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"title": "Got a Jury Duty Summons in California? Here's What to Know",
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"content": "\u003cp>As a relatively new United States citizen, getting a jury duty notice — that small piece of paper politely informing me that I need to be ready to show up at the courthouse in a few weeks’ time — still comes with a sense of mystery. And perhaps even a bit of drama: American movies can make it seem like a trial will be Tom Cruise \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/04/18/1245567231/what-makes-a-good-courtroom-drama\">dishing one bombshell revelation after the other\u003c/a>, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I know not everyone feels the same way. Serving on a jury when called may be required by law of all U.S. citizens, but for many, it also means figuring out childcare, requesting time off from work when money is already tight, or pushing back a family trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether we admit it or not, we all have gotten that note in the mail and the first thing that runs through your mind before you look at it is, ‘Oh God, I’m getting called \u003cem>again\u003c/em>,\u003cem>’\u003c/em>” said Bob Fleshman, court executive officer for the Napa County Superior Court. “But the bottom line is that jury service is a fundamental aspect of our justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jury service is also actually older than the United States itself. By the time of American Independence, most of the Thirteen Colonies had already \u003ca href=\"https://www.mass.gov/info-details/learn-about-the-history-of-the-jury-system\">developed their own versions of the English model\u003c/a> of deciding cases by a jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The framers of the Constitution included the right to a jury trial \u003ca href=\"https://www.mow.uscourts.gov/jury/history_of_jury_duty\">as a way to protect individuals\u003c/a> who could be unfairly accused and imprisoned by a biased or corrupt judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t have jurors in our jury system, our legal system would be severely compromised and probably just stop altogether,” said Judy Walker, jury operations manager for the Solano County Superior Court. “If we want this to work for us, then we need to work it for others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Walker acknowledged that the legal system can seem very complicated for first-time jurors. “There’s a lot of things that happen behind the scenes that not everyone is privy to,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for everything you need to know about getting your first jury duty summons (or even if it’s just been a while).\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#exemption-from-jury-duty-reschedule\">Who’s exempt from jury duty?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Why did I get this jury duty notice?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How does your county’s court know where to find you? The answer: Three different agencies provide courthouses with the name and address of potential jurors:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The DMV: If you have a driver’s licence or state ID\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The Franchise Tax Board: If you’ve filed state taxes in California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Your county’s voter registration office: Voter registration rolls are also used for jury duty selection.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>All the names from these different agencies are mixed, and courts then pick names randomly. Sometimes, however, this random selection can lead to unintentional mistakes: someone who is not yet a U.S. citizen could receive a summons, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, “courts don’t know if you have a medical issue. Courts don’t know if you’re taking care of an ailing parent. Courts don’t know if you’ve moved to a different county,” Napa County’s Fleshman said. “There’s a lag time in updating stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"exemption-from-jury-duty-reschedule\">\u003c/a>Who’s exempt from jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting in touch with the court as soon as you get the summons is critical, Fleshman said. “Don’t wait till the day of where you’re going to go in and ask to be deferred because then you’re just putting yourself at a disadvantage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When can a person be exempted from jury duty? Courts can be pretty understanding of many personal commitments like pre-planned travel or medical procedures, Fleshman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050432 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1379\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel-1536x1059.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">If you request an exemption, you will need to explain your hardship with a written statement and be prepared to provide documentation or other evidence proving your situation. \u003ccite>(Andrey Popov/iStock via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you call the number that is printed on your summons, the court won’t necessarily excuse you from jury duty, but it may give you a different date to come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you think that you won’t be able to make \u003cem>any \u003c/em>date at all for jury duty, you are still required by law to show up to court if you are called. On your first day in court, you will go through an orientation. “Potential jurors can request a ‘hardship’ at that time,” Solano County’s Walker said. “They can put their issue on why they cannot serve as a juror on this particular case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other reasons could get a person excused from jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there’s \u003ca href=\"http://reddit.com/r/bayarea/comments/119gnd2/how_do_i_get_out_of_jury_duty_santa_clara_county/\">plenty of chatter online\u003c/a> on what can excuse you from jury duty — not all of it accurate or reliable — the \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/cms/rules/index/two/rule2_1008\">California Rules of Court\u003c/a> are very specific on what situations \u003cem>actually \u003c/em>count as a hardship:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>There are no transportation options available that can get you from your house to the court\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You have to travel for more than 90 minutes to get from your house to the court\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Being on a jury will cause you an “extreme financial burden” (when requesting this exemption, you will need to provide information on your source of income, and the court will then make a decisión based on the potential length of the trial and your ability to financially support yourself)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Property belonging to you could be harmed or destroyed while you serve as a juror\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You have a physical or mental disability that could affect your well-being while serving as a juror\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You are needed immediately to help protect public health and safety and there’s no one else available to replace you while you serve as a juror (remember, technically, state law only specifies police officers, sheriff’s deputies and California Highway Patrol agents \u003ca href=\"https://spsf.senate.ca.gov/sites/spsf.senate.ca.gov/files/ab_310_analysis.pdf\">as the professions exempt from jury duty\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You care for a child or loved one who is sick, elderly or infirm, and there’s no one else available to help care for that person while you serve as a juror.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind that if you request an exemption, you will need to explain your hardship with a written statement — and you should be prepared to provide documentation or other evidence proving your situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember: asking for an exemption doesn’t necessarily guarantee that you will get one. But straight-up ignoring a summons — for whatever reason — could have \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/courts/jury-service\">serious legal consequences\u003c/a>, including a fine of up to $1,500, jail time, or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If I get a summons, does that definitely mean I’ll be serving on a jury trial?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not necessarily. When you get a jury summons, the court doesn’t actually know yet which case you’ll sit in on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Solano County, for example, the court will start sending out summons six weeks prior to a court date, Walker said. “We have X amount of trials on that date, so we know we’re going to need X amount of potential jurors. That’s kind of how we determine how many summons go out each time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12038231 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The A. F. Bray Courthouse Contra Costa Superior Court in Martinez on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But not all cases end up \u003cem>going \u003c/em>to trial. In some instances, both sides in the case may reach a settlement or the defendant may take a plea deal. This could even happen the same morning you’re coming in to report for jury duty, so the court now has fewer cases to process than it initially expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t have any other cases going out that day, then we will excuse the jurors,” Walker said. “Even though the trial didn’t move forward, their service is now complete for at least a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some counties, like San Francisco, ask jurors to visit \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/divisions/jury-reporting-instructions\">the court’s website\u003c/a> each evening during their week of summons to check if they need to show up to court the following day. Others, like Solano, \u003ca href=\"https://solano.courts.ca.gov/divisions/jury-services/reporting-instructions\">have a phone number\u003c/a> you can call the day before to confirm whether you need to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court ends up not needing you that week on a jury, you may not need to show up to the courthouse at all, and can proceed with your regular routine — but you should still confirm that for each day of your summons.[aside postID=news_12048495 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250624-ParkFile-30-BL_qed.jpg']And if you \u003cem>are\u003c/em> called in but find yourself waiting in a room with other potential jurors for hours, rest assured, it’s not that the court wants to waste your time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather, judges and lawyers could still be working out plea deals or settlements that would impact the need for jurors that day. “Maybe the case was resolved, or postponed because they needed more time,” Fleshman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the case you’re assigned does move forward to trial, there’s one more step before you know for sure if you’ll be on the jury: \u003cem>voir dire\u003c/em>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscourts.gov/court-programs/jury-service/juror-selection-process\">juror selection process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here, you and other jurors will meet lawyers for both sides to talk about your background and potential biases you might have that could make you unsuitable for this particular jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when being honest about your beliefs is especially important, said Dave Sanford, chairman of civil rights firm Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, who has worked on jury trials for over two decades. For example, he said, “No one wants you to be on a jury if the case is about race discrimination and you already have preconceived biases coming in one way or another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re uncomfortable being honest in an open court, Sanford recommends that you ask to approach the bench and speak to the judge privately about what you’re thinking. When having these conversations, remember that it’s also equally important not to \u003cem>misrepresent \u003c/em>any of your beliefs in an effort to avoid serving on a jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How long could my jury service take?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Let’s say that on the week of your summons, the court \u003cem>does\u003c/em> need you to be on a jury. How much time from your work (and your personal life) should you set aside for the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That depends on the type of case you’re assigned to, said Solano County’s Walker. In her experience, a case involving a DUI may take a few days. “If it’s a big felony case, because there’s more to introduce, those will take longer,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it’s likely that you won’t know what type of case you’re assigned to until you’re sitting down inside the courthouse for your orientation. If you’re assigned to a complicated case — which could involve certain felonies like murder or other violent crimes — and you believe that you cannot fulfill the responsibilities of a juror for several weeks, \u003cem>this \u003c/em>is the moment when you need to let the court know about any potential hardships you’re experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do I get time off from work for jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofilelinkcodesections.htm\">are required by law\u003c/a> to give you time off to serve on a jury. However, state law also requires that you inform your boss with “reasonable notice” ahead of your summons — although it does not provide a clear definition of what “reasonable” means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts KQED spoke to recommend you touch base with your boss as soon as you get the jury notice in the mail, to avoid any complications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2219px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050451 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2219\" height=\"1575\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278.jpg 2219w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-2000x1420.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-1536x1090.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-2048x1454.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2219px) 100vw, 2219px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In California, jurors are paid $15 per day starting on the second day of jury service. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Your employer also cannot fire you or retaliate against you for taking time off to fulfill your responsibility as a juror. While you don’t have to use your PTO hours for jury duty, keep in mind that your employer is not legally required to pay you for the time you take off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some businesses pay their workers a certain percentage of their regular wages — and some won’t pay them anything — so it’s best to ask ahead of time what your employer’s policy is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are having issues with your boss in these matters, you can reach out to the state Department of Labor Standards Enforcement at: \u003ca href=\"mailto:DLSE2@dir.ca.gov\">DLSE2@dir.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do I get paid for jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, you will be paid $15 per day starting on the second day of your jury service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, seven counties — including Alameda in the Bay Area — provided $100 a day to low-income jurors through the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alameda.courts.ca.gov/news/jury-duty-pilot-program-suspended\">Jury Duty Pilot Program for low-income jurors\u003c/a>. But this program has now been suspended as part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/05/jury-duty-pay-california-budget/\">this year’s state budget cuts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I got assigned to be a juror on a very intense case. What should I know going in?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While it may sound simple, taking notes could be what gets you through a really long case. “There’s going to be long days. There’s a lot of testimony. And a lot of documents,” said Sanford of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, who has worked on jury trials for over two decades. “I think it’s expecting a lot from people to hold it all together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your notes don’t have to include every single word you hear during the trial, but jotting down what stands out to you, as well as what you’re thinking and feeling each day, can help you keep track of all the information coming your way.[aside postID=news_12047018 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/IMG_1067-2000x1500.jpg']Some courts even give jurors their own notebooks, but during orientation, check in with court staff about what type of notetaking is allowed where you are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documenting the process this way can even help you deal with any feelings that come up after looking at graphic evidence or emotionally intense testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Go in with an open mind, leave your biases behind and be prepared to be honest, open and impartial throughout the process,” Sanford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the case deals with crimes of a very violent or graphic nature, the court may offer to connect you with mental health services during or after the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you otherwise feel that being a juror on your assigned case is affecting your well-being, whatever the subject matter, you can check in with the judge or court staff and let them know what you’re feeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s always somebody that is available or will be available to answer questions — and to provide the assurances and help that you need so that you are ready to go on day one,” Napa County’s Fleshman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do I have to keep everything I hear in court as a juror secret?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s correct. Court staff will walk you through all restrictions for jurors during the trial, but in general terms, you cannot talk to anyone in the outside world — even family and friends — about the trial or the evidence you are seeing in court. This includes talking to journalists covering the case, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some courts may even restrict your social media use, as this could expose you to evidence outside the court record. Make sure to check in about Internet use with the bailiff or other court staff during orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As a relatively new United States citizen, getting a jury duty notice — that small piece of paper politely informing me that I need to be ready to show up at the courthouse in a few weeks’ time — still comes with a sense of mystery. And perhaps even a bit of drama: American movies can make it seem like a trial will be Tom Cruise \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/04/18/1245567231/what-makes-a-good-courtroom-drama\">dishing one bombshell revelation after the other\u003c/a>, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I know not everyone feels the same way. Serving on a jury when called may be required by law of all U.S. citizens, but for many, it also means figuring out childcare, requesting time off from work when money is already tight, or pushing back a family trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether we admit it or not, we all have gotten that note in the mail and the first thing that runs through your mind before you look at it is, ‘Oh God, I’m getting called \u003cem>again\u003c/em>,\u003cem>’\u003c/em>” said Bob Fleshman, court executive officer for the Napa County Superior Court. “But the bottom line is that jury service is a fundamental aspect of our justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jury service is also actually older than the United States itself. By the time of American Independence, most of the Thirteen Colonies had already \u003ca href=\"https://www.mass.gov/info-details/learn-about-the-history-of-the-jury-system\">developed their own versions of the English model\u003c/a> of deciding cases by a jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The framers of the Constitution included the right to a jury trial \u003ca href=\"https://www.mow.uscourts.gov/jury/history_of_jury_duty\">as a way to protect individuals\u003c/a> who could be unfairly accused and imprisoned by a biased or corrupt judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t have jurors in our jury system, our legal system would be severely compromised and probably just stop altogether,” said Judy Walker, jury operations manager for the Solano County Superior Court. “If we want this to work for us, then we need to work it for others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Walker acknowledged that the legal system can seem very complicated for first-time jurors. “There’s a lot of things that happen behind the scenes that not everyone is privy to,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for everything you need to know about getting your first jury duty summons (or even if it’s just been a while).\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#exemption-from-jury-duty-reschedule\">Who’s exempt from jury duty?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Why did I get this jury duty notice?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How does your county’s court know where to find you? The answer: Three different agencies provide courthouses with the name and address of potential jurors:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The DMV: If you have a driver’s licence or state ID\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The Franchise Tax Board: If you’ve filed state taxes in California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Your county’s voter registration office: Voter registration rolls are also used for jury duty selection.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>All the names from these different agencies are mixed, and courts then pick names randomly. Sometimes, however, this random selection can lead to unintentional mistakes: someone who is not yet a U.S. citizen could receive a summons, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, “courts don’t know if you have a medical issue. Courts don’t know if you’re taking care of an ailing parent. Courts don’t know if you’ve moved to a different county,” Napa County’s Fleshman said. “There’s a lag time in updating stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"exemption-from-jury-duty-reschedule\">\u003c/a>Who’s exempt from jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting in touch with the court as soon as you get the summons is critical, Fleshman said. “Don’t wait till the day of where you’re going to go in and ask to be deferred because then you’re just putting yourself at a disadvantage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When can a person be exempted from jury duty? Courts can be pretty understanding of many personal commitments like pre-planned travel or medical procedures, Fleshman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050432 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1379\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Gavel-1536x1059.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">If you request an exemption, you will need to explain your hardship with a written statement and be prepared to provide documentation or other evidence proving your situation. \u003ccite>(Andrey Popov/iStock via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you call the number that is printed on your summons, the court won’t necessarily excuse you from jury duty, but it may give you a different date to come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you think that you won’t be able to make \u003cem>any \u003c/em>date at all for jury duty, you are still required by law to show up to court if you are called. On your first day in court, you will go through an orientation. “Potential jurors can request a ‘hardship’ at that time,” Solano County’s Walker said. “They can put their issue on why they cannot serve as a juror on this particular case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other reasons could get a person excused from jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there’s \u003ca href=\"http://reddit.com/r/bayarea/comments/119gnd2/how_do_i_get_out_of_jury_duty_santa_clara_county/\">plenty of chatter online\u003c/a> on what can excuse you from jury duty — not all of it accurate or reliable — the \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/cms/rules/index/two/rule2_1008\">California Rules of Court\u003c/a> are very specific on what situations \u003cem>actually \u003c/em>count as a hardship:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>There are no transportation options available that can get you from your house to the court\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You have to travel for more than 90 minutes to get from your house to the court\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Being on a jury will cause you an “extreme financial burden” (when requesting this exemption, you will need to provide information on your source of income, and the court will then make a decisión based on the potential length of the trial and your ability to financially support yourself)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Property belonging to you could be harmed or destroyed while you serve as a juror\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You have a physical or mental disability that could affect your well-being while serving as a juror\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You are needed immediately to help protect public health and safety and there’s no one else available to replace you while you serve as a juror (remember, technically, state law only specifies police officers, sheriff’s deputies and California Highway Patrol agents \u003ca href=\"https://spsf.senate.ca.gov/sites/spsf.senate.ca.gov/files/ab_310_analysis.pdf\">as the professions exempt from jury duty\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>You care for a child or loved one who is sick, elderly or infirm, and there’s no one else available to help care for that person while you serve as a juror.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind that if you request an exemption, you will need to explain your hardship with a written statement — and you should be prepared to provide documentation or other evidence proving your situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember: asking for an exemption doesn’t necessarily guarantee that you will get one. But straight-up ignoring a summons — for whatever reason — could have \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/courts/jury-service\">serious legal consequences\u003c/a>, including a fine of up to $1,500, jail time, or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If I get a summons, does that definitely mean I’ll be serving on a jury trial?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not necessarily. When you get a jury summons, the court doesn’t actually know yet which case you’ll sit in on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Solano County, for example, the court will start sending out summons six weeks prior to a court date, Walker said. “We have X amount of trials on that date, so we know we’re going to need X amount of potential jurors. That’s kind of how we determine how many summons go out each time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12038231 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250303-AntiochPolice-13-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The A. F. Bray Courthouse Contra Costa Superior Court in Martinez on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But not all cases end up \u003cem>going \u003c/em>to trial. In some instances, both sides in the case may reach a settlement or the defendant may take a plea deal. This could even happen the same morning you’re coming in to report for jury duty, so the court now has fewer cases to process than it initially expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t have any other cases going out that day, then we will excuse the jurors,” Walker said. “Even though the trial didn’t move forward, their service is now complete for at least a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some counties, like San Francisco, ask jurors to visit \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/divisions/jury-reporting-instructions\">the court’s website\u003c/a> each evening during their week of summons to check if they need to show up to court the following day. Others, like Solano, \u003ca href=\"https://solano.courts.ca.gov/divisions/jury-services/reporting-instructions\">have a phone number\u003c/a> you can call the day before to confirm whether you need to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court ends up not needing you that week on a jury, you may not need to show up to the courthouse at all, and can proceed with your regular routine — but you should still confirm that for each day of your summons.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And if you \u003cem>are\u003c/em> called in but find yourself waiting in a room with other potential jurors for hours, rest assured, it’s not that the court wants to waste your time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather, judges and lawyers could still be working out plea deals or settlements that would impact the need for jurors that day. “Maybe the case was resolved, or postponed because they needed more time,” Fleshman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the case you’re assigned does move forward to trial, there’s one more step before you know for sure if you’ll be on the jury: \u003cem>voir dire\u003c/em>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscourts.gov/court-programs/jury-service/juror-selection-process\">juror selection process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here, you and other jurors will meet lawyers for both sides to talk about your background and potential biases you might have that could make you unsuitable for this particular jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when being honest about your beliefs is especially important, said Dave Sanford, chairman of civil rights firm Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, who has worked on jury trials for over two decades. For example, he said, “No one wants you to be on a jury if the case is about race discrimination and you already have preconceived biases coming in one way or another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re uncomfortable being honest in an open court, Sanford recommends that you ask to approach the bench and speak to the judge privately about what you’re thinking. When having these conversations, remember that it’s also equally important not to \u003cem>misrepresent \u003c/em>any of your beliefs in an effort to avoid serving on a jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How long could my jury service take?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Let’s say that on the week of your summons, the court \u003cem>does\u003c/em> need you to be on a jury. How much time from your work (and your personal life) should you set aside for the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That depends on the type of case you’re assigned to, said Solano County’s Walker. In her experience, a case involving a DUI may take a few days. “If it’s a big felony case, because there’s more to introduce, those will take longer,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it’s likely that you won’t know what type of case you’re assigned to until you’re sitting down inside the courthouse for your orientation. If you’re assigned to a complicated case — which could involve certain felonies like murder or other violent crimes — and you believe that you cannot fulfill the responsibilities of a juror for several weeks, \u003cem>this \u003c/em>is the moment when you need to let the court know about any potential hardships you’re experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do I get time off from work for jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofilelinkcodesections.htm\">are required by law\u003c/a> to give you time off to serve on a jury. However, state law also requires that you inform your boss with “reasonable notice” ahead of your summons — although it does not provide a clear definition of what “reasonable” means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts KQED spoke to recommend you touch base with your boss as soon as you get the jury notice in the mail, to avoid any complications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2219px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050451 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2219\" height=\"1575\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278.jpg 2219w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-2000x1420.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-1536x1090.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/78724278-2048x1454.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2219px) 100vw, 2219px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In California, jurors are paid $15 per day starting on the second day of jury service. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Your employer also cannot fire you or retaliate against you for taking time off to fulfill your responsibility as a juror. While you don’t have to use your PTO hours for jury duty, keep in mind that your employer is not legally required to pay you for the time you take off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some businesses pay their workers a certain percentage of their regular wages — and some won’t pay them anything — so it’s best to ask ahead of time what your employer’s policy is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are having issues with your boss in these matters, you can reach out to the state Department of Labor Standards Enforcement at: \u003ca href=\"mailto:DLSE2@dir.ca.gov\">DLSE2@dir.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do I get paid for jury duty?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, you will be paid $15 per day starting on the second day of your jury service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, seven counties — including Alameda in the Bay Area — provided $100 a day to low-income jurors through the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alameda.courts.ca.gov/news/jury-duty-pilot-program-suspended\">Jury Duty Pilot Program for low-income jurors\u003c/a>. But this program has now been suspended as part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/05/jury-duty-pay-california-budget/\">this year’s state budget cuts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I got assigned to be a juror on a very intense case. What should I know going in?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While it may sound simple, taking notes could be what gets you through a really long case. “There’s going to be long days. There’s a lot of testimony. And a lot of documents,” said Sanford of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, who has worked on jury trials for over two decades. “I think it’s expecting a lot from people to hold it all together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your notes don’t have to include every single word you hear during the trial, but jotting down what stands out to you, as well as what you’re thinking and feeling each day, can help you keep track of all the information coming your way.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Some courts even give jurors their own notebooks, but during orientation, check in with court staff about what type of notetaking is allowed where you are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documenting the process this way can even help you deal with any feelings that come up after looking at graphic evidence or emotionally intense testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Go in with an open mind, leave your biases behind and be prepared to be honest, open and impartial throughout the process,” Sanford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the case deals with crimes of a very violent or graphic nature, the court may offer to connect you with mental health services during or after the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you otherwise feel that being a juror on your assigned case is affecting your well-being, whatever the subject matter, you can check in with the judge or court staff and let them know what you’re feeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s always somebody that is available or will be available to answer questions — and to provide the assurances and help that you need so that you are ready to go on day one,” Napa County’s Fleshman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do I have to keep everything I hear in court as a juror secret?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s correct. Court staff will walk you through all restrictions for jurors during the trial, but in general terms, you cannot talk to anyone in the outside world — even family and friends — about the trial or the evidence you are seeing in court. This includes talking to journalists covering the case, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some courts may even restrict your social media use, as this could expose you to evidence outside the court record. Make sure to check in about Internet use with the bailiff or other court staff during orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "¿Un conocido fue detenido por ICE? Cómo saber dónde está ahora",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047506/searching-for-a-loved-one-in-ice-custody-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Read in English\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tensión entre activistas y agentes de inmigración en San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047397/ice-officers-drive-through-protesters-trying-to-stop-arrest-at-sf-immigration-court\">llegó a su punto crítico\u003c/a> a principios de julio cuando los funcionarios federales atropellaron en sus vehículos un grupo de manifestantes frente al tribunal de inmigración en esa ciudad, según \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DL2-Y7zB-Hr/\">los vídeos grabados por civiles y periodistas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los manifestantes intentaban impedir que los agentes de inmigración sacaran a un hombre detenido del interior del tribunal y lo subieran a una camioneta que se encontraba afuera. La camioneta atravesó el grupo, arrastrando a un manifestante que se aferraba al vehículo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las detenciones y arrestos dentro de los juzgados de inmigración se han convertido en \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">una táctica sin precedentes\u003c/a> para los agentes de inmigración, quienes buscan cumplir una cuota de 3 mil detenciones diarias. Según la base de datos \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/es/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (o ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha detenido a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">más de 5 mil 800 inmigrantes\u003c/a> a nivel estatal desde enero, lo que supone \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">un aumento del 123%\u003c/a> con respecto a 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La represión contra la comunidad inmigrante ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">aterrorizado y enfurecido a los residentes del Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>, lo que ha provocado manifestaciones y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047018/how-legal-experts-advocates-are-responding-to-the-detention-of-asylum-seekers\">acciones para evitar detenciones\u003c/a>, sobre todo teniendo en cuenta que los agentes de ICE a veces llevan el rostro cubierto para ocultar su identidad. El senador Alex Padilla ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jul/08/ice-agents-masks-bill-democrats\">presentado un proyecto de ley\u003c/a> que prohibiría a los agentes llevar máscaras y les obligaría a mostrar su número de placa. Muchas familias han contado \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/21/nx-s1-5439578/ice-detention-father-daughter-protest-immigration-department-homeland-security\">a los medios de comunicación\u003c/a>, que tan difícil es \u003ca href=\"https://sourcenm.com/2025/03/17/ice-has-disappeared-48-new-mexico-residents-attorneys-say/\">localizar\u003c/a> a sus seres queridos en el sistema.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED ha elaborado una guía sobre cómo navegar por la base de datos en línea de ICE para buscar a alguien en el sistema. Tenga en cuenta que este reportaje no es asesoría legal y que consultar a un abogado puede ayudarle en su situación específica. KQED también tiene una guía sobre dónde encontrar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo en el Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049126\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049126 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg\" alt=\"Una persona lleva puesta una bandera de Estados Unidos y enfrente de ella aparecen varios agentes de policía montados en caballo.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">La policía se enfrenta a manifestantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles durante las protestas por las redadas federales contra inmigrantes indocumentados el miércoles 11 de junio de 2025 en Los Ángeles. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Utilice el sistema en línea de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">Sistema de Localización de Detenidos en Línea de ICE\u003c/a> para buscarla, o puede llamar al \u003ca href=\"https://www.help.cbp.gov/s/article/Article-1706?language=es\">(866) 347-2423\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Necesitará tener lista \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-27/what-to-do-if-relative-detained-immigration-officials\">la información de la persona\u003c/a>, como:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Su “número de registro de extranjero” (o número A), asignado por el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. Este número se encuentra en la tarjeta de residencia, el permiso de trabajo u otros documentos de inmigración, y suele tener \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/glossary-term/50684\">siete o nueve dígitos\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su nombre completo\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su país de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su fecha de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://asaptogether.org/es/preguntas-frecuentes-otros-temas/\">Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a> (o ASAP por sus siglas en inglés), pueden pasar varios días hasta que una persona aparezca en la base de datos de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el nombre que busca no aparece en el sistema de ICE, o si le preocupa su seguridad y su posible deportación, puede solicitar ayuda a organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">un formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733. (También puede encontrar asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo específica para inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026143/que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice\">en esta guía de KQED\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consulte la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (NILC por sus siglas en inglés), \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-02-12/trump-administration-immigrants-dublin-federal-prison\">este año\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“ICE comenzó a utilizar prisiones gestionadas por la Oficina de Prisiones para retener a personas por casos de inmigración”\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede utilizar \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/inmateloc/\">la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/a> (BOP por sus siglas en inglés) para buscar a una persona. El NILC afirma que las personas que están detenidas por BOP también deberían aparecer en el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización en línea de ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que fue detenido cerca de una de estas prisiones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/locations/map.jsp?region=WXR\">puede intentar llamar directamente al centro\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049127\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049127 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg\" alt=\"Un adulto abraza a una niña que lleva en la mano una bandera mexicana.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una joven asiste a una manifestación por los derechos de los inmigrantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles el 5 de febrero de 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG vía Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Busca a un menor?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si trata de encontrar a un menor que sospecha que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> al correo \u003ca href=\"mailto:information@ORRNCC.com\">information@ORRNCC.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Póngase en contacto con una oficina local de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>La oficina local de Operaciones de Control y Deportación de ICE en San Francisco supervisa un área que incluye el \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">norte de California, Hawái, Guam y Saipán\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto con la oficina local de SF, situada en 630 Sansome St., por teléfono al 415-365-8800 o por correo electrónico a SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el NILC advierte que si llama o envía un correo electrónico a una oficina local, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“no proporcione a los agentes más información de la necesaria”\u003c/a> y “solo facilite el número A o la información básica, como el nombre y el país de nacimiento, que utilizaría en el localizador en línea”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no puede comunicarse con nadie en la oficina local, San Francisco cuenta con un oficial de relaciones comunitarias de ICE y puede escribirle un correo a: \u003ca href=\"mailto:CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\">CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Llame a un centro de detención\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El sitio web de ICE enumera \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">cinco centros de detención\u003c/a> asociados con la oficina local de San Francisco, aunque no todos se encuentran en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/es/localizar-persona-detenida-ice\">se encuentra detenido en un centro de detención\u003c/a>, puede llamar para intentar obtener más información.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/golden-state-annex\">Golden State Annex\u003c/a> en McFarland. El número es (661) 792-2731 y puede llamar de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/mesa-verde-ice-processing-facility\">El centro de procesamiento de ICE Mesa Verde\u003c/a> en Bakersfield. Puede llamar al (661) 859-1028 de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/federal-detention-center-honolulu-fdc-honolulu\">Centro federal de detención Honolulu\u003c/a> en Hawái. Puede llamar al (808) 529-1970 de 8 a.m. a 3 p.m. Recuerde que Hawái tiene tres horas menos que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/guam-department-corrections-hagatna-detention-facility\">El centro de detención Hagatna del departamento correccional de Guam\u003c/a>. Puede llamar al (671) 777-2976 de 7:30 a.m. a 3:30 p.m. Recuerde que Guam tiene 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/cnmi-department-corrections\">El departamento correccional CNMI\u003c/a> en las Islas Marianas del Norte. Puede llamar al 670-237-6000 de 8 a. m. a 4 p. m. Recuerde que las Islas Marianas del Norte tienen 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el sitio web de ICE, las personas detenidas no pueden recibir llamadas. Debe dejar un mensaje en el centro con el nombre completo del detenido, su número de registro de extranjero (su “número A”), así como su nombre y número de teléfono donde se le puede localizar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Póngase en contacto con el consulado de la persona\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">NILC\u003c/a>, “Todos los inmigrantes en las cárceles de ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management/national-detainee-handbook\">tienen derecho\u003c/a> a ponerse en contacto con el consulado de su país”. También puede intentar ponerse en contacto con esta oficina usted mismo para tratar de localizar a la persona. Sin embargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">el NILC recomienda encarecidamente\u003c/a> que no lo haga si la persona está solicitando asilo o teme por su vida en su país de origen.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Averigüe la posible fecha de su audiencia judicial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si le preocupa que alguien sea deportado por el proceso de “deportación acelerada”, primero confirme si esta persona tiene una audiencia judicial. “Si alguien tiene una fecha pendiente para comparecer ante un tribunal, eso significa que todavía no enfrentan un proceso de deportación acelerada”, afirma Jordan Weiner, director jurídico en La Raza Centro Legal en San Francisco. “Pero una vez que inicie el proceso de deportación acelerada, la posibilidad de una audiencia con la corte desaparece”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede buscar la próxima fecha de audiencia de una persona utilizando su número A en el \u003ca href=\"https://acis.eoir.justice.gov/es/\">sitio web de la Oficina ejecutiva de revisión de inmigración\u003c/a> (EOIR por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las personas especialmente vulnerables a la deportación acelerada son aquellas que están detenidas y no tienen información que aparezca en el sitio web de la EOIR, porque nunca se les otorgó una notificación para comparecer ante la corte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el caso de alguien ha sido desestimado o no aparece en el sistema pero luego aparece con una fecha de comparecencia ante el tribunal, esto “probablemente significa que ha superado \u003ca href=\"http://their%20credible%20fear%20interview\">la entrevista de temor creíble\u003c/a> y ha vuelto a ser procesado ante un juez de inmigración”, explicó Weiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo cual es bueno, porque significa que puede defender su caso”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>La periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> de KQED contribuyó a este reportaje.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Hay varias maneras para buscar a alguien que fue detenido por ICE. Pero tendrá que tener listo varios datos de esa persona, incluyendo su número de registro de extranjero o \"número A\".",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047506/searching-for-a-loved-one-in-ice-custody-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Read in English\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tensión entre activistas y agentes de inmigración en San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047397/ice-officers-drive-through-protesters-trying-to-stop-arrest-at-sf-immigration-court\">llegó a su punto crítico\u003c/a> a principios de julio cuando los funcionarios federales atropellaron en sus vehículos un grupo de manifestantes frente al tribunal de inmigración en esa ciudad, según \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DL2-Y7zB-Hr/\">los vídeos grabados por civiles y periodistas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los manifestantes intentaban impedir que los agentes de inmigración sacaran a un hombre detenido del interior del tribunal y lo subieran a una camioneta que se encontraba afuera. La camioneta atravesó el grupo, arrastrando a un manifestante que se aferraba al vehículo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las detenciones y arrestos dentro de los juzgados de inmigración se han convertido en \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">una táctica sin precedentes\u003c/a> para los agentes de inmigración, quienes buscan cumplir una cuota de 3 mil detenciones diarias. Según la base de datos \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/es/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (o ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha detenido a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">más de 5 mil 800 inmigrantes\u003c/a> a nivel estatal desde enero, lo que supone \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">un aumento del 123%\u003c/a> con respecto a 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La represión contra la comunidad inmigrante ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">aterrorizado y enfurecido a los residentes del Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>, lo que ha provocado manifestaciones y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047018/how-legal-experts-advocates-are-responding-to-the-detention-of-asylum-seekers\">acciones para evitar detenciones\u003c/a>, sobre todo teniendo en cuenta que los agentes de ICE a veces llevan el rostro cubierto para ocultar su identidad. El senador Alex Padilla ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jul/08/ice-agents-masks-bill-democrats\">presentado un proyecto de ley\u003c/a> que prohibiría a los agentes llevar máscaras y les obligaría a mostrar su número de placa. Muchas familias han contado \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/21/nx-s1-5439578/ice-detention-father-daughter-protest-immigration-department-homeland-security\">a los medios de comunicación\u003c/a>, que tan difícil es \u003ca href=\"https://sourcenm.com/2025/03/17/ice-has-disappeared-48-new-mexico-residents-attorneys-say/\">localizar\u003c/a> a sus seres queridos en el sistema.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED ha elaborado una guía sobre cómo navegar por la base de datos en línea de ICE para buscar a alguien en el sistema. Tenga en cuenta que este reportaje no es asesoría legal y que consultar a un abogado puede ayudarle en su situación específica. KQED también tiene una guía sobre dónde encontrar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo en el Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049126\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049126 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg\" alt=\"Una persona lleva puesta una bandera de Estados Unidos y enfrente de ella aparecen varios agentes de policía montados en caballo.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">La policía se enfrenta a manifestantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles durante las protestas por las redadas federales contra inmigrantes indocumentados el miércoles 11 de junio de 2025 en Los Ángeles. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Utilice el sistema en línea de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">Sistema de Localización de Detenidos en Línea de ICE\u003c/a> para buscarla, o puede llamar al \u003ca href=\"https://www.help.cbp.gov/s/article/Article-1706?language=es\">(866) 347-2423\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Necesitará tener lista \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-27/what-to-do-if-relative-detained-immigration-officials\">la información de la persona\u003c/a>, como:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Su “número de registro de extranjero” (o número A), asignado por el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. Este número se encuentra en la tarjeta de residencia, el permiso de trabajo u otros documentos de inmigración, y suele tener \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/glossary-term/50684\">siete o nueve dígitos\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su nombre completo\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su país de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su fecha de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://asaptogether.org/es/preguntas-frecuentes-otros-temas/\">Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a> (o ASAP por sus siglas en inglés), pueden pasar varios días hasta que una persona aparezca en la base de datos de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el nombre que busca no aparece en el sistema de ICE, o si le preocupa su seguridad y su posible deportación, puede solicitar ayuda a organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">un formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733. (También puede encontrar asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo específica para inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026143/que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice\">en esta guía de KQED\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consulte la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (NILC por sus siglas en inglés), \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-02-12/trump-administration-immigrants-dublin-federal-prison\">este año\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“ICE comenzó a utilizar prisiones gestionadas por la Oficina de Prisiones para retener a personas por casos de inmigración”\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede utilizar \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/inmateloc/\">la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/a> (BOP por sus siglas en inglés) para buscar a una persona. El NILC afirma que las personas que están detenidas por BOP también deberían aparecer en el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización en línea de ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que fue detenido cerca de una de estas prisiones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/locations/map.jsp?region=WXR\">puede intentar llamar directamente al centro\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049127\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049127 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg\" alt=\"Un adulto abraza a una niña que lleva en la mano una bandera mexicana.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una joven asiste a una manifestación por los derechos de los inmigrantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles el 5 de febrero de 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG vía Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Busca a un menor?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si trata de encontrar a un menor que sospecha que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> al correo \u003ca href=\"mailto:information@ORRNCC.com\">information@ORRNCC.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Póngase en contacto con una oficina local de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>La oficina local de Operaciones de Control y Deportación de ICE en San Francisco supervisa un área que incluye el \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">norte de California, Hawái, Guam y Saipán\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto con la oficina local de SF, situada en 630 Sansome St., por teléfono al 415-365-8800 o por correo electrónico a SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el NILC advierte que si llama o envía un correo electrónico a una oficina local, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“no proporcione a los agentes más información de la necesaria”\u003c/a> y “solo facilite el número A o la información básica, como el nombre y el país de nacimiento, que utilizaría en el localizador en línea”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no puede comunicarse con nadie en la oficina local, San Francisco cuenta con un oficial de relaciones comunitarias de ICE y puede escribirle un correo a: \u003ca href=\"mailto:CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\">CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Llame a un centro de detención\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El sitio web de ICE enumera \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">cinco centros de detención\u003c/a> asociados con la oficina local de San Francisco, aunque no todos se encuentran en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/es/localizar-persona-detenida-ice\">se encuentra detenido en un centro de detención\u003c/a>, puede llamar para intentar obtener más información.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/golden-state-annex\">Golden State Annex\u003c/a> en McFarland. El número es (661) 792-2731 y puede llamar de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/mesa-verde-ice-processing-facility\">El centro de procesamiento de ICE Mesa Verde\u003c/a> en Bakersfield. Puede llamar al (661) 859-1028 de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/federal-detention-center-honolulu-fdc-honolulu\">Centro federal de detención Honolulu\u003c/a> en Hawái. Puede llamar al (808) 529-1970 de 8 a.m. a 3 p.m. Recuerde que Hawái tiene tres horas menos que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/guam-department-corrections-hagatna-detention-facility\">El centro de detención Hagatna del departamento correccional de Guam\u003c/a>. Puede llamar al (671) 777-2976 de 7:30 a.m. a 3:30 p.m. Recuerde que Guam tiene 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/cnmi-department-corrections\">El departamento correccional CNMI\u003c/a> en las Islas Marianas del Norte. Puede llamar al 670-237-6000 de 8 a. m. a 4 p. m. Recuerde que las Islas Marianas del Norte tienen 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el sitio web de ICE, las personas detenidas no pueden recibir llamadas. Debe dejar un mensaje en el centro con el nombre completo del detenido, su número de registro de extranjero (su “número A”), así como su nombre y número de teléfono donde se le puede localizar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Póngase en contacto con el consulado de la persona\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">NILC\u003c/a>, “Todos los inmigrantes en las cárceles de ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management/national-detainee-handbook\">tienen derecho\u003c/a> a ponerse en contacto con el consulado de su país”. También puede intentar ponerse en contacto con esta oficina usted mismo para tratar de localizar a la persona. Sin embargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">el NILC recomienda encarecidamente\u003c/a> que no lo haga si la persona está solicitando asilo o teme por su vida en su país de origen.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Averigüe la posible fecha de su audiencia judicial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si le preocupa que alguien sea deportado por el proceso de “deportación acelerada”, primero confirme si esta persona tiene una audiencia judicial. “Si alguien tiene una fecha pendiente para comparecer ante un tribunal, eso significa que todavía no enfrentan un proceso de deportación acelerada”, afirma Jordan Weiner, director jurídico en La Raza Centro Legal en San Francisco. “Pero una vez que inicie el proceso de deportación acelerada, la posibilidad de una audiencia con la corte desaparece”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede buscar la próxima fecha de audiencia de una persona utilizando su número A en el \u003ca href=\"https://acis.eoir.justice.gov/es/\">sitio web de la Oficina ejecutiva de revisión de inmigración\u003c/a> (EOIR por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las personas especialmente vulnerables a la deportación acelerada son aquellas que están detenidas y no tienen información que aparezca en el sitio web de la EOIR, porque nunca se les otorgó una notificación para comparecer ante la corte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el caso de alguien ha sido desestimado o no aparece en el sistema pero luego aparece con una fecha de comparecencia ante el tribunal, esto “probablemente significa que ha superado \u003ca href=\"http://their%20credible%20fear%20interview\">la entrevista de temor creíble\u003c/a> y ha vuelto a ser procesado ante un juez de inmigración”, explicó Weiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo cual es bueno, porque significa que puede defender su caso”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>La periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> de KQED contribuyó a este reportaje.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "judge-orders-trump-administration-to-halt-indiscriminate-immigration-stops-arrests-in-california",
"title": "Judge Orders Trump Administration to Halt Indiscriminate Immigration Stops, Arrests in California",
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"headTitle": "Judge Orders Trump Administration to Halt Indiscriminate Immigration Stops, Arrests in California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated 1 p.m. Saturday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LOS ANGELES (AP) — A federal judge on Friday ordered the Trump administration to halt indiscriminate immigration stops and arrests in seven California counties, including Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-lawsuit-trump-administration-immigration-raids-d981e5026af6cf73e8f6600a8ed24bad\">Immigrant advocacy groups filed the lawsuit last week\u003c/a> accusing President Donald Trump’s administration of systematically targeting brown-skinned people in Southern California during its ongoing immigration crackdown. The plaintiffs include three detained immigrants and two U.S. citizens, one of whom was held despite showing agents his identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filing in U.S. District Court asked a judge to block the administration from using what they call unconstitutional tactics in immigration raids. Immigrant advocates accuse immigration officials of detaining someone based on their race, carrying out warrantless arrests, and denying detainees access to legal counsel at a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ice-immigration-raids-detainee-families-los-angeles-651d8bba4752553a67eb53db084677b2\">holding facility in downtown L.A\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said “justice prevailed today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court’s decision puts a temporary stop to federal immigration officials violating people’s rights and racial profiling,” read the statement. “Instead of targeting the most dangerous people, federal officials have been arbitrarily detaining Americans and hardworking people, ripping families apart, and disappearing people into cruel detention to meet outrageous arrest quotas without regard to due process and constitutional rights that protect all of us from cruelty and injustice. That should stop now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta stated Friday that he “celebrates” the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump Administration is using federal immigration agents as a tool to instill fear and division in Los Angeles communities,” read the statement from the attorney general’s office. “Their sweeping stops of Angelenos, based not on any evidence of wrongdoing but instead on racial profiling, is flagrantly unconstitutional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Maame E. Frimpong also issued a separate order barring the federal government from restricting attorney access at a Los Angeles immigration detention facility in response to a request from nonprofit law firm Public Counsel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frimpong issued the emergency orders, which are a temporary measure while the lawsuit proceeds, the day after a hearing during which advocacy groups argued that the government was violating the Fourth and Fifth amendments of the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wrote in the order there was a “mountain of evidence” presented in the case that the federal government was committing the violations they were being accused of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House responded quickly to the ruling late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No federal judge has the authority to dictate immigration policy — that authority rests with Congress and the President,” spokesperson Abigail Jackson said. “Enforcement operations require careful planning and execution; skills far beyond the purview (or) jurisdiction of any judge. We expect this gross overstep of judicial authority to be corrected on appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Communities on edge as administration steps up arrests\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Immigrants and Latino communities across Southern California have been on edge for weeks since the Trump administration stepped up arrests at car washes, Home Depot parking lots, immigration courts and a range of businesses. Tens of thousands of people have participated in rallies in the region over the raids and the subsequent \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/insurrection-act-trump-troops-newsom-military-national-guard-a842f79e1c0e244039be274a6f266a7a\">deployment of the National Guard\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-raids-national-guard-lawsuit-los-angeles-f4809c7f39d09e4fdfa01982f44ec995\">Marines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also applies to Ventura County, where busloads of workers were detained Thursday while the court hearing was underway after federal agents \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-farm-immigration-raid-d58bb572cd1638c2c4b8d3ef26c2b430\">descended on a cannabis farm\u003c/a>, leading to clashes with protesters and multiple injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12047018 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/IMG_1067-2000x1500.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the American Civil Liberties Union, the recent wave of immigration enforcement has been driven by an “arbitrary arrest quota” and based on “broad stereotypes based on race or ethnicity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When detaining the three day laborers who are plaintiffs in the lawsuit, all immigration agents knew about them is that they were Latino and were dressed in construction work clothes, the filing in the lawsuit said. It goes on to describe raids at swap meets and Home Depots where witnesses say federal agents grabbed anyone who “looked Hispanic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tricia McLaughlin, assistant secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, said in an email that “any claims that individuals have been ‘targeted’ by law enforcement because of their skin color are disgusting and categorically FALSE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McLaughlin said “enforcement operations are highly targeted, and officers do their due diligence” before making arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the ruling, she said “a district judge is undermining the will of the American people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorney Mohammad Tajsar said Brian Gavidia, one of the U.S. citizens who was detained, was “physically assaulted … for no other reason than he was Latino and working at a tow yard in a predominantly Latin American neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tajsar asked why immigration agents detained everyone at a car wash except two white workers, according to a declaration by a car wash worker, if race wasn’t involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tajsar also said advocates in the Bay Area should take note.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ICE and Border Patrol engage in these practices, say in Alameda County or in San Francisco, there is a really good legal footing for communities to actually go to court to prevent this from happening,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jess P. waves an upside-down flag at a rally against the Trump administration’s travel bans in front of City Hall in San Francisco on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Representing the government, attorney Sean Skedzielewski said there was no evidence that federal immigration agents considered race in their arrests, and that they only considered appearance as part of the “totality of the circumstances,” including prior surveillance and interactions with people in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, they also operated off “targeted, individualized packages,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department of Homeland Security has policy and training to ensure compliance with the Fourth Amendment,” Skedzielewski said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Order opens facility to lawyer visits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lawyers from Immigrant Defenders Law Center and other groups say they also have been denied access to a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in downtown LA known as “B-18” on several occasions since June, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Counsel lawyer Mark Rosenbaum said in one incident on June 7 attorneys “attempted to shout out basic rights” at a bus of people detained by immigration agents in downtown L.A. when the government drivers honked their horns to drown them out and chemical munitions akin to tear gas were deployed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skedzielewski said access was only restricted to “protect the employees and the detainees” during violent protests and it has since been restored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenbaum said lawyers were denied access even on days without any demonstrations nearby, and that the people detained are also not given sufficient access to phones or informed that lawyers were available to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the facility lacks adequate food and beds, which he called “coercive” to getting people to sign papers to agree to leave the country before consulting an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s order will temporarily prevent the government from solely using apparent race or ethnicity, speaking Spanish or English with an accent, presence at a location such as a tow yard or car wash, or someone’s occupation as the basis for reasonable suspicion to stop someone. It will also require officials to open B-18 to visitation by attorneys seven days a week and provide detainees access to confidential phone calls with attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys general for 18 Democratic states also filed briefs in support of the orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents were already barred from making warrantless arrests in a large swath of eastern California after a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Keith Mizuguchi.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Both Gov. Newsom and Attorney General Rob Bonta welcomed the order Friday, which also bars the federal government from restricting attorney access at a Los Angeles immigration detention facility. ",
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"title": "Judge Orders Trump Administration to Halt Indiscriminate Immigration Stops, Arrests in California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated 1 p.m. Saturday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LOS ANGELES (AP) — A federal judge on Friday ordered the Trump administration to halt indiscriminate immigration stops and arrests in seven California counties, including Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-lawsuit-trump-administration-immigration-raids-d981e5026af6cf73e8f6600a8ed24bad\">Immigrant advocacy groups filed the lawsuit last week\u003c/a> accusing President Donald Trump’s administration of systematically targeting brown-skinned people in Southern California during its ongoing immigration crackdown. The plaintiffs include three detained immigrants and two U.S. citizens, one of whom was held despite showing agents his identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filing in U.S. District Court asked a judge to block the administration from using what they call unconstitutional tactics in immigration raids. Immigrant advocates accuse immigration officials of detaining someone based on their race, carrying out warrantless arrests, and denying detainees access to legal counsel at a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ice-immigration-raids-detainee-families-los-angeles-651d8bba4752553a67eb53db084677b2\">holding facility in downtown L.A\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said “justice prevailed today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court’s decision puts a temporary stop to federal immigration officials violating people’s rights and racial profiling,” read the statement. “Instead of targeting the most dangerous people, federal officials have been arbitrarily detaining Americans and hardworking people, ripping families apart, and disappearing people into cruel detention to meet outrageous arrest quotas without regard to due process and constitutional rights that protect all of us from cruelty and injustice. That should stop now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta stated Friday that he “celebrates” the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump Administration is using federal immigration agents as a tool to instill fear and division in Los Angeles communities,” read the statement from the attorney general’s office. “Their sweeping stops of Angelenos, based not on any evidence of wrongdoing but instead on racial profiling, is flagrantly unconstitutional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Maame E. Frimpong also issued a separate order barring the federal government from restricting attorney access at a Los Angeles immigration detention facility in response to a request from nonprofit law firm Public Counsel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frimpong issued the emergency orders, which are a temporary measure while the lawsuit proceeds, the day after a hearing during which advocacy groups argued that the government was violating the Fourth and Fifth amendments of the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wrote in the order there was a “mountain of evidence” presented in the case that the federal government was committing the violations they were being accused of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House responded quickly to the ruling late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No federal judge has the authority to dictate immigration policy — that authority rests with Congress and the President,” spokesperson Abigail Jackson said. “Enforcement operations require careful planning and execution; skills far beyond the purview (or) jurisdiction of any judge. We expect this gross overstep of judicial authority to be corrected on appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Communities on edge as administration steps up arrests\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Immigrants and Latino communities across Southern California have been on edge for weeks since the Trump administration stepped up arrests at car washes, Home Depot parking lots, immigration courts and a range of businesses. Tens of thousands of people have participated in rallies in the region over the raids and the subsequent \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/insurrection-act-trump-troops-newsom-military-national-guard-a842f79e1c0e244039be274a6f266a7a\">deployment of the National Guard\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-raids-national-guard-lawsuit-los-angeles-f4809c7f39d09e4fdfa01982f44ec995\">Marines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order also applies to Ventura County, where busloads of workers were detained Thursday while the court hearing was underway after federal agents \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-farm-immigration-raid-d58bb572cd1638c2c4b8d3ef26c2b430\">descended on a cannabis farm\u003c/a>, leading to clashes with protesters and multiple injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the American Civil Liberties Union, the recent wave of immigration enforcement has been driven by an “arbitrary arrest quota” and based on “broad stereotypes based on race or ethnicity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When detaining the three day laborers who are plaintiffs in the lawsuit, all immigration agents knew about them is that they were Latino and were dressed in construction work clothes, the filing in the lawsuit said. It goes on to describe raids at swap meets and Home Depots where witnesses say federal agents grabbed anyone who “looked Hispanic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tricia McLaughlin, assistant secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, said in an email that “any claims that individuals have been ‘targeted’ by law enforcement because of their skin color are disgusting and categorically FALSE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McLaughlin said “enforcement operations are highly targeted, and officers do their due diligence” before making arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the ruling, she said “a district judge is undermining the will of the American people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorney Mohammad Tajsar said Brian Gavidia, one of the U.S. citizens who was detained, was “physically assaulted … for no other reason than he was Latino and working at a tow yard in a predominantly Latin American neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tajsar asked why immigration agents detained everyone at a car wash except two white workers, according to a declaration by a car wash worker, if race wasn’t involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tajsar also said advocates in the Bay Area should take note.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ICE and Border Patrol engage in these practices, say in Alameda County or in San Francisco, there is a really good legal footing for communities to actually go to court to prevent this from happening,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-05-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jess P. waves an upside-down flag at a rally against the Trump administration’s travel bans in front of City Hall in San Francisco on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Representing the government, attorney Sean Skedzielewski said there was no evidence that federal immigration agents considered race in their arrests, and that they only considered appearance as part of the “totality of the circumstances,” including prior surveillance and interactions with people in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, they also operated off “targeted, individualized packages,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department of Homeland Security has policy and training to ensure compliance with the Fourth Amendment,” Skedzielewski said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Order opens facility to lawyer visits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lawyers from Immigrant Defenders Law Center and other groups say they also have been denied access to a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in downtown LA known as “B-18” on several occasions since June, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Counsel lawyer Mark Rosenbaum said in one incident on June 7 attorneys “attempted to shout out basic rights” at a bus of people detained by immigration agents in downtown L.A. when the government drivers honked their horns to drown them out and chemical munitions akin to tear gas were deployed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skedzielewski said access was only restricted to “protect the employees and the detainees” during violent protests and it has since been restored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenbaum said lawyers were denied access even on days without any demonstrations nearby, and that the people detained are also not given sufficient access to phones or informed that lawyers were available to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the facility lacks adequate food and beds, which he called “coercive” to getting people to sign papers to agree to leave the country before consulting an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s order will temporarily prevent the government from solely using apparent race or ethnicity, speaking Spanish or English with an accent, presence at a location such as a tow yard or car wash, or someone’s occupation as the basis for reasonable suspicion to stop someone. It will also require officials to open B-18 to visitation by attorneys seven days a week and provide detainees access to confidential phone calls with attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys general for 18 Democratic states also filed briefs in support of the orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents were already barred from making warrantless arrests in a large swath of eastern California after a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Keith Mizuguchi.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "what-the-supreme-courts-latest-ruling-means-for-birthright-citizenship",
"title": "What Are the Rules for U.S. Birthright Citizenship Right Now?",
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"headTitle": "What Are the Rules for U.S. Birthright Citizenship Right Now? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s executive order limiting birthright citizenship is once again frozen by a federal judge’s nationwide injunction, preventing the administration from enforcing the policy in any of the 50 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044886/supreme-court-birthright-citizenship-ruling-limits-nationwide-injunctions\">previously ruled\u003c/a> that the federal government could only enforce the order in the 28 states that have not challenged it in court, while it remains blocked in the other 22 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s decision from the U.S. District Court for New Hampshire allows civil rights groups to move forward \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/barbara-v-donald-j-trump?document=PI-Order\">with a class-action lawsuit\u003c/a> on behalf of newborn babies affected by executive order. While the Supreme Court has limited the power of district judges to stop executive orders nationwide, it still allows this type of injunction in class action cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#parents\">\u003cstrong>Jump to: Expecting a baby? What you should know now\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Having a patchwork system of birthright citizenship would be totally unworkable,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the San Francisco-based Asian Law Caucus, one of the organizations that presented the lawsuit. “It would turn doctors and nurses into immigration agents. It would be really expensive to administer. It would create a lot of confusion and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order would deny U.S. citizenship to babies born in the country to parents without permanent legal status, but the Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling created a split: a baby born to undocumented parents in California — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">which sued the federal government over the policy\u003c/a> — would be entitled to citizenship, while a baby born to a family with similar circumstances in Texas — which has not challenged the executive order — could be denied citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this latest injunction blocks the executive order from taking effect in any state, guaranteeing birthright citizenship for now to babies born to immigrant parents without permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What parents need to know is that they are protected for now,” said Kohli, who added that she expects another legal battle that could end up in the Supreme Court. “We’re in this for the long haul.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to understand the latest rules on U.S. birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Who does Trump’s birthright citizenship order affect now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 20, Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">an executive order\u003c/a> declaring that the federal government will no longer grant documents that confirm citizenship, like a Social Security Number or passport, to children born on or after Feb. 19, 2025, who are in the following situations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother is “unlawfully present” (with no legal status) in the U.S. and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother was in the U.S. with a temporary visa or permit, and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The text of the executive order is written in legal language that can be difficult for the general public to understand. But based on the circumstances the order describes, these are families that could be affected by Trump’s birthright citizenship executive order:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents have no legal immigration documents at the time of their baby’s birth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents only have a temporary legal status, which could include: Temporary Protected Status (TPS), Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If one parent has no legal status and the other only has a temporary legal status, which could include: TPS, DACA, H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On June 27, the Supreme Court ruled the executive order cannot be enforced in the following 22 states, along with the District of Columbia:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Arizona\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Colorado\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecticut\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Delaware\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hawaii\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Illinois\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maine\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Massachusetts\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maryland\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Michigan\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Minnesota\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nevada\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Jersey\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Mexico\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New York\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Carolina\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Oregon\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rhode Island\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vermont\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Washington\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wisconsin\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>While in the remaining 28 states, the new birthright citizenship rules were set to begin on July 27. How a patchwork system like this would actually look like in practice has puzzled both legal scholars and future parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’d be a lot of chaos with government agencies, businesses and individuals not even being sure how to comply with the law, even if they want to comply in good faith,” said Ming H. Chen, professor at UC Law San Francisco and faculty-director of the school’s Center for Race, Immigration, Citizenship, and Equality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12015449 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/20241119_BirthrightCitizenshipExplainer_GC-16_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents were so concerned, especially in the 28 states that were not party to a lawsuit on birthright citizenship,” said Asian Law Caucus’ Kohli. “People in those states were asking questions like, ‘Should we move in order to ensure that their child is a U.S. citizen?’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire federal district court blocks the executive order from being enforced anywhere in the country until the class-action lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"parents\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>I’m worried: Is my baby still a US citizen?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling allowed the federal government to enforce the policy in 28 states startingJuly 27. The order is now blocked nationwide as the case moves through the judicial system, with legal experts predicting the fight will make it to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this moment, the federal government will still recognize your baby as a U.S. citizen, regardless of your immigration status or what state the child was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Would anyone be stripped of their existing American citizenship with this order?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order says nothing about taking away the citizenship of people born in the U.S. before Feb. 19, regardless of the immigration status of their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I’m currently expecting a baby. Will they still become a US citizen automatically?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This one’s complicated, as this depends on the future of the class-action lawsuit brought by civil rights groups on behalf of babies impacted by the executive order. Thanks to the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire district court, the Trump administration must continue to recognize the U.S. citizenship of babies born to immigrant parents without a permanent legal status, regardless of their state of residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the White House challenges the ruling, the case would next go to a federal appeals court and, potentially, to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, there are still multiple lawsuits against the government over the constitutionality of Trump’s executive order that are making their way through the judicial system. Once those cases reach the Supreme Court, the justices will have the final word on whether the executive order is overturned entirely or enforced nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind, however, that the Supreme Court is currently in recess and will resume hearing cases in October. The July 10 injunction blocking the order nationwide remains in place in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story originally published on June 27, 2025.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s executive order limiting birthright citizenship is once again frozen by a federal judge’s nationwide injunction, preventing the administration from enforcing the policy in any of the 50 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044886/supreme-court-birthright-citizenship-ruling-limits-nationwide-injunctions\">previously ruled\u003c/a> that the federal government could only enforce the order in the 28 states that have not challenged it in court, while it remains blocked in the other 22 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s decision from the U.S. District Court for New Hampshire allows civil rights groups to move forward \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/barbara-v-donald-j-trump?document=PI-Order\">with a class-action lawsuit\u003c/a> on behalf of newborn babies affected by executive order. While the Supreme Court has limited the power of district judges to stop executive orders nationwide, it still allows this type of injunction in class action cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#parents\">\u003cstrong>Jump to: Expecting a baby? What you should know now\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Having a patchwork system of birthright citizenship would be totally unworkable,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the San Francisco-based Asian Law Caucus, one of the organizations that presented the lawsuit. “It would turn doctors and nurses into immigration agents. It would be really expensive to administer. It would create a lot of confusion and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order would deny U.S. citizenship to babies born in the country to parents without permanent legal status, but the Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling created a split: a baby born to undocumented parents in California — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">which sued the federal government over the policy\u003c/a> — would be entitled to citizenship, while a baby born to a family with similar circumstances in Texas — which has not challenged the executive order — could be denied citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this latest injunction blocks the executive order from taking effect in any state, guaranteeing birthright citizenship for now to babies born to immigrant parents without permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What parents need to know is that they are protected for now,” said Kohli, who added that she expects another legal battle that could end up in the Supreme Court. “We’re in this for the long haul.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to understand the latest rules on U.S. birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Who does Trump’s birthright citizenship order affect now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 20, Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">an executive order\u003c/a> declaring that the federal government will no longer grant documents that confirm citizenship, like a Social Security Number or passport, to children born on or after Feb. 19, 2025, who are in the following situations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother is “unlawfully present” (with no legal status) in the U.S. and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother was in the U.S. with a temporary visa or permit, and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The text of the executive order is written in legal language that can be difficult for the general public to understand. But based on the circumstances the order describes, these are families that could be affected by Trump’s birthright citizenship executive order:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents have no legal immigration documents at the time of their baby’s birth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents only have a temporary legal status, which could include: Temporary Protected Status (TPS), Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If one parent has no legal status and the other only has a temporary legal status, which could include: TPS, DACA, H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On June 27, the Supreme Court ruled the executive order cannot be enforced in the following 22 states, along with the District of Columbia:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Arizona\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Colorado\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecticut\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Delaware\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hawaii\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Illinois\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maine\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Massachusetts\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maryland\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Michigan\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Minnesota\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nevada\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Jersey\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Mexico\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New York\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Carolina\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Oregon\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rhode Island\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vermont\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Washington\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wisconsin\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>While in the remaining 28 states, the new birthright citizenship rules were set to begin on July 27. How a patchwork system like this would actually look like in practice has puzzled both legal scholars and future parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’d be a lot of chaos with government agencies, businesses and individuals not even being sure how to comply with the law, even if they want to comply in good faith,” said Ming H. Chen, professor at UC Law San Francisco and faculty-director of the school’s Center for Race, Immigration, Citizenship, and Equality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents were so concerned, especially in the 28 states that were not party to a lawsuit on birthright citizenship,” said Asian Law Caucus’ Kohli. “People in those states were asking questions like, ‘Should we move in order to ensure that their child is a U.S. citizen?’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire federal district court blocks the executive order from being enforced anywhere in the country until the class-action lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"parents\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>I’m worried: Is my baby still a US citizen?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling allowed the federal government to enforce the policy in 28 states startingJuly 27. The order is now blocked nationwide as the case moves through the judicial system, with legal experts predicting the fight will make it to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this moment, the federal government will still recognize your baby as a U.S. citizen, regardless of your immigration status or what state the child was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Would anyone be stripped of their existing American citizenship with this order?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order says nothing about taking away the citizenship of people born in the U.S. before Feb. 19, regardless of the immigration status of their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I’m currently expecting a baby. Will they still become a US citizen automatically?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This one’s complicated, as this depends on the future of the class-action lawsuit brought by civil rights groups on behalf of babies impacted by the executive order. Thanks to the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire district court, the Trump administration must continue to recognize the U.S. citizenship of babies born to immigrant parents without a permanent legal status, regardless of their state of residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the White House challenges the ruling, the case would next go to a federal appeals court and, potentially, to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, there are still multiple lawsuits against the government over the constitutionality of Trump’s executive order that are making their way through the judicial system. Once those cases reach the Supreme Court, the justices will have the final word on whether the executive order is overturned entirely or enforced nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind, however, that the Supreme Court is currently in recess and will resume hearing cases in October. The July 10 injunction blocking the order nationwide remains in place in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story originally published on June 27, 2025.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "authorities-say-about-200-immigrants-were-arrested-in-raids-on-2-southern-california-farms",
"title": "Authorities Say About 200 Immigrants Were Arrested in Raids on 2 Southern California Farms",
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"content": "\u003cp>CAMARILLO, Calif. (AP) — Federal immigration authorities said Friday they arrested about 200 immigrants suspected of being in the country illegally in \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-farm-immigration-raid-d58bb572cd1638c2c4b8d3ef26c2b430\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">raids a day earlier on two California cannabis farm sites\u003c/a>\u003c/span>. Protesters engaged in a tense standoff with authorities during an operation at one of the farms where a farmworker was gravely injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said in a statement that authorities executed criminal search warrants in Carpinteria and Camarillo, California, on Thursday. They arrested immigrants suspected of being in the country illegally, and there were also at least 10 immigrant children on site, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four U.S. citizens were arrested for “assaulting or resisting officers,” the department said. Authorities were offering a $50,000 reward for information leading to the arrest of one person suspected of firing a gun at federal agents. At least one worker was hospitalized with grave injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the raid, crowds of people gathered outside Glass House Farms at the Camarillo location to demand information about their relatives and protest immigration enforcement. A chaotic scene emerged outside the farm that grows tomatoes, cucumbers and cannabis as authorities clad in military-style helmets and uniforms faced off with the demonstrators. Acrid green and white billowing smoke then forced community members to retreat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glass House, a licensed California cannabis grower, said in a statement that immigration agents had valid warrants. The company said workers were detained, and it is helping provide them with legal representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Glass House has never knowingly violated applicable hiring practices and does not and has never employed minors,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is legal to grow and sell cannabis in California with proper licensing. State records show the company has multiple active licenses to cultivate cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Worker hospitalized after fall\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 12 people were injured during the raid and protest at the farm in Camarillo, said Andrew Dowd, a spokesperson for the Ventura County Fire Department. Eight were taken to Saint John’s St. John’s Regional Medical Center and the Ventura County Medical Center, and four were treated at the scene and released. Dowd said he did not have information on the extent of the injuries of those hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12043346 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUPROTESTS-14-BL-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, about two dozen people waited outside the Camarillo farm to retrieve the cars of loved ones and speak to managers about what happened. Relatives of Jaime Alanis, who has worked picking tomatoes at the farm for 10 years, said he called his wife in Mexico during the raid to tell her immigration agents had arrived and that he was hiding with others inside the farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The next thing we heard was that he was in the hospital with broken hands, ribs and a broken neck,” Juan Duran, Alanis’ brother-in-law, said in Spanish, his voice breaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear how Alanis was injured. A doctor at Ventura County Medical Center told the family that those who brought Alanis to the hospital said he had fallen from the roof of a building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alanis had a broken neck, fractured skull and a rupture in an artery that pumps blood to the brain, said his niece Yesenia, who didn’t want to share her last name for fear of reprisal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told us he won’t make it and to say goodbye,” Yesenia said, crying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confrontation with authorities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After immigration agents arrived at Glass House’s farm in Camarillo on Thursday morning, workers called family members to let them know authorities were there. Relatives and advocates headed to the farm some 50 miles (80 kilometers) northwest of downtown Los Angeles to try to find out what was going on, and began protesting outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities formed a line blocking the road leading through farm fields to the company’s greenhouses. Protesters were seen shouting at agents wearing camouflage gear, helmets and gas masks. The billowing smoke drove protesters to retreat. It wasn’t clear why authorities threw the canisters or if they released chemicals such as tear gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura County fire authorities responding to a 911 call of people having trouble breathing said three people were taken to nearby hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the farm, agents arrested workers and removed them by bus. Others, including U.S. citizens, were detained at the site for hours while agents investigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident came as federal immigration agents have ramped up arrests in Southern California at car washes, \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-raids-california-farmworkers-1301639766f55c8d4e8e15ff2fd45687\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">farms\u003c/a>\u003c/span> and Home Depot parking lots, stoking \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-ice-immigration-raids-sweeps-fear-d87e36664a8c5938865aad5520345348\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">widespread fear\u003c/a>\u003c/span> among immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People embrace outside of Glass House Farms, a day after an immigration raid on the facility, on Friday, July 11, 2025, in Camarillo, Calif. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Federal investigations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said in a statement Friday that the investigation into immigration and potential child labor violations at the farm is ongoing. No further details of the allegations were provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said hundreds of demonstrators attempted to disrupt the operations, leading to the arrest of four Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will prosecute to the fullest extent of the law anyone who assaults or doxes federal law enforcement,” Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection were both part of the operation, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Family members search for answers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Relatives of other workers said they got similar calls Thursday. The mother of an American worker said her son was held at the worksite for 11 hours and told her agents took workers’ cellphones to prevent them from calling family or filming and forced them to erase cellphone video of agents at the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman said her son told her agents marked the men’s hands with ink to distinguish their immigration status. She spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because she feared reprisals from the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Farm Workers said in statement that some U.S. citizens are not yet accounted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria Servin, 68, said her son has worked at the farm for 18 years and was helping to build a greenhouse. She said she spoke to her son, who is undocumented, after hearing of the raid and offered to pick him up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said not to come because they were surrounded and there was even a helicopter. That was the last time I spoke to him,” Servin, a U.S. citizen, said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she went to the farm anyway but federal agents were shooting tear gas and rubber bullets and she decided it was not safe to stay. She and her daughter returned to the farm Friday and were told her son had been arrested Thursday. They still don’t know where he is being held.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I regret 1,000 times that I didn’t help him get his documents,” Servin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Taxin reported from Orange County, California, and Rodriguez reported from San Francisco.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Federal immigration authorities say they have arrested about 200 immigrants suspected of being in the country illegally during raids on two California farm sites. The family of one worker says he is in the hospital with a broken neck after falling during the raid.",
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"title": "Authorities Say About 200 Immigrants Were Arrested in Raids on 2 Southern California Farms | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>CAMARILLO, Calif. (AP) — Federal immigration authorities said Friday they arrested about 200 immigrants suspected of being in the country illegally in \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-farm-immigration-raid-d58bb572cd1638c2c4b8d3ef26c2b430\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">raids a day earlier on two California cannabis farm sites\u003c/a>\u003c/span>. Protesters engaged in a tense standoff with authorities during an operation at one of the farms where a farmworker was gravely injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said in a statement that authorities executed criminal search warrants in Carpinteria and Camarillo, California, on Thursday. They arrested immigrants suspected of being in the country illegally, and there were also at least 10 immigrant children on site, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four U.S. citizens were arrested for “assaulting or resisting officers,” the department said. Authorities were offering a $50,000 reward for information leading to the arrest of one person suspected of firing a gun at federal agents. At least one worker was hospitalized with grave injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the raid, crowds of people gathered outside Glass House Farms at the Camarillo location to demand information about their relatives and protest immigration enforcement. A chaotic scene emerged outside the farm that grows tomatoes, cucumbers and cannabis as authorities clad in military-style helmets and uniforms faced off with the demonstrators. Acrid green and white billowing smoke then forced community members to retreat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glass House, a licensed California cannabis grower, said in a statement that immigration agents had valid warrants. The company said workers were detained, and it is helping provide them with legal representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Glass House has never knowingly violated applicable hiring practices and does not and has never employed minors,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is legal to grow and sell cannabis in California with proper licensing. State records show the company has multiple active licenses to cultivate cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Worker hospitalized after fall\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 12 people were injured during the raid and protest at the farm in Camarillo, said Andrew Dowd, a spokesperson for the Ventura County Fire Department. Eight were taken to Saint John’s St. John’s Regional Medical Center and the Ventura County Medical Center, and four were treated at the scene and released. Dowd said he did not have information on the extent of the injuries of those hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, about two dozen people waited outside the Camarillo farm to retrieve the cars of loved ones and speak to managers about what happened. Relatives of Jaime Alanis, who has worked picking tomatoes at the farm for 10 years, said he called his wife in Mexico during the raid to tell her immigration agents had arrived and that he was hiding with others inside the farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The next thing we heard was that he was in the hospital with broken hands, ribs and a broken neck,” Juan Duran, Alanis’ brother-in-law, said in Spanish, his voice breaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear how Alanis was injured. A doctor at Ventura County Medical Center told the family that those who brought Alanis to the hospital said he had fallen from the roof of a building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alanis had a broken neck, fractured skull and a rupture in an artery that pumps blood to the brain, said his niece Yesenia, who didn’t want to share her last name for fear of reprisal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told us he won’t make it and to say goodbye,” Yesenia said, crying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confrontation with authorities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After immigration agents arrived at Glass House’s farm in Camarillo on Thursday morning, workers called family members to let them know authorities were there. Relatives and advocates headed to the farm some 50 miles (80 kilometers) northwest of downtown Los Angeles to try to find out what was going on, and began protesting outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities formed a line blocking the road leading through farm fields to the company’s greenhouses. Protesters were seen shouting at agents wearing camouflage gear, helmets and gas masks. The billowing smoke drove protesters to retreat. It wasn’t clear why authorities threw the canisters or if they released chemicals such as tear gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura County fire authorities responding to a 911 call of people having trouble breathing said three people were taken to nearby hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the farm, agents arrested workers and removed them by bus. Others, including U.S. citizens, were detained at the site for hours while agents investigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident came as federal immigration agents have ramped up arrests in Southern California at car washes, \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-raids-california-farmworkers-1301639766f55c8d4e8e15ff2fd45687\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">farms\u003c/a>\u003c/span> and Home Depot parking lots, stoking \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-ice-immigration-raids-sweeps-fear-d87e36664a8c5938865aad5520345348\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">widespread fear\u003c/a>\u003c/span> among immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People embrace outside of Glass House Farms, a day after an immigration raid on the facility, on Friday, July 11, 2025, in Camarillo, Calif. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Federal investigations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said in a statement Friday that the investigation into immigration and potential child labor violations at the farm is ongoing. No further details of the allegations were provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency said hundreds of demonstrators attempted to disrupt the operations, leading to the arrest of four Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will prosecute to the fullest extent of the law anyone who assaults or doxes federal law enforcement,” Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection were both part of the operation, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Family members search for answers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Relatives of other workers said they got similar calls Thursday. The mother of an American worker said her son was held at the worksite for 11 hours and told her agents took workers’ cellphones to prevent them from calling family or filming and forced them to erase cellphone video of agents at the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman said her son told her agents marked the men’s hands with ink to distinguish their immigration status. She spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because she feared reprisals from the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Farm Workers said in statement that some U.S. citizens are not yet accounted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria Servin, 68, said her son has worked at the farm for 18 years and was helping to build a greenhouse. She said she spoke to her son, who is undocumented, after hearing of the raid and offered to pick him up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said not to come because they were surrounded and there was even a helicopter. That was the last time I spoke to him,” Servin, a U.S. citizen, said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she went to the farm anyway but federal agents were shooting tear gas and rubber bullets and she decided it was not safe to stay. She and her daughter returned to the farm Friday and were told her son had been arrested Thursday. They still don’t know where he is being held.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I regret 1,000 times that I didn’t help him get his documents,” Servin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Taxin reported from Orange County, California, and Rodriguez reported from San Francisco.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "trial-begins-for-ex-rohnert-park-officer-accused-of-seizing-marijuana-from-drivers",
"title": "Ex-Rohnert Park Officer Found Guilty in Highway 101 Marijuana Seizure Scheme",
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"headTitle": "Ex-Rohnert Park Officer Found Guilty in Highway 101 Marijuana Seizure Scheme | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rohnert-park\">Rohnert Park\u003c/a> police officer Joseph Huffaker was found guilty on Friday in San Francisco federal court of six counts, including conspiracy, extortion, falsifying records and impersonating a federal officer to seize marijuana from motorists on Highway 101, according to the U.S. attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for about 90 minutes before reaching a unanimous verdict. During closing arguments on Friday, prosecutors focused on phone records that placed Huffaker — who illegally stopped motorists to steal their marijuana as part of a conspiracy with other officers — at the scene of one of the suspicious stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense strategy was to blame Brendon “Jacy” Tatum, Huffaker’s former partner, who testified during the trial, among others. The jury was not swayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the verdict, Huedell Freeman, one of the victims of the seizure scheme, said he had goosebumps. Huffaker is scheduled to be sentenced Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does feel like there’s a small measure of justice,” he said. “And I’m gratified that the jury was able to sort through the facts, because there was a lot of obfuscation put up by the defense, which is their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really gratified and feel happy that — finally — justice for the unfairly much-maligned cannabis farmer is finally being served. I mean, they made us out to be rich people that needed to be robbed, and we are not that. We are anything but that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Ceballos, Huffaker’s attorney, declined to comment, as did Assistant U.S. Attorney Abraham Fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven years ago, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\">first reported on a string of allegations\u003c/a> from drivers who said Rohnert Park cops, operating far outside the city’s limits, had unlawfully seized hundreds of pounds of cannabis during pretextual traffic stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As recreational marijuana became legal in 2018, growers who had operated in the grey area of the medical cannabis market finally felt safe to come forward. Huffaker’s trial promises a rare window into how local and federal officials responded to long-silenced complaints of police corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been a long time coming, and it is a very important case,” said Izaak Schwaiger, a defense and civil rights attorney who filed a lawsuit over the unlawful seizure scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said taking the case to trial demonstrates “the government’s willingness to start holding people accountable in a real sense — people who were given a free pass for so long precisely because they were cops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11897846\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11897846 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/IMG_8039-scaled-e1737145446662.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a face mask and business suit walks into a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Brendon “Jacy” Tatum walks into the Phillip Burton Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in San Francisco on Dec. 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shortly after KQED published its investigation in 2018, Tatum resigned. The city moved to terminate Huffaker but later \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11735983/probe-into-rohnert-park-cannabis-and-cash-seizures-will-stay-secret-despite-transparency-law\">agreed to a settlement\u003c/a>, ensuring that an internal affairs investigation into the interdiction team would remain secret, despite a new police transparency law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Rohnert Park has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11802870/rohnert-park-payouts-set-to-top-1-8-million-over-marijuana-and-cash-seizures\">paid out more than $1.8 million\u003c/a> to settle civil lawsuits over the seizures. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11889861/ex-rohnert-park-cops-indicted-on-federal-extortion-conspiracy-charges-linked-to-marijuana-seizures\">federal grand jury indicted\u003c/a> Huffaker and Tatum in September 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two months later, Tatum \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897845/ex-rohnert-park-cop-pleads-guilty-to-conspiracy-to-commit-extortion\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to conspiracy to commit extortion under “color of law,” falsifying records in a federal investigation and tax evasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Tatum, Huffaker chose to fight the charges, backed by the police union’s legal defense fund, according to court filings and documents reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four years, Huffaker has gone through at least seven different lawyers, including Chris Shea of Marin, who died unexpectedly just two weeks before Huffaker was set for trial in October 2023. Huffaker’s latest defense attorney, Richard Ceballos of Ferrone Law Group, said he can not comment on his client’s case until after the trial is over. The U.S. attorney’s office also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s always been this gnawing feeling that these guys are still walking free,” said Freeman, who received a settlement from Rohnert Park. “They’ve never done any time for the crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with extensive public scrutiny, the lawsuits and a federal indictment, this case continues to present surprises. In February, KQED discovered that Sonoma County Code Enforcement had busted Tatum for a large indoor marijuana grow on his Santa Rosa property. In March, prosecutors dropped one of the charges against Huffaker. And then in May, a new witness — a coconspirator who said he sold stolen weed on the officers’ behalf — was added to the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Brady’ cop\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the key witnesses expected to take the stand is Tatum, whose plea deal includes an agreement to testify against his former partner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum was the sergeant in charge of Rohnert Park’s interdiction team, which oversaw the seizure of $3.6 million under civil asset forfeiture laws and at least 2.5 tons of marijuana between 2013 and 2018, according to documents obtained and analyzed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, Rohnert Park’s mayor formally recognized Tatum for his drug suppression efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11864661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11864661\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park police officers Brendon Jacy Tatum and Joseph Huffaker are facing federal charges tied to alleged illegal stops and seizures of cash and marijuana along Highway 101. \u003ccite>(Adam Grossberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But alongside the apparent success of the interdiction team, complaints about Tatum’s tactics and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701249/ex-cops-credibility-is-key-question-in-federal-suit-against-rohnert-park\">credibility began to mount\u003c/a>. By 2016, the Sonoma County District Attorney’s office had placed him on its “Brady list” — a list of officers with known integrity issues. When Tatum takes the stand, Ceballos will likely introduce materials from his record to impeach his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a habitual liar,” said Schwaiger, who gave the DA evidence of Tatum’s dishonesty, which led to his placement on the list of problem cops. But Schwaiger said that in this case, Tatum’s testimony will be backed up by hard evidence. “So, I don’t think that the case is made or lost on the testimony of any given witness,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum has spent the past four years out of custody awaiting sentencing, which is currently scheduled for September. While under pretrial supervision, KQED discovered that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022803/exclusive-ex-rohnert-park-cop-faces-few-consequences-illegal-cannabis-grow\">Tatum was fined by Sonoma County code enforcement\u003c/a> in 2024 for a large indoor cannabis grow on his property. Federal officials declined to comment on whether this violated the terms of Tatum’s $100,000 bond agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proffer admissions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In February 2022, court documents show that Huffaker sat down with the FBI and admitted that he and Tatum had “agreed to extort drivers under color of official right for marijuana in December of 2017, that they committed multiple such extortions, that Defendant expected to receive money from these extortions, and that he knew his acts were criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for Rohnert Park on Commerce Boulevard in Rohnert Park on July 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huffaker made these admissions during a proffer interview — part of a plea process in which defendants offer information to the government in exchange for leniency. But in this case, the negotiations “fell apart,” court records show, and Huffaker walked away from the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Maxine Chesney has allowed the government to use Huffaker’s statements during the proffer interview and to internal affairs as rebuttal evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not clear yet if Huffaker will take the stand, but if he does, Schwaiger said these “prior statements” are likely to be introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A last-minute witness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the final month leading up to trial, prosecutors also introduced a new witness in their case against Huffaker: a man named William Timmins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timmins told the FBI that he saw Huffaker with Tatum around Dec. 4, 2017, and that he’d “assisted in unloading and loading of approximately 100 to 200 pounds of marijuana on the side of the highway,” according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046768 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park police officer Joseph Huffaker is on trial in San Francisco federal court, where prosecutors say he admitted to the FBI that he conspired to extort marijuana from drivers during traffic stops on Highway 101. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Barros/Nur Photo via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Timmins also said it was his job to sell the stolen cannabis and that he’d split the proceeds with Tatum, court records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense filed a motion to exclude Timmins’s testimony, noting that the FBI interviewed Timmins at least four times in the past two years and that his story has changed. It wasn’t until May 2025 that Timmins admitted his involvement in the scheme and told the FBI that he’d seen Huffaker on the side of the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge will allow Timmins to testify. Court filings indicate he has been granted immunity in exchange for his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dropped charge\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another witness long expected to testify for the prosecution is Texas resident Zeke Flatten. Flatten was the first driver to come forward and tell independent journalist Kym Kemp that on Dec. 5, 2017, officers claiming to work for the ATF — the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives — stole three pounds of cannabis from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Kemp began to ask around, court records show that Tatum and Huffaker met at Huffaker’s house and used his wife’s computer to draft a press release claiming responsibility for the Dec. 5, 2017, traffic stop. But the incident report details were all wrong: the make and model of the car, the amount of cannabis and even the presence of Tatum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The press release, written to cover up one incident, actually contained the accurate details of a different seizure and traffic stop that took place on Dec. 18, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ They issued a press release after the fact regarding the seizure, but got all of the details wrong because they were unlawfully seizing too many people to keep track of everyone,” Schwaiger said. “It’s like these cops — nobody questioned them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the beginning, Flatten has said that Tatum was not one of the officers who pulled him over. He has said Huffaker was there along with another older white man, both wearing green uniforms without name tags and large “POLICE” insignias. That man has never been identified and Huffaker later claimed he was not a part of Flatten’s stop.[aside postID=news_11673412 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS31344_IMG_3493-qut-672x372.jpg']Flatten’s complaints, filed with local, state and federal law enforcement, sparked public scrutiny and the FBI investigation that ultimately led to Tatum and Huffaker’s indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Flatten’s case is hard to boil down into a tidy story. In March, prosecutors dropped Flatten as a witness and dropped one of the extortion charges initially filed against Huffaker related to the Dec. 5, 2017, stop. At the time, Flatten said he was disappointed he wouldn’t get the chance to face Huffaker in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After this many years and this much time put into it and very much life altering,” Flatten said. “And it’s not like I created something out of the air that didn’t happen. These guys were really doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in another twist, the defense added Flatten to\u003cem> its \u003c/em>witness list in June. In court filings, Ceballos argued that excluding Flatten from the case would confuse the jury. He also claimed that federal prosecutors dropped Flatten because he was a “paid FBI informant,” which hadn’t been disclosed. Flatten said he did work as an undercover informant for the FBI many years ago, but was not working as an informant on Dec. 5, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Chesney has yet to rule on whether or not Flatten can take the stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Brothers in blue?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Court filings show that the federal prosecution plans to focus on a single traffic stop — the one on Dec. 18, 2017, that Huffaker and Tatum conflated with Flatten’s stop on Dec. 5, 2017. However, more than two tons of cannabis were seized during the years that Tatum ran Rohnert Park’s interdiction task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffaker and Tatum pulled over Freeman on Dec. 29, 2016, and took 47 pounds of cannabis that he had grown legally in Mendocino County, for which he had documentation. The day after the stop, Freeman said he called Rohnert Park and spoke to Sgt. Eric Matzen, who assured him that he’d be able to get his property back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046903\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046903\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for the Rohnert Park Police Station on July 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days later, Freeman’s attorney also contacted the city, but the department never returned his property, and his complaints were never investigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lived in terror for two years after that,” Freeman said. “They bankrupted me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzen is listed as a witness for the prosecution, along with a handful of other command staff and records personnel from the Rohnert Park Public Safety Department, including former chief Brian Masterson, who retired in the wake of the scandal.[aside postID=news_12022803 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/5452-HALL-RD-RETURN-W-PIC_Page_4-1020x680.jpg']Four other officers took part in cannabis seizures alongside Tatum: Matthew Snodgrass, Nicholas Miller, Chris Snyder and Chris Medina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snodgrass is now a lieutenant for Rohnert Park. Snyder and Miller are deputies with the Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office. Medina worked for the Burlingame Police Department before returning to Rohnert Park, where he worked until 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, when Huffaker was set to go to trial in 2023, these men were on the prosecution’s witness list, court filings show. Now, if called, they will be witnesses for the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwaiger said he hopes the outcome of this case sends the message “ to people who wear the uniform and the badge, that this is not a license to rob, to steal, to kill, to hurt people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman said he will be attending the trial and hopes for a guilty verdict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I feel bad about anybody that has to do time, but sometimes people deserve it,” he said. “I mean, they, really, really did incredible damage to a lot of people’s faith in law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A federal jury convicted former Rohnert Park police officer Joseph Huffaker of stealing cannabis from drivers along Highway 101 in a yearslong marijuana seizure scheme.",
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"title": "Ex-Rohnert Park Officer Found Guilty in Highway 101 Marijuana Seizure Scheme | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rohnert-park\">Rohnert Park\u003c/a> police officer Joseph Huffaker was found guilty on Friday in San Francisco federal court of six counts, including conspiracy, extortion, falsifying records and impersonating a federal officer to seize marijuana from motorists on Highway 101, according to the U.S. attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for about 90 minutes before reaching a unanimous verdict. During closing arguments on Friday, prosecutors focused on phone records that placed Huffaker — who illegally stopped motorists to steal their marijuana as part of a conspiracy with other officers — at the scene of one of the suspicious stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense strategy was to blame Brendon “Jacy” Tatum, Huffaker’s former partner, who testified during the trial, among others. The jury was not swayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the verdict, Huedell Freeman, one of the victims of the seizure scheme, said he had goosebumps. Huffaker is scheduled to be sentenced Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does feel like there’s a small measure of justice,” he said. “And I’m gratified that the jury was able to sort through the facts, because there was a lot of obfuscation put up by the defense, which is their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really gratified and feel happy that — finally — justice for the unfairly much-maligned cannabis farmer is finally being served. I mean, they made us out to be rich people that needed to be robbed, and we are not that. We are anything but that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Ceballos, Huffaker’s attorney, declined to comment, as did Assistant U.S. Attorney Abraham Fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven years ago, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11673412/highway-robbery-drivers-allege-rohnert-park-police-illegally-seized-cannabis-cash\">first reported on a string of allegations\u003c/a> from drivers who said Rohnert Park cops, operating far outside the city’s limits, had unlawfully seized hundreds of pounds of cannabis during pretextual traffic stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As recreational marijuana became legal in 2018, growers who had operated in the grey area of the medical cannabis market finally felt safe to come forward. Huffaker’s trial promises a rare window into how local and federal officials responded to long-silenced complaints of police corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been a long time coming, and it is a very important case,” said Izaak Schwaiger, a defense and civil rights attorney who filed a lawsuit over the unlawful seizure scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said taking the case to trial demonstrates “the government’s willingness to start holding people accountable in a real sense — people who were given a free pass for so long precisely because they were cops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11897846\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11897846 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/IMG_8039-scaled-e1737145446662.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a face mask and business suit walks into a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Brendon “Jacy” Tatum walks into the Phillip Burton Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in San Francisco on Dec. 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shortly after KQED published its investigation in 2018, Tatum resigned. The city moved to terminate Huffaker but later \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11735983/probe-into-rohnert-park-cannabis-and-cash-seizures-will-stay-secret-despite-transparency-law\">agreed to a settlement\u003c/a>, ensuring that an internal affairs investigation into the interdiction team would remain secret, despite a new police transparency law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Rohnert Park has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11802870/rohnert-park-payouts-set-to-top-1-8-million-over-marijuana-and-cash-seizures\">paid out more than $1.8 million\u003c/a> to settle civil lawsuits over the seizures. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11889861/ex-rohnert-park-cops-indicted-on-federal-extortion-conspiracy-charges-linked-to-marijuana-seizures\">federal grand jury indicted\u003c/a> Huffaker and Tatum in September 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two months later, Tatum \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897845/ex-rohnert-park-cop-pleads-guilty-to-conspiracy-to-commit-extortion\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to conspiracy to commit extortion under “color of law,” falsifying records in a federal investigation and tax evasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Tatum, Huffaker chose to fight the charges, backed by the police union’s legal defense fund, according to court filings and documents reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four years, Huffaker has gone through at least seven different lawyers, including Chris Shea of Marin, who died unexpectedly just two weeks before Huffaker was set for trial in October 2023. Huffaker’s latest defense attorney, Richard Ceballos of Ferrone Law Group, said he can not comment on his client’s case until after the trial is over. The U.S. attorney’s office also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s always been this gnawing feeling that these guys are still walking free,” said Freeman, who received a settlement from Rohnert Park. “They’ve never done any time for the crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with extensive public scrutiny, the lawsuits and a federal indictment, this case continues to present surprises. In February, KQED discovered that Sonoma County Code Enforcement had busted Tatum for a large indoor marijuana grow on his Santa Rosa property. In March, prosecutors dropped one of the charges against Huffaker. And then in May, a new witness — a coconspirator who said he sold stolen weed on the officers’ behalf — was added to the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Brady’ cop\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the key witnesses expected to take the stand is Tatum, whose plea deal includes an agreement to testify against his former partner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum was the sergeant in charge of Rohnert Park’s interdiction team, which oversaw the seizure of $3.6 million under civil asset forfeiture laws and at least 2.5 tons of marijuana between 2013 and 2018, according to documents obtained and analyzed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, Rohnert Park’s mayor formally recognized Tatum for his drug suppression efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11864661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11864661\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS31347_IMG_3562-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park police officers Brendon Jacy Tatum and Joseph Huffaker are facing federal charges tied to alleged illegal stops and seizures of cash and marijuana along Highway 101. \u003ccite>(Adam Grossberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But alongside the apparent success of the interdiction team, complaints about Tatum’s tactics and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701249/ex-cops-credibility-is-key-question-in-federal-suit-against-rohnert-park\">credibility began to mount\u003c/a>. By 2016, the Sonoma County District Attorney’s office had placed him on its “Brady list” — a list of officers with known integrity issues. When Tatum takes the stand, Ceballos will likely introduce materials from his record to impeach his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a habitual liar,” said Schwaiger, who gave the DA evidence of Tatum’s dishonesty, which led to his placement on the list of problem cops. But Schwaiger said that in this case, Tatum’s testimony will be backed up by hard evidence. “So, I don’t think that the case is made or lost on the testimony of any given witness,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatum has spent the past four years out of custody awaiting sentencing, which is currently scheduled for September. While under pretrial supervision, KQED discovered that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022803/exclusive-ex-rohnert-park-cop-faces-few-consequences-illegal-cannabis-grow\">Tatum was fined by Sonoma County code enforcement\u003c/a> in 2024 for a large indoor cannabis grow on his property. Federal officials declined to comment on whether this violated the terms of Tatum’s $100,000 bond agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proffer admissions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In February 2022, court documents show that Huffaker sat down with the FBI and admitted that he and Tatum had “agreed to extort drivers under color of official right for marijuana in December of 2017, that they committed multiple such extortions, that Defendant expected to receive money from these extortions, and that he knew his acts were criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for Rohnert Park on Commerce Boulevard in Rohnert Park on July 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huffaker made these admissions during a proffer interview — part of a plea process in which defendants offer information to the government in exchange for leniency. But in this case, the negotiations “fell apart,” court records show, and Huffaker walked away from the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Maxine Chesney has allowed the government to use Huffaker’s statements during the proffer interview and to internal affairs as rebuttal evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not clear yet if Huffaker will take the stand, but if he does, Schwaiger said these “prior statements” are likely to be introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A last-minute witness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the final month leading up to trial, prosecutors also introduced a new witness in their case against Huffaker: a man named William Timmins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timmins told the FBI that he saw Huffaker with Tatum around Dec. 4, 2017, and that he’d “assisted in unloading and loading of approximately 100 to 200 pounds of marijuana on the side of the highway,” according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046768 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/FBIJacketGetty1-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Rohnert Park police officer Joseph Huffaker is on trial in San Francisco federal court, where prosecutors say he admitted to the FBI that he conspired to extort marijuana from drivers during traffic stops on Highway 101. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Barros/Nur Photo via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Timmins also said it was his job to sell the stolen cannabis and that he’d split the proceeds with Tatum, court records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense filed a motion to exclude Timmins’s testimony, noting that the FBI interviewed Timmins at least four times in the past two years and that his story has changed. It wasn’t until May 2025 that Timmins admitted his involvement in the scheme and told the FBI that he’d seen Huffaker on the side of the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge will allow Timmins to testify. Court filings indicate he has been granted immunity in exchange for his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dropped charge\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another witness long expected to testify for the prosecution is Texas resident Zeke Flatten. Flatten was the first driver to come forward and tell independent journalist Kym Kemp that on Dec. 5, 2017, officers claiming to work for the ATF — the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives — stole three pounds of cannabis from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Kemp began to ask around, court records show that Tatum and Huffaker met at Huffaker’s house and used his wife’s computer to draft a press release claiming responsibility for the Dec. 5, 2017, traffic stop. But the incident report details were all wrong: the make and model of the car, the amount of cannabis and even the presence of Tatum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The press release, written to cover up one incident, actually contained the accurate details of a different seizure and traffic stop that took place on Dec. 18, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ They issued a press release after the fact regarding the seizure, but got all of the details wrong because they were unlawfully seizing too many people to keep track of everyone,” Schwaiger said. “It’s like these cops — nobody questioned them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the beginning, Flatten has said that Tatum was not one of the officers who pulled him over. He has said Huffaker was there along with another older white man, both wearing green uniforms without name tags and large “POLICE” insignias. That man has never been identified and Huffaker later claimed he was not a part of Flatten’s stop.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Flatten’s complaints, filed with local, state and federal law enforcement, sparked public scrutiny and the FBI investigation that ultimately led to Tatum and Huffaker’s indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Flatten’s case is hard to boil down into a tidy story. In March, prosecutors dropped Flatten as a witness and dropped one of the extortion charges initially filed against Huffaker related to the Dec. 5, 2017, stop. At the time, Flatten said he was disappointed he wouldn’t get the chance to face Huffaker in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After this many years and this much time put into it and very much life altering,” Flatten said. “And it’s not like I created something out of the air that didn’t happen. These guys were really doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in another twist, the defense added Flatten to\u003cem> its \u003c/em>witness list in June. In court filings, Ceballos argued that excluding Flatten from the case would confuse the jury. He also claimed that federal prosecutors dropped Flatten because he was a “paid FBI informant,” which hadn’t been disclosed. Flatten said he did work as an undercover informant for the FBI many years ago, but was not working as an informant on Dec. 5, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Chesney has yet to rule on whether or not Flatten can take the stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Brothers in blue?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Court filings show that the federal prosecution plans to focus on a single traffic stop — the one on Dec. 18, 2017, that Huffaker and Tatum conflated with Flatten’s stop on Dec. 5, 2017. However, more than two tons of cannabis were seized during the years that Tatum ran Rohnert Park’s interdiction task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffaker and Tatum pulled over Freeman on Dec. 29, 2016, and took 47 pounds of cannabis that he had grown legally in Mendocino County, for which he had documentation. The day after the stop, Freeman said he called Rohnert Park and spoke to Sgt. Eric Matzen, who assured him that he’d be able to get his property back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046903\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046903\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250702-JOSEPHHUFFAKERTRIAL-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for the Rohnert Park Police Station on July 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days later, Freeman’s attorney also contacted the city, but the department never returned his property, and his complaints were never investigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lived in terror for two years after that,” Freeman said. “They bankrupted me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzen is listed as a witness for the prosecution, along with a handful of other command staff and records personnel from the Rohnert Park Public Safety Department, including former chief Brian Masterson, who retired in the wake of the scandal.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Four other officers took part in cannabis seizures alongside Tatum: Matthew Snodgrass, Nicholas Miller, Chris Snyder and Chris Medina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snodgrass is now a lieutenant for Rohnert Park. Snyder and Miller are deputies with the Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office. Medina worked for the Burlingame Police Department before returning to Rohnert Park, where he worked until 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, when Huffaker was set to go to trial in 2023, these men were on the prosecution’s witness list, court filings show. Now, if called, they will be witnesses for the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwaiger said he hopes the outcome of this case sends the message “ to people who wear the uniform and the badge, that this is not a license to rob, to steal, to kill, to hurt people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman said he will be attending the trial and hopes for a guilty verdict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I feel bad about anybody that has to do time, but sometimes people deserve it,” he said. “I mean, they, really, really did incredible damage to a lot of people’s faith in law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been more than a week since a deadly explosion at a fireworks storage facility rocked the rural Yolo County town of Esparto, killing seven people and triggering an 80-acre wildfire. As the investigation continues, families of the victims say they’ve been left in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhony Ramos said in Spanish that he lost two sons, Jesus and Jhony Ramos, who were 18 and 22, respectively. He said he felt dead inside because he’s never going to see them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remains of all seven victims have been recovered, according to county officials, but no identities have been officially confirmed. Cal Fire is leading the investigation into what caused the July 1 explosion at the warehouse, which was operated by Bay Area-based Devastating Pyrotechnics. No timeline has been given for when more information might be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos said he attended a press conference earlier this week expecting answers, but wasn’t allowed to attend the media-only briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attorney, Samantha Ortiz, said the lack of transparency is only compounding the family’s pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the family feels like as soon as they get some answers, they can start going back to their lives a little bit, putting one foot in front of the other,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz, who has not yet filed a lawsuit on the family’s behalf, said her team is focused on providing emotional support; for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a lawsuit is something that comes down the road, which I think it will, we’re going to have a lot more questions,” she said. “We’ll be there to help them through that process as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said any potential legal action will depend on the outcome of Cal Fire’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds like there are multiple players involved here,” she said. “It may end up being a lawsuit that has several different parts.”[aside postID=news_12046998 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230628-SAN-FRANCISCO-FIREWORKS-GETTY-SM-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephen Gordon, whose family farm borders the property where the explosion occurred, said he was working outside when it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard it and turned around and I saw the plume and I saw fireworks,” he said. “I’m like, ‘Oh, they must have just lit something off,’ and then that initial explosion happened you realized it was a lot more serious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon’s home suffered minor damage, but his 27-acre farm lost power and water for several days; a significant concern during the summer heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, nothing,” Gordon said, when asked what kind of support he expects. “When you own your own business or when you run your own small business whether it’s farming or car body cleaning or whatever it is, you know there’s no automatic escape plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant Michaelson lives a quarter mile away from the facility and was at home with his wife when the explosion happened. He thought it was a plane crash when he first heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like a jet engine basically and then the house started shaking,” he said. “Like the first three seconds, you really can’t fathom what’s going on. It was nuts. And then once I got outside after getting my shoes back on again, I looked immediately that way and I could see that it was the fireworks facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The damage to Michaelson’s property was significant, and his property still hasn’t regained access to running water and electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It blew out all of our windows in our house except for two,” he added. “I had a brand new shop that I just built, a steel building, and it buckled the west side facing the explosion, so it put some significant damage on that. Both of my roll-up doors need to be replaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Yolo County Board of Supervisors declared a local state of emergency in response to the explosion and resulting fire. The declaration allows the county to request assistance from state and federal agencies, citing extensive damage to homes, farmland and infrastructure within a half mile of the blast site.\u003cbr>\nBack on his farm, Gordon said he’s also worried for the family who owns the property the fireworks storage facility is located on, noting that they’ve been part of the community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent KCRA investigation found that the property owner, Sam Machado, did not have proper permits to store anything other than agricultural equipment on his property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they deserve the respect and support that we need to kind of get to the bottom of what really happened,” Gordon said. “It’s been a week and the story has changed three or four times. To immediately start pointing fingers and trying to place blame, I think is just very unfair to both the victims and the people involved for sure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the investigation, had the property been properly permitted, it would have had to meet certain protocols, including limiting the amount of fireworks within the facility and having them clearly marked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon acknowledged that he is biased when speaking about the family, but he said they’re victims too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I doubt that they’re on the property, I doubt that they’ve had power back and that’s going to be like that for a while,” he said. “In my mind, I think they deserve the peace and state of mind and the space they need to figure out for their family. I can only hope that they find that right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been more than a week since a deadly explosion at a fireworks storage facility rocked the rural Yolo County town of Esparto, killing seven people and triggering an 80-acre wildfire. As the investigation continues, families of the victims say they’ve been left in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhony Ramos said in Spanish that he lost two sons, Jesus and Jhony Ramos, who were 18 and 22, respectively. He said he felt dead inside because he’s never going to see them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remains of all seven victims have been recovered, according to county officials, but no identities have been officially confirmed. Cal Fire is leading the investigation into what caused the July 1 explosion at the warehouse, which was operated by Bay Area-based Devastating Pyrotechnics. No timeline has been given for when more information might be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos said he attended a press conference earlier this week expecting answers, but wasn’t allowed to attend the media-only briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attorney, Samantha Ortiz, said the lack of transparency is only compounding the family’s pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the family feels like as soon as they get some answers, they can start going back to their lives a little bit, putting one foot in front of the other,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz, who has not yet filed a lawsuit on the family’s behalf, said her team is focused on providing emotional support; for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a lawsuit is something that comes down the road, which I think it will, we’re going to have a lot more questions,” she said. “We’ll be there to help them through that process as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said any potential legal action will depend on the outcome of Cal Fire’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds like there are multiple players involved here,” she said. “It may end up being a lawsuit that has several different parts.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephen Gordon, whose family farm borders the property where the explosion occurred, said he was working outside when it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard it and turned around and I saw the plume and I saw fireworks,” he said. “I’m like, ‘Oh, they must have just lit something off,’ and then that initial explosion happened you realized it was a lot more serious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon’s home suffered minor damage, but his 27-acre farm lost power and water for several days; a significant concern during the summer heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, nothing,” Gordon said, when asked what kind of support he expects. “When you own your own business or when you run your own small business whether it’s farming or car body cleaning or whatever it is, you know there’s no automatic escape plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant Michaelson lives a quarter mile away from the facility and was at home with his wife when the explosion happened. He thought it was a plane crash when he first heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like a jet engine basically and then the house started shaking,” he said. “Like the first three seconds, you really can’t fathom what’s going on. It was nuts. And then once I got outside after getting my shoes back on again, I looked immediately that way and I could see that it was the fireworks facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The damage to Michaelson’s property was significant, and his property still hasn’t regained access to running water and electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It blew out all of our windows in our house except for two,” he added. “I had a brand new shop that I just built, a steel building, and it buckled the west side facing the explosion, so it put some significant damage on that. Both of my roll-up doors need to be replaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Yolo County Board of Supervisors declared a local state of emergency in response to the explosion and resulting fire. The declaration allows the county to request assistance from state and federal agencies, citing extensive damage to homes, farmland and infrastructure within a half mile of the blast site.\u003cbr>\nBack on his farm, Gordon said he’s also worried for the family who owns the property the fireworks storage facility is located on, noting that they’ve been part of the community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent KCRA investigation found that the property owner, Sam Machado, did not have proper permits to store anything other than agricultural equipment on his property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they deserve the respect and support that we need to kind of get to the bottom of what really happened,” Gordon said. “It’s been a week and the story has changed three or four times. To immediately start pointing fingers and trying to place blame, I think is just very unfair to both the victims and the people involved for sure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the investigation, had the property been properly permitted, it would have had to meet certain protocols, including limiting the amount of fireworks within the facility and having them clearly marked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon acknowledged that he is biased when speaking about the family, but he said they’re victims too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I doubt that they’re on the property, I doubt that they’ve had power back and that’s going to be like that for a while,” he said. “In my mind, I think they deserve the peace and state of mind and the space they need to figure out for their family. I can only hope that they find that right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "When ICE Is Waiting at Immigration Court, What Can Advocates Do?",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration has directed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to increase immigration arrests and raids to meet a quota of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">3,000 arrests per day\u003c/a> — with a stated special focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Democratic-led cities like Los Angeles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">And according to NPR and local attorneys\u003c/a>, one strategy ICE agents have used to meet those demands is to arrest people — or fast-track their removal — at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">their immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is no exception. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/sf-ice-arrests-tracker/\">at least six people\u003c/a> have been arrested and detained at the city’s immigration court since June — prompting protests by activists that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">shut down the building for a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been [in] immigration law for over 10 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at \u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Risk levels for deportation are always changing, Weiner said. But currently, the most vulnerable immigrant groups she’s seeing are people who have received deportation orders, those who’ve been deported then returned and people who’ve been in the U.S. for less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101910383 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/06/immigrationupdate.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, a database led by a UC Berkeley law professor, ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">arrested over 5,800 immigrants statewide\u003c/a> since the inauguration — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 — in locations ranging from private homes and bus stops to job sites and store parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdowns have especially sparked a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">wave of fear\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">anger\u003c/a> across California, the state with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">the largest share of immigrants in the country\u003c/a>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">a Public Policy Institute of California report\u003c/a>, more than a quarter of California’s population is foreign-born, and nearly half of California’s children have at least one immigrant parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘An impossible decision’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Showing up for immigration court is a routine reality for many, including those who entered the United States to apply for asylum for reasons including fear of persecution in their home country. Immigration court proceedings are already a stressful process that can take years, especially in a place like San Francisco, where the court faces a backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/backlog/\">over 123,000 pending cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent weeks, ICE appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">collaborating with Department of Homeland Security lawyers\u003c/a> to get judges to dismiss asylum cases, Weiner said. If the applicant has been in the United States for less than two years, having their case dismissed this way makes them immediately subject to expedited removal — deportation without the right to see a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordan Weiner at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security lawyers will “ask the immigration judge to dismiss their case in the courtroom,” Weiner said. “And if the judge agrees, the person will walk out in the hallway and ICE is waiting there for them to arrest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, judges have given applicants at least 10 days to respond to ICE’s request to dismiss. However, the impact is already apparent, Weiner said. Her office is also receiving fewer calls from prospective asylum applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people have to decide between fighting their asylum case and potentially getting deported to a country where they fear persecution, or just missing court and living in the shadows — that’s an impossible decision,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration court is just over,” Weiner said. “I don’t know how the institution can recover from this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Amid fear, volunteers show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, said the organization has observers in the courtroom “every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Atkinson said they have also anecdotally observed “a marked increase in the number of individuals not appearing for their hearings at the hearings we are able to cover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, time is of the essence. Since immigration courts are generally open to the public, an extra pair of eyes from a volunteer can help lawyers form a quick response plan, said Autumn Gonzalez, a Sacramento-based lawyer who volunteers with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that organizes bail funds, food distribution and asylum workshops.[aside postID=news_12044592 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240206-IMMIGRATIONCOURT-26-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Those instances where people are going in for their usual check-in, and not being released — having someone there accompanying you means that we can immediately request legal assistance,” Gonzalez said. “We can make sure your family knows what happened to you … and hopefully prevent expedited deportations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Maciejewski Cortez is one of those volunteers. After 13 years outside the United States, she moved to Sacramento last September and almost immediately began volunteering for NorCal Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming back this time, I knew the political climate was going to be scary for my community,” said Maciejewski Cortez, who has experience working with Latin American, immigrant and refugee organizations. “I wanted to make sure that I had a way to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an American citizen who is fluent in several languages, including English, Spanish and Thai, Maciejewski Cortez particularly works with people going through the asylum-seeking process. Primed by NorCal Resist on what the organization calls “accompaniment training,” Maciejewski Cortez helps people with the administrative side of court hearings, including translating, going through paperwork and taking notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to make sure that they have the best chance at being heard,” Maciejewski Cortez said. “I have perfect English and \u003cem>I\u003c/em> still find some of these forms and terminology to be confusing and complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supporting court logistics, accompaniment volunteers like Maciejewski Cortez also help provide a sense of protection and safety for the asylum seeker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in a lot of immigration offices around the world, and it’s really scary to go alone,” she said. “I can’t imagine how somebody, who has recently arrived and has lived through a traumatic life experience, [is] trying to navigate this system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Centro Legal de la Raza offices in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I don’t know what would have happened to him’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of accompaniment work grew from faith communities in the 1980s, Gonzalez said. Volunteers would help new immigrants and refugees find apartments and enroll their kids into schools — supporting every step of settling into a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, accompaniment to immigration court — and to check-ins with ICE — has become the primary need, Gonzalez said. And in recent months, volunteers have found themselves with an increasingly important extra role: keeping watch on applicants in the event that ICE detains a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the volunteer then immediately alerts the person’s legal support team or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">a local Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, a separate group of dedicated volunteers and attorneys who respond to reports of possible ICE activity around the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the fact that we have folks there with their eyes on what’s going on will provide deterrence to ICE from taking these actions,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is something Maciejewski Cortez witnessed. In mid-June, while accompanying an applicant to immigration court in Sacramento, she saw ICE agents walking down the hall with handcuffs “hanging off their side.” After turning to follow them, she watched them apprehend a man whose case had been dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maciejewski Cortez immediately tracked down the man’s details and alerted the local Rapid Response network. A pro bono lawyer with NorCal Resist promptly arrived at the courthouse and met with the detainee “and they both were out of the courthouse in two hours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I hadn’t seen who it was or caught the name of the man in the court, I don’t know what would have happened to him,” she said. “I don’t know how long he would have been in their custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters march down Mission Street in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Access and alternatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some advocates are now reporting they’re having trouble even accessing courtrooms to accompany immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration court hearings are “generally open to the public but can be closed or held with limited attendance at any time,” according to a representative of the federal Department of Justice’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>. Scenarios where \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1333591/dl?inline\">proceedings can be closed\u003c/a> include cases involving protective orders or domestic abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that the court in Sacramento has had “inconsistent rules regarding our access.” Maciejewski Cortez said she’d experienced being denied access to the Sacramento immigration courtroom in late June during the start of a hearing after court staff told her the courtroom would be full. Despite this, she said she saw empty seats still available.[aside postID=news_12043596 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg']“This arbitrary restriction makes it difficult to catch important information announced by the judge within the early minutes of proceedings, such as the name of the DHS attorney or the respondents to be addressed first,” Maciejewski Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid this uncertainty and the anxiety caused by in-person appearances, lawyers are scrambling to find other ways to support their clients and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">remind them of their civil rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Raza Centro Legal’s Weiner said her “first line of defense” is to file motions for all of her cases to be heard online, rather than at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving a case online — using \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/virtual-hearings-in-immigration-court/\">the Zoom-like application WebEx —\u003c/a> is actually something anyone with an immigration court hearing can do, Weiner said, by filing \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/sites/default/files/2025-06/pro-se-web.pdf\">a “Motion to Change Hearing Format\u003c/a>” and mailing it to their court. Applicants can work with a nonprofit to help them fill out this legal document. (KQED has a guide to seeking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just filing the motion isn’t enough to get a person’s hearing moved online, Weiner said— an applicant still needs to wait for the judge’s decision to grant it or not. While “you don’t need a special reason to ask for your hearing to be online,” Weiner recommended that applicants still provide one — which could include a \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/asylum-video-court-heari/\">lack of child care or transportation\u003c/a> — “because it gives the judge more of a reason to say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an applicant \u003cem>is \u003c/em>detained at court and ICE immediately begins the expedited removal process, the applicant should ask the immigration officer for a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/asylum/questions-and-answers-credible-fear-screening\">credible fear interview\u003c/a>” — loudly and clearly, since \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/human-rights-first-analysis-of-the-trump-administrations-initial-immigration-executive-actions/\">the officer may not ask if they want one\u003c/a>, Weiner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applicant will have to prove they are afraid to return to their country for safety reasons, either due to persecution or torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can pass that interview, then they may be able to see a judge again,” Weiner said. “They might be detained during that process, but at least they just won’t be quickly deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Hope for the best and prepare for the worst’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weiner said that while she didn’t want to “be part of scaring people from going to court,” immigrants should nonetheless be as prepared as possible before heading to any court appearance — not just for their individual asylum case, but also for the very real risk of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes having a plan for any children they may have, key phone numbers for lawyers and family on hand or memorized, and leaving copies of all of their documents with their lawyer. (KQED has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026817/ice-schools-and-children-what-families-should-know\">a thorough guide on how to create a family preparedness plan\u003c/a> in the event that a parent is deported.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a scenario Maciejewski Cortez said terrifies the people she works with. They often ask her, “‘Can ICE do this? I read in the news that this happened. Is that allowed? Can that happen to me?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel awful because I’d love to tell them, ‘No, that’s not going to happen to you. You have a current case status. You’ve already submitted your application for asylum. You’re in good standing. You have no criminal history,’” she said. “None of these things matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “And so I have to tell them, ‘Honestly, anything can happen. But we will be there in case it does.’ We’re going to hope for the best and prepare for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "When ICE Is Waiting at Immigration Court, What Can Advocates Do? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration has directed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to increase immigration arrests and raids to meet a quota of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">3,000 arrests per day\u003c/a> — with a stated special focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Democratic-led cities like Los Angeles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">And according to NPR and local attorneys\u003c/a>, one strategy ICE agents have used to meet those demands is to arrest people — or fast-track their removal — at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">their immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is no exception. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/sf-ice-arrests-tracker/\">at least six people\u003c/a> have been arrested and detained at the city’s immigration court since June — prompting protests by activists that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">shut down the building for a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been [in] immigration law for over 10 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at \u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Risk levels for deportation are always changing, Weiner said. But currently, the most vulnerable immigrant groups she’s seeing are people who have received deportation orders, those who’ve been deported then returned and people who’ve been in the U.S. for less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, a database led by a UC Berkeley law professor, ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">arrested over 5,800 immigrants statewide\u003c/a> since the inauguration — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 — in locations ranging from private homes and bus stops to job sites and store parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdowns have especially sparked a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">wave of fear\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">anger\u003c/a> across California, the state with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">the largest share of immigrants in the country\u003c/a>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">a Public Policy Institute of California report\u003c/a>, more than a quarter of California’s population is foreign-born, and nearly half of California’s children have at least one immigrant parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘An impossible decision’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Showing up for immigration court is a routine reality for many, including those who entered the United States to apply for asylum for reasons including fear of persecution in their home country. Immigration court proceedings are already a stressful process that can take years, especially in a place like San Francisco, where the court faces a backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/backlog/\">over 123,000 pending cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent weeks, ICE appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">collaborating with Department of Homeland Security lawyers\u003c/a> to get judges to dismiss asylum cases, Weiner said. If the applicant has been in the United States for less than two years, having their case dismissed this way makes them immediately subject to expedited removal — deportation without the right to see a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordan Weiner at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security lawyers will “ask the immigration judge to dismiss their case in the courtroom,” Weiner said. “And if the judge agrees, the person will walk out in the hallway and ICE is waiting there for them to arrest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, judges have given applicants at least 10 days to respond to ICE’s request to dismiss. However, the impact is already apparent, Weiner said. Her office is also receiving fewer calls from prospective asylum applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people have to decide between fighting their asylum case and potentially getting deported to a country where they fear persecution, or just missing court and living in the shadows — that’s an impossible decision,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration court is just over,” Weiner said. “I don’t know how the institution can recover from this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Amid fear, volunteers show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, said the organization has observers in the courtroom “every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Atkinson said they have also anecdotally observed “a marked increase in the number of individuals not appearing for their hearings at the hearings we are able to cover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, time is of the essence. Since immigration courts are generally open to the public, an extra pair of eyes from a volunteer can help lawyers form a quick response plan, said Autumn Gonzalez, a Sacramento-based lawyer who volunteers with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that organizes bail funds, food distribution and asylum workshops.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Those instances where people are going in for their usual check-in, and not being released — having someone there accompanying you means that we can immediately request legal assistance,” Gonzalez said. “We can make sure your family knows what happened to you … and hopefully prevent expedited deportations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Maciejewski Cortez is one of those volunteers. After 13 years outside the United States, she moved to Sacramento last September and almost immediately began volunteering for NorCal Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming back this time, I knew the political climate was going to be scary for my community,” said Maciejewski Cortez, who has experience working with Latin American, immigrant and refugee organizations. “I wanted to make sure that I had a way to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an American citizen who is fluent in several languages, including English, Spanish and Thai, Maciejewski Cortez particularly works with people going through the asylum-seeking process. Primed by NorCal Resist on what the organization calls “accompaniment training,” Maciejewski Cortez helps people with the administrative side of court hearings, including translating, going through paperwork and taking notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to make sure that they have the best chance at being heard,” Maciejewski Cortez said. “I have perfect English and \u003cem>I\u003c/em> still find some of these forms and terminology to be confusing and complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supporting court logistics, accompaniment volunteers like Maciejewski Cortez also help provide a sense of protection and safety for the asylum seeker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in a lot of immigration offices around the world, and it’s really scary to go alone,” she said. “I can’t imagine how somebody, who has recently arrived and has lived through a traumatic life experience, [is] trying to navigate this system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Centro Legal de la Raza offices in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I don’t know what would have happened to him’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of accompaniment work grew from faith communities in the 1980s, Gonzalez said. Volunteers would help new immigrants and refugees find apartments and enroll their kids into schools — supporting every step of settling into a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, accompaniment to immigration court — and to check-ins with ICE — has become the primary need, Gonzalez said. And in recent months, volunteers have found themselves with an increasingly important extra role: keeping watch on applicants in the event that ICE detains a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the volunteer then immediately alerts the person’s legal support team or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">a local Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, a separate group of dedicated volunteers and attorneys who respond to reports of possible ICE activity around the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the fact that we have folks there with their eyes on what’s going on will provide deterrence to ICE from taking these actions,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is something Maciejewski Cortez witnessed. In mid-June, while accompanying an applicant to immigration court in Sacramento, she saw ICE agents walking down the hall with handcuffs “hanging off their side.” After turning to follow them, she watched them apprehend a man whose case had been dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maciejewski Cortez immediately tracked down the man’s details and alerted the local Rapid Response network. A pro bono lawyer with NorCal Resist promptly arrived at the courthouse and met with the detainee “and they both were out of the courthouse in two hours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I hadn’t seen who it was or caught the name of the man in the court, I don’t know what would have happened to him,” she said. “I don’t know how long he would have been in their custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters march down Mission Street in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Access and alternatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some advocates are now reporting they’re having trouble even accessing courtrooms to accompany immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration court hearings are “generally open to the public but can be closed or held with limited attendance at any time,” according to a representative of the federal Department of Justice’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>. Scenarios where \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1333591/dl?inline\">proceedings can be closed\u003c/a> include cases involving protective orders or domestic abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that the court in Sacramento has had “inconsistent rules regarding our access.” Maciejewski Cortez said she’d experienced being denied access to the Sacramento immigration courtroom in late June during the start of a hearing after court staff told her the courtroom would be full. Despite this, she said she saw empty seats still available.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This arbitrary restriction makes it difficult to catch important information announced by the judge within the early minutes of proceedings, such as the name of the DHS attorney or the respondents to be addressed first,” Maciejewski Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid this uncertainty and the anxiety caused by in-person appearances, lawyers are scrambling to find other ways to support their clients and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">remind them of their civil rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Raza Centro Legal’s Weiner said her “first line of defense” is to file motions for all of her cases to be heard online, rather than at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving a case online — using \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/virtual-hearings-in-immigration-court/\">the Zoom-like application WebEx —\u003c/a> is actually something anyone with an immigration court hearing can do, Weiner said, by filing \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/sites/default/files/2025-06/pro-se-web.pdf\">a “Motion to Change Hearing Format\u003c/a>” and mailing it to their court. Applicants can work with a nonprofit to help them fill out this legal document. (KQED has a guide to seeking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just filing the motion isn’t enough to get a person’s hearing moved online, Weiner said— an applicant still needs to wait for the judge’s decision to grant it or not. While “you don’t need a special reason to ask for your hearing to be online,” Weiner recommended that applicants still provide one — which could include a \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/asylum-video-court-heari/\">lack of child care or transportation\u003c/a> — “because it gives the judge more of a reason to say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an applicant \u003cem>is \u003c/em>detained at court and ICE immediately begins the expedited removal process, the applicant should ask the immigration officer for a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/asylum/questions-and-answers-credible-fear-screening\">credible fear interview\u003c/a>” — loudly and clearly, since \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/human-rights-first-analysis-of-the-trump-administrations-initial-immigration-executive-actions/\">the officer may not ask if they want one\u003c/a>, Weiner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applicant will have to prove they are afraid to return to their country for safety reasons, either due to persecution or torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can pass that interview, then they may be able to see a judge again,” Weiner said. “They might be detained during that process, but at least they just won’t be quickly deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Hope for the best and prepare for the worst’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weiner said that while she didn’t want to “be part of scaring people from going to court,” immigrants should nonetheless be as prepared as possible before heading to any court appearance — not just for their individual asylum case, but also for the very real risk of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes having a plan for any children they may have, key phone numbers for lawyers and family on hand or memorized, and leaving copies of all of their documents with their lawyer. (KQED has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026817/ice-schools-and-children-what-families-should-know\">a thorough guide on how to create a family preparedness plan\u003c/a> in the event that a parent is deported.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a scenario Maciejewski Cortez said terrifies the people she works with. They often ask her, “‘Can ICE do this? I read in the news that this happened. Is that allowed? Can that happen to me?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel awful because I’d love to tell them, ‘No, that’s not going to happen to you. You have a current case status. You’ve already submitted your application for asylum. You’re in good standing. You have no criminal history,’” she said. “None of these things matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “And so I have to tell them, ‘Honestly, anything can happen. But we will be there in case it does.’ We’re going to hope for the best and prepare for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Frustrated San Francisco parents are calling on city leaders to address what they say is the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfmta\"> San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency’s\u003c/a> noncompliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12019725/daylighting-laws-will-be-enforced-in-the-bay-area-in-2025-heres-how-to-avoid-a-ticket\">state’s daylighting law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 413, which went into effect last year, makes it illegal for drivers to park or stop their vehicles within 20 feet of a crosswalk or within 15 feet of a curb extension. The practice makes people crossing the street more visible to drivers — reducing the risk of someone getting hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their enforcement, San Francisco transportation officials have begun painting curbs red to indicate where parking is prohibited, with a plan to daylight all intersections by the end of 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since the city began enforcing the law earlier this year, some parents have reported seeing painted curbs extending to just 10 feet or less, even in areas considered high risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Nossokoff, a mother of two who lives in the Inner Richmond, said she reached out to the city after she noticed that four of the eight no-parking “buffers” near her child’s elementary school were of insufficient length.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019140\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A red curb designates a no-parking area at the intersection of Sutter and Leavenworth Streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a brief back-and-forth with the city’s traffic engineer, which Nossokoff said “was fruitless,” she and other parents formally requested that the SFMTA conduct a review of the curbs to determine whether they are in compliance with the daylighting law and next steps if they are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nossokoff, officials with the transportation agency said they would get the intersections under compliance, but made no mention of addressing curbs in other parts of the city. No changes have been made to the curbs near the school either, she said.[aside postID=news_12045959 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250228-WaterCitiesSF-06-BL_qed.jpg']“Nobody appears to be doing anything, and that’s where my frustration as a parent comes from,” Nossokoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, SFMTA said daylighting lengths throughout the city’s high-collision areas vary based on engineering reviews that show how much space is necessary to maintain street safety. To be more consistent and “in compliance with state law,” the agency said it will move forward with 20-foot daylighting zones throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under AB 314, local authorities are allowed to establish a different distance for the approach if the change is marked by paint or a sign. An ordinance must also be passed that explicitly includes data proving that the shortened distance is justified by existing safety standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other community members have also said they have expressed concerns about the curbs to the SFMTA, and the dangers created by parked cars near intersections. Danielle Jezienicki, a mother of three who also lives in the Richmond, was waiting for her husband to pick their son up from school when she received news that the 6-year-old was involved in a life-threatening crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crash, which happened in October, took place only 100 feet away from her child’s elementary school. The boy’s father had just picked him up on the family’s bike when a distracted driver struck the pair at the intersection of 7th Avenue and Balboa Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025207\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1536x1064.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A curb at the intersection of 19th Avenue and Balboa Street in San Francisco’s Richmond District. The curb had previously been painted red by an unknown source, but was soon repainted by the city (as shown here). \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The curb where Jezienicki’s son was hit is one of the buffer zones that is painted to less than 20 feet, Nossokoff noted. The intersection is also part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">San Francisco’s high-injury network\u003c/a>, a collection of streets with the highest percentage of serious injuries and fatalities caused by car crashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jezienicki said she doesn’t know whether daylighting law enforcement would have prevented the driver from veering into her husband and son, but noted that it could have given the driver more time to see them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city needs to enforce laws that protect pedestrians and cyclists, especially in areas that are already considered high-collision corridors, such as Balboa Street, she said.[aside postID=news_12041243 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250519-VISIONZEROACTIVISM-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Daylighting costs almost nothing,” Jezienicki said. “Logic would lead you to believe that if they just implemented safety measures they know would work, you can reduce accidents and fatalities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our son would have been killed if he wasn’t wearing a helmet,” she continued. “It’s very frustrating to hear that they can’t enforce things that have no reason not to be enforced, especially in school districts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nossokoff said she and other parents are demanding that the Board of Supervisors step in if the SFMTA fails to fix the compliance issues with the curbs. She also wants to see education campaigns teaching residents and drivers about the daylighting law and why it’s important for pedestrian safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, Jezienicki’s child has made what appears to be a full recovery, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her family has not used the bike since the crash, she said, and she feels paranoid every time she crosses the street. Jezienicki said she also struggles with crossing the intersection at Balboa Street when she picks her son up or drops him off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just an unpleasant reminder of the worst day and moments of my life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haunted by reminders of the accident, Jezienicki is now working with groups such as Walk San Francisco to advocate for safer streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco’s transit agency says it will change its daylighting policy to ensure compliance with a California traffic safety law intended to protect pedestrians and cyclists. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Frustrated San Francisco parents are calling on city leaders to address what they say is the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfmta\"> San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency’s\u003c/a> noncompliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12019725/daylighting-laws-will-be-enforced-in-the-bay-area-in-2025-heres-how-to-avoid-a-ticket\">state’s daylighting law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 413, which went into effect last year, makes it illegal for drivers to park or stop their vehicles within 20 feet of a crosswalk or within 15 feet of a curb extension. The practice makes people crossing the street more visible to drivers — reducing the risk of someone getting hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their enforcement, San Francisco transportation officials have begun painting curbs red to indicate where parking is prohibited, with a plan to daylight all intersections by the end of 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since the city began enforcing the law earlier this year, some parents have reported seeing painted curbs extending to just 10 feet or less, even in areas considered high risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Nossokoff, a mother of two who lives in the Inner Richmond, said she reached out to the city after she noticed that four of the eight no-parking “buffers” near her child’s elementary school were of insufficient length.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019140\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A red curb designates a no-parking area at the intersection of Sutter and Leavenworth Streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a brief back-and-forth with the city’s traffic engineer, which Nossokoff said “was fruitless,” she and other parents formally requested that the SFMTA conduct a review of the curbs to determine whether they are in compliance with the daylighting law and next steps if they are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nossokoff, officials with the transportation agency said they would get the intersections under compliance, but made no mention of addressing curbs in other parts of the city. No changes have been made to the curbs near the school either, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Nobody appears to be doing anything, and that’s where my frustration as a parent comes from,” Nossokoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, SFMTA said daylighting lengths throughout the city’s high-collision areas vary based on engineering reviews that show how much space is necessary to maintain street safety. To be more consistent and “in compliance with state law,” the agency said it will move forward with 20-foot daylighting zones throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under AB 314, local authorities are allowed to establish a different distance for the approach if the change is marked by paint or a sign. An ordinance must also be passed that explicitly includes data proving that the shortened distance is justified by existing safety standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other community members have also said they have expressed concerns about the curbs to the SFMTA, and the dangers created by parked cars near intersections. Danielle Jezienicki, a mother of three who also lives in the Richmond, was waiting for her husband to pick their son up from school when she received news that the 6-year-old was involved in a life-threatening crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crash, which happened in October, took place only 100 feet away from her child’s elementary school. The boy’s father had just picked him up on the family’s bike when a distracted driver struck the pair at the intersection of 7th Avenue and Balboa Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025207\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1536x1064.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A curb at the intersection of 19th Avenue and Balboa Street in San Francisco’s Richmond District. The curb had previously been painted red by an unknown source, but was soon repainted by the city (as shown here). \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The curb where Jezienicki’s son was hit is one of the buffer zones that is painted to less than 20 feet, Nossokoff noted. The intersection is also part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">San Francisco’s high-injury network\u003c/a>, a collection of streets with the highest percentage of serious injuries and fatalities caused by car crashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jezienicki said she doesn’t know whether daylighting law enforcement would have prevented the driver from veering into her husband and son, but noted that it could have given the driver more time to see them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city needs to enforce laws that protect pedestrians and cyclists, especially in areas that are already considered high-collision corridors, such as Balboa Street, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Daylighting costs almost nothing,” Jezienicki said. “Logic would lead you to believe that if they just implemented safety measures they know would work, you can reduce accidents and fatalities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our son would have been killed if he wasn’t wearing a helmet,” she continued. “It’s very frustrating to hear that they can’t enforce things that have no reason not to be enforced, especially in school districts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nossokoff said she and other parents are demanding that the Board of Supervisors step in if the SFMTA fails to fix the compliance issues with the curbs. She also wants to see education campaigns teaching residents and drivers about the daylighting law and why it’s important for pedestrian safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, Jezienicki’s child has made what appears to be a full recovery, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her family has not used the bike since the crash, she said, and she feels paranoid every time she crosses the street. Jezienicki said she also struggles with crossing the intersection at Balboa Street when she picks her son up or drops him off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just an unpleasant reminder of the worst day and moments of my life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haunted by reminders of the accident, Jezienicki is now working with groups such as Walk San Francisco to advocate for safer streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "tesla-driver-charged-with-running-into-69-year-old-no-kings-protester-in-sf",
"title": "Tesla Driver Charged With Running Into 69-Year-Old ‘No Kings’ Protester in SF",
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"headTitle": "Tesla Driver Charged With Running Into 69-Year-Old ‘No Kings’ Protester in SF | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A man accused of hitting and injuring a 69-year-old protester with his car while trying to drive through the San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">“No Kings” march\u003c/a> last weekend has been charged with several felonies, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors said Hauwei Lien, 44, of Milpitas, was trying to cross Market Street during the march on Saturday, which brought tens of thousands of people into the streets to demonstrate against President Donald Trump and his administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lien began driving through the crowd of protesters, prosecutors said, one man put his hands on the hood of Lien’s red Tesla Model Y to get him to stop. Lien allegedly accelerated into the 69-year-old victim, pushing him onto the hood of the car as he held on, and then braked suddenly to throw him off.[aside postID=news_12044426 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250614-NO-KINGS-SF-MD-11-KQED.jpg']Then, while the victim was still clinging to the hood, Lien accelerated again and swerved sharply, prosecutors said, running over the man’s foot and breaking two of his toes. The man also suffered a large gash across his forehead, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office filed felony charges of assault with a deadly weapon, elder abuse and hit-and-run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lien pleaded not guilty to all charges on Wednesday and remains in custody after prosecutors sought to have him detained until trial because they said he poses a public safety risk. His next court date is set for Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco prosecutors said the driver was trying to cross Market Street when he accelerated into a protester who tried to stop him, leaving the protester with multiple injuries. \r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A man accused of hitting and injuring a 69-year-old protester with his car while trying to drive through the San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">“No Kings” march\u003c/a> last weekend has been charged with several felonies, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors said Hauwei Lien, 44, of Milpitas, was trying to cross Market Street during the march on Saturday, which brought tens of thousands of people into the streets to demonstrate against President Donald Trump and his administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lien began driving through the crowd of protesters, prosecutors said, one man put his hands on the hood of Lien’s red Tesla Model Y to get him to stop. Lien allegedly accelerated into the 69-year-old victim, pushing him onto the hood of the car as he held on, and then braked suddenly to throw him off.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then, while the victim was still clinging to the hood, Lien accelerated again and swerved sharply, prosecutors said, running over the man’s foot and breaking two of his toes. The man also suffered a large gash across his forehead, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office filed felony charges of assault with a deadly weapon, elder abuse and hit-and-run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lien pleaded not guilty to all charges on Wednesday and remains in custody after prosecutors sought to have him detained until trial because they said he poses a public safety risk. His next court date is set for Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n Aug. 28, 1976, sometime between 7:30 and 8 p.m., a 6-year-old boy named Willie Cook disappeared from the bed of his father’s pickup in Happy Camp, a secluded logging community in Northern California’s Klamath National Forest. Willie’s father, Bill Cook, had been working on his lawn mower at a repair shop in the center of town. When he was done, he told Willie to wait in the truck with the family dog while he ducked into the bar across the street. He was gone less than 20 minutes. The sun had set behind the mountains, but there was still light in the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook searched the area on foot, then drove in the direction of the family home. After he circled town a couple more times, he called law enforcement to report that his son was missing. He gave the local deputy a description: Willie was 42 inches tall and weighed 45 pounds. He was wearing a black baseball jersey, jeans and white tennis shoes. His right eye was blue, and his left eye was a mix of blue and brown. He was, Cook said, “a very good boy, and had never wandered off in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By midnight, 150 people were searching for Willie, combing the dense woods surrounding the town. But Cook did not believe his son was lost in the forest. From the moment he had walked out of that bar, he was certain that someone had taken him. “I felt it,” he said. “I felt it all over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie’s body was discovered six months later in a small cardboard barrel at a campground along the Klamath River, more than 50 miles from Happy Camp. The Siskiyou County sheriff’s office launched a murder investigation but never solved the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 32 years, sheriff’s deputies got their first big break when a man came forward to say he had witnessed the kidnapping. Steve Marshall was only 10 years old in 1976, but his memory of that August day was vivid: He was sitting alone in his mother’s blue station wagon, parked outside the Headway Market, within view of the repair shop and the old bar. He was eating a vanilla ice cream cone. His brother was inside the market with their mother. They would be having spaghetti for dinner that night — his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall seemed to remember what happened next as though it were unfolding in slow motion: The sound of a logging truck as it roared past. Willie’s Labrador wagging his tail. And a young man in blue jeans and a vest, his long hair in two braids, standing on the opposite side of the street, staring at the boy and his dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall recognized him. His name was Gregory Nelson. And Marshall said he had a clear view of him as he crossed the street, grabbed Willie, shoved him into a VW bus and drove off, disappearing down the one-lane highway that cut through town. Marshall had tried to tell his mother what he’d seen, but she’d brushed him off. For the next few decades, he mostly kept it to himself. But the memory, he said, had haunted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Siskiyou sheriff arrested Nelson, then 51, and brought him in for questioning. He had a couple grams of methamphetamine and several syringes in his pocket. After two days of interrogation, he confessed. The following day, the sheriff told a local reporter that a cold case is like a puzzle. “After 32 years, we’re finally getting the pieces put together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was charged with kidnapping and murder. Siskiyou’s chief public defender, Lael Kayfetz, thought there was little chance of overcoming a signed confession and an eyewitness account. Then the prosecutors turned over the recordings of Nelson’s interrogation. When Kayfetz watched the footage, she said, “my eyeballs fell out of my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. “I’m an expert on the law,” Kayfetz said. “I’m not an expert on getting the facts.” She needed an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutors were working closely with detectives at the sheriff’s office, issuing warrants and building a case. They also employed their own team of five investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Siskiyou County’s public defender didn’t have a single defense investigator on staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers have a constitutional obligation to investigate every case. But a CalMatters investigation found that poor people accused of crimes, who account for at least 80% of criminal defendants, are routinely convicted in California without anyone investigating the charges against them. Close to half of California’s 58 counties do not employ any full-time public defense investigators. Among the remaining counties, defendants’ access to investigators fluctuates wildly, but it’s almost always inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of this failure is steep, for individual defendants and for the integrity of California’s criminal justice system. Of the 10 California counties with the highest prison incarceration rates, eight have no defense investigators on staff, according to an analysis of staffing and prison data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of investigators affects counties throughout the state, from poor, rural areas like Siskiyou to the state’s largest and most well-funded public defense offices. Los Angeles employed just 1 investigator for every 10 public defenders — one of the state’s worst ratios, according to the most recent data from the California Department of Justice. Only seven California counties met the widely accepted minimum standard of 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is most alarming in the 25 California counties that don’t have dedicated public defender offices and pay private attorneys to represent indigent people in criminal court. Most of these attorneys receive a flat fee for their services, and the cost of an investigator would eat away at their profits. Some counties allow contracted attorneys to ask the court for additional funds for investigations, but court records show the attorneys rarely make those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kings County, which has one of the highest prison incarceration rates in California, contracted attorneys asked the court for permission to hire an investigator in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25957834-evaulation-of-kings-county-indigent-defense-system/#document/p30/a2652950\">7% of criminal cases\u003c/a> from 2018 to 2022. In Lake County, attorneys made those requests in just 2% of criminal cases over a three-year period; in Mono County, it was less than 1%. To earn a living from meager county contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=13329&context=mlr\">research shows\u003c/a>, private attorneys and firms must persuade defendants to accept plea deals as quickly as possible. An investigation is an expensive delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense investigators interview witnesses, visit crime scenes, review police reports and retrieve video surveillance footage that might prove the defendant was on the other side of town when a crime was committed, or that an assault was an act of self-defense. They do work that most lawyers are not trained to do. Without them, police and prosecutorial misconduct — among the most common causes of wrongful convictions — remain unchecked, significantly increasing the likelihood that people will go to prison for crimes they did not commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Law is important, but the facts are what influences the law,” said Aditi Goel, executive director of the Sixth Amendment Center, a national nonprofit focused on improving indigent defense. “The heart of a case is what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Kayfetz and her four staff attorneys were left to sleuth most cases on their own, and they worried about what they might be missing. Siskiyou County provided them with a small budget to contract with a private investigator, but the Nelson case, which had already spanned three decades, would burn through their entire investigation fund for the year. Still, Kayfetz didn’t feel as though she had a choice. Nelson was facing life in prison, and the sheriff was in the papers talking about closure for the Cook family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called Rob Shelton, an investigator who had spent most of the previous two decades in law enforcement — first with the Coast Guard, then as a harbor patrol officer in Ventura, and recently as a probation officer for Siskiyou. He’d crossed over into defense investigations, and this would be his first homicide case for the public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/030725_Lael-Kayfetz_CHK_CM_35-819x1024.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003cfigcaption>Lael Kayfetz, the Siskiyou County public defender, realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. \u003cem>Christie Hemm Klok for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s mug shot had by then been published on the front page of the Siskiyou Daily News. His hair was graying, and his cheeks were deeply sunken. Shelton knew that look. He had seen it on the probationers he had monitored, people whose hard lives were etched into their faces. He had come to view their struggles with the law as a symptom of their poverty and addiction. But he also believed Nelson was guilty. It was hard for him to imagine that the sheriff would pursue a case without concrete evidence, and even harder to believe that the district attorney would push it toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz handed Shelton the records she’d gotten from the prosecutors, and he spent those first few weeks combing through old police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he made his way through the documents, he found black-and-white copies of photographs the sheriff’s deputies had taken as they searched Happy Camp in the days after Willie’s disappearance: The chain-saw repair shop where the truck had been parked. The old bar across the street. And a building that looked as though it had recently burned down. It was familiar to Shelton, though he couldn’t initially place it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then one day, while he was staring at the photo, it clicked. It was the Headway Market, where Marshall said his mother had been shopping when he witnessed the kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no store,” Shelton said. “There was just ruins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton walked down the street to the Siskiyou County assessor’s office to pull records on the property. The market, he learned, had burned down a few months before Willie Cook was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the birthplace of public defense. The nation’s first public defender office opened in Los Angeles in 1913. By the time the U.S. Supreme Court established in 1963 that defendants have the right to an attorney in state criminal proceedings, more than a dozen California counties were already providing free representation to poor people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation caught up, California slipped behind. The state kept its defender system entirely in the hands of its counties. Today, it is one of just two states — alongside Arizona — that don’t contribute any funding to trial-level public defense, according to the Sixth Amendment Center. The state does not monitor or evaluate the counties’ systems. There are no minimum standards, and for many defendants there are no investigations — even in the most serious cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, prosecutors have robust, in-house investigative teams. In Riverside, the district attorney has 30% more lawyers than the public defender but 500% more investigators, state data shows, in addition to the support of the county sheriff and various municipal police departments. This pattern repeats throughout the state. In what is supposed to be an adversarial legal system, indigent defendants and their attorneys are often on their own, facing an army of investigators who are working to secure a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidden in that data is the greatest tragedy of failing to investigate cases: wrongful convictions. The National Registry of Exonerations is filled with cases in which convictions were overturned when someone finally looked into the prisoner’s claims, years or even decades after they were imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of those cases are in California. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/10738\">one exoneration\u003c/a> out of Fresno, Innocence Project investigators found nine witnesses who corroborated their client’s alibi: He was more than 25 miles away at a birthday party at the time of the crime. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/12870\">a recent case\u003c/a> out of Los Angeles, investigators found evidence of their client’s innocence in a police detective’s handwritten notes, material that had been included in a file turned over to the defense before trial. If their cases had been investigated on the front end, these men might have been spared a combined 30 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Possley, the exoneration registry’s senior researcher, said that a failure to investigate is at the heart of most of the registry’s 3,600 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks at the evidence that overturned these convictions, he’s astounded the defense didn’t find it when the case was being prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone had just made the effort,” he said. “This was all sitting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton was in his early 40s when he got the Nelson case. He had been living in Siskiyou for years, but he hadn’t shed his Southern California accent. He was soft-spoken, smiled often, and had the easy mannerisms of someone who had spent a lot of time at the beach. It didn’t take long for him to build a rapport with Nelson, and he visited him frequently at the Siskiyou County jail. Nelson told him he had no memory of the events that Marshall had recounted for the deputies. Those claims of innocence had sounded hollow to Shelton, but the picture of the burned market changed his thinking about the case. Now he wondered whether anything Marshall had said was true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-01-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person with neatly styled silver hair stands under a covered walkway, looking to the side with a calm expression. They wear a red and black jacket over a plaid shirt. The background shows a rainy, quiet street with buildings and telephone poles fading into the distance. The atmosphere feels still and contemplative.\">\u003cfigcaption>As he dug deeper into the case, defense investigator Rob Shelton began to doubt the prosecution’s narrative of the crime. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Detectives with the Siskiyou sheriff’s office had interviewed Marshall several times in October 2008, a month before they arrested Nelson. Kayfetz requested those recordings, and she and Shelton listened to the tapes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first interview, Marshall initially hedged his words. When a detective asked him whether he saw Willie — who was Marshall’s cousin — on the day he was taken, he said that it “seemed like” he did. Then he said that he watched Nelson grab Willie and put him in the van, where another man was crouching in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw that?” the detective asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was with my own eyes I saw that,” Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, in a second accounting, Marshall added an accomplice — the woman who would later become Nelson’s wife slid the van door open and jumped inside before they drove off. Three days later, an additional woman appeared in the story — the wife’s sister — and the man in the passenger seat was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was remarkable to Shelton that the detectives didn’t challenge Marshall on these discrepancies. Each time he told the story, he added details — the ice cream flavor, the face his brother made at him as he walked into the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a detective asked whether Marshall had said anything to his mother when she came back, he replied that he had tried but that his brother was teasing him. “That’s why I just threw it aside,” he said. “Because my brother, he made me mad.” Marshall eventually told his mother what had happened, he said, but neither of them mentioned it to Cook when they joined the search party later that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview with detectives, Marshall’s mother corroborated his account. “I should have listened to him,” she said. “It was like he was trying to tell all of us that he had seen who took Willie. Is that possible? But nobody would believe him, because he was a little boy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the recordings, the detectives alluded to some kind of legal trouble Marshall was facing. “You’re taking care of us, and we’re going to scratch your back in return,” a detective had promised him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his fourth and final recorded interview with detectives, Marshall had something new to share: He wasn’t just a witness to Willie’s kidnapping. He was also a witness to his murder. Months after the kidnapping, Marshall said, he took a trip with his father to visit his grandparents on the Hoopa reservation, some 70 miles from Happy Camp. It was there, he said, while hiding behind a tree in the back of Nelson’s house, that he saw Nelson take Willie out of a locked van and heard him say, “This is the last time you’re going to even breathe air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m standing right there, and I’m watching him from that tree,” he told a detective. “I’m watching him put his hands around that little boy and strangle him until that little boy was dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detective conducting the interview initially seemed alarmed by this change in the story. She told Marshall that her sergeant would need to speak with him “about the differences in your statement from the first time that we talked to you.” She left the room but came back alone. “I think you and I pretty much clarified everything,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her report, she wrote that Marshall had witnessed the murder “four or five days” after the kidnapping. That was an error — Marshall repeatedly said four or five months had passed between the kidnapping and the murder, according to a transcript of the interview. But that error would find its way into Nelson’s confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Marshall’s testimony, police and prosecutors created their theory of the crime, interview transcripts and court filings show. They proposed Nelson was a pawn in a scheme hatched by his sister-in-law — one of the women Marshall named as an accomplice — who wanted to hurt Cook by taking his son. Maybe she had been jealous of his success. Maybe she wanted to avenge her husband, who had been tried, and later acquitted, for the murder of Cook’s brother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his sister-in-law were both Native American. To Kayfetz, law enforcement’s assumption that they would kidnap and kill a child as an act of revenge, or in a fit of jealous rage, played into racial stereotypes and became the “underlying stench” of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evidence had suggested that Willie was kidnapped by a sexual predator. His body was naked when it was discovered. Now law enforcement posited he was murdered in a family feud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Willie’s father initially had a hard time believing this theory. “I just can’t imagine that,” Cook told a detective in 2008. “Over something that stupid? My gut feeling is no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deputies were insistent. Eventually, Cook began to come around to the possibility that Nelson was the killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies exhumed Willie’s body, but it did not provide any new evidence. Far too much time had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton began working on the case, he was shocked whenever he discovered that law enforcement had made a mistake, or that prosecutors had failed to turn over a key document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would burst into Kayfetz’s office, saying, “You’re not gonna believe this!” And Kayfetz would tell him, dryly, “There’s no Santa or Easter Bunny, either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would soon lose that sense of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the investigation progressed, Shelton became convinced that Marshall had invented most of his story. Marshall had given detectives the names of other potential witnesses, but those turned out to be dead ends. Still, Siskiyou’s district attorney, Kirk Andrus, seemed determined to move forward, and Nelson was losing hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, one day, while he was looking through old police files, Shelton found a list of materials the deputies had entered into evidence in 1976. It included references to interviews they recorded with potential witnesses. Shelton scanned the list and saw Marshall’s name. The prosecution’s star witness had spoken to officers just days after Willie disappeared. If law enforcement still had access to these recordings, they hadn’t shared them with the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kayfetz asked the district attorney’s office to turn over the evidence, the prosecutors said they didn’t have it. But Shelton learned the tapes from the case had recently been digitized and enhanced by the Justice Department, at the request of the Siskiyou detectives. Kayfetz filed a second motion to get the recordings. When the judge ordered the prosecutors to explain how the tapes had gone missing, they said that they had found them and that they had been lost on a detective’s desk, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-09-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A foggy, overcast day in a rural town shows a weathered cream and green building labeled “Guide Service.” The small structure has boarded-up windows, a faded sign with a phone number, and a hand-painted “White Water Tours” mural on the side. To the right is an open garage-like shelter with an old, rusted vehicle and an orange traffic cone. Bare trees and mist-covered hills fill the background.\">\u003cfigcaption>Willie Cook was sitting in the open bed of his father’s pickup truck in front of this building in Happy Camp when he was kidnapped. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon Kayfetz and Shelton were listening to Marshall, 10 years old, answering questions about the evening Willie disappeared. There was no ice cream. Marshall’s brother was not in the car, but his older sister was. Their mom didn’t go to the grocery store, but she did stop at a liquor store to buy a TV Guide. When they drove through the center of town, Marshall waved to Willie, who was sitting in his dad’s truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hi, Willie,’ and he said ‘Hi’ back. And I said, ‘Where’s your dad?’ And he said, ‘He’s in the bar.’” When they drove by again, Willie was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I allowed to go now?” Marshall asked the detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview that same day, Marshall’s mother corroborated her son’s account. Nobody mentioned Nelson. Nobody said anything about witnessing a kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton felt as though they were pulling a string and unraveling the district attorney’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He discovered that Marshall had a motive for becoming useful to law enforcement in the fall of 2008. He had violated the terms of his probation for a drunken-driving conviction and was facing prison, but police kept the violation off his record, Shelton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz was encouraged by the evidence that was mounting in Nelson’s favor, but if the case went to trial, she would have to contend with the fact that he had confessed to the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sent the footage of his interrogation to Richard Leo, a University of San Francisco law professor and one of the nation’s foremost experts on coerced confessions, and asked him to testify on Nelson’s behalf. She couldn’t afford his fee — she was already pushing the outer limits of her budget. And when she first reached out, Leo told her he didn’t have time to take on another case. But she begged him to watch the footage before he made up his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even now, almost 17 years later, he remembers how stunned he had been when he first saw it. Among the 2,400 cases he’s consulted on, he said, the Nelson case stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a coerced confession he has ever seen. He called it “a form of psychological torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sequence to this — a long interrogation, lie to the suspect about evidence, attack the suspect’s denials, cause him to doubt his memory,” he said. “Sometimes you see this person denying and admitting at the same time: ‘I couldn’t have done this. I have no memory. You’re telling me I did this, maybe I did this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leo said Nelson was subjected to almost every tactic known to lead to a false admission of guilt. He agreed to do the case for a reduced fee — a “bro deal,” Kayfetz called it — in exchange for permission to include it in a future book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 12% of the wrongful convictions listed on the National Registry of Exonerations involved false confessions. In a recent case in San Bernardino, police officers pushed a man to admit to killing his father after he called police to report him missing. During a marathon interrogation, officers told the man they had conclusive evidence of his guilt and got him to agree with a gruesome scenario that they had pulled, it seems, from thin air. A few hours after he confessed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-06-01/fontana-police-coerced-false-murder-confession-with-lies\">police officers located the man’s father\u003c/a>. He was alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics conducted a census of the nation’s public defender offices. It found that 40% had no investigators on staff and that 93% failed to meet the National Association for Public Defense’s industry standard of at least 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study made it clear that, across the country, investigators were seen as a luxury, not a necessity. CalMatters interviews with top public defenders in several states, along with recent reports examining indigent defense systems, suggest that’s still the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mississippi, only eight of the state’s 82 counties have public defender offices. The rest rely on private attorneys who are paid a flat fee — one that rarely covers the cost of an investigator. A \u003ca href=\"https://6ac.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/6AC_mississippi_report_2018.pdf\">2018 report\u003c/a> found that, in many Mississippi counties, with the exception of murder cases, the attorneys “never hire investigators and have no time to investigate cases themselves.” Appointed attorneys told researchers they would “get laughed out of court” for requesting additional funds for an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender systems that are funded and controlled by state legislatures also have severe investigator shortages. The head public defender in Arkansas, Gregg Parrish, said he has only 12 staff investigators, responsible for assisting in felony cases, including capital cases, in all of the state’s 75 counties. Minnesota’s top public defender, William Ward, said he is trying to maintain a ratio of at least 1 investigator for every 7 public defenders but knows that’s not enough. “I would rather have a great investigator and an average lawyer than an average investigator and a great lawyer,” he said. “Investigators make all the difference on a case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Reingold remembers one case in particular from his time as a public defender in Louisiana’s Orleans Parish. His client was accused of breaking into a car, but he insisted he was entering the car to leave a note offering to do yard work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold sent an investigator to the car owner’s house, but there was no one home. His client had two prior felonies, and a car burglary would qualify him for a life sentence. When the prosecutor offered 10 years in exchange for a guilty plea, Reingold advised him to take the deal. But his client begged him to find the note, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Orleans Parish had 65 public defenders and three investigators. The one assigned to the man’s case refused to give up. She tried for six weeks to find the car’s owner. In the week before the plea hearing, she stopped by his home almost daily. One evening, he answered the door. He said, “Oh yeah, I still have that note!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold presented the note as evidence, and his client was released from jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, he said, a rare stroke of luck. “The scary thing is, we don’t know all the other times we’ve missed things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before Nelson’s trial was set to begin, the prosecution was still turning over discovery materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton began to make his way through the latest batch. Many of the documents were familiar — duplicates of reports and transcripts he had already reviewed. But he stumbled on a few photographs, tucked into the file, that he hadn’t seen before. In the foreground of one of the pictures, leaning up against a trailer home, something caught his eye — a cardboard cylinder, not quite 2 feet tall. It looked just like the barrel in which Willie’s body was found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jesus Christ, man. That’s it right there,” he said to himself. “It was in their hands. They had it all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trailer belonged to a man who had lived in Happy Camp in the 1970s and whom everyone knew as Sonny. He washed trucks for a local logging company and lived on the owner’s property. Cook told police he had been on that property with Willie the day of the kidnapping, which is probably why the deputies photographed the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton went back to Happy Camp to learn more about Sonny, he discovered he had been arrested less than a year after Willie’s body was found, when a 5-year-old boy told his parents that Sonny had sexually abused him. The boy’s family had owned the logging company, and Sonny had been their employee. Prosecutors didn’t file charges, and Sonny was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to documents Kayfetz filed with the court, the boy, who was in his late 30s when Nelson was arrested, had always wondered about the connection between Willie’s murder and his own abuse. His grandmother once told him she believed the cardboard barrel had come from their family’s property — she said it was a container for the detergent that Sonny used to wash the trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-16-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A towering sculpture of a Bigfoot-like creature made from dark, textured metal stands among bare branches in a misty, forested area. The figure has exaggerated features and a shaggy appearance, with one arm extended forward. Pine trees, power lines, and rooftops are visible in the background beneath an overcast sky, adding to the eerie atmosphere.\">\u003cfigcaption>The Happy Camp Big Foot statue on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-22-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A wet, empty street in a small town on a foggy day, with a few parked cars along the sides and leafless trees lining the road. Low hills and more trees are visible in the misty background.\">\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-15-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Three small, weathered buildings sit side by side on a wet street in a mountain town. The structures show signs of age, with faded paint, boarded windows, and moss-covered roofs. Bare trees stand behind them, and a misty forested hillside rises in the background under an overcast sky. The scene is quiet and damp, evoking a sense of stillness and isolation.\">\u003c/figure>\u003cfigcaption>First\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>A view down Washington Street in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. Last\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Buildings on 2nd Avenue in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had recently searched for the Cook case online and was surprised to find that it had been reopened and that Nelson had been charged with the crime. He wondered: Did the police know about Sonny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local press had published a phone number for the Siskiyou detective’s bureau, urging people to come forward with relevant information about the crime. He called and left a message, but no one called him back. He called a second time and explained to a receptionist who he was and why he was calling. He was still waiting for a reply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonny did eventually go to prison for sexually abusing a child. A mother reported him to the police when she learned he had been molesting her son for years. She told investigators that after Sonny was sentenced, other boys came forward to say he had abused them as well, according to a statement filed in court. He died in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Shelton, these discoveries seemed like “a game changer.” He shared the details with Kayfetz. “I was like, ‘This is done,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury would not get to see the photo of the barrel or hear from Sonny’s accusers. The prosecution fought to exclude the evidence, arguing it didn’t prove Sonny had ever met Willie, let alone had kidnapped and killed him. And the judge agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It never even made it to court,” Shelton said. “Our job was to create reasonable doubt. We never planned to solve this case and figure out who did kidnap Willie. But I think we did, and no one cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case would radically alter Shelton’s beliefs about the justice system and his perception of how police and prosecutors operate. “I used to be on their team,” he said. “And when I worked for the defense I started to see that, you know, sometimes it’s more about winning than actual justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He began to view his job as “quality control” for law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some district attorneys are wonderful and they disclose everything,” he said. “They’re not all like that. And so, if you’re a defendant and you draw a dishonest attorney, well, is that it? Is your fate sealed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be, Shelton said, if you didn’t have anyone to look into your side of the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 20 years, California has introduced ambitious legislation aimed at reducing incarceration, earning the state a reputation as a leader in criminal justice reform. But those efforts are routinely undermined by California’s failure to provide defendants with a proper investigation of the charges against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s so shocking — that it’s California,” said Goel, of the Sixth Amendment Center. “There’s perception, and then there’s reality. When will the state look in the mirror and see what it really is?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations affect every part of the criminal justice process. They’re not just about figuring out whether a client is innocent. Even if a case is moving toward a plea deal, an investigation can turn up information that forces a prosecutor to reduce the charge or compels a judge to grant bond or shorten a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are discouraged from interviewing witnesses on their own. If a witness later changed their story or disappeared before trial, the attorney might have to testify on their client’s behalf and recuse themself from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are considering \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab690\">a bill\u003c/a> that could bolster defense investigations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Contracted%20to%20Fail%20report_March%202025.pdf\">eliminating flat-fee contracts\u003c/a>. But it faces opposition from county officials, who say it would force them to increase their defense budgets without helping them pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York was once very similar to California. Its counties managed their own public defender systems, without much input or funding from the state, until a class-action lawsuit, settled in 2015, led to statewide changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York created an office tasked with improving public defense, eventually giving it some $250 million to dole out each year. Counties that take the money must prioritize certain aspects of public defense, including investigations. In a recent report to the agency overseeing the effort, these counties consistently said the ability to investigate cases was among the most profound impacts of the new funding. Some described specific cases that ended in acquittal or significantly reduced charges as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was also sued over claims it failed to provide competent defense. To settle the lawsuit, filed in Fresno County, Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020 expanded the scope of the Office of the State Public Defender, which had previously handled death penalty appeals, to include support and training for county-based public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor committed only $10 million in one-time grants to the effort, and that money has since run out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s trial began in September 2009. The case hinged on Marshall’s account and Nelson’s confession. Kayfetz built much of the defense on what Shelton had discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for six days and could not come to a decision. Seven jurors believed Nelson was guilty of murder, and five did not. Six believed he had kidnapped Willie, the other six did not. The judge declared a mistrial. A few weeks later, Andrus, the district attorney, announced he was dismissing the charges against Nelson and his sister-in-law, whose kidnapping case was awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, Andrus said it was “the most difficult and painful decision I have made in my professional career.” He told a news reporter that his office had a heavy caseload and didn’t have the staff to prosecute the case. Andrus noted that he could always refile the charges if new evidence emerged or a new witness came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was released, but he didn’t get to go home. He had to answer for the drugs he had on him at the time of his arrest and was sent to a Humboldt County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left here just to be interviewed, and 16 months later I got out,” Nelson said from his home in Hoopa. “They got their hook in me, and they kept it in me. There’s nothing you can do when you’re in that situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-19-1024x682.jpg\" alt='An older person with white hair and a mustache sits indoors on the edge of a bed, wearing a red t-shirt with a white \"CR\" logo. The room is dimly lit, with personal items and decorations visible in the background, including a dartboard and a painting of a horse and rider.'>\u003cfigcaption>Gregory Nelson in his home in Hoopa on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he’s certain he would be in prison if not for Shelton. “He believed what I told him,” he said. “Without that investigator, you don’t have a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall and his mother have since died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton retired from defense investigation last year. He was initially hesitant to talk about the Nelson case and insisted that he had only been doing his job. He said he doesn’t want to be the hero of a story that is still, at its core, a tragedy. “Imagine being Bill Cook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although CalMatters was unable to reach Willie’s parents, a Facebook group dedicated to his memory, which has been inactive since 2016, includes posts from family members who express the belief that Nelson is guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what compounds the tragedy of the case for Kayfetz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took a decades-old bandage off of these people’s hearts and just ripped it off,” she said. “It’s every kind of miscarriage of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Siskiyou public defender’s office finally got its first staff investigator. Kayfetz said she needed to “clone him.” She cobbled together funding from a couple of new grants to hire a second, who started earlier this year. But she said it’s still not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nelson case, she said, “rose and fell on the quality of the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Andrus said he doesn’t believe Shelton’s work had much impact on the case. He said the prosecutors and sheriff’s deputies had always known that Marshall was “a compromised witness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were so many nails in the coffin of Steve Marshall’s credibility that it didn’t need more,” he said. “He was not the kind of person that we would want to rely on in a murder case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they had a duty to “look into his statement, see if we can corroborate it.” And Nelson had confessed. The other evidence they gathered, he acknowledged, “was not very strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pushed the case forward anyhow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n Aug. 28, 1976, sometime between 7:30 and 8 p.m., a 6-year-old boy named Willie Cook disappeared from the bed of his father’s pickup in Happy Camp, a secluded logging community in Northern California’s Klamath National Forest. Willie’s father, Bill Cook, had been working on his lawn mower at a repair shop in the center of town. When he was done, he told Willie to wait in the truck with the family dog while he ducked into the bar across the street. He was gone less than 20 minutes. The sun had set behind the mountains, but there was still light in the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook searched the area on foot, then drove in the direction of the family home. After he circled town a couple more times, he called law enforcement to report that his son was missing. He gave the local deputy a description: Willie was 42 inches tall and weighed 45 pounds. He was wearing a black baseball jersey, jeans and white tennis shoes. His right eye was blue, and his left eye was a mix of blue and brown. He was, Cook said, “a very good boy, and had never wandered off in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By midnight, 150 people were searching for Willie, combing the dense woods surrounding the town. But Cook did not believe his son was lost in the forest. From the moment he had walked out of that bar, he was certain that someone had taken him. “I felt it,” he said. “I felt it all over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie’s body was discovered six months later in a small cardboard barrel at a campground along the Klamath River, more than 50 miles from Happy Camp. The Siskiyou County sheriff’s office launched a murder investigation but never solved the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 32 years, sheriff’s deputies got their first big break when a man came forward to say he had witnessed the kidnapping. Steve Marshall was only 10 years old in 1976, but his memory of that August day was vivid: He was sitting alone in his mother’s blue station wagon, parked outside the Headway Market, within view of the repair shop and the old bar. He was eating a vanilla ice cream cone. His brother was inside the market with their mother. They would be having spaghetti for dinner that night — his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall seemed to remember what happened next as though it were unfolding in slow motion: The sound of a logging truck as it roared past. Willie’s Labrador wagging his tail. And a young man in blue jeans and a vest, his long hair in two braids, standing on the opposite side of the street, staring at the boy and his dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall recognized him. His name was Gregory Nelson. And Marshall said he had a clear view of him as he crossed the street, grabbed Willie, shoved him into a VW bus and drove off, disappearing down the one-lane highway that cut through town. Marshall had tried to tell his mother what he’d seen, but she’d brushed him off. For the next few decades, he mostly kept it to himself. But the memory, he said, had haunted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Siskiyou sheriff arrested Nelson, then 51, and brought him in for questioning. He had a couple grams of methamphetamine and several syringes in his pocket. After two days of interrogation, he confessed. The following day, the sheriff told a local reporter that a cold case is like a puzzle. “After 32 years, we’re finally getting the pieces put together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was charged with kidnapping and murder. Siskiyou’s chief public defender, Lael Kayfetz, thought there was little chance of overcoming a signed confession and an eyewitness account. Then the prosecutors turned over the recordings of Nelson’s interrogation. When Kayfetz watched the footage, she said, “my eyeballs fell out of my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. “I’m an expert on the law,” Kayfetz said. “I’m not an expert on getting the facts.” She needed an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutors were working closely with detectives at the sheriff’s office, issuing warrants and building a case. They also employed their own team of five investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Siskiyou County’s public defender didn’t have a single defense investigator on staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers have a constitutional obligation to investigate every case. But a CalMatters investigation found that poor people accused of crimes, who account for at least 80% of criminal defendants, are routinely convicted in California without anyone investigating the charges against them. Close to half of California’s 58 counties do not employ any full-time public defense investigators. Among the remaining counties, defendants’ access to investigators fluctuates wildly, but it’s almost always inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of this failure is steep, for individual defendants and for the integrity of California’s criminal justice system. Of the 10 California counties with the highest prison incarceration rates, eight have no defense investigators on staff, according to an analysis of staffing and prison data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of investigators affects counties throughout the state, from poor, rural areas like Siskiyou to the state’s largest and most well-funded public defense offices. Los Angeles employed just 1 investigator for every 10 public defenders — one of the state’s worst ratios, according to the most recent data from the California Department of Justice. Only seven California counties met the widely accepted minimum standard of 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is most alarming in the 25 California counties that don’t have dedicated public defender offices and pay private attorneys to represent indigent people in criminal court. Most of these attorneys receive a flat fee for their services, and the cost of an investigator would eat away at their profits. Some counties allow contracted attorneys to ask the court for additional funds for investigations, but court records show the attorneys rarely make those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kings County, which has one of the highest prison incarceration rates in California, contracted attorneys asked the court for permission to hire an investigator in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25957834-evaulation-of-kings-county-indigent-defense-system/#document/p30/a2652950\">7% of criminal cases\u003c/a> from 2018 to 2022. In Lake County, attorneys made those requests in just 2% of criminal cases over a three-year period; in Mono County, it was less than 1%. To earn a living from meager county contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=13329&context=mlr\">research shows\u003c/a>, private attorneys and firms must persuade defendants to accept plea deals as quickly as possible. An investigation is an expensive delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense investigators interview witnesses, visit crime scenes, review police reports and retrieve video surveillance footage that might prove the defendant was on the other side of town when a crime was committed, or that an assault was an act of self-defense. They do work that most lawyers are not trained to do. Without them, police and prosecutorial misconduct — among the most common causes of wrongful convictions — remain unchecked, significantly increasing the likelihood that people will go to prison for crimes they did not commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Law is important, but the facts are what influences the law,” said Aditi Goel, executive director of the Sixth Amendment Center, a national nonprofit focused on improving indigent defense. “The heart of a case is what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Kayfetz and her four staff attorneys were left to sleuth most cases on their own, and they worried about what they might be missing. Siskiyou County provided them with a small budget to contract with a private investigator, but the Nelson case, which had already spanned three decades, would burn through their entire investigation fund for the year. Still, Kayfetz didn’t feel as though she had a choice. Nelson was facing life in prison, and the sheriff was in the papers talking about closure for the Cook family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called Rob Shelton, an investigator who had spent most of the previous two decades in law enforcement — first with the Coast Guard, then as a harbor patrol officer in Ventura, and recently as a probation officer for Siskiyou. He’d crossed over into defense investigations, and this would be his first homicide case for the public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/030725_Lael-Kayfetz_CHK_CM_35-819x1024.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003cfigcaption>Lael Kayfetz, the Siskiyou County public defender, realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. \u003cem>Christie Hemm Klok for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s mug shot had by then been published on the front page of the Siskiyou Daily News. His hair was graying, and his cheeks were deeply sunken. Shelton knew that look. He had seen it on the probationers he had monitored, people whose hard lives were etched into their faces. He had come to view their struggles with the law as a symptom of their poverty and addiction. But he also believed Nelson was guilty. It was hard for him to imagine that the sheriff would pursue a case without concrete evidence, and even harder to believe that the district attorney would push it toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz handed Shelton the records she’d gotten from the prosecutors, and he spent those first few weeks combing through old police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he made his way through the documents, he found black-and-white copies of photographs the sheriff’s deputies had taken as they searched Happy Camp in the days after Willie’s disappearance: The chain-saw repair shop where the truck had been parked. The old bar across the street. And a building that looked as though it had recently burned down. It was familiar to Shelton, though he couldn’t initially place it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then one day, while he was staring at the photo, it clicked. It was the Headway Market, where Marshall said his mother had been shopping when he witnessed the kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no store,” Shelton said. “There was just ruins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton walked down the street to the Siskiyou County assessor’s office to pull records on the property. The market, he learned, had burned down a few months before Willie Cook was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the birthplace of public defense. The nation’s first public defender office opened in Los Angeles in 1913. By the time the U.S. Supreme Court established in 1963 that defendants have the right to an attorney in state criminal proceedings, more than a dozen California counties were already providing free representation to poor people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation caught up, California slipped behind. The state kept its defender system entirely in the hands of its counties. Today, it is one of just two states — alongside Arizona — that don’t contribute any funding to trial-level public defense, according to the Sixth Amendment Center. The state does not monitor or evaluate the counties’ systems. There are no minimum standards, and for many defendants there are no investigations — even in the most serious cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, prosecutors have robust, in-house investigative teams. In Riverside, the district attorney has 30% more lawyers than the public defender but 500% more investigators, state data shows, in addition to the support of the county sheriff and various municipal police departments. This pattern repeats throughout the state. In what is supposed to be an adversarial legal system, indigent defendants and their attorneys are often on their own, facing an army of investigators who are working to secure a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidden in that data is the greatest tragedy of failing to investigate cases: wrongful convictions. The National Registry of Exonerations is filled with cases in which convictions were overturned when someone finally looked into the prisoner’s claims, years or even decades after they were imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of those cases are in California. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/10738\">one exoneration\u003c/a> out of Fresno, Innocence Project investigators found nine witnesses who corroborated their client’s alibi: He was more than 25 miles away at a birthday party at the time of the crime. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/12870\">a recent case\u003c/a> out of Los Angeles, investigators found evidence of their client’s innocence in a police detective’s handwritten notes, material that had been included in a file turned over to the defense before trial. If their cases had been investigated on the front end, these men might have been spared a combined 30 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Possley, the exoneration registry’s senior researcher, said that a failure to investigate is at the heart of most of the registry’s 3,600 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks at the evidence that overturned these convictions, he’s astounded the defense didn’t find it when the case was being prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone had just made the effort,” he said. “This was all sitting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton was in his early 40s when he got the Nelson case. He had been living in Siskiyou for years, but he hadn’t shed his Southern California accent. He was soft-spoken, smiled often, and had the easy mannerisms of someone who had spent a lot of time at the beach. It didn’t take long for him to build a rapport with Nelson, and he visited him frequently at the Siskiyou County jail. Nelson told him he had no memory of the events that Marshall had recounted for the deputies. Those claims of innocence had sounded hollow to Shelton, but the picture of the burned market changed his thinking about the case. Now he wondered whether anything Marshall had said was true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-01-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person with neatly styled silver hair stands under a covered walkway, looking to the side with a calm expression. They wear a red and black jacket over a plaid shirt. The background shows a rainy, quiet street with buildings and telephone poles fading into the distance. The atmosphere feels still and contemplative.\">\u003cfigcaption>As he dug deeper into the case, defense investigator Rob Shelton began to doubt the prosecution’s narrative of the crime. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Detectives with the Siskiyou sheriff’s office had interviewed Marshall several times in October 2008, a month before they arrested Nelson. Kayfetz requested those recordings, and she and Shelton listened to the tapes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first interview, Marshall initially hedged his words. When a detective asked him whether he saw Willie — who was Marshall’s cousin — on the day he was taken, he said that it “seemed like” he did. Then he said that he watched Nelson grab Willie and put him in the van, where another man was crouching in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw that?” the detective asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was with my own eyes I saw that,” Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, in a second accounting, Marshall added an accomplice — the woman who would later become Nelson’s wife slid the van door open and jumped inside before they drove off. Three days later, an additional woman appeared in the story — the wife’s sister — and the man in the passenger seat was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was remarkable to Shelton that the detectives didn’t challenge Marshall on these discrepancies. Each time he told the story, he added details — the ice cream flavor, the face his brother made at him as he walked into the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a detective asked whether Marshall had said anything to his mother when she came back, he replied that he had tried but that his brother was teasing him. “That’s why I just threw it aside,” he said. “Because my brother, he made me mad.” Marshall eventually told his mother what had happened, he said, but neither of them mentioned it to Cook when they joined the search party later that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview with detectives, Marshall’s mother corroborated his account. “I should have listened to him,” she said. “It was like he was trying to tell all of us that he had seen who took Willie. Is that possible? But nobody would believe him, because he was a little boy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the recordings, the detectives alluded to some kind of legal trouble Marshall was facing. “You’re taking care of us, and we’re going to scratch your back in return,” a detective had promised him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his fourth and final recorded interview with detectives, Marshall had something new to share: He wasn’t just a witness to Willie’s kidnapping. He was also a witness to his murder. Months after the kidnapping, Marshall said, he took a trip with his father to visit his grandparents on the Hoopa reservation, some 70 miles from Happy Camp. It was there, he said, while hiding behind a tree in the back of Nelson’s house, that he saw Nelson take Willie out of a locked van and heard him say, “This is the last time you’re going to even breathe air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m standing right there, and I’m watching him from that tree,” he told a detective. “I’m watching him put his hands around that little boy and strangle him until that little boy was dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detective conducting the interview initially seemed alarmed by this change in the story. She told Marshall that her sergeant would need to speak with him “about the differences in your statement from the first time that we talked to you.” She left the room but came back alone. “I think you and I pretty much clarified everything,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her report, she wrote that Marshall had witnessed the murder “four or five days” after the kidnapping. That was an error — Marshall repeatedly said four or five months had passed between the kidnapping and the murder, according to a transcript of the interview. But that error would find its way into Nelson’s confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Marshall’s testimony, police and prosecutors created their theory of the crime, interview transcripts and court filings show. They proposed Nelson was a pawn in a scheme hatched by his sister-in-law — one of the women Marshall named as an accomplice — who wanted to hurt Cook by taking his son. Maybe she had been jealous of his success. Maybe she wanted to avenge her husband, who had been tried, and later acquitted, for the murder of Cook’s brother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his sister-in-law were both Native American. To Kayfetz, law enforcement’s assumption that they would kidnap and kill a child as an act of revenge, or in a fit of jealous rage, played into racial stereotypes and became the “underlying stench” of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evidence had suggested that Willie was kidnapped by a sexual predator. His body was naked when it was discovered. Now law enforcement posited he was murdered in a family feud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Willie’s father initially had a hard time believing this theory. “I just can’t imagine that,” Cook told a detective in 2008. “Over something that stupid? My gut feeling is no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deputies were insistent. Eventually, Cook began to come around to the possibility that Nelson was the killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies exhumed Willie’s body, but it did not provide any new evidence. Far too much time had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton began working on the case, he was shocked whenever he discovered that law enforcement had made a mistake, or that prosecutors had failed to turn over a key document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would burst into Kayfetz’s office, saying, “You’re not gonna believe this!” And Kayfetz would tell him, dryly, “There’s no Santa or Easter Bunny, either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would soon lose that sense of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the investigation progressed, Shelton became convinced that Marshall had invented most of his story. Marshall had given detectives the names of other potential witnesses, but those turned out to be dead ends. Still, Siskiyou’s district attorney, Kirk Andrus, seemed determined to move forward, and Nelson was losing hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, one day, while he was looking through old police files, Shelton found a list of materials the deputies had entered into evidence in 1976. It included references to interviews they recorded with potential witnesses. Shelton scanned the list and saw Marshall’s name. The prosecution’s star witness had spoken to officers just days after Willie disappeared. If law enforcement still had access to these recordings, they hadn’t shared them with the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kayfetz asked the district attorney’s office to turn over the evidence, the prosecutors said they didn’t have it. But Shelton learned the tapes from the case had recently been digitized and enhanced by the Justice Department, at the request of the Siskiyou detectives. Kayfetz filed a second motion to get the recordings. When the judge ordered the prosecutors to explain how the tapes had gone missing, they said that they had found them and that they had been lost on a detective’s desk, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-09-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A foggy, overcast day in a rural town shows a weathered cream and green building labeled “Guide Service.” The small structure has boarded-up windows, a faded sign with a phone number, and a hand-painted “White Water Tours” mural on the side. To the right is an open garage-like shelter with an old, rusted vehicle and an orange traffic cone. Bare trees and mist-covered hills fill the background.\">\u003cfigcaption>Willie Cook was sitting in the open bed of his father’s pickup truck in front of this building in Happy Camp when he was kidnapped. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon Kayfetz and Shelton were listening to Marshall, 10 years old, answering questions about the evening Willie disappeared. There was no ice cream. Marshall’s brother was not in the car, but his older sister was. Their mom didn’t go to the grocery store, but she did stop at a liquor store to buy a TV Guide. When they drove through the center of town, Marshall waved to Willie, who was sitting in his dad’s truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hi, Willie,’ and he said ‘Hi’ back. And I said, ‘Where’s your dad?’ And he said, ‘He’s in the bar.’” When they drove by again, Willie was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I allowed to go now?” Marshall asked the detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview that same day, Marshall’s mother corroborated her son’s account. Nobody mentioned Nelson. Nobody said anything about witnessing a kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton felt as though they were pulling a string and unraveling the district attorney’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He discovered that Marshall had a motive for becoming useful to law enforcement in the fall of 2008. He had violated the terms of his probation for a drunken-driving conviction and was facing prison, but police kept the violation off his record, Shelton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz was encouraged by the evidence that was mounting in Nelson’s favor, but if the case went to trial, she would have to contend with the fact that he had confessed to the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sent the footage of his interrogation to Richard Leo, a University of San Francisco law professor and one of the nation’s foremost experts on coerced confessions, and asked him to testify on Nelson’s behalf. She couldn’t afford his fee — she was already pushing the outer limits of her budget. And when she first reached out, Leo told her he didn’t have time to take on another case. But she begged him to watch the footage before he made up his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even now, almost 17 years later, he remembers how stunned he had been when he first saw it. Among the 2,400 cases he’s consulted on, he said, the Nelson case stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a coerced confession he has ever seen. He called it “a form of psychological torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sequence to this — a long interrogation, lie to the suspect about evidence, attack the suspect’s denials, cause him to doubt his memory,” he said. “Sometimes you see this person denying and admitting at the same time: ‘I couldn’t have done this. I have no memory. You’re telling me I did this, maybe I did this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leo said Nelson was subjected to almost every tactic known to lead to a false admission of guilt. He agreed to do the case for a reduced fee — a “bro deal,” Kayfetz called it — in exchange for permission to include it in a future book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 12% of the wrongful convictions listed on the National Registry of Exonerations involved false confessions. In a recent case in San Bernardino, police officers pushed a man to admit to killing his father after he called police to report him missing. During a marathon interrogation, officers told the man they had conclusive evidence of his guilt and got him to agree with a gruesome scenario that they had pulled, it seems, from thin air. A few hours after he confessed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-06-01/fontana-police-coerced-false-murder-confession-with-lies\">police officers located the man’s father\u003c/a>. He was alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics conducted a census of the nation’s public defender offices. It found that 40% had no investigators on staff and that 93% failed to meet the National Association for Public Defense’s industry standard of at least 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study made it clear that, across the country, investigators were seen as a luxury, not a necessity. CalMatters interviews with top public defenders in several states, along with recent reports examining indigent defense systems, suggest that’s still the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mississippi, only eight of the state’s 82 counties have public defender offices. The rest rely on private attorneys who are paid a flat fee — one that rarely covers the cost of an investigator. A \u003ca href=\"https://6ac.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/6AC_mississippi_report_2018.pdf\">2018 report\u003c/a> found that, in many Mississippi counties, with the exception of murder cases, the attorneys “never hire investigators and have no time to investigate cases themselves.” Appointed attorneys told researchers they would “get laughed out of court” for requesting additional funds for an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender systems that are funded and controlled by state legislatures also have severe investigator shortages. The head public defender in Arkansas, Gregg Parrish, said he has only 12 staff investigators, responsible for assisting in felony cases, including capital cases, in all of the state’s 75 counties. Minnesota’s top public defender, William Ward, said he is trying to maintain a ratio of at least 1 investigator for every 7 public defenders but knows that’s not enough. “I would rather have a great investigator and an average lawyer than an average investigator and a great lawyer,” he said. “Investigators make all the difference on a case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Reingold remembers one case in particular from his time as a public defender in Louisiana’s Orleans Parish. His client was accused of breaking into a car, but he insisted he was entering the car to leave a note offering to do yard work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold sent an investigator to the car owner’s house, but there was no one home. His client had two prior felonies, and a car burglary would qualify him for a life sentence. When the prosecutor offered 10 years in exchange for a guilty plea, Reingold advised him to take the deal. But his client begged him to find the note, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Orleans Parish had 65 public defenders and three investigators. The one assigned to the man’s case refused to give up. She tried for six weeks to find the car’s owner. In the week before the plea hearing, she stopped by his home almost daily. One evening, he answered the door. He said, “Oh yeah, I still have that note!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold presented the note as evidence, and his client was released from jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, he said, a rare stroke of luck. “The scary thing is, we don’t know all the other times we’ve missed things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before Nelson’s trial was set to begin, the prosecution was still turning over discovery materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton began to make his way through the latest batch. Many of the documents were familiar — duplicates of reports and transcripts he had already reviewed. But he stumbled on a few photographs, tucked into the file, that he hadn’t seen before. In the foreground of one of the pictures, leaning up against a trailer home, something caught his eye — a cardboard cylinder, not quite 2 feet tall. It looked just like the barrel in which Willie’s body was found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jesus Christ, man. That’s it right there,” he said to himself. “It was in their hands. They had it all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trailer belonged to a man who had lived in Happy Camp in the 1970s and whom everyone knew as Sonny. He washed trucks for a local logging company and lived on the owner’s property. Cook told police he had been on that property with Willie the day of the kidnapping, which is probably why the deputies photographed the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton went back to Happy Camp to learn more about Sonny, he discovered he had been arrested less than a year after Willie’s body was found, when a 5-year-old boy told his parents that Sonny had sexually abused him. The boy’s family had owned the logging company, and Sonny had been their employee. Prosecutors didn’t file charges, and Sonny was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to documents Kayfetz filed with the court, the boy, who was in his late 30s when Nelson was arrested, had always wondered about the connection between Willie’s murder and his own abuse. His grandmother once told him she believed the cardboard barrel had come from their family’s property — she said it was a container for the detergent that Sonny used to wash the trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-16-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A towering sculpture of a Bigfoot-like creature made from dark, textured metal stands among bare branches in a misty, forested area. The figure has exaggerated features and a shaggy appearance, with one arm extended forward. Pine trees, power lines, and rooftops are visible in the background beneath an overcast sky, adding to the eerie atmosphere.\">\u003cfigcaption>The Happy Camp Big Foot statue on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-22-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A wet, empty street in a small town on a foggy day, with a few parked cars along the sides and leafless trees lining the road. Low hills and more trees are visible in the misty background.\">\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-15-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Three small, weathered buildings sit side by side on a wet street in a mountain town. The structures show signs of age, with faded paint, boarded windows, and moss-covered roofs. Bare trees stand behind them, and a misty forested hillside rises in the background under an overcast sky. The scene is quiet and damp, evoking a sense of stillness and isolation.\">\u003c/figure>\u003cfigcaption>First\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>A view down Washington Street in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. Last\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Buildings on 2nd Avenue in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had recently searched for the Cook case online and was surprised to find that it had been reopened and that Nelson had been charged with the crime. He wondered: Did the police know about Sonny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local press had published a phone number for the Siskiyou detective’s bureau, urging people to come forward with relevant information about the crime. He called and left a message, but no one called him back. He called a second time and explained to a receptionist who he was and why he was calling. He was still waiting for a reply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonny did eventually go to prison for sexually abusing a child. A mother reported him to the police when she learned he had been molesting her son for years. She told investigators that after Sonny was sentenced, other boys came forward to say he had abused them as well, according to a statement filed in court. He died in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Shelton, these discoveries seemed like “a game changer.” He shared the details with Kayfetz. “I was like, ‘This is done,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury would not get to see the photo of the barrel or hear from Sonny’s accusers. The prosecution fought to exclude the evidence, arguing it didn’t prove Sonny had ever met Willie, let alone had kidnapped and killed him. And the judge agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It never even made it to court,” Shelton said. “Our job was to create reasonable doubt. We never planned to solve this case and figure out who did kidnap Willie. But I think we did, and no one cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case would radically alter Shelton’s beliefs about the justice system and his perception of how police and prosecutors operate. “I used to be on their team,” he said. “And when I worked for the defense I started to see that, you know, sometimes it’s more about winning than actual justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He began to view his job as “quality control” for law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some district attorneys are wonderful and they disclose everything,” he said. “They’re not all like that. And so, if you’re a defendant and you draw a dishonest attorney, well, is that it? Is your fate sealed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be, Shelton said, if you didn’t have anyone to look into your side of the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 20 years, California has introduced ambitious legislation aimed at reducing incarceration, earning the state a reputation as a leader in criminal justice reform. But those efforts are routinely undermined by California’s failure to provide defendants with a proper investigation of the charges against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s so shocking — that it’s California,” said Goel, of the Sixth Amendment Center. “There’s perception, and then there’s reality. When will the state look in the mirror and see what it really is?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations affect every part of the criminal justice process. They’re not just about figuring out whether a client is innocent. Even if a case is moving toward a plea deal, an investigation can turn up information that forces a prosecutor to reduce the charge or compels a judge to grant bond or shorten a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are discouraged from interviewing witnesses on their own. If a witness later changed their story or disappeared before trial, the attorney might have to testify on their client’s behalf and recuse themself from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are considering \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab690\">a bill\u003c/a> that could bolster defense investigations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Contracted%20to%20Fail%20report_March%202025.pdf\">eliminating flat-fee contracts\u003c/a>. But it faces opposition from county officials, who say it would force them to increase their defense budgets without helping them pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York was once very similar to California. Its counties managed their own public defender systems, without much input or funding from the state, until a class-action lawsuit, settled in 2015, led to statewide changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York created an office tasked with improving public defense, eventually giving it some $250 million to dole out each year. Counties that take the money must prioritize certain aspects of public defense, including investigations. In a recent report to the agency overseeing the effort, these counties consistently said the ability to investigate cases was among the most profound impacts of the new funding. Some described specific cases that ended in acquittal or significantly reduced charges as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was also sued over claims it failed to provide competent defense. To settle the lawsuit, filed in Fresno County, Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020 expanded the scope of the Office of the State Public Defender, which had previously handled death penalty appeals, to include support and training for county-based public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor committed only $10 million in one-time grants to the effort, and that money has since run out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s trial began in September 2009. The case hinged on Marshall’s account and Nelson’s confession. Kayfetz built much of the defense on what Shelton had discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for six days and could not come to a decision. Seven jurors believed Nelson was guilty of murder, and five did not. Six believed he had kidnapped Willie, the other six did not. The judge declared a mistrial. A few weeks later, Andrus, the district attorney, announced he was dismissing the charges against Nelson and his sister-in-law, whose kidnapping case was awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, Andrus said it was “the most difficult and painful decision I have made in my professional career.” He told a news reporter that his office had a heavy caseload and didn’t have the staff to prosecute the case. Andrus noted that he could always refile the charges if new evidence emerged or a new witness came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was released, but he didn’t get to go home. He had to answer for the drugs he had on him at the time of his arrest and was sent to a Humboldt County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left here just to be interviewed, and 16 months later I got out,” Nelson said from his home in Hoopa. “They got their hook in me, and they kept it in me. There’s nothing you can do when you’re in that situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-19-1024x682.jpg\" alt='An older person with white hair and a mustache sits indoors on the edge of a bed, wearing a red t-shirt with a white \"CR\" logo. The room is dimly lit, with personal items and decorations visible in the background, including a dartboard and a painting of a horse and rider.'>\u003cfigcaption>Gregory Nelson in his home in Hoopa on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he’s certain he would be in prison if not for Shelton. “He believed what I told him,” he said. “Without that investigator, you don’t have a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall and his mother have since died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton retired from defense investigation last year. He was initially hesitant to talk about the Nelson case and insisted that he had only been doing his job. He said he doesn’t want to be the hero of a story that is still, at its core, a tragedy. “Imagine being Bill Cook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although CalMatters was unable to reach Willie’s parents, a Facebook group dedicated to his memory, which has been inactive since 2016, includes posts from family members who express the belief that Nelson is guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what compounds the tragedy of the case for Kayfetz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took a decades-old bandage off of these people’s hearts and just ripped it off,” she said. “It’s every kind of miscarriage of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Siskiyou public defender’s office finally got its first staff investigator. Kayfetz said she needed to “clone him.” She cobbled together funding from a couple of new grants to hire a second, who started earlier this year. But she said it’s still not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nelson case, she said, “rose and fell on the quality of the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Andrus said he doesn’t believe Shelton’s work had much impact on the case. He said the prosecutors and sheriff’s deputies had always known that Marshall was “a compromised witness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were so many nails in the coffin of Steve Marshall’s credibility that it didn’t need more,” he said. “He was not the kind of person that we would want to rely on in a murder case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they had a duty to “look into his statement, see if we can corroborate it.” And Nelson had confessed. The other evidence they gathered, he acknowledged, “was not very strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pushed the case forward anyhow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Asks Trump to Rescind ‘Unlawful Deployment of Troops’ in Los Angeles",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 pm Sunday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom has sent a letter to the Trump administration, calling in a post on X for “their unlawful deployment of troops in Los Angeles [C]ounty be rescinded” and for the state National Guard to be returned to his command.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://x.com/gavinnewsom/status/1931840646773715068?s=46\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t have a problem until Trump got involved,” Newsom wrote. “This is a serious breach of state sovereignty — inflaming tensions while pulling resources from where they’re actually needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the White House called the governor’s leadership “feckless,” accusing him of refusing to stop violent attacks on law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a bald-faced lie for Newsom to claim there was no problem in Los Angeles before President Trump got involved,” said White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson. “Everyone saw the chaos, violence, and lawlessness – unless, of course, Gavin Newsom doesn’t think any of that is a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles Sunday, tear gas was fired at protesters when some demonstrators moved close to National Guard troops and shouted insults at them, hours after President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/insurrection-act-trump-troops-newsom-military-national-guard-a842f79e1c0e244039be274a6f266a7a\">extraordinary decision to deploy them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confrontation broke out as hundreds of people protested in front of the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, where several of the newly-arrived National Guard troops stood shoulder to shoulder behind plastic riot shields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043224\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043224\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Border Patrol personnel deploy tear gas during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Video showed uniformed officers shooting off the smoke-filled canisters as they advanced into the street, forcing protesters to retreat. It was not immediately clear what prompted the use of chemical irritants or which law enforcement agency fired them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, loud popping sounds erupted again, as some protesters chanted “go home” and “shame.” One person was taken to the ground by uniformed officers. Another appeared to be bleeding from their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move came over the objections of Newsom, who accused Trump of a “complete overreaction.” It marked the first time in decades that a state’s national guard was activated without a request from its governor, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">directive\u003c/a> Saturday, Trump invoked a legal provision allowing him to deploy federal service members when there is ”a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately 300 National Guard members were deployed Sunday to three separate locations in the greater Los Angeles area, according to military officials. Several protests and marches were scheduled to kick off Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local Bay Area leaders condemned President Trump’s decision to deploy the troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s unwarranted and unwise deployment of California’s National Guard over the objections of California officials is likely intended to inflame the situation,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren in a written statement. “Our citizen soldiers, members of California’s National Guard, should not be abused in this way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Rep. Mike Thompson called Trump’s move “outrageous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the president that wouldn’t call in the National Guard on January 6th when there was an insurrection at the Capitol, and then later pardoned everyone who was tried in court and found guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mark DeSaulnier blamed Trump for sabotaging the bipartisan efforts to deal with the border and immigration problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[President Trump] created this crisis and now he’s trying to provoke a constitutional crisis,” said DeSaulnier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta said his team has been in touch with local law enforcement in Los Angeles and stands ready to assist if additional resources are needed. He called Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s decision “unnecessary and counterproductive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To follow [the deployment] with a threat to order additional active duty Marines to the city is an inflammatory escalation,” said Bonta in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant rights activists also spoke out against President Trump’s response to protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement tactics being used by the Trump administration to attempt and terrorize our communities are morally unacceptable,” said Renee Saucedo, an organizer with the Northern California Coalition for Just Immigration Reform. “Immigrant communities have always held peaceful protests … law enforcement, including local police and ICE agents, have unfortunately been the ones to instigate violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKn5F4-Mnjd/?hl=en\">solidarity protest\u003c/a> in San Francisco is scheduled to take place outside an ICE facility Sunday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043225\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters kick the side of a Border Patrol vehicle during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom called Trump on Friday night and they spoke for about 40 minutes, according to the governor’s office. It was not clear if they spoke Saturday or Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was some confusion surrounding the exact timing of the guard’s arrival. Shortly before midnight local time, Trump congratulated the National Guard on a “job well done.” But less than an hour later, Bass said troops had yet to arrive in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said Sunday that the purpose of the deployment was to “provide security for operations and to make sure that there are peaceful protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2026px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043226\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2026\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg 2026w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2026px) 100vw, 2026px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police detain a man during a protest in the Paramount section of Los Angeles, Saturday, June 7, 2025, after federal immigration authorities conducted operations. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The troops included members of the 79th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USNorthernCmd/status/1931728687772098645/photo/2\">social media post\u003c/a> from the Department of Defense that showed dozens of National Guard members with long guns and an armored vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signal of the administration’s aggressive approach, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth also threatened to deploy active-duty Marines “if violence continues” in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, a Democrat, described Trump’s decision to call in the National Guard as a “provocative show of force” that would only escalate tensions, adding that Hegseth’s threat to deploy Marines on American soil was “deranged behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said the order by Trump reflected “a president moving this country rapidly into authoritarianism” and “usurping the powers of the United States Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Mike Johnson, a staunch Trump ally, endorsed the president’s move, doubling down on Republicans’ criticisms of California Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin Newsom has shown an inability or an unwillingness to do what is necessary, so the president stepped in,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">The Associated Press’ Eric Thayer and Jake Offenhartz contributed reporting to this story. KQED’s Dana Cronin, Sara Hossaini, Saul Gonzalez, Lakshmi Sarah and Spencer Whitney also contributed reporting.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t have a problem until Trump got involved,” Newsom wrote. “This is a serious breach of state sovereignty — inflaming tensions while pulling resources from where they’re actually needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the White House called the governor’s leadership “feckless,” accusing him of refusing to stop violent attacks on law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a bald-faced lie for Newsom to claim there was no problem in Los Angeles before President Trump got involved,” said White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson. “Everyone saw the chaos, violence, and lawlessness – unless, of course, Gavin Newsom doesn’t think any of that is a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles Sunday, tear gas was fired at protesters when some demonstrators moved close to National Guard troops and shouted insults at them, hours after President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/insurrection-act-trump-troops-newsom-military-national-guard-a842f79e1c0e244039be274a6f266a7a\">extraordinary decision to deploy them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confrontation broke out as hundreds of people protested in front of the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, where several of the newly-arrived National Guard troops stood shoulder to shoulder behind plastic riot shields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043224\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043224\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Border Patrol personnel deploy tear gas during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Video showed uniformed officers shooting off the smoke-filled canisters as they advanced into the street, forcing protesters to retreat. It was not immediately clear what prompted the use of chemical irritants or which law enforcement agency fired them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, loud popping sounds erupted again, as some protesters chanted “go home” and “shame.” One person was taken to the ground by uniformed officers. Another appeared to be bleeding from their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move came over the objections of Newsom, who accused Trump of a “complete overreaction.” It marked the first time in decades that a state’s national guard was activated without a request from its governor, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">directive\u003c/a> Saturday, Trump invoked a legal provision allowing him to deploy federal service members when there is ”a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately 300 National Guard members were deployed Sunday to three separate locations in the greater Los Angeles area, according to military officials. Several protests and marches were scheduled to kick off Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local Bay Area leaders condemned President Trump’s decision to deploy the troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s unwarranted and unwise deployment of California’s National Guard over the objections of California officials is likely intended to inflame the situation,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren in a written statement. “Our citizen soldiers, members of California’s National Guard, should not be abused in this way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Rep. Mike Thompson called Trump’s move “outrageous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the president that wouldn’t call in the National Guard on January 6th when there was an insurrection at the Capitol, and then later pardoned everyone who was tried in court and found guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mark DeSaulnier blamed Trump for sabotaging the bipartisan efforts to deal with the border and immigration problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[President Trump] created this crisis and now he’s trying to provoke a constitutional crisis,” said DeSaulnier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta said his team has been in touch with local law enforcement in Los Angeles and stands ready to assist if additional resources are needed. He called Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s decision “unnecessary and counterproductive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To follow [the deployment] with a threat to order additional active duty Marines to the city is an inflammatory escalation,” said Bonta in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant rights activists also spoke out against President Trump’s response to protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement tactics being used by the Trump administration to attempt and terrorize our communities are morally unacceptable,” said Renee Saucedo, an organizer with the Northern California Coalition for Just Immigration Reform. “Immigrant communities have always held peaceful protests … law enforcement, including local police and ICE agents, have unfortunately been the ones to instigate violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKn5F4-Mnjd/?hl=en\">solidarity protest\u003c/a> in San Francisco is scheduled to take place outside an ICE facility Sunday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043225\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters kick the side of a Border Patrol vehicle during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom called Trump on Friday night and they spoke for about 40 minutes, according to the governor’s office. It was not clear if they spoke Saturday or Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was some confusion surrounding the exact timing of the guard’s arrival. Shortly before midnight local time, Trump congratulated the National Guard on a “job well done.” But less than an hour later, Bass said troops had yet to arrive in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said Sunday that the purpose of the deployment was to “provide security for operations and to make sure that there are peaceful protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2026px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043226\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2026\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg 2026w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2026px) 100vw, 2026px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police detain a man during a protest in the Paramount section of Los Angeles, Saturday, June 7, 2025, after federal immigration authorities conducted operations. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The troops included members of the 79th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USNorthernCmd/status/1931728687772098645/photo/2\">social media post\u003c/a> from the Department of Defense that showed dozens of National Guard members with long guns and an armored vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signal of the administration’s aggressive approach, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth also threatened to deploy active-duty Marines “if violence continues” in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, a Democrat, described Trump’s decision to call in the National Guard as a “provocative show of force” that would only escalate tensions, adding that Hegseth’s threat to deploy Marines on American soil was “deranged behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said the order by Trump reflected “a president moving this country rapidly into authoritarianism” and “usurping the powers of the United States Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Mike Johnson, a staunch Trump ally, endorsed the president’s move, doubling down on Republicans’ criticisms of California Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin Newsom has shown an inability or an unwillingness to do what is necessary, so the president stepped in,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">The Associated Press’ Eric Thayer and Jake Offenhartz contributed reporting to this story. KQED’s Dana Cronin, Sara Hossaini, Saul Gonzalez, Lakshmi Sarah and Spencer Whitney also contributed reporting.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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