “egregiously offensive or knowingly and maliciously false” or by “publicly disparaging” the employer’s products in a way that’s not related to the issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Palmer recommends employees to always “raise concerns respectfully,” as well as “with confidence of their concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold signs in Spanish reading ‘la unión hace la fuerza’ and ‘escuchen a los trabajadores’ at a press conference organized by North Bay Jobs with Justice at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Can a contract prohibit you from talking about higher pay?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the case of the farmworkers in Sonoma County, their employer included a clause in their contract that threatened immediate termination if employees spoke up about their wages. ARLB officials determined that the clause was in violation of the state law that protects the rights of farmworkers to bargain collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That contract is basically stopping them before they can even start to organize themselves or talk about that,” ALRB’s De Luna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you work in another industry that’s not agriculture, can your employer still add a clause in your work contract that prevents you or your colleagues from asking for a raise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would still be a violation of the law, said Villavalzo from La Raza Centro Legal. “As a collective, you have the right to discuss amongst yourselves about wages, benefits and conditions in the workplace,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, said the contract REVM offered workers in 2024 is written vaguely enough that it restricts employees from engaging in a wide range of actions, including concerted activities. He added that the clause, which threatens termination for employees who “create discontent in the crews, interrupting work,” is also problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a clear attempt to try to prevent employees from communicating with their colleagues about concerns that they have,” Palmer said. While employers \u003ci>can \u003c/i>fire workers who start fights or create an unsafe work environment, “that’s not what this kind of provision is getting at,” he said. Instead, “it is just a clear demand that employees not engage in any kind of concerted activity or communication about working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Talking to your boss about pay: What legal experts suggest\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Palmer, it’s important that workers feel comfortable expressing “that they know their worth,” but he said “there is always this risk” in asking for a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you and other colleagues believe what you’re being paid doesn’t reflect the work you do and think you have a strong case, there are things you can do to protect yourself during and after conversations with your employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, remember you are more protected if you request a raise “as part of a concerted action where you’re bringing the request along with that of others,” Palmer said. But it’s also a good idea to check ahead of time what compensation people are getting for doing similar work at other places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo emphasizes the importance of maintaining good relationships with your coworkers. “If you’re friends with your coworkers, it’s gonna be easier to work collectively,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo also recommends keeping written records of conversations you have with both coworkers — as you decide collectively what to request — and with your employer when presenting the request. The written communication doesn’t have to be very formal, he said, and “could just mean a text message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use WhatsApp to talk about work matters, keep in mind that the application allows an individual user to delete messages and chats for \u003ci>all \u003c/i>other people in the conversation. You may consider taking screenshots of the chat to keep a backup record of the conversations — or even propose that colleagues communicate through another app altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo points out that in many workplaces in California, some employees are working with a legal immigration status, while some of their colleagues may not be. “Stay in solidarity with all of your coworkers regardless of their immigration status, because at the end of the day, you all \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/#:~:text=In%20California%2C%20an%20employer%20who,law%20license%20for%20their%20actions.\">share many of the same rights\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you and your colleagues believe your employer cut your wages or fired you for collectively requesting a raise, you can file a complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a> or by calling 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it can take several months for a complaint to move through the Labor Commissioner’s Office, the agency does have the power to investigate employers, impose penalties and give certain workers their lost wages or job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "alameda-county-da-defends-dismissal-of-case-tied-to-toxic-fire-in-west-oakland",
"title": "Alameda County DA Defends Dismissal of Case Tied to Toxic Fire in West Oakland",
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"headTitle": "Alameda County DA Defends Dismissal of Case Tied to Toxic Fire in West Oakland | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county-district-attorneys-office\">Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/a> Ursula Jones Dickson is defending her office’s decision to drop charges against a West Oakland scrap metal processing plant, saying the case didn’t meet the burden of proof needed to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, under former District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a>, a grand jury indicted Radius Recycling — formerly Schnitzer Steel — and two senior employees, Daniel Woltman and Dane Morales, on 10 counts following a fire two years ago that sent toxic smoke over the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday marking her 100th day as district attorney, Jones Dickson said she opted to dismiss the charges as her office is looking over all cases under the \u003ca href=\"https://da.alamedacountyca.gov/consumer-justice-bureau/\">Consumer and Environmental Protection Division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After review of the case by individuals who have a lot of years of experience, we could not find a way to prove that case beyond a reasonable doubt,” Jones Dickson said. “We cannot move forward ethically on a case that we cannot prove beyond a reasonable doubt. It’s unfortunate that the charging of that case was such that we could not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson, who took office earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027925/pamela-price-speaks-out-as-alameda-county-das-office-enters-a-new-era\">following Price’s recall\u003c/a> in November, said under Price that “a law firm working under the DA’s umbrella” was working on similar cases, something her office was alerted to by people in state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had not seen that before: a law firm being hired by a DA’s office to do the work of DAs,” Jones Dickson, a former judge, said. “We needed to look at all of the cases that were moving through Consumer and Environmental so that we know that the work is being done by district attorneys and that we can meet our burden to prove beyond a reasonable doubt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Large clouds of smoke rise from an industrial-looking space where many truck cabs are parked.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke rises from a fire burning at Schnitzer Steel in Oakland on Aug. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Nik Altenberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson clarified that outside attorneys were not working on the Radius case, only that it was reviewed as part of a broader examination of cases handled by the Consumer and Environmental Protection Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price told KQED she was dismayed at the decision and referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041820/environmental-case-against-west-oakland-scrap-yard-is-dropped-by-new-da\">the case against Radius as historic\u003c/a>. She said she was the first Alameda County DA to file charges for environmental crimes committed by a corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12041820 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/012_KQED_SchnitzerSteelPortofOakland_03082022_qed-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe Radius has often shrugged off the regulations when it was convenient to them, treating minor administrative penalties and fines as the cost of doing business,” Price said at the time the indictment was handed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges alleged that Radius, Woltman and Morales recklessly managed hazardous materials while shredding and sorting metal materials, including older vehicles and appliances, and then tried to cover it up. The company and the two men were also charged with violating local air quality regulations and state toxic substance control laws, which carry a penalty of up to $33 million in criminal fines and up to three years in county jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Air Quality Management District \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/101724-radius-recycling-penalty\">hasn’t fined Radius over the August 2023 fire\u003c/a> because state law bars the district from pursuing civil penalties while the district attorney is prosecuting the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson wouldn’t comment on any potential future actions regarding Radius and its employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "At a press conference on Thursday marking her 100th day as DA, Ursula Jones Dickson explained why she’s not pursuing the environmental case. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county-district-attorneys-office\">Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/a> Ursula Jones Dickson is defending her office’s decision to drop charges against a West Oakland scrap metal processing plant, saying the case didn’t meet the burden of proof needed to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, under former District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a>, a grand jury indicted Radius Recycling — formerly Schnitzer Steel — and two senior employees, Daniel Woltman and Dane Morales, on 10 counts following a fire two years ago that sent toxic smoke over the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday marking her 100th day as district attorney, Jones Dickson said she opted to dismiss the charges as her office is looking over all cases under the \u003ca href=\"https://da.alamedacountyca.gov/consumer-justice-bureau/\">Consumer and Environmental Protection Division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After review of the case by individuals who have a lot of years of experience, we could not find a way to prove that case beyond a reasonable doubt,” Jones Dickson said. “We cannot move forward ethically on a case that we cannot prove beyond a reasonable doubt. It’s unfortunate that the charging of that case was such that we could not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson, who took office earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027925/pamela-price-speaks-out-as-alameda-county-das-office-enters-a-new-era\">following Price’s recall\u003c/a> in November, said under Price that “a law firm working under the DA’s umbrella” was working on similar cases, something her office was alerted to by people in state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had not seen that before: a law firm being hired by a DA’s office to do the work of DAs,” Jones Dickson, a former judge, said. “We needed to look at all of the cases that were moving through Consumer and Environmental so that we know that the work is being done by district attorneys and that we can meet our burden to prove beyond a reasonable doubt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Large clouds of smoke rise from an industrial-looking space where many truck cabs are parked.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke rises from a fire burning at Schnitzer Steel in Oakland on Aug. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Nik Altenberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson clarified that outside attorneys were not working on the Radius case, only that it was reviewed as part of a broader examination of cases handled by the Consumer and Environmental Protection Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price told KQED she was dismayed at the decision and referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041820/environmental-case-against-west-oakland-scrap-yard-is-dropped-by-new-da\">the case against Radius as historic\u003c/a>. She said she was the first Alameda County DA to file charges for environmental crimes committed by a corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe Radius has often shrugged off the regulations when it was convenient to them, treating minor administrative penalties and fines as the cost of doing business,” Price said at the time the indictment was handed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges alleged that Radius, Woltman and Morales recklessly managed hazardous materials while shredding and sorting metal materials, including older vehicles and appliances, and then tried to cover it up. The company and the two men were also charged with violating local air quality regulations and state toxic substance control laws, which carry a penalty of up to $33 million in criminal fines and up to three years in county jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Air Quality Management District \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/101724-radius-recycling-penalty\">hasn’t fined Radius over the August 2023 fire\u003c/a> because state law bars the district from pursuing civil penalties while the district attorney is prosecuting the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson wouldn’t comment on any potential future actions regarding Radius and its employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice",
"title": "Qué hacer si se topa con agentes de ICE",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">cerca de 2 millones de residentes indocumentados\u003c/a>, y el 8 % de los hogares incluyen a un miembro de la familia sin un estatus legal permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora, con el regreso del presidente Donald Trump a la Casa Blanca, el pánico por sus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">prometidas “deportaciones masivas”\u003c/a> y las redadas del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha sacudido a comunidades de todo el estado. Y en el Área de la Bahía, los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">rumores de avistamientos de ICE\u003c/a> se han propagado junto con noticias de operaciones reales y \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/rapid-response-network-confirms-ice-activity-san-jose\">verificadas por parte de agentes de inmigración\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En medio de este miedo e incertidumbre, los funcionarios del Área de la Bahía de San Francisco y Oakland han reiterado sus promesas de ser \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">una región santuario para los inmigrantes\u003c/a>, lo que significa que los funcionarios locales limitan su cooperación con los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18799/explainer-what-are-sanctuary-cities\">agentes federales de inmigración\u003c/a>. A su vez, una de las órdenes ejecutivas del día de la investidura de Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024342/trump-wants-to-break-californias-sanctuary-state-law-5-things-to-know\">busca desafiar estas leyes santuario a nivel estatal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-reminds-california-immigrants-their-rights-and\">la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas\u003c/a>, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/immigration-california-students-know-your-rights\">conocer sus derechos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siga leyendo para saber lo que los activistas y los expertos legales dicen que la gente debería saber cuando trata con funcionarios de inmigración. También puede ser útil llevar consigo \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">una tarjeta que detalle sus derechos cuando\u003c/a> salga o esté en su casa. Puede encontrar una \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">versión imprimible en el Centro de Recursos Legales para Inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo reconocer si alguien es realmente un agente de ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a veces pueden vestir uniformes o equipos que sugieran que son policías o agentes de libertad condicional, según la \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Unión Americana de Libertades Civiles del Sur de California\u003c/a> (o ACLU por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto a veces puede convencer a la personas a dejar que los \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/02/21/516488396/without-warrants-immigration-agents-often-pose-as-police-officers\">agentes entren en una casa\u003c/a> sin una orden judicial. En 2018, varios comisionados de la policía de San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11642905/s-f-police-commissioners-want-ice-agents-to-stop-impersonating-police\">pidieron a ICE\u003c/a> que pusiera fin a \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantdefenseproject.org/raids-foia/\">estas prácticas\u003c/a>, alegando que entorpecían la labor policial local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE también pueden ir vestidos de civil o con ropa oscura lisa y un chaleco antibalas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, los agentes de policía suelen llevar un uniforme de aspecto más específico “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">con insignias identificativas\u003c/a>”, dijo la ACLU del sur de Californial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre ICE y CBP?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE y la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (o CBP por sus siglas en inglés) son agencias de control de inmigración dentro del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10362\">ICE lleva a cabo la aplicación de la ley dentro de los EE.UU.\u003c/a> y gestiona las operaciones de detención y deportación. El CBP realiza inspecciones en todos los “puertos de entrada” de los EE.UU., en las fronteras terrestres, los puertos marítimos y los aeropuertos. Y la Patrulla Fronteriza, que forma parte del CBP, vigila las fronteras terrestres entre los puertos de entrada oficiales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que ICE, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://careers.cbp.gov/s/career-paths/ofo/cbpo\">llevar escrito de forma visible “policía” en su uniforme\u003c/a>. “Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza de EE.UU.” puede estar escrito en su manga o en la espalda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026145\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un funcionario de la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (CBP) de EE.UU. en el puerto de entrada de San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>La ley federal otorga poderes adicionales a la CBP dentro de \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/border-zone\">una amplia zona fronteriza\u003c/a> que el gobierno ha definido como 100 millas aéreas más allá de una “frontera externa” de los EE.UU. Dentro de esa zona, que abarca la mayoría de las ciudades litorales del país, incluida \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801962/immigration-advocates-call-sending-border-patrol-agents-to-sanctuary-cities-a-scare-tactic\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10559\">detener e interrogar a personas\u003c/a>, y subir a embarcaciones, autobuses y trenes para buscar inmigrantes no autorizados sin una orden judicial. Aun así, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluaz.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_border_rights.pdf\">necesitarían una orden judicial, o consentimiento\u003c/a>, para entrar en una casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Si necesito hablar, ¿qué debo decirle a ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los defensores hacen hincapié en su derecho a guardar silencio en todos los casos cuando se trata de interactuar con agentes de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si, por cualquier motivo, no le es posible guardar silencio, la ACLU SoCal \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">sugiere que siga los siguientes pasos\u003c/a>, priorizando su seguridad física:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Haga las siguientes preguntas:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida ver una credencial o tarjetas de presentación\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pregunte si tienen una orden judicial firmada por un juez\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida su nombre y cargo (y anótelo)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Asegúrese de que el encuentro sea atestiguado de alguna manera:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Busque o reclute a otra persona para que sirva de testigo del encuentro, como alguien de su casa o alguien que pase por allí.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Grabe el encuentro usted mismo o pídale a otra persona que lo haga, y pídale que le diga de qué departamento es mientras graba. Si miente, será importante tenerlo documentado.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Puede enviar el vídeo o audio del encuentro a organizaciones de defensa, como \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">la aplicación Mobile Justice de la ACLU\u003c/a>, para que evalúen si las imágenes podrían mostrar posibles abusos de autoridad. KQED también tiene una\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871951/grabar-a-la-policia-lo-que-hay-que-saber-y-como-estar-seguro-al-hacerlo\"> guía sobre sus derechos al grabar a los agentes\u003c/a> y sobre cómo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">informar de la actividad de ICE a los defensores locales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué debo hacer si estoy en casa y un agente de ICE toca a mi puerta?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según la Cuarta Enmienda, si los agentes de ICE o cualquier agente de la ley se presentan en su puerta y quieren entrar en su casa, necesitan:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Presentar una orden judicial firmada por un juez (no solo una orden administrativa de su agencia)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Su consentimiento para entrar en su casa\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/27/ice-warrants-undocumented-immigrants-raids-arrests\">Técnicamente, los agentes también podrían entrar sin permiso si informan de que han escuchado una emergencia\u003c/a> en el interior de la casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no quiere que el agente entre, dicen los defensores legales, no tiene que abrir la puerta a menos que el agente le muestre una orden judicial. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">Los defensores sugieren pedir al agente que deslice la orden por debajo de la puerta o que la sostenga frente a una ventana donde pueda leerla\u003c/a>).[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a menudo intentan engañarle para que dé su consentimiento diciendo que están investigando un delito o que necesitan “echar un vistazo rápido” o “entrar a hablar”, advierte el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (o NILC por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si un juez no firma la orden, el NILC dice que puede decirle al agente que no quiere hablar en este momento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si un agente se me acerca en la calle o en el transporte público y me pregunta por mi estatus migratorio?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sus derechos son más importantes en su hogar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por lo tanto, si se encuentra con agentes de ICE fuera de su hogar y no tiene ninguna documentación, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y negarse a responder cualquier pregunta. También tiene derecho a un abogado, \u003ca href=\"https://sahanjournal.com/immigration/know-your-rights-ice-minnesota-resources/#:~:text=Because%20immigration%20violations%20are%20not,by%20local%20law%20enforcement%20does.\">aunque el gobierno no se lo proporcione\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La ley \u003ca href=\"https://cilawgroup.com/news/2014/01/23/foreign-national-in-the-u-s-what-documents-should-i-carry-with-me/\">exige que las personas que no son ciudadanas lleven consigo sus documentos\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/save/current-user-agencies/commonly-used-immigration-documents\">como la tarjeta de residencia permanente o tarjeta verde, o el permiso de trabajo\u003c/a>, y si los tiene, debe mostrárselos al agente. Sin embargo, sigue teniendo derecho a guardar silencio mientras lo hace.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre una orden administrativa y una orden judicial?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE y la CBP suelen necesitar una orden administrativa (firmada por un supervisor de ICE o CBP) para detener a una persona. Sin embargo, pueden efectuar una detención sin orden si ven a una persona entrando ilegalmente en el país, o si tienen “motivos para creer” que una persona está aquí ilegalmente y es probable que huya antes de que puedan conseguir una orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dicho esto, incluso si un agente de ICE procede a arrestarle, sigue teniendo protecciones constitucionales, incluido el derecho a permanecer en silencio para no decir algo que pueda incriminarle. Los agentes de inmigración no pueden detenerle sin una “sospecha razonable” de un delito, y no pueden registrarle a usted ni sus pertenencias sin una “causa probable”, a menos que dé su consentimiento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué pasa si estoy en el trabajo y los funcionarios de inmigración se acercan a mí y a mis colegas?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">suele acudir a un lugar de trabajo por tres razones\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para realizar una auditoría de documentos y comprobar si los empleados tienen autorización para trabajar.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para llevar a cabo una redada, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">es decir, en este caso\u003c/a>, acudir a un lugar de trabajo sin informar previamente al empleador.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para detener a una persona determinada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE pueden entrar libremente en las áreas públicas de un lugar de trabajo, como el comedor de un restaurante, un estacionamiento o un vestíbulo o sala de espera. No obstante, esto no les da derecho a detener, interrogar o arrestar a cualquiera en esos espacios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"680\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Agentes de Inmigración y Aduanas de EE.UU. trasladan a un inmigrante tras una redada realizada a primera hora de la mañana del 6 de junio de 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los agentes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">no pueden entrar en un área privada de la empresa sin permiso o una orden judicial\u003c/a>. Pida ver esta orden y compruebe si está firmada por un juez. Una orden judicial no es lo mismo que una orden administrativa, que está firmada por un supervisor de ICE y generalmente ayuda al agente a realizar detenciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/a-guide-for-employers-what-to-do-if-immigration-comes-to-your-workplace/\">un agente de inmigración se presenta en su lugar de trabajo\u003c/a>, no tiene que responder a preguntas ni responder a preguntas sobre otros empleados. Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración insiste en que no se fugue\u003c/a>; por el contrario, recomiendan que “es más seguro seguir trabajando, preguntar si está siendo detenido y pedir con calma si puede irse”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si tiene la posibilidad de grabar a los agentes y si tienen una orden judicial, asegúrese de que están haciendo lo que la orden les permite hacer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si ICE me ha detenido?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aún \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y a un abogado. Sin embargo, no debe mentir sobre su estatus migratorio, según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No firme ningún documento sin hablar primero con un abogado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anote el nombre y el número del agente que lo detuvo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras esté detenido, sigue teniendo derecho a recibir llamadas. El gobierno \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">no le proporcionará un abogado\u003c/a>, por lo que usted o su familia tendrán que conseguir uno por su cuenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo localizar a alguien que ha sido detenido por ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el propio \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización de detenidos en línea\u003c/a> de ICE para buscarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/faqs-other-topics/#detained-loved-one\">el Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a>, es posible que una persona tarde unos días en aparecer en esta base de datos de ICE. Si esta persona sigue sin aparecer en la base de datos después de esos días, puede ponerse en contacto con organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de su \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si está buscando a un menor que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 1-800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> a information@ORRNCC.com.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Líneas directas para incidentes y avistamientos de ICE:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes recomiendan enfáticamente a las personas que creen haber visto avistamientos de ICE en su vecindario que los llamen en lugar de publicarlos en las redes sociales. Con estas líneas de ayuda, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">los defensores pueden verificar estos avistamientos\u003c/a>. Esta práctica tiene como objetivo evitar la difusión de información errónea en línea, que puede generar un pánico mayor en la comunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos números pueden cambiar, así que asegúrese de visitar la lista actualizada de líneas de ayuda del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a> en su sitio web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrants.sf.gov/es/node/22\">Línea directa de San Francisco disponible las 24 horas\u003c/a> para reportar avistamientos de ICE y obtener asistencia legal: 415-200-1548. Esta línea es administrada por la \u003ca href=\"https://sfilen.org/?r=349#googtrans(en%7Ces)\">Red Legal y de Educación para Inmigrantes de San Francisco\u003c/a> (o SFILEN por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.acilep.org/\">Condado de Alameda\u003c/a>: 510-437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://pactsj.org/\">Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>: 408-290-1144\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://montereycountyrrn.com/\">Condado de Monterey\u003c/a>: 831-204-8082\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/YARRsantacruz/\">Condado de Santa Cruz\u003c/a>: 831-239-4289\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.marinrrn.org/\">Condado de Marín\u003c/a>: 415-991-4545\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://podersf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Northern-California-Rapid-Response-Network.pdf\">Condado de San Mateo\u003c/a>: 203-666-4472\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://standtogethercontracosta.org/\">Condado de Contra Costa\u003c/a>: 925-900-5151\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Condado de Sacramento: 916-382-0256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/#\">Servicios, Derechos de Inmigración y Red de Educación\u003c/a> (SIREN por sus siglas en inglés): 201-468-6088 o 918-609-4480\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.northbayop.org/es/nbrrn\">Condados de Sonoma, Solano y Napa\u003c/a>: 707-800-4544\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Mobile Justice\u003c/a>, que envía información, informes de incidentes y más a la ACLU.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Si alguien está recluido en un centro de detención, puede marcar \u003cb>9233# desde un teléfono del interior del centro\u003c/b> los martes, miércoles y jueves para comunicarse con la \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/resources\">línea directa nacional de detención de inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Se pueden encontrar más contactos en el sitio web del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recursos disponibles para obtener asistencia legal gratuita o a bajo costo:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.larazacrc.org/\">La Raza Community\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.missionaction.org/es/encuentre-servicios/\">Mission Action\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://mujeresunidas.net/programas/\">Mujeres Unidas y Activas\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\">Asian Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantsrising.org/\">Immigrants Rising\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/our-work/undocuhealth-wellness/\">UndocuHealth\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://iibayarea.org/get-involved/\">Immigration Institute of the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.chirla.org/es/\">Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/attorney-of-the-day-resources-for-our-immigrant-community/\">Bar Association of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationadvocates.org/nonprofit/legaldirectory/search?state=CA\">National Immigration Legal Services Directory for California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.inmigranteinformado.com/ayuda-legal/\">Inmigrante Informado\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/private-attorneys/\">Búsqueda de abogados privados de inmigración\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Este reportaje contiene información de Tyche Hendricks, periodista de KQED.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A pesar de la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es conocer sus derechos.",
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"title": "Qué hacer si se topa con agentes de ICE | KQED",
"description": "A pesar de la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es conocer sus derechos.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">cerca de 2 millones de residentes indocumentados\u003c/a>, y el 8 % de los hogares incluyen a un miembro de la familia sin un estatus legal permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora, con el regreso del presidente Donald Trump a la Casa Blanca, el pánico por sus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">prometidas “deportaciones masivas”\u003c/a> y las redadas del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha sacudido a comunidades de todo el estado. Y en el Área de la Bahía, los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">rumores de avistamientos de ICE\u003c/a> se han propagado junto con noticias de operaciones reales y \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/rapid-response-network-confirms-ice-activity-san-jose\">verificadas por parte de agentes de inmigración\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En medio de este miedo e incertidumbre, los funcionarios del Área de la Bahía de San Francisco y Oakland han reiterado sus promesas de ser \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">una región santuario para los inmigrantes\u003c/a>, lo que significa que los funcionarios locales limitan su cooperación con los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18799/explainer-what-are-sanctuary-cities\">agentes federales de inmigración\u003c/a>. A su vez, una de las órdenes ejecutivas del día de la investidura de Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024342/trump-wants-to-break-californias-sanctuary-state-law-5-things-to-know\">busca desafiar estas leyes santuario a nivel estatal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-reminds-california-immigrants-their-rights-and\">la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas\u003c/a>, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/immigration-california-students-know-your-rights\">conocer sus derechos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siga leyendo para saber lo que los activistas y los expertos legales dicen que la gente debería saber cuando trata con funcionarios de inmigración. También puede ser útil llevar consigo \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">una tarjeta que detalle sus derechos cuando\u003c/a> salga o esté en su casa. Puede encontrar una \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">versión imprimible en el Centro de Recursos Legales para Inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo reconocer si alguien es realmente un agente de ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a veces pueden vestir uniformes o equipos que sugieran que son policías o agentes de libertad condicional, según la \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Unión Americana de Libertades Civiles del Sur de California\u003c/a> (o ACLU por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto a veces puede convencer a la personas a dejar que los \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/02/21/516488396/without-warrants-immigration-agents-often-pose-as-police-officers\">agentes entren en una casa\u003c/a> sin una orden judicial. En 2018, varios comisionados de la policía de San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11642905/s-f-police-commissioners-want-ice-agents-to-stop-impersonating-police\">pidieron a ICE\u003c/a> que pusiera fin a \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantdefenseproject.org/raids-foia/\">estas prácticas\u003c/a>, alegando que entorpecían la labor policial local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE también pueden ir vestidos de civil o con ropa oscura lisa y un chaleco antibalas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, los agentes de policía suelen llevar un uniforme de aspecto más específico “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">con insignias identificativas\u003c/a>”, dijo la ACLU del sur de Californial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre ICE y CBP?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE y la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (o CBP por sus siglas en inglés) son agencias de control de inmigración dentro del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10362\">ICE lleva a cabo la aplicación de la ley dentro de los EE.UU.\u003c/a> y gestiona las operaciones de detención y deportación. El CBP realiza inspecciones en todos los “puertos de entrada” de los EE.UU., en las fronteras terrestres, los puertos marítimos y los aeropuertos. Y la Patrulla Fronteriza, que forma parte del CBP, vigila las fronteras terrestres entre los puertos de entrada oficiales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que ICE, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://careers.cbp.gov/s/career-paths/ofo/cbpo\">llevar escrito de forma visible “policía” en su uniforme\u003c/a>. “Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza de EE.UU.” puede estar escrito en su manga o en la espalda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026145\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un funcionario de la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (CBP) de EE.UU. en el puerto de entrada de San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>La ley federal otorga poderes adicionales a la CBP dentro de \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/border-zone\">una amplia zona fronteriza\u003c/a> que el gobierno ha definido como 100 millas aéreas más allá de una “frontera externa” de los EE.UU. Dentro de esa zona, que abarca la mayoría de las ciudades litorales del país, incluida \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801962/immigration-advocates-call-sending-border-patrol-agents-to-sanctuary-cities-a-scare-tactic\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10559\">detener e interrogar a personas\u003c/a>, y subir a embarcaciones, autobuses y trenes para buscar inmigrantes no autorizados sin una orden judicial. Aun así, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluaz.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_border_rights.pdf\">necesitarían una orden judicial, o consentimiento\u003c/a>, para entrar en una casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Si necesito hablar, ¿qué debo decirle a ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los defensores hacen hincapié en su derecho a guardar silencio en todos los casos cuando se trata de interactuar con agentes de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si, por cualquier motivo, no le es posible guardar silencio, la ACLU SoCal \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">sugiere que siga los siguientes pasos\u003c/a>, priorizando su seguridad física:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Haga las siguientes preguntas:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida ver una credencial o tarjetas de presentación\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pregunte si tienen una orden judicial firmada por un juez\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida su nombre y cargo (y anótelo)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Asegúrese de que el encuentro sea atestiguado de alguna manera:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Busque o reclute a otra persona para que sirva de testigo del encuentro, como alguien de su casa o alguien que pase por allí.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Grabe el encuentro usted mismo o pídale a otra persona que lo haga, y pídale que le diga de qué departamento es mientras graba. Si miente, será importante tenerlo documentado.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Puede enviar el vídeo o audio del encuentro a organizaciones de defensa, como \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">la aplicación Mobile Justice de la ACLU\u003c/a>, para que evalúen si las imágenes podrían mostrar posibles abusos de autoridad. KQED también tiene una\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871951/grabar-a-la-policia-lo-que-hay-que-saber-y-como-estar-seguro-al-hacerlo\"> guía sobre sus derechos al grabar a los agentes\u003c/a> y sobre cómo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">informar de la actividad de ICE a los defensores locales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué debo hacer si estoy en casa y un agente de ICE toca a mi puerta?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según la Cuarta Enmienda, si los agentes de ICE o cualquier agente de la ley se presentan en su puerta y quieren entrar en su casa, necesitan:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Presentar una orden judicial firmada por un juez (no solo una orden administrativa de su agencia)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Su consentimiento para entrar en su casa\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/27/ice-warrants-undocumented-immigrants-raids-arrests\">Técnicamente, los agentes también podrían entrar sin permiso si informan de que han escuchado una emergencia\u003c/a> en el interior de la casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no quiere que el agente entre, dicen los defensores legales, no tiene que abrir la puerta a menos que el agente le muestre una orden judicial. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">Los defensores sugieren pedir al agente que deslice la orden por debajo de la puerta o que la sostenga frente a una ventana donde pueda leerla\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a menudo intentan engañarle para que dé su consentimiento diciendo que están investigando un delito o que necesitan “echar un vistazo rápido” o “entrar a hablar”, advierte el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (o NILC por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si un juez no firma la orden, el NILC dice que puede decirle al agente que no quiere hablar en este momento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si un agente se me acerca en la calle o en el transporte público y me pregunta por mi estatus migratorio?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sus derechos son más importantes en su hogar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por lo tanto, si se encuentra con agentes de ICE fuera de su hogar y no tiene ninguna documentación, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y negarse a responder cualquier pregunta. También tiene derecho a un abogado, \u003ca href=\"https://sahanjournal.com/immigration/know-your-rights-ice-minnesota-resources/#:~:text=Because%20immigration%20violations%20are%20not,by%20local%20law%20enforcement%20does.\">aunque el gobierno no se lo proporcione\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La ley \u003ca href=\"https://cilawgroup.com/news/2014/01/23/foreign-national-in-the-u-s-what-documents-should-i-carry-with-me/\">exige que las personas que no son ciudadanas lleven consigo sus documentos\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/save/current-user-agencies/commonly-used-immigration-documents\">como la tarjeta de residencia permanente o tarjeta verde, o el permiso de trabajo\u003c/a>, y si los tiene, debe mostrárselos al agente. Sin embargo, sigue teniendo derecho a guardar silencio mientras lo hace.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre una orden administrativa y una orden judicial?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE y la CBP suelen necesitar una orden administrativa (firmada por un supervisor de ICE o CBP) para detener a una persona. Sin embargo, pueden efectuar una detención sin orden si ven a una persona entrando ilegalmente en el país, o si tienen “motivos para creer” que una persona está aquí ilegalmente y es probable que huya antes de que puedan conseguir una orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dicho esto, incluso si un agente de ICE procede a arrestarle, sigue teniendo protecciones constitucionales, incluido el derecho a permanecer en silencio para no decir algo que pueda incriminarle. Los agentes de inmigración no pueden detenerle sin una “sospecha razonable” de un delito, y no pueden registrarle a usted ni sus pertenencias sin una “causa probable”, a menos que dé su consentimiento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué pasa si estoy en el trabajo y los funcionarios de inmigración se acercan a mí y a mis colegas?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">suele acudir a un lugar de trabajo por tres razones\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para realizar una auditoría de documentos y comprobar si los empleados tienen autorización para trabajar.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para llevar a cabo una redada, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">es decir, en este caso\u003c/a>, acudir a un lugar de trabajo sin informar previamente al empleador.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para detener a una persona determinada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE pueden entrar libremente en las áreas públicas de un lugar de trabajo, como el comedor de un restaurante, un estacionamiento o un vestíbulo o sala de espera. No obstante, esto no les da derecho a detener, interrogar o arrestar a cualquiera en esos espacios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"680\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Agentes de Inmigración y Aduanas de EE.UU. trasladan a un inmigrante tras una redada realizada a primera hora de la mañana del 6 de junio de 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los agentes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">no pueden entrar en un área privada de la empresa sin permiso o una orden judicial\u003c/a>. Pida ver esta orden y compruebe si está firmada por un juez. Una orden judicial no es lo mismo que una orden administrativa, que está firmada por un supervisor de ICE y generalmente ayuda al agente a realizar detenciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/a-guide-for-employers-what-to-do-if-immigration-comes-to-your-workplace/\">un agente de inmigración se presenta en su lugar de trabajo\u003c/a>, no tiene que responder a preguntas ni responder a preguntas sobre otros empleados. Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración insiste en que no se fugue\u003c/a>; por el contrario, recomiendan que “es más seguro seguir trabajando, preguntar si está siendo detenido y pedir con calma si puede irse”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si tiene la posibilidad de grabar a los agentes y si tienen una orden judicial, asegúrese de que están haciendo lo que la orden les permite hacer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si ICE me ha detenido?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aún \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y a un abogado. Sin embargo, no debe mentir sobre su estatus migratorio, según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No firme ningún documento sin hablar primero con un abogado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anote el nombre y el número del agente que lo detuvo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras esté detenido, sigue teniendo derecho a recibir llamadas. El gobierno \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">no le proporcionará un abogado\u003c/a>, por lo que usted o su familia tendrán que conseguir uno por su cuenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo localizar a alguien que ha sido detenido por ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el propio \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización de detenidos en línea\u003c/a> de ICE para buscarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/faqs-other-topics/#detained-loved-one\">el Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a>, es posible que una persona tarde unos días en aparecer en esta base de datos de ICE. Si esta persona sigue sin aparecer en la base de datos después de esos días, puede ponerse en contacto con organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de su \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si está buscando a un menor que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 1-800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> a information@ORRNCC.com.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Líneas directas para incidentes y avistamientos de ICE:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes recomiendan enfáticamente a las personas que creen haber visto avistamientos de ICE en su vecindario que los llamen en lugar de publicarlos en las redes sociales. Con estas líneas de ayuda, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">los defensores pueden verificar estos avistamientos\u003c/a>. Esta práctica tiene como objetivo evitar la difusión de información errónea en línea, que puede generar un pánico mayor en la comunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos números pueden cambiar, así que asegúrese de visitar la lista actualizada de líneas de ayuda del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a> en su sitio web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrants.sf.gov/es/node/22\">Línea directa de San Francisco disponible las 24 horas\u003c/a> para reportar avistamientos de ICE y obtener asistencia legal: 415-200-1548. Esta línea es administrada por la \u003ca href=\"https://sfilen.org/?r=349#googtrans(en%7Ces)\">Red Legal y de Educación para Inmigrantes de San Francisco\u003c/a> (o SFILEN por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.acilep.org/\">Condado de Alameda\u003c/a>: 510-437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://pactsj.org/\">Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>: 408-290-1144\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://montereycountyrrn.com/\">Condado de Monterey\u003c/a>: 831-204-8082\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/YARRsantacruz/\">Condado de Santa Cruz\u003c/a>: 831-239-4289\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.marinrrn.org/\">Condado de Marín\u003c/a>: 415-991-4545\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://podersf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Northern-California-Rapid-Response-Network.pdf\">Condado de San Mateo\u003c/a>: 203-666-4472\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://standtogethercontracosta.org/\">Condado de Contra Costa\u003c/a>: 925-900-5151\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Condado de Sacramento: 916-382-0256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/#\">Servicios, Derechos de Inmigración y Red de Educación\u003c/a> (SIREN por sus siglas en inglés): 201-468-6088 o 918-609-4480\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.northbayop.org/es/nbrrn\">Condados de Sonoma, Solano y Napa\u003c/a>: 707-800-4544\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Mobile Justice\u003c/a>, que envía información, informes de incidentes y más a la ACLU.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Si alguien está recluido en un centro de detención, puede marcar \u003cb>9233# desde un teléfono del interior del centro\u003c/b> los martes, miércoles y jueves para comunicarse con la \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/resources\">línea directa nacional de detención de inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Se pueden encontrar más contactos en el sitio web del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recursos disponibles para obtener asistencia legal gratuita o a bajo costo:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.larazacrc.org/\">La Raza Community\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.missionaction.org/es/encuentre-servicios/\">Mission Action\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://mujeresunidas.net/programas/\">Mujeres Unidas y Activas\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\">Asian Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantsrising.org/\">Immigrants Rising\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/our-work/undocuhealth-wellness/\">UndocuHealth\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://iibayarea.org/get-involved/\">Immigration Institute of the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.chirla.org/es/\">Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/attorney-of-the-day-resources-for-our-immigrant-community/\">Bar Association of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationadvocates.org/nonprofit/legaldirectory/search?state=CA\">National Immigration Legal Services Directory for California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.inmigranteinformado.com/ayuda-legal/\">Inmigrante Informado\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/private-attorneys/\">Búsqueda de abogados privados de inmigración\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Este reportaje contiene información de Tyche Hendricks, periodista de KQED.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "What to Do If ICE Shows Up at Your Home or Workplace",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026143/que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">close to 2 million undocumented residents\u003c/a> — and 8% of households include a family member without a permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">promises of “mass deportations,”\u003c/a> high-profile raids by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a sharp rise in immigration arrests in California.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">rumors of ICE sightings\u003c/a> continue to spread alongside news of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">real, verified operations by immigration agents\u003c/a>. And even after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">a “surge” of federal immigration enforcement planned in the region\u003c/a> for the week of Oct. 20 was called off, Bay Area residents remain on high alert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR has noted, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/05/nx-s1-5517998/ice-arrest-rules-explained\">immigration agents are frequently given wide latitude\u003c/a> in the line of duty – meaning a good number of the tactics witnessed by the public since Trump’s inauguration, while shocking to many, are likely legal. And despite \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-reminds-california-immigrants-their-rights-and\">California’s relatively strong stance on protecting undocumented families\u003c/a>, people without legal status in the United States have always been at risk of deportations.[aside postID='news_12024332,news_12047506,news_12026817,news_11871364' label='Related Explainers']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in stressful, uncertain times like these, advocates have emphasized that one of the best things people can do is to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/immigration-california-students-know-your-rights\">know their rights\u003c/a>. Keep reading for what activists and legal experts say people should know about when dealing with immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may also be helpful to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">carry a card that details your rights\u003c/a>, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">this printable version from the Immigrant Legal Resource Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bear in mind that the information below is not legal advice, and it’s recommended that you consult an immigration attorney for guidance on your specific situation.(\u003ca href=\"#lawyer\">Jump straight to a list of free or low-cost lawyers in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. How can I recognize if someone is actually an ICE agent?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE agents can sometimes wear uniforms or gear that suggests they are police officers or probation officers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/icenotwelcome\">according to the American Civil Liberties Union Southern California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This can sometimes help \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/02/21/516488396/without-warrants-immigration-agents-often-pose-as-police-officers\">agents enter a home without a warrant\u003c/a>. In 2018, several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11642905/s-f-police-commissioners-want-ice-agents-to-stop-impersonating-police\">San Francisco police commissioners called on ICE\u003c/a> to stop \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantdefenseproject.org/raids-foia/\">these practices\u003c/a>, saying it interfered with local policing. ICE agents can also wear civilian clothes or plain dark clothing with a bulletproof vest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officers, however, usually wear a more specific-looking uniform “with identifying insignias,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/icenotwelcome\">says ACLU SoCal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What is the difference between ICE and CBP?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) are both immigration enforcement agencies within the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10362\">ICE conducts enforcement within the U.S.\u003c/a> and manages detention and deportation operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP conducts inspections at all U.S. “ports of entry” — at land borders, seaports and airports. And the Border Patrol, which is part of CBP, polices the land borders in between the official ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to ICE, CBP officers may have “police” written prominently on their uniform. “U.S. Customs and Border Protection” may be written on their sleeve or on their back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law grants additional powers to CBP within \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/border-zone\">a wide border zone\u003c/a> that the government has defined as 100 air miles from an “external boundary” of the U.S. Within that zone — which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801962/immigration-advocates-call-sending-border-patrol-agents-to-sanctuary-cities-a-scare-tactic\">covers most coastal cities in the country, as well as the entire Bay Area\u003c/a> — \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10559\">CBP officers and Border Patrol agents can stop and question people\u003c/a> and board vessels, buses and trains to search for unauthorized immigrants without a warrant. They would still \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluaz.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_border_rights.pdf\">need a warrant — or consent — to enter a house\u003c/a>, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, Border Patrol agents have been deployed to American cities, including Los Angeles and Chicago, to conduct immigration arrests that would ordinarily be handled by ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of this “dissolving” of the distinction between ICE and CBP functions, Bree Bernwanger, a senior attorney at the ACLU of Northern California, says, “both agencies are bound by the same laws and the same rules, especially in the interior of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11695291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11695291\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro.jpg\" alt=\"A U.S. Customs and Border Protection officer at the San Ysidro port of entry. One of the U.S.-citizen children separated recently is a seven-year-old boy who was taken from his Mexican mother at the San Ysidro port of entry after the two presented themselves legally and asked for asylum.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officer at the San Ysidro port of entry. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And that’s true in the Bay Area, even though we are close to this maritime border,” said Bernwanger. “That doesn’t matter: If you’re a person walking down the street, if you’re a person driving your private car, Border Patrol and ICE are bound by the same rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these scenarios, “they have to have a reason to stop you,” said Bernwanger. They have to have a reason to suspect that you’re violating an immigration law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most cases, both ICE and CBP also require a judicial warrant to enter a private property and an administrative warrant to make an arrest (more on this below.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. Wat should I say to ICE or CBP if they approach me?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>CBP and ICE powers at border checkpoints — including airports and land crossings – are strongest. Here, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/05/nx-s1-5517998/ice-arrest-rules-explained\">officers can ask questions, carry out personal searches and detain people\u003c/a> with wide latitude, Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of the UCLA School of Law’s Center for Immigration Law & Policy, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But outside of this specific border context, Arulanantham stressed the difference between a “consensual” encounter with immigration agents – where you have the right to leave — and a detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“T\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/05/nx-s1-5517998/ice-arrest-rules-explained\">he first question anyone should ask\u003c/a> if they feel uncomfortable when approached by any officer is ‘Am I free to leave?’ If the officer says they are, then they should exercise their right to leave,” Arulanantham told NPR. “If the officer tries not to answer, the individual should repeat the question until they get a response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates stress that you also have the right to remain silent, in all cases, when it comes to encountering ICE agents. If — for whatever reason — \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/icenotwelcome\">it’s not possible for you to remain silent, ACLU SoCal suggests\u003c/a> taking the following steps — while prioritizing your physical safety:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the right questions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Ask to see a badge or business card\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask if they have a warrant signed by a judge\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask for their name and title (and write it down)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Make sure the encounter is witnessed somehow:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Find or enlist another person to witness the encounter, like someone else in your house or someone passing by\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Record the encounter yourself or have someone else do it — and ask them to identify which agency they’re with in the video.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can send the video or audio of the encounter to advocacy organizations, for example \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">the ACLU’s Mobile Justice app\u003c/a>, for them to evaluate whether the footage might show any potential abuses of authority. KQED also has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871364/recording-the-police-what-to-know-and-how-to-stay-safe-doing-it\">a guide on your rights when filming officers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">how to report ICE activity to local advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What should I do if I’m at home and an ICE agent knocks on my door?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under the Fourth Amendment, if ICE agents or any law enforcement officer — comes to your door and wants to enter your home, they either need:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>To present a warrant signed by a judge (not just an administrative warrant from their agency) OR\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Your consent to enter your home\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Agents \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/27/ice-warrants-undocumented-immigrants-raids-arrests\">could also technically enter without permission if they report hearing an emergency happening\u003c/a> inside the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you don’t want the agent to come in, legal advocates say, you don’t have to open the door unless the agent shows you a judicial warrant. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">Advocates suggest asking the agent to slide the warrant under the door\u003c/a> or hold it up to a window where you can read it so you don’t have to step outside.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE will often trick you into giving consent by saying they are investigating a crime or need to ‘take a quick look around’ or ‘come in to talk,” warns the National Immigrant Law Center (NILC).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a judge does not sign the warrant, NILC says you can tell the agent that you do not want to talk right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What do I do if an officer approaches me on the street or public transportation and asks my immigration status?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your rights are strongest in your home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, if you encounter ICE agents outside your home and you don’t have any documentation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">you have the right to remain silent\u003c/a> and refuse to answer any questions. You also have a right to a lawyer, \u003ca href=\"https://sahanjournal.com/immigration/know-your-rights-ice-minnesota-resources/#:~:text=Because%20immigration%20violations%20are%20not,by%20local%20law%20enforcement%20does.\">although one may not be provided for you by the government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law \u003ca href=\"https://cilawgroup.com/news/2014/01/23/foreign-national-in-the-u-s-what-documents-should-i-carry-with-me/\">requires noncitizens to carry their papers, such as \u003c/a>a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/save/current-user-agencies/commonly-used-immigration-documents\">green card or Employment Authorization Document\u003c/a>, with them — and if you have such papers, you should show them to the agent. You still, however, have the right to remain silent while you’re doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What is the difference between an administrative warrant and a judicial warrant?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To enter \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/LSB10362\">private property like a home or the non-public areas of a business\u003c/a>, ICE and CBP officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/2025-Subpoenas-Warrants_.pdf\">need a judicial warrant\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To arrest a person, ICE and CBP officers generally need an administrative warrant (signed by an ICE or CBP supervisor.) However, they can make an arrest without a warrant if they see a person illegally entering the country or they have “reason to believe” a person is here illegally and likely to escape before they can get a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, even if an immigration officer proceeds with arresting you, you still have constitutional protections, including the right to remain silent so you don’t say something that could incriminate you. Immigration officers cannot detain you without “reasonable suspicion” of a crime, and they cannot search you or your belongings without “probable cause” — unless you give your consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What if I’m at work and immigration officers approach me and my colleagues?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">tends to go to a workplace for three reasons\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>To perform a document audit to check if employees have work authorization\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>To conduct a raid — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">meaning, in this case\u003c/a>, going to a workplace without informing the employer beforehand\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>To detain a specific person\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>ICE agents can freely enter public areas of a workplace, such as a dining area in a restaurant, a parking lot or a lobby or waiting area. But it does not give them the right to stop, question or arrest just anyone in those spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Agents cannot enter \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">a private area of the business without permission or a judicial warrant\u003c/a>. Ask to see this warrant, and see if it is signed by a judge. A judicial warrant is \u003cem>not the same\u003c/em> as an administrative warrant, which is signed by an ICE supervisor and generally assists the agent in making arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/a-guide-for-employers-what-to-do-if-immigration-comes-to-your-workplace/\">an immigration officer comes to your place of work\u003c/a>, you do not have to answer questions or answer questions about other employees. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">the National Immigration Law Center stresses not to run away\u003c/a> — instead, they recommend that it’s “safer to continue working, ask if you are being detained, and calmly ask if you may leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have the ability to record the agents and if they do have a warrant, make sure they are doing what the warrant is allowing them to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What do I do if ICE has detained me?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You still have\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\"> the right to remain silent\u003c/a> and the right to a lawyer. However, you should not lie about your immigration status, according to the National Immigration Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do \u003cem>not\u003c/em> sign any documents without speaking to a lawyer first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Note the officer who detained you by writing down their name and number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You still have the right to receive calls when detained. The government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">will not provide you with a lawyer\u003c/a>, so you or your family will need to secure one on your own.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. How can I find someone who’s been detained by ICE?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Use ICE’s online system\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the person is an adult, you can use\u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\"> ICE’s own Online Detainee Locator System\u003c/a> to search for them, or you can call \u003ca href=\"https://www.help.cbp.gov/s/article/Article-1706?language=en_US\">(866) 347-2423\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You will need to have\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-27/what-to-do-if-relative-detained-immigration-officials\"> the person’s information\u003c/a>, like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Their A-number, or the “alien registration number,” which is assigned by the Department of Homeland Security. This number can be found on a green card, work permit or other immigration documents, and is usually \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/glossary-term/50684#:~:text=or%20A%23)-,A%2DNumber/Alien%20Registration%20Number/Alien%20Number%20(,A%2DNumber%20or%20A%23)&text=A%20unique%20seven%2D%2C%20eight%2D,Also%20see%20USCIS%20Number.\">7, 8 or 9 digits\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Their full name\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Their country of birth\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Their date of birth\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to the\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/faqs-other-topics/#detained-loved-one\"> Asylum Seeker Advocacy Project\u003c/a>, it may take a few days for a person to appear in this ICE database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the name you’re searching for isn’t showing up in the ICE system, or if you’re worried about their safety and possible deportation, you can seek out assistance from advocacy organizations like\u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\"> Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> through\u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\"> their form online\u003c/a> or by calling 209-757-3733. (There’s more on resources for free or low-cost legal support below.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Check the Bureau of Prisons’ search tool\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the NILC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-02-12/trump-administration-immigrants-dublin-federal-prison\">this year\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“CE began using prisons run by the Bureau of Prisons (BOP) to hold people for immigration cases.” \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/inmateloc/\">the Bureau of Prisons’ search tool\u003c/a> to look up a person. NILC says that people who are being held by the Bureau of Prisons should also show up in \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">the ICE online locator system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know someone was detained nearby one of these prisons, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/locations/map.jsp?region=WXR\">you can try calling that individual facility\u003c/a> too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Looking for a minor?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are trying to find a minor you suspect has been detained, you can call ICE at 1-800-203-7001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also email the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\"> Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a> at information@ORRNCC.com.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Reach out to an ICE field office\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations field office is in San Francisco, with an area of responsibility that includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/field-office/san-francisco-field-office\">Northern California, Hawaii, Guam and Saipan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact theSF field office – which is located at 630 Sansome Street – by phone at (415) 365-8800 or by email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov\">SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Please note: NILC warns that if you’re calling or emailing a field office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“don’t give more information than you need to,”\u003c/a> and “only give the necessary A number or basic information, like name and country of birth, that you would use in the online locator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you can’t reach anyone at the field office, San Francisco has an ICE Community Relations Officer, who can be reached at \u003ca href=\"mailto:CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\">CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Call a detention facility\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s website lists \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-facilities\">five detention facilities\u003c/a> associated with the agency’s San Francisco field office, but not all of them are in the Bay Area or even California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If\u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/detained-by-ice\"> you know someone is being held at a detention facility\u003c/a>, you can call to try to get more information about them. The facilities include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/golden-state-annex\">Golden State Annex\u003c/a>, located in McFarland. The number is (661) 792-2731, and you can call between 8 a.m. and 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/mesa-verde-ice-processing-facility\">The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center\u003c/a>, located in Bakersfield. You can call (661) 859-1028 between 8 a.m. and 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/federal-detention-center-honolulu-fdc-honolulu\">Federal Detention Center, Honolulu\u003c/a>, located in Hawaii. You can call (808) 529-1970 between 8 a.m. and 3 p.m. Hawaii is three hours behind San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/guam-department-corrections-hagatna-detention-facility\">Guam Department of Corrections, Hagatna Detention Facility\u003c/a>, is in Guam. You can call (671) 777-2976 between the hours of 7:30 a.m. and 3:30 p.m. Guam is 17 hours ahead of San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/cnmi-department-corrections\">CNMI Department of Corrections\u003c/a> is in Saipan. You can call (670) 237-6000 between the hours of 8 a.m. and 4 p.m. Saipan is 17 hours ahead of San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to ICE’s website, people detained cannot receive incoming calls. You would have to leave a message with the office, along with the detainee’s full name, alien registration number, as well as your name and telephone number where you can be reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Contact the person’s consulate \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">the NILC\u003c/a>, “All immigrants in ICE jails \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management/national-detainee-handbook\">have the right\u003c/a> to contact their country’s consulate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also try contacting this office yourself in an effort to find a person. However, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">NILC strongly suggests\u003c/a> that you do \u003ci>not\u003c/i> do this if the person is applying for asylum or fears for their life back in said country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KPBS, the NPR and PBS station of San Diego, has a video guide on how to use publicly available data released by ICE:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"tiktok-embed\" style=\"max-width: 605px; min-width: 325px;\" cite=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kpbssandiego/video/7521816864264162591\" data-video-id=\"7521816864264162591\">\n\u003csection>\u003ca title=\"@kpbssandiego\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kpbssandiego?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">@kpbssandiego\u003c/a> Did you know that the federal government has a public spreadsheet that shows you exactly who is being held in immigration detention? It gives you an up-to-date picture of what is going on around the country, and is available for anyone to look up at any time. KPBS San Diego’s border reporter Gustavo Solis is here to show you how to access it. \u003ca title=\"sandiego\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sandiego?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#sandiego\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"border\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/border?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#border\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"usmexicoborder\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/usmexicoborder?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#usmexicoborder\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"ice\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/ice?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#ice\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"immigration\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/immigration?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#immigration\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"♬ original sound - KPBS San Diego\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-KPBS-San-Diego-7521821993948252959?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">♬ original sound – KPBS San Diego\u003c/a>\u003c/section>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>[tiktok]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Immigration Coverage' tag='immigration']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Look up their possible court date\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are worried someone is being subject to expedited removal, check if they have a court hearing. “If someone has a pending court date, they have not yet been subject to expedited removal,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at La Raza Centro Legal in San Francisco. “But once expedited removal is applied, their court date will go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can search for someone’s next hearing date by using their A number on the \u003ca href=\"https://acis.eoir.justice.gov/en/\">Executive Office for Immigration Review’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are especially vulnerable to quick deportation without a hearing are those who are detained and do not have information showing up on the EOIR website – because they were never issued a notice to appear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone has their case dismissed or didn’t show up on the system and then later shows up with an upcoming court date, “this likely means they passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047018/how-legal-experts-advocates-are-responding-to-the-detention-of-asylum-seekers\">their credible fear interview\u003c/a> and are back in proceedings before an immigration judge,” Weiner explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which is good because it means they can fight their case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotlines for ICE encounters and sightings:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates highly encourage people who think they have seen ICE sightings in their neighborhood to call them instead of posting on social media. With these hotlines, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">the advocates can fact-check these sightings\u003c/a>. This practice aims to prevent the spread of misinformation online, which can ripple to larger panic in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These numbers can change, so be sure to visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice’s updated hotline list on their website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrants.sf.gov/help/rapid-response\">San Francisco’s 24-hour hotline\u003c/a> to either report ICE sightings or get legal assistance: \u003cstrong>415-200-1548\u003c/strong>. This is run by the \u003ca href=\"https://sfilen.org/\">San Francisco Immigrant Legal & Education Network\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/acilep/\">Alameda County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>510-437-1554\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://pactsj.org/\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>408-290-1144\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereycountyrrn.com/\">Monterey County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>831-204-8082\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/YARRsantacruz/\">Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>831-239-4289\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marinrrn.org/\">Marin County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>415-991-4545\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://podersf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Northern-California-Rapid-Response-Network.pdf\">San Mateo County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>203-666-4472\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://standtogethercontracosta.org/\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>925-900-5151\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sacramento County: \u003cstrong>916-382-0256\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/\">Services, Immigration Rights and Education Network\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>201-468-6088\u003c/strong> or \u003cstrong>918-609-4480\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://northbayop.org/rapidresponse/\">Sonoma, Solano and Napa Counties\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>707- 800-4544\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">Mobile Justice\u003c/a>, which sends information, incident reporting, and more to the ACLU\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If someone is inside a detention facility, they can dial \u003cstrong>9233# from a facility phone\u003c/strong> on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays to reach the \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/resources\">National Immigration Detention Hotline\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>More contacts can be found on \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"lawyer\">\u003c/a>Selected resources for free or low-cost legal support:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.larazacrc.org/\">La Raza Community\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.missionaction.org/find-services/\">Mission Action\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mujeresunidas.net/en/programas/\">Mujeres Unidas y Activas\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\">Asian Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantsrising.org/\">Immigrants Rising\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/our-work/undocuhealth-wellness/\">UndocuHealth\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://iibayarea.org/get-involved/\">Immigration Institute of the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chirla.org/\">Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/attorney-of-the-day-resources-for-our-immigrant-community/\">Bar Association of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationadvocates.org/nonprofit/legaldirectory/search?state=CA\">National Immigration Legal Services Directory for California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.informedimmigrant.com/help/\">Informed Immigrant\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/private-attorneys/\">Private immigration lawyer look-up\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED’s Tyche Hendricks and Carly Severn.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026143/que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">close to 2 million undocumented residents\u003c/a> — and 8% of households include a family member without a permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">promises of “mass deportations,”\u003c/a> high-profile raids by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a sharp rise in immigration arrests in California.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">rumors of ICE sightings\u003c/a> continue to spread alongside news of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">real, verified operations by immigration agents\u003c/a>. And even after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">a “surge” of federal immigration enforcement planned in the region\u003c/a> for the week of Oct. 20 was called off, Bay Area residents remain on high alert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR has noted, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/05/nx-s1-5517998/ice-arrest-rules-explained\">immigration agents are frequently given wide latitude\u003c/a> in the line of duty – meaning a good number of the tactics witnessed by the public since Trump’s inauguration, while shocking to many, are likely legal. And despite \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-reminds-california-immigrants-their-rights-and\">California’s relatively strong stance on protecting undocumented families\u003c/a>, people without legal status in the United States have always been at risk of deportations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in stressful, uncertain times like these, advocates have emphasized that one of the best things people can do is to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/immigration-california-students-know-your-rights\">know their rights\u003c/a>. Keep reading for what activists and legal experts say people should know about when dealing with immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may also be helpful to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">carry a card that details your rights\u003c/a>, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">this printable version from the Immigrant Legal Resource Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bear in mind that the information below is not legal advice, and it’s recommended that you consult an immigration attorney for guidance on your specific situation.(\u003ca href=\"#lawyer\">Jump straight to a list of free or low-cost lawyers in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. How can I recognize if someone is actually an ICE agent?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE agents can sometimes wear uniforms or gear that suggests they are police officers or probation officers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/icenotwelcome\">according to the American Civil Liberties Union Southern California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This can sometimes help \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/02/21/516488396/without-warrants-immigration-agents-often-pose-as-police-officers\">agents enter a home without a warrant\u003c/a>. In 2018, several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11642905/s-f-police-commissioners-want-ice-agents-to-stop-impersonating-police\">San Francisco police commissioners called on ICE\u003c/a> to stop \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantdefenseproject.org/raids-foia/\">these practices\u003c/a>, saying it interfered with local policing. ICE agents can also wear civilian clothes or plain dark clothing with a bulletproof vest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officers, however, usually wear a more specific-looking uniform “with identifying insignias,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/icenotwelcome\">says ACLU SoCal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What is the difference between ICE and CBP?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) are both immigration enforcement agencies within the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10362\">ICE conducts enforcement within the U.S.\u003c/a> and manages detention and deportation operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP conducts inspections at all U.S. “ports of entry” — at land borders, seaports and airports. And the Border Patrol, which is part of CBP, polices the land borders in between the official ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to ICE, CBP officers may have “police” written prominently on their uniform. “U.S. Customs and Border Protection” may be written on their sleeve or on their back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law grants additional powers to CBP within \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/border-zone\">a wide border zone\u003c/a> that the government has defined as 100 air miles from an “external boundary” of the U.S. Within that zone — which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801962/immigration-advocates-call-sending-border-patrol-agents-to-sanctuary-cities-a-scare-tactic\">covers most coastal cities in the country, as well as the entire Bay Area\u003c/a> — \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10559\">CBP officers and Border Patrol agents can stop and question people\u003c/a> and board vessels, buses and trains to search for unauthorized immigrants without a warrant. They would still \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluaz.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_border_rights.pdf\">need a warrant — or consent — to enter a house\u003c/a>, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, Border Patrol agents have been deployed to American cities, including Los Angeles and Chicago, to conduct immigration arrests that would ordinarily be handled by ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of this “dissolving” of the distinction between ICE and CBP functions, Bree Bernwanger, a senior attorney at the ACLU of Northern California, says, “both agencies are bound by the same laws and the same rules, especially in the interior of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11695291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11695291\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro.jpg\" alt=\"A U.S. Customs and Border Protection officer at the San Ysidro port of entry. One of the U.S.-citizen children separated recently is a seven-year-old boy who was taken from his Mexican mother at the San Ysidro port of entry after the two presented themselves legally and asked for asylum.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/CBPSanYsidro-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officer at the San Ysidro port of entry. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And that’s true in the Bay Area, even though we are close to this maritime border,” said Bernwanger. “That doesn’t matter: If you’re a person walking down the street, if you’re a person driving your private car, Border Patrol and ICE are bound by the same rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these scenarios, “they have to have a reason to stop you,” said Bernwanger. They have to have a reason to suspect that you’re violating an immigration law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most cases, both ICE and CBP also require a judicial warrant to enter a private property and an administrative warrant to make an arrest (more on this below.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. Wat should I say to ICE or CBP if they approach me?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>CBP and ICE powers at border checkpoints — including airports and land crossings – are strongest. Here, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/05/nx-s1-5517998/ice-arrest-rules-explained\">officers can ask questions, carry out personal searches and detain people\u003c/a> with wide latitude, Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of the UCLA School of Law’s Center for Immigration Law & Policy, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But outside of this specific border context, Arulanantham stressed the difference between a “consensual” encounter with immigration agents – where you have the right to leave — and a detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“T\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/05/nx-s1-5517998/ice-arrest-rules-explained\">he first question anyone should ask\u003c/a> if they feel uncomfortable when approached by any officer is ‘Am I free to leave?’ If the officer says they are, then they should exercise their right to leave,” Arulanantham told NPR. “If the officer tries not to answer, the individual should repeat the question until they get a response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates stress that you also have the right to remain silent, in all cases, when it comes to encountering ICE agents. If — for whatever reason — \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/icenotwelcome\">it’s not possible for you to remain silent, ACLU SoCal suggests\u003c/a> taking the following steps — while prioritizing your physical safety:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the right questions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Ask to see a badge or business card\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask if they have a warrant signed by a judge\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask for their name and title (and write it down)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Make sure the encounter is witnessed somehow:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Find or enlist another person to witness the encounter, like someone else in your house or someone passing by\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Record the encounter yourself or have someone else do it — and ask them to identify which agency they’re with in the video.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can send the video or audio of the encounter to advocacy organizations, for example \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">the ACLU’s Mobile Justice app\u003c/a>, for them to evaluate whether the footage might show any potential abuses of authority. KQED also has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871364/recording-the-police-what-to-know-and-how-to-stay-safe-doing-it\">a guide on your rights when filming officers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">how to report ICE activity to local advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What should I do if I’m at home and an ICE agent knocks on my door?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under the Fourth Amendment, if ICE agents or any law enforcement officer — comes to your door and wants to enter your home, they either need:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>To present a warrant signed by a judge (not just an administrative warrant from their agency) OR\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Your consent to enter your home\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Agents \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/27/ice-warrants-undocumented-immigrants-raids-arrests\">could also technically enter without permission if they report hearing an emergency happening\u003c/a> inside the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you don’t want the agent to come in, legal advocates say, you don’t have to open the door unless the agent shows you a judicial warrant. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">Advocates suggest asking the agent to slide the warrant under the door\u003c/a> or hold it up to a window where you can read it so you don’t have to step outside.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE will often trick you into giving consent by saying they are investigating a crime or need to ‘take a quick look around’ or ‘come in to talk,” warns the National Immigrant Law Center (NILC).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a judge does not sign the warrant, NILC says you can tell the agent that you do not want to talk right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What do I do if an officer approaches me on the street or public transportation and asks my immigration status?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your rights are strongest in your home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, if you encounter ICE agents outside your home and you don’t have any documentation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">you have the right to remain silent\u003c/a> and refuse to answer any questions. You also have a right to a lawyer, \u003ca href=\"https://sahanjournal.com/immigration/know-your-rights-ice-minnesota-resources/#:~:text=Because%20immigration%20violations%20are%20not,by%20local%20law%20enforcement%20does.\">although one may not be provided for you by the government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law \u003ca href=\"https://cilawgroup.com/news/2014/01/23/foreign-national-in-the-u-s-what-documents-should-i-carry-with-me/\">requires noncitizens to carry their papers, such as \u003c/a>a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/save/current-user-agencies/commonly-used-immigration-documents\">green card or Employment Authorization Document\u003c/a>, with them — and if you have such papers, you should show them to the agent. You still, however, have the right to remain silent while you’re doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What is the difference between an administrative warrant and a judicial warrant?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To enter \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/LSB10362\">private property like a home or the non-public areas of a business\u003c/a>, ICE and CBP officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/2025-Subpoenas-Warrants_.pdf\">need a judicial warrant\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To arrest a person, ICE and CBP officers generally need an administrative warrant (signed by an ICE or CBP supervisor.) However, they can make an arrest without a warrant if they see a person illegally entering the country or they have “reason to believe” a person is here illegally and likely to escape before they can get a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, even if an immigration officer proceeds with arresting you, you still have constitutional protections, including the right to remain silent so you don’t say something that could incriminate you. Immigration officers cannot detain you without “reasonable suspicion” of a crime, and they cannot search you or your belongings without “probable cause” — unless you give your consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What if I’m at work and immigration officers approach me and my colleagues?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">tends to go to a workplace for three reasons\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>To perform a document audit to check if employees have work authorization\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>To conduct a raid — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">meaning, in this case\u003c/a>, going to a workplace without informing the employer beforehand\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>To detain a specific person\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>ICE agents can freely enter public areas of a workplace, such as a dining area in a restaurant, a parking lot or a lobby or waiting area. But it does not give them the right to stop, question or arrest just anyone in those spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Agents cannot enter \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">a private area of the business without permission or a judicial warrant\u003c/a>. Ask to see this warrant, and see if it is signed by a judge. A judicial warrant is \u003cem>not the same\u003c/em> as an administrative warrant, which is signed by an ICE supervisor and generally assists the agent in making arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/a-guide-for-employers-what-to-do-if-immigration-comes-to-your-workplace/\">an immigration officer comes to your place of work\u003c/a>, you do not have to answer questions or answer questions about other employees. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">the National Immigration Law Center stresses not to run away\u003c/a> — instead, they recommend that it’s “safer to continue working, ask if you are being detained, and calmly ask if you may leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have the ability to record the agents and if they do have a warrant, make sure they are doing what the warrant is allowing them to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. What do I do if ICE has detained me?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You still have\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\"> the right to remain silent\u003c/a> and the right to a lawyer. However, you should not lie about your immigration status, according to the National Immigration Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do \u003cem>not\u003c/em> sign any documents without speaking to a lawyer first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Note the officer who detained you by writing down their name and number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You still have the right to receive calls when detained. The government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">will not provide you with a lawyer\u003c/a>, so you or your family will need to secure one on your own.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Q. How can I find someone who’s been detained by ICE?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Use ICE’s online system\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the person is an adult, you can use\u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\"> ICE’s own Online Detainee Locator System\u003c/a> to search for them, or you can call \u003ca href=\"https://www.help.cbp.gov/s/article/Article-1706?language=en_US\">(866) 347-2423\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You will need to have\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-27/what-to-do-if-relative-detained-immigration-officials\"> the person’s information\u003c/a>, like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Their A-number, or the “alien registration number,” which is assigned by the Department of Homeland Security. This number can be found on a green card, work permit or other immigration documents, and is usually \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/glossary-term/50684#:~:text=or%20A%23)-,A%2DNumber/Alien%20Registration%20Number/Alien%20Number%20(,A%2DNumber%20or%20A%23)&text=A%20unique%20seven%2D%2C%20eight%2D,Also%20see%20USCIS%20Number.\">7, 8 or 9 digits\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Their full name\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Their country of birth\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Their date of birth\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to the\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/faqs-other-topics/#detained-loved-one\"> Asylum Seeker Advocacy Project\u003c/a>, it may take a few days for a person to appear in this ICE database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the name you’re searching for isn’t showing up in the ICE system, or if you’re worried about their safety and possible deportation, you can seek out assistance from advocacy organizations like\u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\"> Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> through\u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\"> their form online\u003c/a> or by calling 209-757-3733. (There’s more on resources for free or low-cost legal support below.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Check the Bureau of Prisons’ search tool\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the NILC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-02-12/trump-administration-immigrants-dublin-federal-prison\">this year\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“CE began using prisons run by the Bureau of Prisons (BOP) to hold people for immigration cases.” \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/inmateloc/\">the Bureau of Prisons’ search tool\u003c/a> to look up a person. NILC says that people who are being held by the Bureau of Prisons should also show up in \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">the ICE online locator system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know someone was detained nearby one of these prisons, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/locations/map.jsp?region=WXR\">you can try calling that individual facility\u003c/a> too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Looking for a minor?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are trying to find a minor you suspect has been detained, you can call ICE at 1-800-203-7001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also email the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\"> Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a> at information@ORRNCC.com.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Reach out to an ICE field office\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations field office is in San Francisco, with an area of responsibility that includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/field-office/san-francisco-field-office\">Northern California, Hawaii, Guam and Saipan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact theSF field office – which is located at 630 Sansome Street – by phone at (415) 365-8800 or by email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov\">SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Please note: NILC warns that if you’re calling or emailing a field office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“don’t give more information than you need to,”\u003c/a> and “only give the necessary A number or basic information, like name and country of birth, that you would use in the online locator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you can’t reach anyone at the field office, San Francisco has an ICE Community Relations Officer, who can be reached at \u003ca href=\"mailto:CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\">CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Call a detention facility\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s website lists \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-facilities\">five detention facilities\u003c/a> associated with the agency’s San Francisco field office, but not all of them are in the Bay Area or even California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If\u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/detained-by-ice\"> you know someone is being held at a detention facility\u003c/a>, you can call to try to get more information about them. The facilities include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/golden-state-annex\">Golden State Annex\u003c/a>, located in McFarland. The number is (661) 792-2731, and you can call between 8 a.m. and 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/mesa-verde-ice-processing-facility\">The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center\u003c/a>, located in Bakersfield. You can call (661) 859-1028 between 8 a.m. and 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/federal-detention-center-honolulu-fdc-honolulu\">Federal Detention Center, Honolulu\u003c/a>, located in Hawaii. You can call (808) 529-1970 between 8 a.m. and 3 p.m. Hawaii is three hours behind San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/guam-department-corrections-hagatna-detention-facility\">Guam Department of Corrections, Hagatna Detention Facility\u003c/a>, is in Guam. You can call (671) 777-2976 between the hours of 7:30 a.m. and 3:30 p.m. Guam is 17 hours ahead of San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/cnmi-department-corrections\">CNMI Department of Corrections\u003c/a> is in Saipan. You can call (670) 237-6000 between the hours of 8 a.m. and 4 p.m. Saipan is 17 hours ahead of San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to ICE’s website, people detained cannot receive incoming calls. You would have to leave a message with the office, along with the detainee’s full name, alien registration number, as well as your name and telephone number where you can be reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Contact the person’s consulate \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">the NILC\u003c/a>, “All immigrants in ICE jails \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management/national-detainee-handbook\">have the right\u003c/a> to contact their country’s consulate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also try contacting this office yourself in an effort to find a person. However, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">NILC strongly suggests\u003c/a> that you do \u003ci>not\u003c/i> do this if the person is applying for asylum or fears for their life back in said country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KPBS, the NPR and PBS station of San Diego, has a video guide on how to use publicly available data released by ICE:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"tiktok-embed\" style=\"max-width: 605px; min-width: 325px;\" cite=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kpbssandiego/video/7521816864264162591\" data-video-id=\"7521816864264162591\">\n\u003csection>\u003ca title=\"@kpbssandiego\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@kpbssandiego?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">@kpbssandiego\u003c/a> Did you know that the federal government has a public spreadsheet that shows you exactly who is being held in immigration detention? It gives you an up-to-date picture of what is going on around the country, and is available for anyone to look up at any time. KPBS San Diego’s border reporter Gustavo Solis is here to show you how to access it. \u003ca title=\"sandiego\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sandiego?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#sandiego\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"border\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/border?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#border\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"usmexicoborder\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/usmexicoborder?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#usmexicoborder\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"ice\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/ice?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#ice\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"immigration\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/immigration?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#immigration\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"♬ original sound - KPBS San Diego\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-KPBS-San-Diego-7521821993948252959?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">♬ original sound – KPBS San Diego\u003c/a>\u003c/section>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Look up their possible court date\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are worried someone is being subject to expedited removal, check if they have a court hearing. “If someone has a pending court date, they have not yet been subject to expedited removal,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at La Raza Centro Legal in San Francisco. “But once expedited removal is applied, their court date will go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can search for someone’s next hearing date by using their A number on the \u003ca href=\"https://acis.eoir.justice.gov/en/\">Executive Office for Immigration Review’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are especially vulnerable to quick deportation without a hearing are those who are detained and do not have information showing up on the EOIR website – because they were never issued a notice to appear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone has their case dismissed or didn’t show up on the system and then later shows up with an upcoming court date, “this likely means they passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047018/how-legal-experts-advocates-are-responding-to-the-detention-of-asylum-seekers\">their credible fear interview\u003c/a> and are back in proceedings before an immigration judge,” Weiner explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which is good because it means they can fight their case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotlines for ICE encounters and sightings:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates highly encourage people who think they have seen ICE sightings in their neighborhood to call them instead of posting on social media. With these hotlines, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">the advocates can fact-check these sightings\u003c/a>. This practice aims to prevent the spread of misinformation online, which can ripple to larger panic in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These numbers can change, so be sure to visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice’s updated hotline list on their website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrants.sf.gov/help/rapid-response\">San Francisco’s 24-hour hotline\u003c/a> to either report ICE sightings or get legal assistance: \u003cstrong>415-200-1548\u003c/strong>. This is run by the \u003ca href=\"https://sfilen.org/\">San Francisco Immigrant Legal & Education Network\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/acilep/\">Alameda County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>510-437-1554\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://pactsj.org/\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>408-290-1144\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereycountyrrn.com/\">Monterey County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>831-204-8082\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/YARRsantacruz/\">Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>831-239-4289\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marinrrn.org/\">Marin County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>415-991-4545\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://podersf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Northern-California-Rapid-Response-Network.pdf\">San Mateo County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>203-666-4472\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://standtogethercontracosta.org/\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>925-900-5151\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sacramento County: \u003cstrong>916-382-0256\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/\">Services, Immigration Rights and Education Network\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>201-468-6088\u003c/strong> or \u003cstrong>918-609-4480\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://northbayop.org/rapidresponse/\">Sonoma, Solano and Napa Counties\u003c/a>: \u003cstrong>707- 800-4544\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">Mobile Justice\u003c/a>, which sends information, incident reporting, and more to the ACLU\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If someone is inside a detention facility, they can dial \u003cstrong>9233# from a facility phone\u003c/strong> on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays to reach the \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/resources\">National Immigration Detention Hotline\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>More contacts can be found on \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"lawyer\">\u003c/a>Selected resources for free or low-cost legal support:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.larazacrc.org/\">La Raza Community\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.missionaction.org/find-services/\">Mission Action\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mujeresunidas.net/en/programas/\">Mujeres Unidas y Activas\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\">Asian Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantsrising.org/\">Immigrants Rising\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/our-work/undocuhealth-wellness/\">UndocuHealth\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://iibayarea.org/get-involved/\">Immigration Institute of the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chirla.org/\">Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/attorney-of-the-day-resources-for-our-immigrant-community/\">Bar Association of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationadvocates.org/nonprofit/legaldirectory/search?state=CA\">National Immigration Legal Services Directory for California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.informedimmigrant.com/help/\">Informed Immigrant\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/private-attorneys/\">Private immigration lawyer look-up\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED’s Tyche Hendricks and Carly Severn.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>JENA, La. — The immigration judge was looking out over her courtroom. Mahmoud Khalil was sitting at a table next to his lawyers as they tried to convince her not to order him deported to the Middle East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His life is at stake, your honor,” one of them, Marc Van Der Hout, told the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil was focused and stern. But he kept getting distracted. His wife was sitting in the public gallery a few feet away, cradling their tiny newborn son, Deen. The baby was cooing. Everyone could hear. And each time, Khalil couldn’t resist a smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a touch of levity in a courtroom otherwise heavy with the gravity of what was being discussed: Khalil’s fear that if he’s deported, the state of Israel might try to kill him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Judge Jamee Comans ruled that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/11/nx-s1-5361208/mahmoud-khalil-deported-judge-rubio-antisemitism-immigration-court\">\u003cu>Khalil could be deported \u003c/u>\u003c/a>because as an immigration judge she had no authority to question Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s determination that his pro-Palestinian activism at Columbia University was antisemitic and threatened U.S. foreign policy goals. Unless his lawyers believed he qualified for special protection like asylum, the judge said, she would order him expelled either to Syria, where he was born and raised in a camp for Palestinian refugees, or to Algeria, which gave him a passport because of his mother’s ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12041473 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/gettyimages-888870656-e9acdd0cdcb80ec5cd16b8a05023e4e5664f30fb-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, over 10 grueling hours behind the barbed wire of the Central Louisiana ICE Processing Center, where Khalil is being held, his lawyers called on experts via videoconference to convince the judge to grant him asylum and set him free. Here’s the heart of their argument: The Trump administration’s false, they say, and public accusations that Khalil is an anti-Semite and terrorist sympathizer have turned him into a high profile critic of Israel known around the world. Because of that, he said he fears that if he is deported to the Middle East, Israel could come after him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could range from assassination, kidnapping, torture,” Khalil said during more than three hours of testimony that recalled key moments in his life, from his earliest memory in a Palestinian refugee camp near Damascus, Syria, to missing the birth of his son last month because he was locked up at the detention center 1,400 miles from his home in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump, Secretary of State Rubio, and other government officials “mislabeled me a terrorist, a terrorist sympathizer or a Hamas supporter, which couldn’t be further from the truth. I advocate for human rights. I never engaged in antisemitic activities,” Khalil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He challenged the government lawyers sitting a few feet from him to offer any evidence to the contrary. “I became, not by choice, a celebrity – someone who has a target on his back by these mislabels. This means wherever I go in the world, I will have that target.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Comans said it would be several weeks before she makes a decision on Khalil’s asylum claim. But whatever she decides will not be the final word on his fate. A federal judge in the Northeast has temporarily blocked the government from deporting him while he considers whether it violated Khalil’s constitutional right to free speech. Khalil’s lawyers are pursuing every legal option to stop his deportation and restore his green card, and have said they’ll go all the way to the Supreme Court if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041615\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041615\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mahmoud Khalil has been appearing in an immigration court at the Central Louisiana ICE Processing Center, where he’s been held since immigration agents arrested him in New York on March 8. \u003ccite>(Adrian Florido/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Thursday’s asylum hearing, his lawyers questioned several experts on the Middle East about why they thought Khalil would be at risk if he’s sent back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The U.S. has called him a pro-Hamas agent,” said Muriam Haleh Davis, a professor of the Middle East at U.C. Santa Cruz. She said Israel has historically targeted Hamas collaborators for assassination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khaled Elgindy, an expert on Israeli-Palestinian affairs at Georgetown University, told the court that Khalil’s newly elevated profile as a critic of Israel’s bombardment of Gaza puts him at risk of harm or arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil has achieved an ability to sway Americans, Elgindy said, so “he is a direct and potent threat to Israel’s objectives. If he can be targeted by the United States government, then certainly the Israelis would perceive him in a similar light.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wedeen, a Syria expert at the University of Chicago, testified about the ease with which, if it wanted to, Israel could target Khalil there, given Syria’s political instability and Israel’s recent expansion of the territory it controls in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My biggest worry is that they’ll disappear him,” Wedeen said, because of “the latitude and impunity with which Israel is able to operate in Syria.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his testimony, Khalil said that in addition to fearing Israel, he’s also concerned that if he returns to Syria, he could be targeted by former operatives of Bashar al-Assad who’ve remained in the country since Assad’s government fell last December. Khalil, who is now 30, said he organized protests against Assad as a teenager in Syria and fled the country in 2013 after two cousins he often protested with were arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security did not call any witnesses of its own to challenge Khalil’s claim of fear. Whether it submitted written testimony is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when he cross-examined Khalil, Numa Metoyer, a lawyer for the department, asked questions probing the level of danger Khalil would actually face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he feared deportation to Syria, Metoyer asked him, why had he visited the country in January?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before March 8 was different than after March 8,” Khalil said, referring to the date ICE agents arrested him, leading President Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/POTUS/status/1899178095535350258\">\u003cu>call him\u003c/u>\u003c/a> a “Radical Foreign Pro-Hamas Student.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because attention was brought to you here in this case, now you have been targeted by the Israeli government?” Metoyer asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security did not immediately respond to questions about Khalil’s asylum claim. After the hearing, his lawyers said they hoped the judge will consider it “with an open mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his testimony, Khalil did too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although I have no faith in the immigration system,” he said, “I hope that my presence here is not merely a formality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a touch of levity in a courtroom otherwise heavy with the gravity of what was being discussed: Khalil’s fear that if he’s deported, the state of Israel might try to kill him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Judge Jamee Comans ruled that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/11/nx-s1-5361208/mahmoud-khalil-deported-judge-rubio-antisemitism-immigration-court\">\u003cu>Khalil could be deported \u003c/u>\u003c/a>because as an immigration judge she had no authority to question Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s determination that his pro-Palestinian activism at Columbia University was antisemitic and threatened U.S. foreign policy goals. Unless his lawyers believed he qualified for special protection like asylum, the judge said, she would order him expelled either to Syria, where he was born and raised in a camp for Palestinian refugees, or to Algeria, which gave him a passport because of his mother’s ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, over 10 grueling hours behind the barbed wire of the Central Louisiana ICE Processing Center, where Khalil is being held, his lawyers called on experts via videoconference to convince the judge to grant him asylum and set him free. Here’s the heart of their argument: The Trump administration’s false, they say, and public accusations that Khalil is an anti-Semite and terrorist sympathizer have turned him into a high profile critic of Israel known around the world. Because of that, he said he fears that if he is deported to the Middle East, Israel could come after him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could range from assassination, kidnapping, torture,” Khalil said during more than three hours of testimony that recalled key moments in his life, from his earliest memory in a Palestinian refugee camp near Damascus, Syria, to missing the birth of his son last month because he was locked up at the detention center 1,400 miles from his home in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump, Secretary of State Rubio, and other government officials “mislabeled me a terrorist, a terrorist sympathizer or a Hamas supporter, which couldn’t be further from the truth. I advocate for human rights. I never engaged in antisemitic activities,” Khalil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He challenged the government lawyers sitting a few feet from him to offer any evidence to the contrary. “I became, not by choice, a celebrity – someone who has a target on his back by these mislabels. This means wherever I go in the world, I will have that target.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Comans said it would be several weeks before she makes a decision on Khalil’s asylum claim. But whatever she decides will not be the final word on his fate. A federal judge in the Northeast has temporarily blocked the government from deporting him while he considers whether it violated Khalil’s constitutional right to free speech. Khalil’s lawyers are pursuing every legal option to stop his deportation and restore his green card, and have said they’ll go all the way to the Supreme Court if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041615\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041615\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-16-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mahmoud Khalil has been appearing in an immigration court at the Central Louisiana ICE Processing Center, where he’s been held since immigration agents arrested him in New York on March 8. \u003ccite>(Adrian Florido/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Thursday’s asylum hearing, his lawyers questioned several experts on the Middle East about why they thought Khalil would be at risk if he’s sent back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The U.S. has called him a pro-Hamas agent,” said Muriam Haleh Davis, a professor of the Middle East at U.C. Santa Cruz. She said Israel has historically targeted Hamas collaborators for assassination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khaled Elgindy, an expert on Israeli-Palestinian affairs at Georgetown University, told the court that Khalil’s newly elevated profile as a critic of Israel’s bombardment of Gaza puts him at risk of harm or arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil has achieved an ability to sway Americans, Elgindy said, so “he is a direct and potent threat to Israel’s objectives. If he can be targeted by the United States government, then certainly the Israelis would perceive him in a similar light.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wedeen, a Syria expert at the University of Chicago, testified about the ease with which, if it wanted to, Israel could target Khalil there, given Syria’s political instability and Israel’s recent expansion of the territory it controls in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My biggest worry is that they’ll disappear him,” Wedeen said, because of “the latitude and impunity with which Israel is able to operate in Syria.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his testimony, Khalil said that in addition to fearing Israel, he’s also concerned that if he returns to Syria, he could be targeted by former operatives of Bashar al-Assad who’ve remained in the country since Assad’s government fell last December. Khalil, who is now 30, said he organized protests against Assad as a teenager in Syria and fled the country in 2013 after two cousins he often protested with were arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security did not call any witnesses of its own to challenge Khalil’s claim of fear. Whether it submitted written testimony is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when he cross-examined Khalil, Numa Metoyer, a lawyer for the department, asked questions probing the level of danger Khalil would actually face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he feared deportation to Syria, Metoyer asked him, why had he visited the country in January?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before March 8 was different than after March 8,” Khalil said, referring to the date ICE agents arrested him, leading President Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/POTUS/status/1899178095535350258\">\u003cu>call him\u003c/u>\u003c/a> a “Radical Foreign Pro-Hamas Student.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because attention was brought to you here in this case, now you have been targeted by the Israeli government?” Metoyer asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security did not immediately respond to questions about Khalil’s asylum claim. After the hearing, his lawyers said they hoped the judge will consider it “with an open mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his testimony, Khalil did too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although I have no faith in the immigration system,” he said, “I hope that my presence here is not merely a formality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SF Immigration Attorney Says First Amendment Should Protect Mahmoud Khalil From Deportation",
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"content": "\u003cp>File folders and a laptop were spread across the dining room table in Marc Van Der Hout’s home in San Francisco’s Noe Valley neighborhood. The veteran immigration lawyer was working overtime to represent Mahmoud Khalil, one of the pro-Palestinian student activists the Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035483/trump-administration-lays-out-its-evidence-for-deporting-activist-mahmoud-khalil\">administration has been trying to deport\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil’s story has sparked national attention, but it’s not totally uncharted legal territory for Van Der Hout, 76. He has been fighting for the civil rights of immigrants for decades. This time, that means working on two cases at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Van Der Hout and a law partner are fighting Khalil’s deportation before an immigration judge at the detention facility in Jena, La., where Khalil has been held for over two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Van Der Hout is part of a national team of lawyers, including the ACLU and the Center for Constitutional Rights, arguing in federal district court in New Jersey that the Trump administration’s push to deport Khalil is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot deport someone under the laws for their beliefs,” Van Der Hout said. “That’s against the Constitution. But that’s what the government’s trying to do in this case and in other similar cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040213\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marc Van Der Hout, a veteran immigration lawyer, sits in his offices in San Francisco on May 14, 2025. He’s representing Mahmoud Khalil, a Palestinian student and legal permanent resident who’s been detained for nearly two months as the federal government moves to revoke his green card over his political activism. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khalil, 30, was finishing his master’s degree at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs when he was arrested March 8 in the lobby of his student apartment building by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents. Administration officials later indicated that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/documents/8a3cbff6-4589-43e1-8455-042fa9555e3c.pdf?itid=lk_inline_manual_4\">arrest\u003c/a> stemmed from his role in campus protests of Israel’s bombardment of Gaza, following Hamas’ attack on Israel in October 2023. Khalil, a Syrian-born Palestinian, has not been charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil is among numerous immigrant students and academics who’ve been targeted by the Trump administration, especially after speaking out about the war in Gaza. But in recent days, judges have ordered ICE to release several of them from detention, including Columbia student Mohsen Mahdawi, Tufts University student Rumeysa Ozturk and Georgetown University scholar Badar Khan Suri.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Echoes of the Cold War\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Khalil’s case centers on \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid:USC-prelim-title8-section1227&num=0&edition=prelim\">an obscure 1952 provision in immigration law\u003c/a> that allows the Secretary of State to personally declare someone deportable if their presence or activities could have “serious adverse foreign policy consequences” —even if, like Khalil, they’re a lawful permanent resident (or green card holder), the most durable legal status a noncitizen can have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress modified the Cold War-era law in 1990 to protect speech and associations that were otherwise lawful, and raised the standard for deportation. At that time, lawmakers said that the foreign policy deportation power \u003ca href=\"https://static01.nyt.com/newsgraphics/documenttools/7d4e4b335fe40d9e/7f7043c8-full.pdf\">should be used “sparingly” \u003c/a>and “not merely because there is a likelihood that an alien will make critical remarks about the United States or its policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101909250 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/03/GettyImages-2205115524-1-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been rarely, rarely used,” Van Der Hout said. “It is completely \u003ca href=\"https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/the-khalil-case-and-the-difference-lawful-permanent-resident-status-makes\">outrageous\u003c/a> that they are using this type of statute to go after Mahmoud in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Van Der Hout has litigated a number of nationally significant cases — and he said Khalil’s case echoes one from nearly four decades ago. In that case, which went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, the attorney represented a group of pro-Palestinian activists in Los Angeles, dubbed the LA-8, who the Reagan administration was trying to deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They basically used the same facts: ‘You’re speaking out against U.S. policy in the Middle East, speaking out in support of Palestinian groups overseas,’” he said. “We eventually won that case, but it took 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast forward to today, and a similar argument is playing out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Khalil’s arrest, Secretary of State Marco Rubio appeared on CBS’ “Face the Nation” saying the government had the right to deport student visa holders, as well as green-card holders like Khalil, for their protest activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need these people in our country. We never should have allowed them in in the first place,” he said. “If you are in this country to promote Hamas, to promote terrorist organizations, to participate in vandalism, to participate in acts of rebellion and riots on campus, we never would have let you in if we had known that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040214\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group photo of those involved in the ‘Los Angeles Eight’ case sits on the desk of veteran immigration lawyer Marc Van Der Hout at his San Francisco office on May 14, 2025. Van Der Hout led the defense in this decades-long case challenging the government’s attempt to deport Palestinian activists for their political views. This legal fight affirmed First Amendment rights for immigrants and now shapes his defense of Mahmoud Khalil. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/uploads/2025/03/04122025-Exhibit-Rubio-Determination.pdf\">memo\u003c/a> to the Department of Homeland Security, Rubio cited the rarely-used 1990 immigration statute and declared that Khalil was deportable because his presence in the U.S. would “compromise a compelling foreign policy interest” as a result of his participation in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo was the only evidence the government submitted to the Louisiana immigration judge Jamee Comans in pressing for Khalil to be deported. And the judge did not allow Khalil’s legal team to present evidence in his defense at an April 10 hearing, Van Der Hout said. Instead, Comans swiftly ruled in the government’s favor, saying she had no authority to question Rubio’s determination. Comans’ ruling is not yet final, and she has set a second hearing in the immigration case for May 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Van Der Hout said the government’s logic is unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, what they’re saying is, if you criticize Israel, you’re antisemitic. And that’s basically what this case is about,” he said. “I’m Jewish, and I’ve criticized Israel many times for what it’s done to the Palestinian people, and that is not antisemitic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that Khalil has worked with Jewish groups and spoken out against antisemitism on Columbia’s campus. As evidence, several Jewish Columbia students submitted letters to the court testifying that they consider Khalil an ally, not an antagonist.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A First Amendment Battle With Trump\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What the case against Khalil is really about is free speech, Van Der Hout said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very frightening, and the American public should be very, very concerned that this administration is trying to restrict free speech — no matter whose it is,” he said. “Everybody in the United States, no matter what their status… is protected by the First Amendment of the Constitution. That is absolutely clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But President Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan, has called Khalil a “national security threat” and suggested the First Amendment does not protect his actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12039912 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can you stand at a movie theater and yell ‘Fire?’ Can you slander someone verbally? Free speech has limitations,” \u003ca href=\"https://spectrumlocalnews.com/nys/central-ny/news/2025/03/13/experts-weight-in-on-pushing-the-limits-on-the-first-amendment\">he said\u003c/a> in the days after Khalil’s arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil’s free speech argument is central to the case before U.S. District Judge Michael Farbiarz in New Jersey. Farbiarz, a Biden appointee, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/court-cases/mahmoud-khalil-v-donald-j-trump\">considering a habeas corpus petition\u003c/a> charging that Khalil’s arrest and detention are unconstitutional violations of his rights and that the government is retaliating against him for his political views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though similar issues arose in the LA-8 case and a couple of others over the years, they were ultimately decided on other grounds, and the question of whether a green card holder can be deported for First Amendment-protected activity hasn’t been squarely settled, UCLA Law Professor Hiroshi Motomura said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a lot of the Trump administration immigration initiatives, they’re pushing things further than other administrations, and so you have issues that haven’t been in the courts before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the free speech concerns, Motomura described the case against Khalil as part of a sea change in the country’s approach to immigration. He said the Trump administration is trying to redefine \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-american-people-against-invasion/\">immigrants as “invaders,”\u003c/a> undermining American society, in order to expel them. And it’s sowing doubt among green card holders about how permanent their legal status really is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump Administration is saying to these folks, ‘Oh, you thought you were on the inside. You thought you were just about American. But guess what? You’re not.’” Motomura said. “What the administration is trying to do is a really radical intervention in all notions of who belongs and who doesn’t and how we think about this country. And that’s why it’s so fundamental.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040215\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marc Van Der Hout, an immigration lawyer, speaks with his client, Mahmoud Khalil, on Zoom from his offices in San Francisco on May 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fielding emails and calls from his dining room table, Van Der Hout continued assembling evidence and editing legal briefs. He believes the outcome of Khalil’s case could have broader implications for Americans, as a test run for quashing dissent among those who speak out against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is very frightening because, yes, it’s right now being directed at immigrants, but it could be directed at United States citizens very soon,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late last month, Judge Farbiarz \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/uploads/2025/03/04292025-Opinion-jurisdiction-w.pdf\">ruled\u003c/a> that Khalil’s case can move forward. In it, Khalil is not only challenging his own detention and Rubio’s determination that he’s deportable, but asking the judge to find that the Trump administration’s policy of seeking to deport any noncitizen for “protected speech” is unconstitutional, Van Der Hout explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, they wait. Farbiarz could rule any day —on the case as a whole or simply the question of whether Khalil can go home to New York while the legal fight unfolds. Last month, while he was incarcerated, Khalil’s wife gave birth to their first child. From the detention center, Khalil published \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/may/10/mahmoud-kahlil-letter-to-newborn-son\">an open letter to his newborn son\u003c/a> on Mother’s Day, saying he was “not absent out of apathy, but out of conviction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I probably speak to him every other day,” Van Der Hout said. “He is calm. He understands it’s a political fight. He understands he’s being made an example of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Khalil’s San Francisco-based lawyer believes the outcome of the case could serve as a litmus test for dissent in the second Trump era. ",
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"title": "SF Immigration Attorney Says First Amendment Should Protect Mahmoud Khalil From Deportation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>File folders and a laptop were spread across the dining room table in Marc Van Der Hout’s home in San Francisco’s Noe Valley neighborhood. The veteran immigration lawyer was working overtime to represent Mahmoud Khalil, one of the pro-Palestinian student activists the Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035483/trump-administration-lays-out-its-evidence-for-deporting-activist-mahmoud-khalil\">administration has been trying to deport\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil’s story has sparked national attention, but it’s not totally uncharted legal territory for Van Der Hout, 76. He has been fighting for the civil rights of immigrants for decades. This time, that means working on two cases at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Van Der Hout and a law partner are fighting Khalil’s deportation before an immigration judge at the detention facility in Jena, La., where Khalil has been held for over two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Van Der Hout is part of a national team of lawyers, including the ACLU and the Center for Constitutional Rights, arguing in federal district court in New Jersey that the Trump administration’s push to deport Khalil is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot deport someone under the laws for their beliefs,” Van Der Hout said. “That’s against the Constitution. But that’s what the government’s trying to do in this case and in other similar cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040213\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marc Van Der Hout, a veteran immigration lawyer, sits in his offices in San Francisco on May 14, 2025. He’s representing Mahmoud Khalil, a Palestinian student and legal permanent resident who’s been detained for nearly two months as the federal government moves to revoke his green card over his political activism. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khalil, 30, was finishing his master’s degree at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs when he was arrested March 8 in the lobby of his student apartment building by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents. Administration officials later indicated that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/documents/8a3cbff6-4589-43e1-8455-042fa9555e3c.pdf?itid=lk_inline_manual_4\">arrest\u003c/a> stemmed from his role in campus protests of Israel’s bombardment of Gaza, following Hamas’ attack on Israel in October 2023. Khalil, a Syrian-born Palestinian, has not been charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil is among numerous immigrant students and academics who’ve been targeted by the Trump administration, especially after speaking out about the war in Gaza. But in recent days, judges have ordered ICE to release several of them from detention, including Columbia student Mohsen Mahdawi, Tufts University student Rumeysa Ozturk and Georgetown University scholar Badar Khan Suri.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Echoes of the Cold War\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Khalil’s case centers on \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid:USC-prelim-title8-section1227&num=0&edition=prelim\">an obscure 1952 provision in immigration law\u003c/a> that allows the Secretary of State to personally declare someone deportable if their presence or activities could have “serious adverse foreign policy consequences” —even if, like Khalil, they’re a lawful permanent resident (or green card holder), the most durable legal status a noncitizen can have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress modified the Cold War-era law in 1990 to protect speech and associations that were otherwise lawful, and raised the standard for deportation. At that time, lawmakers said that the foreign policy deportation power \u003ca href=\"https://static01.nyt.com/newsgraphics/documenttools/7d4e4b335fe40d9e/7f7043c8-full.pdf\">should be used “sparingly” \u003c/a>and “not merely because there is a likelihood that an alien will make critical remarks about the United States or its policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been rarely, rarely used,” Van Der Hout said. “It is completely \u003ca href=\"https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/the-khalil-case-and-the-difference-lawful-permanent-resident-status-makes\">outrageous\u003c/a> that they are using this type of statute to go after Mahmoud in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Van Der Hout has litigated a number of nationally significant cases — and he said Khalil’s case echoes one from nearly four decades ago. In that case, which went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, the attorney represented a group of pro-Palestinian activists in Los Angeles, dubbed the LA-8, who the Reagan administration was trying to deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They basically used the same facts: ‘You’re speaking out against U.S. policy in the Middle East, speaking out in support of Palestinian groups overseas,’” he said. “We eventually won that case, but it took 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast forward to today, and a similar argument is playing out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Khalil’s arrest, Secretary of State Marco Rubio appeared on CBS’ “Face the Nation” saying the government had the right to deport student visa holders, as well as green-card holders like Khalil, for their protest activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need these people in our country. We never should have allowed them in in the first place,” he said. “If you are in this country to promote Hamas, to promote terrorist organizations, to participate in vandalism, to participate in acts of rebellion and riots on campus, we never would have let you in if we had known that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040214\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group photo of those involved in the ‘Los Angeles Eight’ case sits on the desk of veteran immigration lawyer Marc Van Der Hout at his San Francisco office on May 14, 2025. Van Der Hout led the defense in this decades-long case challenging the government’s attempt to deport Palestinian activists for their political views. This legal fight affirmed First Amendment rights for immigrants and now shapes his defense of Mahmoud Khalil. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/uploads/2025/03/04122025-Exhibit-Rubio-Determination.pdf\">memo\u003c/a> to the Department of Homeland Security, Rubio cited the rarely-used 1990 immigration statute and declared that Khalil was deportable because his presence in the U.S. would “compromise a compelling foreign policy interest” as a result of his participation in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities, which fosters a hostile environment for Jewish students in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo was the only evidence the government submitted to the Louisiana immigration judge Jamee Comans in pressing for Khalil to be deported. And the judge did not allow Khalil’s legal team to present evidence in his defense at an April 10 hearing, Van Der Hout said. Instead, Comans swiftly ruled in the government’s favor, saying she had no authority to question Rubio’s determination. Comans’ ruling is not yet final, and she has set a second hearing in the immigration case for May 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Van Der Hout said the government’s logic is unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, what they’re saying is, if you criticize Israel, you’re antisemitic. And that’s basically what this case is about,” he said. “I’m Jewish, and I’ve criticized Israel many times for what it’s done to the Palestinian people, and that is not antisemitic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that Khalil has worked with Jewish groups and spoken out against antisemitism on Columbia’s campus. As evidence, several Jewish Columbia students submitted letters to the court testifying that they consider Khalil an ally, not an antagonist.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A First Amendment Battle With Trump\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What the case against Khalil is really about is free speech, Van Der Hout said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very frightening, and the American public should be very, very concerned that this administration is trying to restrict free speech — no matter whose it is,” he said. “Everybody in the United States, no matter what their status… is protected by the First Amendment of the Constitution. That is absolutely clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But President Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan, has called Khalil a “national security threat” and suggested the First Amendment does not protect his actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can you stand at a movie theater and yell ‘Fire?’ Can you slander someone verbally? Free speech has limitations,” \u003ca href=\"https://spectrumlocalnews.com/nys/central-ny/news/2025/03/13/experts-weight-in-on-pushing-the-limits-on-the-first-amendment\">he said\u003c/a> in the days after Khalil’s arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil’s free speech argument is central to the case before U.S. District Judge Michael Farbiarz in New Jersey. Farbiarz, a Biden appointee, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/court-cases/mahmoud-khalil-v-donald-j-trump\">considering a habeas corpus petition\u003c/a> charging that Khalil’s arrest and detention are unconstitutional violations of his rights and that the government is retaliating against him for his political views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though similar issues arose in the LA-8 case and a couple of others over the years, they were ultimately decided on other grounds, and the question of whether a green card holder can be deported for First Amendment-protected activity hasn’t been squarely settled, UCLA Law Professor Hiroshi Motomura said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a lot of the Trump administration immigration initiatives, they’re pushing things further than other administrations, and so you have issues that haven’t been in the courts before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the free speech concerns, Motomura described the case against Khalil as part of a sea change in the country’s approach to immigration. He said the Trump administration is trying to redefine \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-american-people-against-invasion/\">immigrants as “invaders,”\u003c/a> undermining American society, in order to expel them. And it’s sowing doubt among green card holders about how permanent their legal status really is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump Administration is saying to these folks, ‘Oh, you thought you were on the inside. You thought you were just about American. But guess what? You’re not.’” Motomura said. “What the administration is trying to do is a really radical intervention in all notions of who belongs and who doesn’t and how we think about this country. And that’s why it’s so fundamental.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040215\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250514-IMMIGRATIONLAWYER-03-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marc Van Der Hout, an immigration lawyer, speaks with his client, Mahmoud Khalil, on Zoom from his offices in San Francisco on May 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fielding emails and calls from his dining room table, Van Der Hout continued assembling evidence and editing legal briefs. He believes the outcome of Khalil’s case could have broader implications for Americans, as a test run for quashing dissent among those who speak out against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is very frightening because, yes, it’s right now being directed at immigrants, but it could be directed at United States citizens very soon,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late last month, Judge Farbiarz \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyclu.org/uploads/2025/03/04292025-Opinion-jurisdiction-w.pdf\">ruled\u003c/a> that Khalil’s case can move forward. In it, Khalil is not only challenging his own detention and Rubio’s determination that he’s deportable, but asking the judge to find that the Trump administration’s policy of seeking to deport any noncitizen for “protected speech” is unconstitutional, Van Der Hout explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, they wait. Farbiarz could rule any day —on the case as a whole or simply the question of whether Khalil can go home to New York while the legal fight unfolds. Last month, while he was incarcerated, Khalil’s wife gave birth to their first child. From the detention center, Khalil published \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/may/10/mahmoud-kahlil-letter-to-newborn-son\">an open letter to his newborn son\u003c/a> on Mother’s Day, saying he was “not absent out of apathy, but out of conviction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I probably speak to him every other day,” Van Der Hout said. “He is calm. He understands it’s a political fight. He understands he’s being made an example of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:14 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-state\">Sonoma State\u003c/a> can move forward with its broad academic and athletic cuts temporarily, a superior court judge ruled Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Kenneth English denied a preliminary injunction requested by six students who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036250/sonoma-states-deep-cuts-are-paused-by-judge-leaving-students-and-faculty-in-limbo\">suing the school\u003c/a> over its decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023598/sonoma-state-is-eliminating-athletics-slashing-several-degree-programs-to-cut-budget\">cut more than 20 degree programs, six academic departments and all 11 of its NCAA athletics teams\u003c/a>. Their attorneys allege that Sonoma State failed to follow the California State University’s protocol for discontinuing academic programs and failed to provide meaningful evidence of the amount of money that discontinuing athletics would save.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing the university’s budget crisis, English ruled that maintaining its current athletic program “would interfere with Sonoma State’s academic mission as further budget cuts would need to be made regarding academic programs and student services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Saturday night, a spokesperson for the university said they appreciated the court’s “thoughtful and detailed order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These decisions are never easy and have a significant impact on our entire community,” Jeff Keating, a Sonoma State spokesperson, said in an email. “As we move forward, we remain committed to supporting our current students through this transition while ensuring that Sonoma State University is positioned to thrive as a dynamic campus, offering a diverse range of relevant majors and programs for our current and future students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Seidel, one of two lawyers representing the students pro bono, said in an email on Friday that he thought the judge “got it wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are assessing next steps in this important litigation to protect the students and student-athletes of Sonoma State from the destructive and unlawful conduct of the CSU,” Seidel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school announced the sweeping cuts in January in the face of a $24 million budget deficit brought on by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025961/sonoma-state-1st-csu-slash-programs-likely-wont-be-last\">declines in enrollment and state funding\u003c/a>. The decision — revealed in an all-school email — spurred \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024772/angry-sonoma-state-university-community-protests-wide-cuts\">protests\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024572/sonoma-state-coaches-call-federal-investigation-elimination-athletics\">civil rights complaints\u003c/a> and the lawsuit against the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, six student-athletes filed a suit against Sonoma State, Interim President Emily Cutrer and CSU Chancellor Mildred García in Sonoma County Superior Court, alleging that they reached the decision to make the program cuts in violation of the CSU’s policy, which requires that the school engage with its academic senate and educational policies committee and proposes plans for current students to finish their discontinued degrees before making a final decision about program changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have to show their work,” attorney Ross Middlemiss said after English issued a temporary restraining order in April that forced the school to halt actions to eliminate academic programs. “These policies and regulations are in place to require that, and [the administrators] just blatantly ignored their own rules and went ahead and issued this really broad and harmful decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036250 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-18-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university contends that it did follow the school system’s process for discontinuing programs. David Kesselman, the lead attorney representing the university, said in court last Thursday that Sonoma State’s Jan. 22 email from Cutrer announcing the cuts to students and staff was a proposal, not a final decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the email announcement, he said, the school attempted to engage with the committee and senate, and in March, the senate voted to reject the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve chosen not to engage. That’s fine, that’s their right,” he said in court at a hearing last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With English initially skeptical of the school’s argument that the decision announced in January was a proposal, not a done deal, Kesselman argued that the first concrete execution of the cuts came in April, after the senate’s vote in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actual enrollment for fall didn’t open until April,” Kesselman said during last week’s hearing. “Senate and [the educational policies committee] weighed in before fall enrollment would start [and] wasn’t limited by the school until fall enrollment opened in April — after the March senate vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his ruling, English said the argument that the school-wide email was a proposal, not a decision, “is not persuasive nor does it square with the evidence presented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The plain reading of that email indicates that a decision had been made to discontinue academic programs and that steps would be taken to implement that decision,” the ruling states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seidel argued that the athletic cuts should be stopped for a different reason — a lack of evidence that it will save the school money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at [Sonoma State’s] citation of the $3.7 million that could be saved by cutting athletics, that’s a restatement … not a citation,” he said, referring to the two documents he said Cutrer and her staff have supplied as evidence for the savings. One of the documents is Sonoma State’s public budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024035\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carson Warfield, left, and Abbey Healy, right, both athletes on Sonoma State’s soccer team, pose for a photo at the Sonoma State University soccer fields in Rohnert Park on Jan. 23, 2025. Sonoma State is cutting its entire Athletic Department, eliminating majors and laying off faculty to address a budget deficit. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>“It’s an assumption … simply a line item,” Seidel said. “There’s no evidence of how they calculated that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said the school failed to account for the money that athletics bring into the school through tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a student leaves [Sonoma State], which student athletes will … and they don’t have to pay their athletic scholarship … they are also going to lose all of their enrollment money,” Seidel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kesselman said the students’ attorneys needed to provide proof that the school had no evidence to back up its estimated savings, otherwise, “deference has to be given to the campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is ‘Is there no evidence in the record?’” he said. “A vice president of the campus submitted a declaration explaining how we got here. This isn’t a huge math assignment, he explains how we got here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>English ultimately agreed, saying in his ruling that the university “acted within their discretion to eliminate the athletics program if they have a reasonable belief that doing so would assist in their attempts to balance the budget,” which, he said, the evidence submitted in court supports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the \u003cem>certainty\u003c/em> that at least $3.7 million in expenses that can be saved by eliminating the athletics program and the \u003cem>uncertainties \u003c/em>as to how much ‘revenue’ student-athletes would contribute towards the 2025–2026 Operating Budget if the athletics program continued operating, it cannot be said that [the university’s] decision to terminate the athletics program amounted to an abuse of discretion,” English wrote in his ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Sonoma State’s enrollment for the fall semester opened without the option for students to enroll in classes across most of the programs being cut, and the school has pulled its teams from their respective leagues for next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision really truly is destroying the academic and athletic lives of many students … and that’s why we’re here,” Middlemiss said at the hearing last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court records show English has set the next hearing in the case for July 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Brian Krans contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:14 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-state\">Sonoma State\u003c/a> can move forward with its broad academic and athletic cuts temporarily, a superior court judge ruled Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Kenneth English denied a preliminary injunction requested by six students who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036250/sonoma-states-deep-cuts-are-paused-by-judge-leaving-students-and-faculty-in-limbo\">suing the school\u003c/a> over its decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023598/sonoma-state-is-eliminating-athletics-slashing-several-degree-programs-to-cut-budget\">cut more than 20 degree programs, six academic departments and all 11 of its NCAA athletics teams\u003c/a>. Their attorneys allege that Sonoma State failed to follow the California State University’s protocol for discontinuing academic programs and failed to provide meaningful evidence of the amount of money that discontinuing athletics would save.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing the university’s budget crisis, English ruled that maintaining its current athletic program “would interfere with Sonoma State’s academic mission as further budget cuts would need to be made regarding academic programs and student services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Saturday night, a spokesperson for the university said they appreciated the court’s “thoughtful and detailed order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These decisions are never easy and have a significant impact on our entire community,” Jeff Keating, a Sonoma State spokesperson, said in an email. “As we move forward, we remain committed to supporting our current students through this transition while ensuring that Sonoma State University is positioned to thrive as a dynamic campus, offering a diverse range of relevant majors and programs for our current and future students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Seidel, one of two lawyers representing the students pro bono, said in an email on Friday that he thought the judge “got it wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are assessing next steps in this important litigation to protect the students and student-athletes of Sonoma State from the destructive and unlawful conduct of the CSU,” Seidel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school announced the sweeping cuts in January in the face of a $24 million budget deficit brought on by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025961/sonoma-state-1st-csu-slash-programs-likely-wont-be-last\">declines in enrollment and state funding\u003c/a>. The decision — revealed in an all-school email — spurred \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024772/angry-sonoma-state-university-community-protests-wide-cuts\">protests\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024572/sonoma-state-coaches-call-federal-investigation-elimination-athletics\">civil rights complaints\u003c/a> and the lawsuit against the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, six student-athletes filed a suit against Sonoma State, Interim President Emily Cutrer and CSU Chancellor Mildred García in Sonoma County Superior Court, alleging that they reached the decision to make the program cuts in violation of the CSU’s policy, which requires that the school engage with its academic senate and educational policies committee and proposes plans for current students to finish their discontinued degrees before making a final decision about program changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have to show their work,” attorney Ross Middlemiss said after English issued a temporary restraining order in April that forced the school to halt actions to eliminate academic programs. “These policies and regulations are in place to require that, and [the administrators] just blatantly ignored their own rules and went ahead and issued this really broad and harmful decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university contends that it did follow the school system’s process for discontinuing programs. David Kesselman, the lead attorney representing the university, said in court last Thursday that Sonoma State’s Jan. 22 email from Cutrer announcing the cuts to students and staff was a proposal, not a final decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the email announcement, he said, the school attempted to engage with the committee and senate, and in March, the senate voted to reject the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve chosen not to engage. That’s fine, that’s their right,” he said in court at a hearing last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With English initially skeptical of the school’s argument that the decision announced in January was a proposal, not a done deal, Kesselman argued that the first concrete execution of the cuts came in April, after the senate’s vote in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actual enrollment for fall didn’t open until April,” Kesselman said during last week’s hearing. “Senate and [the educational policies committee] weighed in before fall enrollment would start [and] wasn’t limited by the school until fall enrollment opened in April — after the March senate vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his ruling, English said the argument that the school-wide email was a proposal, not a decision, “is not persuasive nor does it square with the evidence presented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The plain reading of that email indicates that a decision had been made to discontinue academic programs and that steps would be taken to implement that decision,” the ruling states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seidel argued that the athletic cuts should be stopped for a different reason — a lack of evidence that it will save the school money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at [Sonoma State’s] citation of the $3.7 million that could be saved by cutting athletics, that’s a restatement … not a citation,” he said, referring to the two documents he said Cutrer and her staff have supplied as evidence for the savings. One of the documents is Sonoma State’s public budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024035\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250123_SonomaStateFile_GC-51-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carson Warfield, left, and Abbey Healy, right, both athletes on Sonoma State’s soccer team, pose for a photo at the Sonoma State University soccer fields in Rohnert Park on Jan. 23, 2025. Sonoma State is cutting its entire Athletic Department, eliminating majors and laying off faculty to address a budget deficit. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>“It’s an assumption … simply a line item,” Seidel said. “There’s no evidence of how they calculated that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said the school failed to account for the money that athletics bring into the school through tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a student leaves [Sonoma State], which student athletes will … and they don’t have to pay their athletic scholarship … they are also going to lose all of their enrollment money,” Seidel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kesselman said the students’ attorneys needed to provide proof that the school had no evidence to back up its estimated savings, otherwise, “deference has to be given to the campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is ‘Is there no evidence in the record?’” he said. “A vice president of the campus submitted a declaration explaining how we got here. This isn’t a huge math assignment, he explains how we got here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>English ultimately agreed, saying in his ruling that the university “acted within their discretion to eliminate the athletics program if they have a reasonable belief that doing so would assist in their attempts to balance the budget,” which, he said, the evidence submitted in court supports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the \u003cem>certainty\u003c/em> that at least $3.7 million in expenses that can be saved by eliminating the athletics program and the \u003cem>uncertainties \u003c/em>as to how much ‘revenue’ student-athletes would contribute towards the 2025–2026 Operating Budget if the athletics program continued operating, it cannot be said that [the university’s] decision to terminate the athletics program amounted to an abuse of discretion,” English wrote in his ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Sonoma State’s enrollment for the fall semester opened without the option for students to enroll in classes across most of the programs being cut, and the school has pulled its teams from their respective leagues for next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision really truly is destroying the academic and athletic lives of many students … and that’s why we’re here,” Middlemiss said at the hearing last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court records show English has set the next hearing in the case for July 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Brian Krans contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-judge-pauses-much-of-trump-administrations-massive-downsizing-of-federal-agencies",
"title": "SF Judge Pauses Much of Trump Administration’s Massive Downsizing of Federal Agencies",
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"headTitle": "SF Judge Pauses Much of Trump Administration’s Massive Downsizing of Federal Agencies | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration must halt much of its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038026/san-francisco-santa-clara-counties-sue-trump-over-mass-doge-led-firings\">dramatic downsizing\u003c/a> of the federal workforce, a federal judge in San Francisco ordered Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Susan Illston issued the emergency order in a lawsuit filed last week by labor unions and cities, one of multiple legal challenges to Republican President Donald Trump’s efforts to shrink the size of a federal government he calls bloated and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Court holds the President likely must request Congressional cooperation to order the changes he seeks, and thus issues a temporary restraining order to pause large-scale reductions in force in the meantime,” Illston wrote in her order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order directs numerous federal agencies to halt acting on the president’s \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-downsizing-federal-workers-doge-00683abc4de44a151f26aaa6cb0d0f30\">workforce executive order\u003c/a> signed in February and a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">subsequent memo\u003c/a> issued by the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elon-musk-doge-donald-trump-962778979dd35ea79d6092df9cb2cb56\">Department of Government Efficiency\u003c/a> and the Office of Personnel Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, which expires in 14 days, does not require departments to rehire people. Plaintiffs asked that the effective date of any agency action be postponed and that departments stop implementing or enforcing the executive order, including taking any further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They limited their request to departments where dismantlement is already underway or poised to be underway, including at the the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-department-of-health-and-human-services\">U.S. Department of Health and Human Services\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-human-services-layoffs-restructuring-rfk-jr-fa4e89285e668a3939e20b6cf4c26fd4\">announced in March\u003c/a> it will lay off 10,000 workers and centralize divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illston, who was nominated to the bench by former President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, said at a hearing Friday the president has authority to seek changes in the executive branch departments and agencies created by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he must do so in lawful ways,” she said. “He must do so with the cooperation of Congress, the Constitution is structured that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12031166 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1020x664.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has repeatedly said voters gave him a mandate to remake the federal government, and he tapped billionaire Elon Musk to lead the charge through DOGE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal workers have been fired, left their jobs via deferred resignation programs or have been placed on leave as a result of Trump’s government-shrinking efforts. There is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/doge-firings-layoffs-federal-government-workers-musk-d33cdd7872d64d2bdd8fe70c28652654\">no official figure for the job cuts\u003c/a>, but at least 75,000 federal employees took deferred resignation, and thousands of probationary workers have already been let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her order, Illston gave several examples to show the impact of the downsizing. One union that represents federal workers who research health hazards faced by mineworkers said it was poised to lose 221 of 222 workers in the Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, office; a Vermont farmer didn’t receive a timely inspection on his property to receive disaster aid after flooding and missed an important planting window; a reduction in Social Security Administration workers has led to longer wait times for recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All the agencies impacted were created by Congress, she noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government argued Friday that the executive order and memo calling for large-scale personnel reductions and reorganization plans provided only general principles that agencies should follow in exercising their own decision-making process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It expressly invites comments and proposals for legislative engagement as part of policies that those agencies wish to implement,” Eric Hamilton, a deputy assistant attorney general, said of the memo. “It is setting out guidance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Danielle Leonard, an attorney for plaintiffs, said it was clear that the president, DOGE and OPM were making decisions outside of their authority and not inviting dialogue from agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are not waiting for these planning documents” to go through long processes, she said. “They’re not asking for approval, and they’re not waiting for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order applies to departments including the departments of Agriculture, Energy, Labor, Interior, State, Treasury and Veterans Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also applies to the National Science Foundation, Small Business Association, Social Security Administration and Environmental Protection Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the labor unions and nonprofit groups are also plaintiffs in another lawsuit before a San Francisco judge challenging the mass firings of probationary workers. In that case, Judge William Alsup ordered the government in March \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mass-firings-federal-workers-trump-administration-7cc7320f469cc65529367aaea2fd9dcb\">to reinstate those workers\u003c/a>, but the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-trump-mass-firings-02e218d2b7ee59925ddcb597b6b0a4fe\">later blocked his order\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs include the cities of San Francisco, Chicago and Baltimore; labor group American Federation of Government Employees; and nonprofit groups Alliance for Retired Americans, Center for Taxpayer Rights and Coalition to Protect America’s National Parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration must halt much of its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038026/san-francisco-santa-clara-counties-sue-trump-over-mass-doge-led-firings\">dramatic downsizing\u003c/a> of the federal workforce, a federal judge in San Francisco ordered Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Susan Illston issued the emergency order in a lawsuit filed last week by labor unions and cities, one of multiple legal challenges to Republican President Donald Trump’s efforts to shrink the size of a federal government he calls bloated and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Court holds the President likely must request Congressional cooperation to order the changes he seeks, and thus issues a temporary restraining order to pause large-scale reductions in force in the meantime,” Illston wrote in her order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order directs numerous federal agencies to halt acting on the president’s \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-downsizing-federal-workers-doge-00683abc4de44a151f26aaa6cb0d0f30\">workforce executive order\u003c/a> signed in February and a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">subsequent memo\u003c/a> issued by the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elon-musk-doge-donald-trump-962778979dd35ea79d6092df9cb2cb56\">Department of Government Efficiency\u003c/a> and the Office of Personnel Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, which expires in 14 days, does not require departments to rehire people. Plaintiffs asked that the effective date of any agency action be postponed and that departments stop implementing or enforcing the executive order, including taking any further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They limited their request to departments where dismantlement is already underway or poised to be underway, including at the the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-department-of-health-and-human-services\">U.S. Department of Health and Human Services\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-human-services-layoffs-restructuring-rfk-jr-fa4e89285e668a3939e20b6cf4c26fd4\">announced in March\u003c/a> it will lay off 10,000 workers and centralize divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illston, who was nominated to the bench by former President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, said at a hearing Friday the president has authority to seek changes in the executive branch departments and agencies created by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he must do so in lawful ways,” she said. “He must do so with the cooperation of Congress, the Constitution is structured that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has repeatedly said voters gave him a mandate to remake the federal government, and he tapped billionaire Elon Musk to lead the charge through DOGE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal workers have been fired, left their jobs via deferred resignation programs or have been placed on leave as a result of Trump’s government-shrinking efforts. There is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/doge-firings-layoffs-federal-government-workers-musk-d33cdd7872d64d2bdd8fe70c28652654\">no official figure for the job cuts\u003c/a>, but at least 75,000 federal employees took deferred resignation, and thousands of probationary workers have already been let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her order, Illston gave several examples to show the impact of the downsizing. One union that represents federal workers who research health hazards faced by mineworkers said it was poised to lose 221 of 222 workers in the Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, office; a Vermont farmer didn’t receive a timely inspection on his property to receive disaster aid after flooding and missed an important planting window; a reduction in Social Security Administration workers has led to longer wait times for recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All the agencies impacted were created by Congress, she noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government argued Friday that the executive order and memo calling for large-scale personnel reductions and reorganization plans provided only general principles that agencies should follow in exercising their own decision-making process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It expressly invites comments and proposals for legislative engagement as part of policies that those agencies wish to implement,” Eric Hamilton, a deputy assistant attorney general, said of the memo. “It is setting out guidance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Danielle Leonard, an attorney for plaintiffs, said it was clear that the president, DOGE and OPM were making decisions outside of their authority and not inviting dialogue from agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are not waiting for these planning documents” to go through long processes, she said. “They’re not asking for approval, and they’re not waiting for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order applies to departments including the departments of Agriculture, Energy, Labor, Interior, State, Treasury and Veterans Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also applies to the National Science Foundation, Small Business Association, Social Security Administration and Environmental Protection Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the labor unions and nonprofit groups are also plaintiffs in another lawsuit before a San Francisco judge challenging the mass firings of probationary workers. In that case, Judge William Alsup ordered the government in March \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mass-firings-federal-workers-trump-administration-7cc7320f469cc65529367aaea2fd9dcb\">to reinstate those workers\u003c/a>, but the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-trump-mass-firings-02e218d2b7ee59925ddcb597b6b0a4fe\">later blocked his order\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs include the cities of San Francisco, Chicago and Baltimore; labor group American Federation of Government Employees; and nonprofit groups Alliance for Retired Americans, Center for Taxpayer Rights and Coalition to Protect America’s National Parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-republicans-want-to-get-tougher-on-crime-are-democrats-shifting-their-way",
"title": "California Republicans Want to Get Tougher on Crime. Are Democrats Shifting Their Way?",
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"headTitle": "California Republicans Want to Get Tougher on Crime. Are Democrats Shifting Their Way? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican state Sen. Brian Jones has been trying to block sex offenders from being released from prison through California’s elderly parole program for several years. Last week, for the first time, his bill to do so made it out of its first committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was just one of many votes \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB286\">Senate Bill 286\u003c/a> will have to survive in a long road ahead in the Capitol, but it caught Jones’ attention. In a Legislature dominated by Democrats who often shelve Republican tough-on-crime proposals, the approval from the Senate Public Safety Committee was unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would have passed a committee last year,” said Jones, the Senate minority leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Democratic legislators — who for years have been passing progressive measures designed to reduce sentences and lessen mass incarceration by emphasizing more rehabilitative solutions to crime — were dealt a blow last fall when an overwhelming majority of voters approved \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/02/prop-36-arrests-treatment/\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure backed by business owners, police and Republicans, increased sentences for some drug and theft crimes, partially undoing more lenient measures that voters approved just 10 years ago. Though many Democrats opposed the measure, they’re now tasked with providing funding to carry it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, of San Diego, said he’s seeing Democrats inching toward stricter incarceration measures as a result. He said he saw a window to bring back the legislation this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The smart Democrats are getting it,” he said. “The voters spoke overwhelmingly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12035165 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Safety Committee also gave unanimous approval this month for another bill Jones authored, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB379\">SB 379\u003c/a>, that would add regulatory guardrails before the Department of State Hospitals releases sexually violent predators. It’s his fourth year in a row pushing that measure; the proposal passed the Senate and died in the Assembly last year, after failing to clear a single committee both years before that. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB432\">SB 432\u003c/a>, authored by a different Republican senator to increase penalties for selling or giving fentanyl to minors, also got unanimous approval in the committee this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freshman Sen. Jesse Arreguín, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, said his fellow Democrats don’t intend to return to an era of overcrowded prisons or harsh penalties for lower-level crimes. But he acknowledged they’re also shifting their thinking in response to their voters, and called that approach “pragmatic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the direction I was given as chair of the Public Safety Committee, was that we need to provide more balance in terms of how we look at criminal justice policy,” he said, referring to the Democratic caucus. “Just focusing specifically on restorative justice and prevention, and not focusing on accountability (for offenders), that’s not where the voters are now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Criminal justice reforms still advancing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, the shift hasn’t been enough to worry Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, a group that advocates for reduced imprisonment and pushed for the 2014 sentencing changes that voters approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to bills her organization has sponsored that are also advancing through the Legislature, including legislation to expand the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/03/california-criminal-records-expungement-law/\">efforts to clear criminal records\u003c/a> to give past offenders second chances, and to require that the California Department of Corrections \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB622\">apply more good behavior credits\u003c/a> to reduce prisoners’ time served. With the state tight on cash, she said she doesn’t believe lawmakers will be eager to significantly increase imprisonment and sees a “consensus that we shouldn’t go back that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even Prop. 36 wasn’t a referendum on reform,” Hollins said. “There’s still plenty of support for different approaches to public safety that really address the root cause and prevent crime from happening in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any stricter measures the Legislature approves this year will ultimately be narrow, with Republicans pointing to extreme examples to push their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones, a San Diego Republican, during the state Senate Appropriations Committee session in Sacramento on Sept. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones’ elderly parole bill targets a program the Corrections Department first created in 2014, in response to a court order to reduce prison crowding, that allows prisoners who are older than 60 and have served at least 25 years of their sentences to petition for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tried in 2019 to restrict those convicted of sex offenses from being eligible; the bill never got a hearing. In 2020, lawmakers quietly lowered the eligibility for some prisoners to age 50, if they’ve served at least 20 years, though many have not been approved for release. The following year, Jones proposed a bill undoing that change for sex offenders, which went nowhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between January 2021 and June 2024, the Board of Parole Hearings released 1,762 people through the elderly parole program, corrections spokesperson Emily Humpal wrote in an email. Department data analyzed by CalMatters show that while more people have been released under the elder program since 2021, the rates at which the board grants parole fluctuate between 14% and 20% each year, hovering just above the board’s overall parole-granting rate. The department would not immediately provide a breakdown of their convictions, nor of how many of those released were between the ages of 50 and 60.[aside postID=news_12030919 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SFUnionSqGetty-1020x680.jpg']Now, 12,303 people currently imprisoned – nearly 14% of the prison population – are eligible for either form of elderly parole, Humpal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ bill would bar those convicted of sexual felonies such as rape and child sexual abuse from parole eligibility at age 50. It would not affect their eligibility upon turning 60, or the parole eligibility date in their original sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also proposed blocking the earlier eligibility from people convicted of murder, but Arreguín’s committee removed that provision with Jones’ agreement before voting to advance the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure, including San Diego County District Attorney Summer Stephan, say victims shouldn’t be forced to relive the trauma of parole hearings and the prospect of their abusers’ release before the end of their original sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to Mary Johnson, who identified herself as the childhood victim of rape and sexual abuse by her uncle. The abuser, Cody Klemp, was originally sentenced in the 1990s to 170 years. In 2023, under the elderly parole program, the Board of Parole Hearings recommended his release — then rescinded the decision last year. His next hearing is scheduled for 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suddenly, I was no longer a 49-year-old woman, but I was a 13-year-old trapped and powerless and fighting again,” Johnson said in a press conference. “No victim’s family should have to fight over and over again to ensure that a dangerous predator serves the sentence that they were given.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closing the doors on the rehabilitated?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A group of criminal justice reform and civil rights advocates including the American Civil Liberties Union opposes the legislation, arguing it would close the door on those who have been rehabilitated in prison and pose less of a public safety risk. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjcj.org/media/import/documents/recidivism_among_older_adults_correlates_of_prison_reentry.pdf\">Studies have found\u003c/a> the chances of re-offense \u003ca href=\"https://www.ussc.gov/research/research-reports/effects-aging-recidivism-among-federal-offenders\">decrease as a defendant ages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Harrell, who was given a life sentence for his participation in a murder, testified that despite becoming eligible for parole in 1984, he wasn’t released until about 40 years later, after he had gone before the parole board about 20 times. He said in the last two decades of his incarceration, he turned his life around, and now works a day job while in his spare time giving homeless Sacramento residents food and hygiene products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have taken so much from others and now it’s time to give back and do my part to make the world a better place,” he said. “I hope you can see that the people who will be impacted by this bill are people like me who have changed and want to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín said he proposed removing Jones’ exclusion of people convicted of murder to focus the bill on sex offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That tactic has yielded bipartisan backing in the last legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Republican Sen. Shannon Grove of Bakersfield pushed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/07/child-trafficking-bill-california-legislature/\">a bill \u003c/a>to increase penalties for child sex trafficking. Democrats in the Assembly Public Safety Committee resisted but, after a public outcry, Gov. Gavin Newsom stepped in with rare public comments in support of the legislation, which ultimately won more Democratic support and his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year Grove’s bill to increase penalties for soliciting a minor for prostitution — targeting the buyers of sex — also prevailed. Senate Democrats carved out exclusions for 16- and 17-year-olds who are allegedly solicited, out of concern it would inadvertently rope in older teenagers who aren’t actually involved in or victims of trafficking. (The legal age of consent is 18.) This year, Grove is turning heads with a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB379\">Assembly Bill 379\u003c/a>, co-authored with an Assembly Democrat, to undo those exclusions and apply the changes to all minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones acknowledged the tactic of focusing on sexual offenses is an incremental step toward tightening criminal sentences overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re smart enough to know how far we can go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/california-democrats-crime/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A California Republican state senator finds his crime bills getting a warmer welcome this year. Democrats say they’re just responding to their voters.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican state Sen. Brian Jones has been trying to block sex offenders from being released from prison through California’s elderly parole program for several years. Last week, for the first time, his bill to do so made it out of its first committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was just one of many votes \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB286\">Senate Bill 286\u003c/a> will have to survive in a long road ahead in the Capitol, but it caught Jones’ attention. In a Legislature dominated by Democrats who often shelve Republican tough-on-crime proposals, the approval from the Senate Public Safety Committee was unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would have passed a committee last year,” said Jones, the Senate minority leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Democratic legislators — who for years have been passing progressive measures designed to reduce sentences and lessen mass incarceration by emphasizing more rehabilitative solutions to crime — were dealt a blow last fall when an overwhelming majority of voters approved \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/02/prop-36-arrests-treatment/\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure backed by business owners, police and Republicans, increased sentences for some drug and theft crimes, partially undoing more lenient measures that voters approved just 10 years ago. Though many Democrats opposed the measure, they’re now tasked with providing funding to carry it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, of San Diego, said he’s seeing Democrats inching toward stricter incarceration measures as a result. He said he saw a window to bring back the legislation this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The smart Democrats are getting it,” he said. “The voters spoke overwhelmingly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Safety Committee also gave unanimous approval this month for another bill Jones authored, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB379\">SB 379\u003c/a>, that would add regulatory guardrails before the Department of State Hospitals releases sexually violent predators. It’s his fourth year in a row pushing that measure; the proposal passed the Senate and died in the Assembly last year, after failing to clear a single committee both years before that. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB432\">SB 432\u003c/a>, authored by a different Republican senator to increase penalties for selling or giving fentanyl to minors, also got unanimous approval in the committee this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freshman Sen. Jesse Arreguín, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, said his fellow Democrats don’t intend to return to an era of overcrowded prisons or harsh penalties for lower-level crimes. But he acknowledged they’re also shifting their thinking in response to their voters, and called that approach “pragmatic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the direction I was given as chair of the Public Safety Committee, was that we need to provide more balance in terms of how we look at criminal justice policy,” he said, referring to the Democratic caucus. “Just focusing specifically on restorative justice and prevention, and not focusing on accountability (for offenders), that’s not where the voters are now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Criminal justice reforms still advancing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, the shift hasn’t been enough to worry Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, a group that advocates for reduced imprisonment and pushed for the 2014 sentencing changes that voters approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to bills her organization has sponsored that are also advancing through the Legislature, including legislation to expand the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/03/california-criminal-records-expungement-law/\">efforts to clear criminal records\u003c/a> to give past offenders second chances, and to require that the California Department of Corrections \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB622\">apply more good behavior credits\u003c/a> to reduce prisoners’ time served. With the state tight on cash, she said she doesn’t believe lawmakers will be eager to significantly increase imprisonment and sees a “consensus that we shouldn’t go back that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even Prop. 36 wasn’t a referendum on reform,” Hollins said. “There’s still plenty of support for different approaches to public safety that really address the root cause and prevent crime from happening in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any stricter measures the Legislature approves this year will ultimately be narrow, with Republicans pointing to extreme examples to push their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/09012023-Suspense-RL-CM-12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones, a San Diego Republican, during the state Senate Appropriations Committee session in Sacramento on Sept. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones’ elderly parole bill targets a program the Corrections Department first created in 2014, in response to a court order to reduce prison crowding, that allows prisoners who are older than 60 and have served at least 25 years of their sentences to petition for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tried in 2019 to restrict those convicted of sex offenses from being eligible; the bill never got a hearing. In 2020, lawmakers quietly lowered the eligibility for some prisoners to age 50, if they’ve served at least 20 years, though many have not been approved for release. The following year, Jones proposed a bill undoing that change for sex offenders, which went nowhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between January 2021 and June 2024, the Board of Parole Hearings released 1,762 people through the elderly parole program, corrections spokesperson Emily Humpal wrote in an email. Department data analyzed by CalMatters show that while more people have been released under the elder program since 2021, the rates at which the board grants parole fluctuate between 14% and 20% each year, hovering just above the board’s overall parole-granting rate. The department would not immediately provide a breakdown of their convictions, nor of how many of those released were between the ages of 50 and 60.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, 12,303 people currently imprisoned – nearly 14% of the prison population – are eligible for either form of elderly parole, Humpal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ bill would bar those convicted of sexual felonies such as rape and child sexual abuse from parole eligibility at age 50. It would not affect their eligibility upon turning 60, or the parole eligibility date in their original sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also proposed blocking the earlier eligibility from people convicted of murder, but Arreguín’s committee removed that provision with Jones’ agreement before voting to advance the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure, including San Diego County District Attorney Summer Stephan, say victims shouldn’t be forced to relive the trauma of parole hearings and the prospect of their abusers’ release before the end of their original sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to Mary Johnson, who identified herself as the childhood victim of rape and sexual abuse by her uncle. The abuser, Cody Klemp, was originally sentenced in the 1990s to 170 years. In 2023, under the elderly parole program, the Board of Parole Hearings recommended his release — then rescinded the decision last year. His next hearing is scheduled for 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suddenly, I was no longer a 49-year-old woman, but I was a 13-year-old trapped and powerless and fighting again,” Johnson said in a press conference. “No victim’s family should have to fight over and over again to ensure that a dangerous predator serves the sentence that they were given.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closing the doors on the rehabilitated?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A group of criminal justice reform and civil rights advocates including the American Civil Liberties Union opposes the legislation, arguing it would close the door on those who have been rehabilitated in prison and pose less of a public safety risk. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjcj.org/media/import/documents/recidivism_among_older_adults_correlates_of_prison_reentry.pdf\">Studies have found\u003c/a> the chances of re-offense \u003ca href=\"https://www.ussc.gov/research/research-reports/effects-aging-recidivism-among-federal-offenders\">decrease as a defendant ages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Harrell, who was given a life sentence for his participation in a murder, testified that despite becoming eligible for parole in 1984, he wasn’t released until about 40 years later, after he had gone before the parole board about 20 times. He said in the last two decades of his incarceration, he turned his life around, and now works a day job while in his spare time giving homeless Sacramento residents food and hygiene products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have taken so much from others and now it’s time to give back and do my part to make the world a better place,” he said. “I hope you can see that the people who will be impacted by this bill are people like me who have changed and want to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín said he proposed removing Jones’ exclusion of people convicted of murder to focus the bill on sex offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That tactic has yielded bipartisan backing in the last legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Republican Sen. Shannon Grove of Bakersfield pushed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/07/child-trafficking-bill-california-legislature/\">a bill \u003c/a>to increase penalties for child sex trafficking. Democrats in the Assembly Public Safety Committee resisted but, after a public outcry, Gov. Gavin Newsom stepped in with rare public comments in support of the legislation, which ultimately won more Democratic support and his signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year Grove’s bill to increase penalties for soliciting a minor for prostitution — targeting the buyers of sex — also prevailed. Senate Democrats carved out exclusions for 16- and 17-year-olds who are allegedly solicited, out of concern it would inadvertently rope in older teenagers who aren’t actually involved in or victims of trafficking. (The legal age of consent is 18.) This year, Grove is turning heads with a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB379\">Assembly Bill 379\u003c/a>, co-authored with an Assembly Democrat, to undo those exclusions and apply the changes to all minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones acknowledged the tactic of focusing on sexual offenses is an incremental step toward tightening criminal sentences overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re smart enough to know how far we can go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/california-democrats-crime/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
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},
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
},
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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