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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> likely violated federal civil rights law in its response to pro-Palestinian protests over the past two years, according to a new \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/548748b1e4b083fc03ebf70e/t/69038e405b5a3e7d70225824/1761840704073/PALA+Report_final.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Berkeley law school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the report, published Thursday, the Palestine Advocacy Legal Assistance Project found that the university repressed pro-Palestinian speech and failed to support or protect Palestinian students who were harassed or assaulted as a result of their activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley’s administration has responded to this mobilization for Gaza by repressing pro-Palestinian speech and punishing Palestinian students and their allies for their activism,” the report’s authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report said that the university’s actions — or in some cases, inaction — likely violated Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination against race, color or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An institution need not directly discriminate to violate Title VI. It may also violate Title VI if it demonstrates deliberate indifference to a “hostile environment” created by peer-to-peer harassment,” the report authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s bombing of Gaza as part of the country’s war with Hamas and killing of nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.unrwa.org/resources/reports/unrwa-situation-report-194-situation-gaza-strip-and-west-bank-including-east-jerusalem\">70,000 \u003c/a>Palestinians has sparked widespread protests on Berkeley’s campus and led to several confrontations between pro-Palestinian activists and Jewish groups, supporters of Israel and faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008661\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students cheer at a rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley, on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the number of clashes has grown, groups across the ideological spectrum have increased calls for university administrators to intervene, and many have accused the university of failing to take sufficient action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Department of Justice began investigating the UC system \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029887/trump-doj-investigate-university-california-over-antisemitism-allegations\">for violations of civil rights law r\u003c/a>elated to employees facing antisemitism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus Jewish groups are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969165/lawsuit-intensifies-spotlight-on-free-speech-controversies-at-uc-berkeley\">also suing the university\u003c/a> for failing to intervene after several student groups implemented bylaws stating that they would not allow supporters of Zionism to speak at their events. Those groups said that the policy does not discriminate against Jewish students, but critics said that those policies disproportionately affect Jewish people.[aside postID=news_12061703 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SamiHamdiGetty.jpg']The university also faced backlash for its decision in September to hand over the names of 160 students and faculty \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055827/uc-berkeley-gives-trump-administration-160-names-in-antisemitism-investigation\">accused of antisemitism to the federal government\u003c/a>, as part of the Trump administration’s broader investigations into reports of bullying and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978998/uc-berkeley-jewish-community-members-march-on-campus-amid-rising-tensions\">harassment of Jewish students on campus\u003c/a>. The report’s main finding notably mirrors these accusations by arguing that the university deliberately allowed a hostile environment towards pro-Palestinian demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley has and will maintain an unwavering commitment to Free Speech for all, and to doing all that we can so that every student feels safe and a true sense of belonging regardless of their identity, origins or beliefs,” Assistant Vice Chancellor Dan Mogulof said. “The campus also continues to urge anyone who has witnessed or has been subject to alleged identity-based discrimination and/or harassment to report to our Office for the Prevention of Harassment and Discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s report cited several incidents where authors said the university failed to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When protesters blocked part of Sather Gate in early 2024, they faced “daily harassment and sometimes physical violence,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A sign blocks passage through an ornate gateway.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A large pro-Palestine sign held by students blocks the central entrance to Sather Gate on the Berkeley campus. Both walkways on either side remained open. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One person reportedly became aggressive, threatened protesters’ lives and brandished a knife. That person was placed on a week-long restraining order, the report said, but protesters didn’t press charges, and once the order expired, the man returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April of 2024, during a dinner for law students hosted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982697/confrontation-at-uc-berkeley-law-school-deans-home-highlights-campus-tensions\">Dean of Berkeley Law Erwin Chemerinsky and his wife,\u003c/a> law professor Catherine Fisk, a Muslim student addressed the group with a microphone to talk about the plight of Palestinian students and the last night of Ramadan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky and Fisk repeatedly asked the student to leave, with Fisk also seemingly attempting to take the microphone from the student’s hands. The University later opened a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985245/uc-berkeley-opens-civil-rights-investigation-into-confrontation-at-deans-home\"> civil rights investigation into Fisk\u003c/a>, on behalf of the student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report accused Chemerinsky of aiming to chill student protest through a statement he made following that incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky at his home in Oakland, California, on Jan. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He wrote that any similar disruptions would be reported to student conduct and noted that student conduct violations are reported to the bar association — a clear threat to protestors’ ability to practice law after they graduate,” the report stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Fisk incident happened right before I entered in the fall of ‘24,” said Oton De Souza, a second-year law student and one of the authors. “I remember during orientation, it was a very somber moment where Dean Chemerinsky was talking about free speech, but then it turned very cold when he talked about disruption and how that would lead into student conduct [reports].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the university has encouraged all community members to report harassment or discrimination, the report also found that Berkeley did not fully investigate some of those reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“PALA interviewed a lot of these students who went through this process from the pro-Palestine advocacy side,” De Souza said. “A lot of their requests directly to the university weren’t listened to, and ultimately, some of them just fizzled out and the university never followed up on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction, Nov. 4:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story misstated the number of Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza. The story said that nearly 70,000 Palestinian civilians had been killed. That figure represents the total number of Palestinians killed, according to United Nations estimates, and not all were civilians. The story has been updated to remove the word “civilians.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> likely violated federal civil rights law in its response to pro-Palestinian protests over the past two years, according to a new \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/548748b1e4b083fc03ebf70e/t/69038e405b5a3e7d70225824/1761840704073/PALA+Report_final.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Berkeley law school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the report, published Thursday, the Palestine Advocacy Legal Assistance Project found that the university repressed pro-Palestinian speech and failed to support or protect Palestinian students who were harassed or assaulted as a result of their activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley’s administration has responded to this mobilization for Gaza by repressing pro-Palestinian speech and punishing Palestinian students and their allies for their activism,” the report’s authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report said that the university’s actions — or in some cases, inaction — likely violated Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination against race, color or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An institution need not directly discriminate to violate Title VI. It may also violate Title VI if it demonstrates deliberate indifference to a “hostile environment” created by peer-to-peer harassment,” the report authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s bombing of Gaza as part of the country’s war with Hamas and killing of nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.unrwa.org/resources/reports/unrwa-situation-report-194-situation-gaza-strip-and-west-bank-including-east-jerusalem\">70,000 \u003c/a>Palestinians has sparked widespread protests on Berkeley’s campus and led to several confrontations between pro-Palestinian activists and Jewish groups, supporters of Israel and faculty members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008661\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students cheer at a rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley, on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the number of clashes has grown, groups across the ideological spectrum have increased calls for university administrators to intervene, and many have accused the university of failing to take sufficient action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Department of Justice began investigating the UC system \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029887/trump-doj-investigate-university-california-over-antisemitism-allegations\">for violations of civil rights law r\u003c/a>elated to employees facing antisemitism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus Jewish groups are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969165/lawsuit-intensifies-spotlight-on-free-speech-controversies-at-uc-berkeley\">also suing the university\u003c/a> for failing to intervene after several student groups implemented bylaws stating that they would not allow supporters of Zionism to speak at their events. Those groups said that the policy does not discriminate against Jewish students, but critics said that those policies disproportionately affect Jewish people.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The university also faced backlash for its decision in September to hand over the names of 160 students and faculty \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055827/uc-berkeley-gives-trump-administration-160-names-in-antisemitism-investigation\">accused of antisemitism to the federal government\u003c/a>, as part of the Trump administration’s broader investigations into reports of bullying and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978998/uc-berkeley-jewish-community-members-march-on-campus-amid-rising-tensions\">harassment of Jewish students on campus\u003c/a>. The report’s main finding notably mirrors these accusations by arguing that the university deliberately allowed a hostile environment towards pro-Palestinian demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC Berkeley has and will maintain an unwavering commitment to Free Speech for all, and to doing all that we can so that every student feels safe and a true sense of belonging regardless of their identity, origins or beliefs,” Assistant Vice Chancellor Dan Mogulof said. “The campus also continues to urge anyone who has witnessed or has been subject to alleged identity-based discrimination and/or harassment to report to our Office for the Prevention of Harassment and Discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s report cited several incidents where authors said the university failed to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When protesters blocked part of Sather Gate in early 2024, they faced “daily harassment and sometimes physical violence,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A sign blocks passage through an ornate gateway.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240311-JEWISHPROTEST-JY-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A large pro-Palestine sign held by students blocks the central entrance to Sather Gate on the Berkeley campus. Both walkways on either side remained open. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One person reportedly became aggressive, threatened protesters’ lives and brandished a knife. That person was placed on a week-long restraining order, the report said, but protesters didn’t press charges, and once the order expired, the man returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April of 2024, during a dinner for law students hosted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982697/confrontation-at-uc-berkeley-law-school-deans-home-highlights-campus-tensions\">Dean of Berkeley Law Erwin Chemerinsky and his wife,\u003c/a> law professor Catherine Fisk, a Muslim student addressed the group with a microphone to talk about the plight of Palestinian students and the last night of Ramadan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky and Fisk repeatedly asked the student to leave, with Fisk also seemingly attempting to take the microphone from the student’s hands. The University later opened a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985245/uc-berkeley-opens-civil-rights-investigation-into-confrontation-at-deans-home\"> civil rights investigation into Fisk\u003c/a>, on behalf of the student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report accused Chemerinsky of aiming to chill student protest through a statement he made following that incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky at his home in Oakland, California, on Jan. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He wrote that any similar disruptions would be reported to student conduct and noted that student conduct violations are reported to the bar association — a clear threat to protestors’ ability to practice law after they graduate,” the report stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Fisk incident happened right before I entered in the fall of ‘24,” said Oton De Souza, a second-year law student and one of the authors. “I remember during orientation, it was a very somber moment where Dean Chemerinsky was talking about free speech, but then it turned very cold when he talked about disruption and how that would lead into student conduct [reports].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the university has encouraged all community members to report harassment or discrimination, the report also found that Berkeley did not fully investigate some of those reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“PALA interviewed a lot of these students who went through this process from the pro-Palestine advocacy side,” De Souza said. “A lot of their requests directly to the university weren’t listened to, and ultimately, some of them just fizzled out and the university never followed up on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction, Nov. 4:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story misstated the number of Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza. The story said that nearly 70,000 Palestinian civilians had been killed. That figure represents the total number of Palestinians killed, according to United Nations estimates, and not all were civilians. The story has been updated to remove the word “civilians.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Fear of ICE Raids Drains Sales for Businesses in Oakland’s Fruitvale",
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"content": "\u003cp>Enriqueta Soriano has sold bejeweled, colorful ball gowns for quinceañeras, weddings and other formal events for 30 years in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">Oakland’s Fruitvale district\u003c/a>, a majority Latino area where one in three residents is foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican immigrant raised six children and saved for retirement with income from her once-prosperous store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since reports spread in June of masked federal immigration agents \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">raiding Los Angeles workplaces\u003c/a> and Home Depot parking lots, few customers have entered Soriano’s shop. The nosedive in sales came as local merchants were already struggling with public safety concerns that hurt the area’s reputation and drove customers away in recent years, said the 66-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, to give us the final blow, came the ICE raids that were on TV so much. They really scared people,” Soriano, owner of El Palacio de Novias y Quinceañeras, said in Spanish. “Business is going down, down, down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, businesses owned and frequented by immigrants like Soriano’s are suffering from an economic chill driven not just by enforcement, but by fear. Families are staying home, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">workers are keeping low profiles\u003c/a>, and small shops that once thrived are watching their customers disappear. The impact ripples through neighborhoods, local economies and city budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061128 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enriqueta Soriano and her son Enrique work inside her store, El Palacio de las Novias y Quinceañeras, in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061224/oakland-braces-for-possible-federal-action-after-san-francisco-dodges-trumps-attention\">Bay Area braced\u003c/a> for President Donald Trump’s promised immigration crackdown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055279/oakland-latino-merchants-learn-rights-as-ice-targets-worksites\">small-business owners in the Fruitvale\u003c/a> reeled from a steep decline in sales and foot traffic as immigrant communities limit spending and outings to essentials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants, grocery stores, travel agencies, retail and auto repair shops along International Boulevard point to a months-long economic slump that could deepen. Businesses across California that serve Latino immigrant customers or employ undocumented workers would be hardest hit, according to experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the raids start occurring in the [Bay Area] region, you’re going to see huge decreases in revenue and that affects the city budget and the city’s ability to operate — that goes for Oakland and San José as well,” said Abby Raisz, vice president of research at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.[aside postID=news_12061224 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251023-MAYOR-LEE-PRESSER-MD-05-KQED.jpg']After an Immigration and Customs Enforcement workplace raid, rattled undocumented workers may not show up to their jobs in construction, agriculture, hospitality, retail and other industries. The disruptions can raise costs for businesses, which then pass them to consumers. Eventually, Raisz said, most of these immigrants try to go back to work out of financial need, but cut back on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they won’t do is go back to establishments. They won’t go eat out at restaurants that maybe they would have previously. They won’t shop locally,” Raisz said, calling it “the cost of fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That affects the business owners, who often are immigrants themselves, especially when we look at areas that are very concentrated with high shares of immigrants,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mass deportations could reduce California’s gross domestic product by $275 billion through labor shortages, supply chain disruptions and reduced household spending, according to a June \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/Economic%20Impact%20of%20Mass%20Deportation_June%202025.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Raisz and other researchers at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute and UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has roughly 2.3 million undocumented immigrants — roughly 8% of its workforce — the most of any state. The Bay Area is home to more than 300,000 undocumented workers, with nearly half concentrated in Alameda and Santa Clara counties, according to estimates by the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles and Chicago, National Guard troops — sometimes armed with rifles — accompanied ICE agents or provided logistical support. Trump said the troops were needed to protect agents from violent protesters and address “out-of-control crime,” a claim local authorities disputed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Alfonso, who has operated a car transmission repair shop in the Fruitvale for 48 years, said he’s been surprised by how quiet streets have remained amid the looming threat of increased immigration enforcement. Deploying the National Guard, he said, to the neighborhood would only make things worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The businesses around me — the stores, the restaurants — they have no customers. They are just not coming out,” Alfonso, who owns Transmatic Transmission, said. “I’ve been here for that many years and this is the worst I’ve ever seen it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He used to handle up to 15 repair jobs a week. Now he’s lucky to get one. Because he owns his building, it blunts the financial hit somewhat, but he feels for other business owners who must come up with the rent money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural on the facade of Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nobody is driving up or down the streets no more. The foot traffic is hardly anything anymore. My phone doesn’t ring anymore,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sales slump and labor disruptions compound the economic uncertainties small businesses face, said Oscar Garcia, senior vice president of the California Hispanic Chambers of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Inflation, cost of doing business, cost of your product or your service, gasoline, rent — all that makes it a bigger challenge,” he said, adding that many businesses also lack access to capital or grants once available during the pandemic. “There are many factors that contribute to slow business.”[aside postID=news_12061191 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GETTYIMAGES-2242445000-KQED.jpg']In Fruitvale, most merchants told KQED that robberies, theft and vandalism had already hurt profits before the ICE raids in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The area including Fruitvale had the most robberies from 2020 through 2024 in Oakland, according to a KQED analysis of police data, though other crimes, such as burglaries and auto theft, were more common elsewhere in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Business owners create economic activity and jobs. These communities must be safe, and I have worked — and will continue to work — with our public safety officials, the Oakland Police Department, and local merchants to determine more effective measures to enhance public safety, which is key to a successful business environment,” Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city budget adopted this year — which lists public safety as a top priority — funds 678 police officers, still short of the 700 required under a 2024 voter-approved ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Violent crime has since fallen nationwide, including in Oakland. In the first half of this year, citywide crime dropped\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/News-Releases/Police/OPD-Shares-Crime-Statistics-for-First-Half-of-2025\"> significantly\u003c/a> compared to last year, including a 41% drop in robberies, according to police. But most Fruitvale business owners, including Soriano, say they haven’t seen much improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soriano is now considering closing her store for good, which she said fills her with dread. She’s kept the doors open by spending her retirement and savings on rent and bills, but worries she and her husband won’t have enough money to get by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still had the will to fight, to try to move forward. But I’m finding myself in the painful necessity of having to close my business,” she said, as tears streamed down her face. “I’m just so depressed and frustrated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Fear of ICE Raids Drains Sales for Businesses in Oakland’s Fruitvale",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Enriqueta Soriano has sold bejeweled, colorful ball gowns for quinceañeras, weddings and other formal events for 30 years in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">Oakland’s Fruitvale district\u003c/a>, a majority Latino area where one in three residents is foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican immigrant raised six children and saved for retirement with income from her once-prosperous store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since reports spread in June of masked federal immigration agents \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">raiding Los Angeles workplaces\u003c/a> and Home Depot parking lots, few customers have entered Soriano’s shop. The nosedive in sales came as local merchants were already struggling with public safety concerns that hurt the area’s reputation and drove customers away in recent years, said the 66-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, to give us the final blow, came the ICE raids that were on TV so much. They really scared people,” Soriano, owner of El Palacio de Novias y Quinceañeras, said in Spanish. “Business is going down, down, down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, businesses owned and frequented by immigrants like Soriano’s are suffering from an economic chill driven not just by enforcement, but by fear. Families are staying home, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">workers are keeping low profiles\u003c/a>, and small shops that once thrived are watching their customers disappear. The impact ripples through neighborhoods, local economies and city budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061128 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enriqueta Soriano and her son Enrique work inside her store, El Palacio de las Novias y Quinceañeras, in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061224/oakland-braces-for-possible-federal-action-after-san-francisco-dodges-trumps-attention\">Bay Area braced\u003c/a> for President Donald Trump’s promised immigration crackdown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055279/oakland-latino-merchants-learn-rights-as-ice-targets-worksites\">small-business owners in the Fruitvale\u003c/a> reeled from a steep decline in sales and foot traffic as immigrant communities limit spending and outings to essentials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants, grocery stores, travel agencies, retail and auto repair shops along International Boulevard point to a months-long economic slump that could deepen. Businesses across California that serve Latino immigrant customers or employ undocumented workers would be hardest hit, according to experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the raids start occurring in the [Bay Area] region, you’re going to see huge decreases in revenue and that affects the city budget and the city’s ability to operate — that goes for Oakland and San José as well,” said Abby Raisz, vice president of research at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After an Immigration and Customs Enforcement workplace raid, rattled undocumented workers may not show up to their jobs in construction, agriculture, hospitality, retail and other industries. The disruptions can raise costs for businesses, which then pass them to consumers. Eventually, Raisz said, most of these immigrants try to go back to work out of financial need, but cut back on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they won’t do is go back to establishments. They won’t go eat out at restaurants that maybe they would have previously. They won’t shop locally,” Raisz said, calling it “the cost of fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That affects the business owners, who often are immigrants themselves, especially when we look at areas that are very concentrated with high shares of immigrants,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mass deportations could reduce California’s gross domestic product by $275 billion through labor shortages, supply chain disruptions and reduced household spending, according to a June \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/files/pdf/Economic%20Impact%20of%20Mass%20Deportation_June%202025.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Raisz and other researchers at the Bay Area Council Economic Institute and UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has roughly 2.3 million undocumented immigrants — roughly 8% of its workforce — the most of any state. The Bay Area is home to more than 300,000 undocumented workers, with nearly half concentrated in Alameda and Santa Clara counties, according to estimates by the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles and Chicago, National Guard troops — sometimes armed with rifles — accompanied ICE agents or provided logistical support. Trump said the troops were needed to protect agents from violent protesters and address “out-of-control crime,” a claim local authorities disputed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Alfonso, who has operated a car transmission repair shop in the Fruitvale for 48 years, said he’s been surprised by how quiet streets have remained amid the looming threat of increased immigration enforcement. Deploying the National Guard, he said, to the neighborhood would only make things worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The businesses around me — the stores, the restaurants — they have no customers. They are just not coming out,” Alfonso, who owns Transmatic Transmission, said. “I’ve been here for that many years and this is the worst I’ve ever seen it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He used to handle up to 15 repair jobs a week. Now he’s lucky to get one. Because he owns his building, it blunts the financial hit somewhat, but he feels for other business owners who must come up with the rent money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural on the facade of Transmatic Transmission in the Fruitvale neighborhood in Oakland on Oct. 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nobody is driving up or down the streets no more. The foot traffic is hardly anything anymore. My phone doesn’t ring anymore,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sales slump and labor disruptions compound the economic uncertainties small businesses face, said Oscar Garcia, senior vice president of the California Hispanic Chambers of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Inflation, cost of doing business, cost of your product or your service, gasoline, rent — all that makes it a bigger challenge,” he said, adding that many businesses also lack access to capital or grants once available during the pandemic. “There are many factors that contribute to slow business.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Fruitvale, most merchants told KQED that robberies, theft and vandalism had already hurt profits before the ICE raids in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The area including Fruitvale had the most robberies from 2020 through 2024 in Oakland, according to a KQED analysis of police data, though other crimes, such as burglaries and auto theft, were more common elsewhere in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Business owners create economic activity and jobs. These communities must be safe, and I have worked — and will continue to work — with our public safety officials, the Oakland Police Department, and local merchants to determine more effective measures to enhance public safety, which is key to a successful business environment,” Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city budget adopted this year — which lists public safety as a top priority — funds 678 police officers, still short of the 700 required under a 2024 voter-approved ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Violent crime has since fallen nationwide, including in Oakland. In the first half of this year, citywide crime dropped\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/News-Releases/Police/OPD-Shares-Crime-Statistics-for-First-Half-of-2025\"> significantly\u003c/a> compared to last year, including a 41% drop in robberies, according to police. But most Fruitvale business owners, including Soriano, say they haven’t seen much improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soriano is now considering closing her store for good, which she said fills her with dread. She’s kept the doors open by spending her retirement and savings on rent and bills, but worries she and her husband won’t have enough money to get by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still had the will to fight, to try to move forward. But I’m finding myself in the painful necessity of having to close my business,” she said, as tears streamed down her face. “I’m just so depressed and frustrated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Jenkins: San Francisco Superior Court Is ‘Complicit’ in ‘Dereliction of Duty’",
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"headTitle": "Jenkins: San Francisco Superior Court Is ‘Complicit’ in ‘Dereliction of Duty’ | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> officials \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/system/files/news/25crim.pdf\">announced\u003c/a> Tuesday that they would release some defendants from pre-trial custody who don’t have an attorney to represent them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-district-attorney\">District Attorney\u003c/a> Brooke Jenkins lashed out at the county’s judges for being “complicit” in what she called the public defender’s office’s “dereliction of duty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is new is that the court has become complicit in this by now stating that they are going to release potentially dangerous and violent felons back into the community because of what’s happening,” Jenkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has the power to appoint the public defender, whether or not they are saying they don’t have the capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court officials have said they’re “facing an unprecedented number of misdemeanor cases, most of which must be brought to trial within 45 days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office has declared itself unavailable one day per week in misdemeanor and some felony cases, due to what the office calls excessive workloads and understaffing. The Bar Association of San Francisco provided private attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads have now increased, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said she believes the move is a tactic designed to extract more money for the office from city leaders, one that threatens to disrupt her office’s efforts to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The door for Superior Court Criminal Division Department 10 at the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The district attorney came into office promising a stricter attitude toward prosecutions and plea deals than her former boss and predecessor, Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled\u003c/a> in 2022 amid shifting attitudes in San Francisco toward criminal justice reform. Jenkins has even floated the idea of charging fentanyl dealers with murder in drug-related deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/policy/data-dashboards/#case-resolutions\">dashboard\u003c/a>, she filed 8,000 cases in 2024, compared to about 5,600 in 2021 during Boudin’s last full year, though the rate of convictions and diversions remains proportionately similar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as Jenkins pointed out, the numbers haven’t yet rebounded to the peaks seen before Boudin took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not adding up,” Jenkins said. “They didn’t say in 2019, when the numbers were at their highest, that they were unable to manage their caseloads.”[aside postID=news_12060821 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031523-ICE-Arrest-AP-CM-01-copy.jpg']Jenkins also accused the public defender’s office of mismanagement, such as double-staffing felony cases and intentionally avoiding plea deals to force misdemeanor cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju rejected those accusations, noting that his office has consistently advocated for more resources over the years. He added that while he double-staffs certain felony cases, each lawyer still has numerous cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It is my ethical and legal mandate to represent our clients in an effective way, and our defenders understand what that means,” Raju said. “We’ve had several attorneys who had to go out on some form of stress leave or medical issues … To have a caseload where several of your clients are looking at decades in prison or life sentences at one time is extremely, extremely difficult work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said he’s optimistic that the Mayor’s office and Board of Supervisors will help create more parity between the two offices’ budgets — the District Attorney’s office receives more than \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PDR_letter_to_Steven_Betz_9.16.25_Redacted-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$30,000,000\u003c/a> more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>The district attorney’s office has sole discretion over what cases to file, and there’s been a nearly 60% increase in filing since 2021,” Raju said, “and that had some predictable results, filling our jails to over capacity and increasing our case loads to a breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at a rally protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on the steps of San Francisco City Hall, on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raju pointed to a first-of-its-kind comprehensive national \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">study\u003c/a> on appropriate case workload for public defenders, which his office’s internal analysis used to determine that it needs 26 more attorneys. He said the office is now unavailable two days a week for misdemeanor cases, something that it’s regularly evaluating and may dial down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I’m hoping that the courts are not intimidated by these tactics,” said Raju, in reference to Jenkins’ comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038250/da-jenkins-accused-personal-attacks-against-judges-state-bar-complaint\">reported to the State Bar\u003c/a> by a former Superior Court Judge in April for alleged incendiary attacks against judges over their decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what I’m concerned about,” Raju continued, “is being able to represent my clients in a constitutionally mandated way.”\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said the public defender’s office’s move is not uncommon when understaffed, and a similar thing happened during the tenure of a previous public defender, Jeff Adachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An important thing is that it’s not just a question of the right to counsel [at] a trial, it’s the right to effective counsel under the Constitution,” Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue is often settled in some way, though the Court has the option to hold Raju’s office in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Jenkins: San Francisco Superior Court Is ‘Complicit’ in ‘Dereliction of Duty’ | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> officials \u003ca href=\"https://sf.courts.ca.gov/system/files/news/25crim.pdf\">announced\u003c/a> Tuesday that they would release some defendants from pre-trial custody who don’t have an attorney to represent them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-district-attorney\">District Attorney\u003c/a> Brooke Jenkins lashed out at the county’s judges for being “complicit” in what she called the public defender’s office’s “dereliction of duty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is new is that the court has become complicit in this by now stating that they are going to release potentially dangerous and violent felons back into the community because of what’s happening,” Jenkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has the power to appoint the public defender, whether or not they are saying they don’t have the capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court officials have said they’re “facing an unprecedented number of misdemeanor cases, most of which must be brought to trial within 45 days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office has declared itself unavailable one day per week in misdemeanor and some felony cases, due to what the office calls excessive workloads and understaffing. The Bar Association of San Francisco provided private attorneys to represent those defendants, but their caseloads have now increased, and they have said they will no longer accept new appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said she believes the move is a tactic designed to extract more money for the office from city leaders, one that threatens to disrupt her office’s efforts to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240806-JacoboArraignment-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The door for Superior Court Criminal Division Department 10 at the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The district attorney came into office promising a stricter attitude toward prosecutions and plea deals than her former boss and predecessor, Chesa Boudin, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">recalled\u003c/a> in 2022 amid shifting attitudes in San Francisco toward criminal justice reform. Jenkins has even floated the idea of charging fentanyl dealers with murder in drug-related deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/policy/data-dashboards/#case-resolutions\">dashboard\u003c/a>, she filed 8,000 cases in 2024, compared to about 5,600 in 2021 during Boudin’s last full year, though the rate of convictions and diversions remains proportionately similar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as Jenkins pointed out, the numbers haven’t yet rebounded to the peaks seen before Boudin took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not adding up,” Jenkins said. “They didn’t say in 2019, when the numbers were at their highest, that they were unable to manage their caseloads.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jenkins also accused the public defender’s office of mismanagement, such as double-staffing felony cases and intentionally avoiding plea deals to force misdemeanor cases to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju rejected those accusations, noting that his office has consistently advocated for more resources over the years. He added that while he double-staffs certain felony cases, each lawyer still has numerous cases at any given time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It is my ethical and legal mandate to represent our clients in an effective way, and our defenders understand what that means,” Raju said. “We’ve had several attorneys who had to go out on some form of stress leave or medical issues … To have a caseload where several of your clients are looking at decades in prison or life sentences at one time is extremely, extremely difficult work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said he’s optimistic that the Mayor’s office and Board of Supervisors will help create more parity between the two offices’ budgets — the District Attorney’s office receives more than \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PDR_letter_to_Steven_Betz_9.16.25_Redacted-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$30,000,000\u003c/a> more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>The district attorney’s office has sole discretion over what cases to file, and there’s been a nearly 60% increase in filing since 2021,” Raju said, “and that had some predictable results, filling our jails to over capacity and increasing our case loads to a breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju speaks at a rally protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on the steps of San Francisco City Hall, on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raju pointed to a first-of-its-kind comprehensive national \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2559-1.html\">study\u003c/a> on appropriate case workload for public defenders, which his office’s internal analysis used to determine that it needs 26 more attorneys. He said the office is now unavailable two days a week for misdemeanor cases, something that it’s regularly evaluating and may dial down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I’m hoping that the courts are not intimidated by these tactics,” said Raju, in reference to Jenkins’ comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038250/da-jenkins-accused-personal-attacks-against-judges-state-bar-complaint\">reported to the State Bar\u003c/a> by a former Superior Court Judge in April for alleged incendiary attacks against judges over their decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what I’m concerned about,” Raju continued, “is being able to represent my clients in a constitutionally mandated way.”\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center, said the public defender’s office’s move is not uncommon when understaffed, and a similar thing happened during the tenure of a previous public defender, Jeff Adachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An important thing is that it’s not just a question of the right to counsel [at] a trial, it’s the right to effective counsel under the Constitution,” Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue is often settled in some way, though the Court has the option to hold Raju’s office in contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-advocates-head-to-court-to-halt-trump-administrations-immigration-policies",
"title": "Bay Area Advocates Head to Court to Halt Trump Administration’s Immigration Policies",
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"headTitle": "Bay Area Advocates Head to Court to Halt Trump Administration’s Immigration Policies | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a series of recent class action lawsuits, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> civil rights advocates are calling on the federal courts to halt what they call illegal Trump administration policies that are leading to the arrest of asylum seekers, victims of human trafficking and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">people attending immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three lawsuits filed in federal courts in California in recent weeks are part of a larger legal pushback by advocacy groups across the country challenging the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when Homeland Security officials tout arrests of “heinous” criminals they call the “worst of the worst,” the lawsuits put the focus on the ways U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has targeted vulnerable people such as domestic violence survivors and those who’ve fled persecution, said UC Davis Law Professor Kevin Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are serious constitutional and statutory claims … challenging the efforts of the Trump administration to tighten the immigration enforcement machinery around non-citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE rearrest immigrants who were already released?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/%5B38%5D%202025%2010%2010%20AMENDED%20COMPLAINT%20and%20Amended%20Petition%20for%20Writ%20of%20Habeas.pdf\">case\u003c/a> before a federal judge in San José, Bay Area legal groups are seeking to block ICE from rearresting immigrants who had previously been granted conditional release, typically after border agents had determined they were not dangerous and not a flight risk, meaning they were expected to show up for their proceedings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say ICE has arrested and detained more than 100 immigrants in recent months as they attended mandatory court hearings and ICE supervision check-ins in Northern and Central California, even though they were abiding by the terms of their release and their circumstances had not changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059882\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up outside the ICE Field Office in downtown San Francisco on Oct. 14, 2025, for scheduled check-ins and immigration-related appointments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bree Bernwanger, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, one of the groups filing the suit, said until things shifted abruptly in May, such rearrests were unheard of for ICE’s San Francisco field office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>ICE’s new policy allows them to make arrests and throw people back into detention without any justification,” she said. “[It] has disrupted people’s lives, it’s torn families apart, and it’s fundamentally unfair and unreasoned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials did not respond to KQED’s request for comment, but the agency typically does not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those arrested was Gabriela Vargas Plasencia, who was an engineering student in Peru before she fled death threats and came to the U.S. last year seeking asylum, according to her declaration to the court. She said she and her boyfriend were detained at the border, then released with instructions on attending immigration hearings.[aside postID=news_12060135 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FamilySeparationGetty1.jpg']They settled in Oakland, submitted their asylum applications and enrolled in English classes. Once she was granted a work permit, Vargas Plasencia said she found two jobs, at Target and FedEx, working 50 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at court on Sep. 4, she said, a government attorney asked the immigration judge to dismiss their cases. When the couple left the courtroom, Vargas Plasencia said agents in plain clothes grabbed them, took them to the basement and shackled them – all with no explanation. Hours later, they were driven to Bakersfield and locked up at the Mesa Verde Immigration Detention Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After lawyers intervened, a federal judge ordered Vargas Plasencia’s release. But in the meantime, she said, her car was towed and she was reprimanded for missing work. Her partner is still in custody. And she said she still has flashbacks to what she called “one of the most difficult and painful experiences I have ever endured.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each time I have to check in with ICE, I feel anxiety and panic all over again,” Vargas Plasencia said in her declaration. “I have never committed any crime, in the United States or anywhere else. I only wish to continue my asylum case peacefully and to build a safe, stable life here; and for my partner to be released soon, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger, the ACLU attorney, says rearresting people who are complying with the conditions of their release is an arbitrary exercise of power that violates the Constitution’s protection against unreasonable seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should all be concerned,” she said. “Are we comfortable with a system in which people can just be grabbed off of the street and thrown into detention?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest immigrants at immigration courthouses?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit involving Vargas Plasencia centers on the question of \u003cem>why\u003c/em> ICE can arrest someone, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">another recent case\u003c/a> deals with the question of \u003cem>where\u003c/em> those arrests can take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/32.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, filed last month by the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, along with the ACLU and others, takes on Trump administration policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/policy/11072.4.pdf\">instructing ICE\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/S9CB-FP96\">the immigration courts\u003c/a> that arresting people at courthouses, formerly off limits, is now acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2216992312-scaled-e1761161311555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child, whose father was detained by ICE after a court hearing in the early morning, stands inside the N. Los Angeles Street Immigration Court on May 23, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say detaining people who are following the rules, and may, like Vargas Plasencia, have pending claims to asylum or other relief, will have a “chilling effect,” keeping them away from hearings and denying them access to justice. The administration has denied there’s any evidence for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conducting these arrests at courthouses, and conducting arrests of people without a justification when you’ve already released them, both of those policies are unlawful for different reasons,” said Bernwanger. “We are seeing ICE use them in coordination to absolutely terrorize people in our community who are just trying to do what the immigration system asks of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge, P. Casey Pitts, who was appointed to the bench by President Joe Biden, will hear both Bay Area cases. Pitts has set hearings in both cases for Dec. 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest survivors of trafficking and domestic violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a class action \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/18gBGtsW_qv9e_Cdd71E9EDbpUWIymIyS/view\">case\u003c/a> filed in federal court in Los Angeles last week blasts ICE for arresting, and even deporting, immigrants applying for legal visas as survivors of human trafficking, domestic violence or other serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Hernandez is with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, which is representing the immigrants. She said, under the Violence Against Women Act and other laws, these immigrants have permission to be in the U.S while their visas are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2221046205-scaled-e1761161380689.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester carries a sign reading “Immigrants Built America!” as anti-ICE demonstrators protest outside a federal building on June 19, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These are folks who have been granted legal protection by Congress,” she said. “The government is basically violating those legal protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the named plaintiffs in the case, identified as Camila B., has lived in Los Angeles for more than two decades. In 2021, she was attacked at a bus stop and beaten unconscious, according to the complaint. She cooperated with police, helping them to arrest her attacker, and applied for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U Visa\u003c/a>, which offers legal status to undocumented immigrants who’ve suffered serious crimes and assist law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the long backlog for applications, the government granted Camila, 46, temporary protection from deportation to her native Mexico while she awaited her visa. But on July 1, as part of ICE’s immigration sweeps in Los Angeles, officers surrounded her tamale stand and arrested her. She was held in detention until July 30, when a judge ordered her released on bond.[aside postID=news_12060893 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/PeterOrtizKQED.jpg']Many of the affected immigrants are in the U.S. illegally. But, beginning with the 1994 passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/abused-spouses-children-and-parents\">Violence Against Women Act\u003c/a>, Congress repeatedly expanded protections for immigrant survivors of crime, encouraging them to seek safety and cooperate with law enforcement. Among the protections are \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes\">special visas for victims of trafficking and other serious crimes\u003c/a> that eventually lead to a green card. Congress also provided work authorization, and for years, immigration authorities had policies not to deport people who were in the process of applying for the visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges the Trump administration’s reversal flies in the face of a federal law against “arbitrary and capricious” policy changes, and says the detentions violate people’s constitutionally guaranteed due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and Homeland Security officials did not respond to KQED’s requests for comment about the case, but Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin has told other news outlets that every immigrant deported by ICE “has had due process and has a final order of removal — meaning they have no legal right to be in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, said defending laws like the Violence Against Women Act is very personal to her. She said she was a 3-year-old when her own family moved to the U.S. from Mexico. But her childhood was marked by domestic violence, and it took years for her mother to get free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up with a father who was very violent towards my mom,” she said. “And I remember talking to her about this lawsuit as we were working on it. And she just said, ‘If this would have been around when you and I were being harmed by your father, this would’ve protected us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent to which the Trump administration is pushing the legal limits on immigration means more lawsuits can be expected, according to Johnson, the UC Davis law professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This administration is just so dogged in its immigration enforcement efforts, we see something new and different almost every day,” he said. “It’s an extraordinary time. The human misery is off the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Recent lawsuits blast the Trump administration for its aggressive enforcement, arguing that asylum seekers and crime victims are among those targeted.",
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"title": "Bay Area Advocates Head to Court to Halt Trump Administration’s Immigration Policies | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a series of recent class action lawsuits, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> civil rights advocates are calling on the federal courts to halt what they call illegal Trump administration policies that are leading to the arrest of asylum seekers, victims of human trafficking and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">people attending immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three lawsuits filed in federal courts in California in recent weeks are part of a larger legal pushback by advocacy groups across the country challenging the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when Homeland Security officials tout arrests of “heinous” criminals they call the “worst of the worst,” the lawsuits put the focus on the ways U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has targeted vulnerable people such as domestic violence survivors and those who’ve fled persecution, said UC Davis Law Professor Kevin Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are serious constitutional and statutory claims … challenging the efforts of the Trump administration to tighten the immigration enforcement machinery around non-citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE rearrest immigrants who were already released?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/%5B38%5D%202025%2010%2010%20AMENDED%20COMPLAINT%20and%20Amended%20Petition%20for%20Writ%20of%20Habeas.pdf\">case\u003c/a> before a federal judge in San José, Bay Area legal groups are seeking to block ICE from rearresting immigrants who had previously been granted conditional release, typically after border agents had determined they were not dangerous and not a flight risk, meaning they were expected to show up for their proceedings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say ICE has arrested and detained more than 100 immigrants in recent months as they attended mandatory court hearings and ICE supervision check-ins in Northern and Central California, even though they were abiding by the terms of their release and their circumstances had not changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059882\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-ANTIFAROUNDTABLEFOLO-19-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up outside the ICE Field Office in downtown San Francisco on Oct. 14, 2025, for scheduled check-ins and immigration-related appointments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bree Bernwanger, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, one of the groups filing the suit, said until things shifted abruptly in May, such rearrests were unheard of for ICE’s San Francisco field office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>ICE’s new policy allows them to make arrests and throw people back into detention without any justification,” she said. “[It] has disrupted people’s lives, it’s torn families apart, and it’s fundamentally unfair and unreasoned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials did not respond to KQED’s request for comment, but the agency typically does not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those arrested was Gabriela Vargas Plasencia, who was an engineering student in Peru before she fled death threats and came to the U.S. last year seeking asylum, according to her declaration to the court. She said she and her boyfriend were detained at the border, then released with instructions on attending immigration hearings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>They settled in Oakland, submitted their asylum applications and enrolled in English classes. Once she was granted a work permit, Vargas Plasencia said she found two jobs, at Target and FedEx, working 50 hours a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at court on Sep. 4, she said, a government attorney asked the immigration judge to dismiss their cases. When the couple left the courtroom, Vargas Plasencia said agents in plain clothes grabbed them, took them to the basement and shackled them – all with no explanation. Hours later, they were driven to Bakersfield and locked up at the Mesa Verde Immigration Detention Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After lawyers intervened, a federal judge ordered Vargas Plasencia’s release. But in the meantime, she said, her car was towed and she was reprimanded for missing work. Her partner is still in custody. And she said she still has flashbacks to what she called “one of the most difficult and painful experiences I have ever endured.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each time I have to check in with ICE, I feel anxiety and panic all over again,” Vargas Plasencia said in her declaration. “I have never committed any crime, in the United States or anywhere else. I only wish to continue my asylum case peacefully and to build a safe, stable life here; and for my partner to be released soon, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger, the ACLU attorney, says rearresting people who are complying with the conditions of their release is an arbitrary exercise of power that violates the Constitution’s protection against unreasonable seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should all be concerned,” she said. “Are we comfortable with a system in which people can just be grabbed off of the street and thrown into detention?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest immigrants at immigration courthouses?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit involving Vargas Plasencia centers on the question of \u003cem>why\u003c/em> ICE can arrest someone, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">another recent case\u003c/a> deals with the question of \u003cem>where\u003c/em> those arrests can take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/32.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, filed last month by the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, along with the ACLU and others, takes on Trump administration policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/policy/11072.4.pdf\">instructing ICE\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/S9CB-FP96\">the immigration courts\u003c/a> that arresting people at courthouses, formerly off limits, is now acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2216992312-scaled-e1761161311555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child, whose father was detained by ICE after a court hearing in the early morning, stands inside the N. Los Angeles Street Immigration Court on May 23, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say detaining people who are following the rules, and may, like Vargas Plasencia, have pending claims to asylum or other relief, will have a “chilling effect,” keeping them away from hearings and denying them access to justice. The administration has denied there’s any evidence for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conducting these arrests at courthouses, and conducting arrests of people without a justification when you’ve already released them, both of those policies are unlawful for different reasons,” said Bernwanger. “We are seeing ICE use them in coordination to absolutely terrorize people in our community who are just trying to do what the immigration system asks of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge, P. Casey Pitts, who was appointed to the bench by President Joe Biden, will hear both Bay Area cases. Pitts has set hearings in both cases for Dec. 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can ICE arrest survivors of trafficking and domestic violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a class action \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/18gBGtsW_qv9e_Cdd71E9EDbpUWIymIyS/view\">case\u003c/a> filed in federal court in Los Angeles last week blasts ICE for arresting, and even deporting, immigrants applying for legal visas as survivors of human trafficking, domestic violence or other serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Hernandez is with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, which is representing the immigrants. She said, under the Violence Against Women Act and other laws, these immigrants have permission to be in the U.S while their visas are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2221046205-scaled-e1761161380689.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester carries a sign reading “Immigrants Built America!” as anti-ICE demonstrators protest outside a federal building on June 19, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These are folks who have been granted legal protection by Congress,” she said. “The government is basically violating those legal protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the named plaintiffs in the case, identified as Camila B., has lived in Los Angeles for more than two decades. In 2021, she was attacked at a bus stop and beaten unconscious, according to the complaint. She cooperated with police, helping them to arrest her attacker, and applied for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U Visa\u003c/a>, which offers legal status to undocumented immigrants who’ve suffered serious crimes and assist law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the long backlog for applications, the government granted Camila, 46, temporary protection from deportation to her native Mexico while she awaited her visa. But on July 1, as part of ICE’s immigration sweeps in Los Angeles, officers surrounded her tamale stand and arrested her. She was held in detention until July 30, when a judge ordered her released on bond.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many of the affected immigrants are in the U.S. illegally. But, beginning with the 1994 passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/abused-spouses-children-and-parents\">Violence Against Women Act\u003c/a>, Congress repeatedly expanded protections for immigrant survivors of crime, encouraging them to seek safety and cooperate with law enforcement. Among the protections are \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes\">special visas for victims of trafficking and other serious crimes\u003c/a> that eventually lead to a green card. Congress also provided work authorization, and for years, immigration authorities had policies not to deport people who were in the process of applying for the visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges the Trump administration’s reversal flies in the face of a federal law against “arbitrary and capricious” policy changes, and says the detentions violate people’s constitutionally guaranteed due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and Homeland Security officials did not respond to KQED’s requests for comment about the case, but Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin has told other news outlets that every immigrant deported by ICE “has had due process and has a final order of removal — meaning they have no legal right to be in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, said defending laws like the Violence Against Women Act is very personal to her. She said she was a 3-year-old when her own family moved to the U.S. from Mexico. But her childhood was marked by domestic violence, and it took years for her mother to get free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I grew up with a father who was very violent towards my mom,” she said. “And I remember talking to her about this lawsuit as we were working on it. And she just said, ‘If this would have been around when you and I were being harmed by your father, this would’ve protected us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent to which the Trump administration is pushing the legal limits on immigration means more lawsuits can be expected, according to Johnson, the UC Davis law professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This administration is just so dogged in its immigration enforcement efforts, we see something new and different almost every day,” he said. “It’s an extraordinary time. The human misery is off the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "tracking-newsoms-record-on-pro-lgbtq-laws-signed-and-vetoed-this-session",
"title": "Tracking Newsom’s Record on Pro-LGBTQ+ Laws Signed and Vetoed This Session",
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"headTitle": "Tracking Newsom’s Record on Pro-LGBTQ+ Laws Signed and Vetoed This Session | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s national profile rises and as he considers a presidential campaign, some LGBTQ+ advocates\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033818/lgbtq-activists-rally-at-newsoms-home-demand-stronger-trans-rights-commitment\"> have questioned the governor’s commitment\u003c/a> to queer and transgender constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s given statements about transgender people on his podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XJ6rQDRKGA\">\u003cem>This is Gavin Newsom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, and a conversation with the late conservative activist Charlie Kirk, in which Newsom called it “deeply unfair” to allow transgender athletes to participate in girls’ sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Evan Low, former assemblymember and CEO of the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, a political PAC promoting LGBTQ+ progressives, says Newsom is still a staunch ally of the community, one who helped secure marriage equality in the state as well as civil rights protections for adoption, hospital visitation and the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has that track record and that history and that should not be lost on members of the community,” Low said. “All of these things happened because we were able to build bridges [and] build coalitions versus that of an overly simplistic polarization of infighting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what was Newsom’s record in this latest legislative update?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What legislation did Newsom sign supporting LGBTQ+ Californians?\u003c/h2>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB82\">AB 82\u003c/a>: This law expands current privacy protections for reproductive health care providers and patients to also include gender-affirming health care providers and patients. California won’t assist other states in investigating patients or doctors for providing reproductive health care like abortion or gender‑affirming care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB678\">AB 678\u003c/a>: This new law makes a change to a group that recommends solutions to homelessness to the state government. The Interagency Council on Homelessness now must coordinate with representatives from LGBTQ+ communities to better serve queer people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB727\">AB 727\u003c/a> An existing law, which went into effect this summer, requires schools to print the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline on student ID cards for grades 7 and up. This law will expand that rule to include the phone number and text line for the LGBTQ+ suicide-prevention hotline from the Trevor Project.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB822\">AB 822\u003c/a> This new law extends the Commission on the State of Hate for an additional four years. It is intended to help state agencies, law enforcement and the public stay informed about hate crime trends.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1084\">AB 1084\u003c/a> The law makes the process of changing legal documents (name, gender or sex identifier) faster and less burdensome, especially for adults. For minors who want to change their name or gender marker on their birth certificate or ID, as long as all living parents sign forms, there doesn’t need to be a hearing to approve it.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1487\">AB 1487\u003c/a> The bill renames a fund that offers grants for programs aimed at improving health care access for gender nonconforming people. It also broadens its scope to serve younger people and immigrants.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB59\">SB 59\u003c/a> This means that when someone files a legal petition to change their name or their gender marker on an official document in California, the court records are kept confidential. Previously, those protections applied only to minors, but this law immediately extends them, with the goal of minimizing the risk that court records could be used to out someone.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB278\">SB 278\u003c/a> The bill allows health care providers to share some anonymized HIV test results without written consent. The administrators of Medi-Cal plans say they need the data in order to identify gaps in care. Patients can opt out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB450\">SB 450\u003c/a> The law protects adoption rights for LGBTQ+ parents. It means LGBTQ+ adoptive parents who leave California for a state with less inclusive adoption laws won’t lose their parental rights to children born in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB497\">SB 497\u003c/a> The law bans health care providers from disclosing medical records related to gender‑affirming care services in response to civil or criminal actions under other states’ laws.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB504\">SB 504\u003c/a> aims to improve how quickly HIV cases are tracked and treated in California by allowing health care providers to share identifying information about a person with HIV with local public health agencies — when necessary — to connect the person with care. It still limits who can access this information and specifies when sharing the information is actually necessary.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB590\">SB 590\u003c/a> expands existing laws around paid family leave to include chosen family members. That means LGBTQ+ people can designate a non-blood-related person to be considered a family member so they can receive benefits while caring for that person.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003ch2>What bills did Newsom veto?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two notable health care access bills, including one — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB418\">SB 418\u003c/a> — which would have offered an additional safeguard for people who receive hormone therapy to access treatments without disruption, amid federal attacks on gender affirming care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when transgender people are being singled out for targeted discrimination, removal of their health care, and denial of their existence, it is heartbreaking that this bill was vetoed,” said state Sen. Caroline Menjivar, D-San Fernando, who wrote the bill, in a statement. “SB 418 was the most tangible and effective legislative tool introduced this year to help [Transgender Gender Diverse, and Intersex] folks weather this political storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050964\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Union nurses and community supporters rally outside of Kaiser Permanente, honoring transgender patients affected by Kaiser’s decision to halt gender-affirming care to minors, on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s veto statement, he said he supported the intent of protecting access to treatment, but thought the bill risked raising already high health insurance premiums. Craig Pulsipher, legislative director for Equality California, a co-sponsor of both vetoed bills, pushed back against the governor’s answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data and analysis on this bill show that the impact on health insurance premiums would be negligible,” Pulsipher said.[aside postID=news_12025068 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/IMG_5742-1020x680.jpg']“The governor’s decision leaves trans Californians and many others who rely on hormone therapy vulnerable to treatment disruptions at a time when they are facing really extreme attacks from the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom rejected \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB554\">AB 554\u003c/a> for a similar reason. It would have required most private health plans in California to cover antiretroviral drugs, devices, or products like PrEP without delays in access caused by plans requiring prior authorization, step therapy, or cost‑sharing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal managed care plans would have been exempt, but in his veto message, Newsom raised concerns about increased costs to health plans under cost-sharing provisions in the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen many attacks from the Trump administration, including from the U.S. Health Secretary RFK Jr., threatening to fire members of a federal body that makes recommendations around preventive healthcare,” Pulsipher said. “We are extremely concerned about the impact of those actions in California on access to PrEP, which is a really important medication to prevent HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher said he plans to address the governor’s concerns and reintroduce both bills next legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "KQED tracked some noteworthy bills proposed by California’s LGBTQ+ advocates to see how Gov. Gavin Newsom’s approach might change this year. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s national profile rises and as he considers a presidential campaign, some LGBTQ+ advocates\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033818/lgbtq-activists-rally-at-newsoms-home-demand-stronger-trans-rights-commitment\"> have questioned the governor’s commitment\u003c/a> to queer and transgender constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s given statements about transgender people on his podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XJ6rQDRKGA\">\u003cem>This is Gavin Newsom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, and a conversation with the late conservative activist Charlie Kirk, in which Newsom called it “deeply unfair” to allow transgender athletes to participate in girls’ sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Evan Low, former assemblymember and CEO of the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, a political PAC promoting LGBTQ+ progressives, says Newsom is still a staunch ally of the community, one who helped secure marriage equality in the state as well as civil rights protections for adoption, hospital visitation and the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has that track record and that history and that should not be lost on members of the community,” Low said. “All of these things happened because we were able to build bridges [and] build coalitions versus that of an overly simplistic polarization of infighting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what was Newsom’s record in this latest legislative update?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What legislation did Newsom sign supporting LGBTQ+ Californians?\u003c/h2>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB82\">AB 82\u003c/a>: This law expands current privacy protections for reproductive health care providers and patients to also include gender-affirming health care providers and patients. California won’t assist other states in investigating patients or doctors for providing reproductive health care like abortion or gender‑affirming care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB678\">AB 678\u003c/a>: This new law makes a change to a group that recommends solutions to homelessness to the state government. The Interagency Council on Homelessness now must coordinate with representatives from LGBTQ+ communities to better serve queer people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB727\">AB 727\u003c/a> An existing law, which went into effect this summer, requires schools to print the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline on student ID cards for grades 7 and up. This law will expand that rule to include the phone number and text line for the LGBTQ+ suicide-prevention hotline from the Trevor Project.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB822\">AB 822\u003c/a> This new law extends the Commission on the State of Hate for an additional four years. It is intended to help state agencies, law enforcement and the public stay informed about hate crime trends.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1084\">AB 1084\u003c/a> The law makes the process of changing legal documents (name, gender or sex identifier) faster and less burdensome, especially for adults. For minors who want to change their name or gender marker on their birth certificate or ID, as long as all living parents sign forms, there doesn’t need to be a hearing to approve it.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1487\">AB 1487\u003c/a> The bill renames a fund that offers grants for programs aimed at improving health care access for gender nonconforming people. It also broadens its scope to serve younger people and immigrants.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB59\">SB 59\u003c/a> This means that when someone files a legal petition to change their name or their gender marker on an official document in California, the court records are kept confidential. Previously, those protections applied only to minors, but this law immediately extends them, with the goal of minimizing the risk that court records could be used to out someone.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB278\">SB 278\u003c/a> The bill allows health care providers to share some anonymized HIV test results without written consent. The administrators of Medi-Cal plans say they need the data in order to identify gaps in care. Patients can opt out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB450\">SB 450\u003c/a> The law protects adoption rights for LGBTQ+ parents. It means LGBTQ+ adoptive parents who leave California for a state with less inclusive adoption laws won’t lose their parental rights to children born in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB497\">SB 497\u003c/a> The law bans health care providers from disclosing medical records related to gender‑affirming care services in response to civil or criminal actions under other states’ laws.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB504\">SB 504\u003c/a> aims to improve how quickly HIV cases are tracked and treated in California by allowing health care providers to share identifying information about a person with HIV with local public health agencies — when necessary — to connect the person with care. It still limits who can access this information and specifies when sharing the information is actually necessary.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB590\">SB 590\u003c/a> expands existing laws around paid family leave to include chosen family members. That means LGBTQ+ people can designate a non-blood-related person to be considered a family member so they can receive benefits while caring for that person.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003ch2>What bills did Newsom veto?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two notable health care access bills, including one — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB418\">SB 418\u003c/a> — which would have offered an additional safeguard for people who receive hormone therapy to access treatments without disruption, amid federal attacks on gender affirming care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when transgender people are being singled out for targeted discrimination, removal of their health care, and denial of their existence, it is heartbreaking that this bill was vetoed,” said state Sen. Caroline Menjivar, D-San Fernando, who wrote the bill, in a statement. “SB 418 was the most tangible and effective legislative tool introduced this year to help [Transgender Gender Diverse, and Intersex] folks weather this political storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050964\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Union nurses and community supporters rally outside of Kaiser Permanente, honoring transgender patients affected by Kaiser’s decision to halt gender-affirming care to minors, on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s veto statement, he said he supported the intent of protecting access to treatment, but thought the bill risked raising already high health insurance premiums. Craig Pulsipher, legislative director for Equality California, a co-sponsor of both vetoed bills, pushed back against the governor’s answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data and analysis on this bill show that the impact on health insurance premiums would be negligible,” Pulsipher said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The governor’s decision leaves trans Californians and many others who rely on hormone therapy vulnerable to treatment disruptions at a time when they are facing really extreme attacks from the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom rejected \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB554\">AB 554\u003c/a> for a similar reason. It would have required most private health plans in California to cover antiretroviral drugs, devices, or products like PrEP without delays in access caused by plans requiring prior authorization, step therapy, or cost‑sharing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal managed care plans would have been exempt, but in his veto message, Newsom raised concerns about increased costs to health plans under cost-sharing provisions in the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen many attacks from the Trump administration, including from the U.S. Health Secretary RFK Jr., threatening to fire members of a federal body that makes recommendations around preventive healthcare,” Pulsipher said. “We are extremely concerned about the impact of those actions in California on access to PrEP, which is a really important medication to prevent HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher said he plans to address the governor’s concerns and reintroduce both bills next legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "former-raider-doug-martins-family-sought-help-with-mental-health-before-his-death",
"title": "Former Raider Doug Martin’s Family Sought Help With Mental Health Before His Death",
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"headTitle": "Former Raider Doug Martin’s Family Sought Help With Mental Health Before His Death | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former NFL running back \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060707/reported-death-of-ex-raider-doug-martin-in-oakland-police-custody-raises-questions\">Doug Martin\u003c/a> was struggling with a mental health challenge before he died in Oakland police custody, his family said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin, who grew up in Stockton and returned to the Bay Area to finish his football career with the Raiders in 2018, died after he was arrested in an alleged residential break-in early Saturday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doug battled mental health challenges that profoundly impacted his personal and professional life,” Martin’s former agent Brian Murphy said in a statement on behalf of Martin’s family on Monday. “Ultimately, mental illness proved to be the one opponent from which Doug could not run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police arrested Martin after responding to a report of a residential break-in in the Chabot Park neighborhood just after 4 a.m., according to a statement. Around the same time, officers were informed that a person in the area — who they believed to be the same individual — was experiencing a medical emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doug’s parents were actively seeking medical assistance for him and had contacted local authorities for support,” according to the statement from Murphy. “Feeling overwhelmed and disoriented, Doug fled his home during the night and entered a neighbor’s residence two doors down, where he was taken into custody by police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers responding to the reports of a break-in and medical emergency found Martin inside the residence, and “a struggle ensued” while trying to detain him, according to the Oakland Police Department. He became unresponsive after the arrest, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedic personnel administered aid and Martin was taken to a nearby hospital, where he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation into the circumstances of his death is ongoing, and the officers involved in Martin’s arrest have been placed on administrative leave, per department policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorney John Burris, who has overseen reforms in the Oakland Police Department since a landmark 2003 settlement over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101891855/oakland-police-departments-brutality-corruption-and-cover-up-and-long-road-toward-reform\">widespread misconduct by a group of former officers\u003c/a>, said investigators should be assessing footage of the altercation between Martin and officers and how he was restrained in their investigation.[aside postID=news_12060707 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Doug-Martin-NFL-Getty.jpg']He also noted that Martin’s mental health crisis, history as a football player and or any drug or alcohol use that’s determined could have been factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not usual for a person to be taken into custody for a burglary and dies shortly thereafter,” Burris said. “Doesn’t have to be the police officer’s fault … but these are the kinds of things they need to find out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin was born in Oakland and grew up in Stockton, where he became a star of the St. Mary’s High School football program before committing to attend Boise State University in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four seasons as one of the best running backs in school history, he was drafted by the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in 2012, where he played six seasons. He appeared in two Pro Bowls and was a finalist for Offensive Rookie of the Year with the Bucs, but struggled to come back from a rocky 2016 season, during which he was suspended over Adderall use. The four-game suspension bled into the 2017 season, at the end of which he was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his final season with the Raiders, he ran for his third-highest rushing yards after replacing an injured Marshawn Lynch in the starting lineup. He was re-signed in 2019, but retired quietly after an injury settlement before the season began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin’s family requested privacy to navigate the loss, and reaffirmed that an investigation is underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a difficult situation and a tragic loss,” said Tony Franks, who coached Martin at St. Mary’s High School. “We need to look after one another. Sometimes people might be going through some challenges, and we have to be aware of that and reach out and take care of folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former NFL running back \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060707/reported-death-of-ex-raider-doug-martin-in-oakland-police-custody-raises-questions\">Doug Martin\u003c/a> was struggling with a mental health challenge before he died in Oakland police custody, his family said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin, who grew up in Stockton and returned to the Bay Area to finish his football career with the Raiders in 2018, died after he was arrested in an alleged residential break-in early Saturday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doug battled mental health challenges that profoundly impacted his personal and professional life,” Martin’s former agent Brian Murphy said in a statement on behalf of Martin’s family on Monday. “Ultimately, mental illness proved to be the one opponent from which Doug could not run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police arrested Martin after responding to a report of a residential break-in in the Chabot Park neighborhood just after 4 a.m., according to a statement. Around the same time, officers were informed that a person in the area — who they believed to be the same individual — was experiencing a medical emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doug’s parents were actively seeking medical assistance for him and had contacted local authorities for support,” according to the statement from Murphy. “Feeling overwhelmed and disoriented, Doug fled his home during the night and entered a neighbor’s residence two doors down, where he was taken into custody by police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OPD-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Oakland Police Department squad car in downtown Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers responding to the reports of a break-in and medical emergency found Martin inside the residence, and “a struggle ensued” while trying to detain him, according to the Oakland Police Department. He became unresponsive after the arrest, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedic personnel administered aid and Martin was taken to a nearby hospital, where he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation into the circumstances of his death is ongoing, and the officers involved in Martin’s arrest have been placed on administrative leave, per department policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorney John Burris, who has overseen reforms in the Oakland Police Department since a landmark 2003 settlement over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101891855/oakland-police-departments-brutality-corruption-and-cover-up-and-long-road-toward-reform\">widespread misconduct by a group of former officers\u003c/a>, said investigators should be assessing footage of the altercation between Martin and officers and how he was restrained in their investigation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He also noted that Martin’s mental health crisis, history as a football player and or any drug or alcohol use that’s determined could have been factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not usual for a person to be taken into custody for a burglary and dies shortly thereafter,” Burris said. “Doesn’t have to be the police officer’s fault … but these are the kinds of things they need to find out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin was born in Oakland and grew up in Stockton, where he became a star of the St. Mary’s High School football program before committing to attend Boise State University in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four seasons as one of the best running backs in school history, he was drafted by the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in 2012, where he played six seasons. He appeared in two Pro Bowls and was a finalist for Offensive Rookie of the Year with the Bucs, but struggled to come back from a rocky 2016 season, during which he was suspended over Adderall use. The four-game suspension bled into the 2017 season, at the end of which he was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his final season with the Raiders, he ran for his third-highest rushing yards after replacing an injured Marshawn Lynch in the starting lineup. He was re-signed in 2019, but retired quietly after an injury settlement before the season began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin’s family requested privacy to navigate the loss, and reaffirmed that an investigation is underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a difficult situation and a tragic loss,” said Tony Franks, who coached Martin at St. Mary’s High School. “We need to look after one another. Sometimes people might be going through some challenges, and we have to be aware of that and reach out and take care of folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After the Trump administration cut more than $150 billion in funding for community violence intervention programs, regional leaders and local law enforcement gathered in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland on \u003c/a>Friday with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/category/gun-violence\">gun\u003c/a> violence prevention experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee hosted mayors and public health leaders to discuss data-driven solutions for a safer Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first of many throughout the country, and once again, Oakland is setting the standard. We’re going to be the leaders in the gun violence public strategy with regional partners,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June of last year, the U.S Surgeon General declared firearm violence a public health crisis and called for evidence-based prevention strategies. The Trump administration has since deleted the webpage hosting that advisory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We no longer have a partner in the White House to help communities decrease gun violence,” said Kris Brown, President of Brady, a gun violence prevention nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, 69 of 145 community violence intervention programs that were awarded through the U.S Department of Justice were terminated in April.[aside postID=news_12054838 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-KQED.jpg'] As federal funding is cut, Lee, state Sen. Jesse Arreguín, D-Berkeley, and mayors from Vallejo, Berkeley, Richmond, San Leandro, Antioch, and Stockton outlined local efforts to reduce gun violence, including youth programs and to trace guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton Mayor Christina Fugazi, a former educator, said she lost three of her former students to gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the schools, they’re bringing guns, and it almost makes you feel helpless,” she said. “But having an opportunity … like this, to be … able to share some of the things in my community that we’ve learned … is something that we all need to be doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also need to create opportunities where youth, in particular, do not focus on a weapon as a sign of power or as a sign of safety,” San Leandro Mayor Juan Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to provide the programs and the services that provide people the opportunity to feel wonderful, to feel like they’re thriving in their communities, and that weapons and violence is not the approach that we should take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also discussed the issue of the illegal firearm supply. In Richmond, a city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011533/this-bay-area-city-takes-the-lead-on-gun-violence-prevention-it-starts-with-neighbors\">long-regarded for its innovative efforts\u003c/a> to treat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10889015/other-cities-emulate-richmonds-innovative-approach-to-ending-gun-violence\">gun violence as a public health problem\u003c/a>, Mayor Eduardo Martinez addressed work by the Richmond Police Department to trace illegal guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students carried handmade signs calling for an end to gun violence during the Sept. 5 walkout at Coliseum College Prep Academy. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Locally, we can deal with the results of violence, but together is the only way we can deal with the source of violence. And the source of violence is the supply,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland, and Alameda County at large, has long grappled with higher-than-average gun violence rates — a December 2024 report by then-District Attorney Pamela Price concluded that gun violence was the leading cause of death among Alameda’s children and young people under the age of 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High school students from Oakland’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054838/oakland-walkout\">Coliseum Prep Academy recently walked out of class\u003c/a> demanding an end to gun violence in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said the group will report back on next steps at a later date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After the Trump administration cut more than $150 billion in funding for community violence intervention programs, regional leaders and local law enforcement gathered in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland on \u003c/a>Friday with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/category/gun-violence\">gun\u003c/a> violence prevention experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee hosted mayors and public health leaders to discuss data-driven solutions for a safer Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first of many throughout the country, and once again, Oakland is setting the standard. We’re going to be the leaders in the gun violence public strategy with regional partners,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> As federal funding is cut, Lee, state Sen. Jesse Arreguín, D-Berkeley, and mayors from Vallejo, Berkeley, Richmond, San Leandro, Antioch, and Stockton outlined local efforts to reduce gun violence, including youth programs and to trace guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton Mayor Christina Fugazi, a former educator, said she lost three of her former students to gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the schools, they’re bringing guns, and it almost makes you feel helpless,” she said. “But having an opportunity … like this, to be … able to share some of the things in my community that we’ve learned … is something that we all need to be doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also need to create opportunities where youth, in particular, do not focus on a weapon as a sign of power or as a sign of safety,” San Leandro Mayor Juan Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to provide the programs and the services that provide people the opportunity to feel wonderful, to feel like they’re thriving in their communities, and that weapons and violence is not the approach that we should take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also discussed the issue of the illegal firearm supply. In Richmond, a city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011533/this-bay-area-city-takes-the-lead-on-gun-violence-prevention-it-starts-with-neighbors\">long-regarded for its innovative efforts\u003c/a> to treat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10889015/other-cities-emulate-richmonds-innovative-approach-to-ending-gun-violence\">gun violence as a public health problem\u003c/a>, Mayor Eduardo Martinez addressed work by the Richmond Police Department to trace illegal guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905_OAKLANDWALKOUT_GH-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students carried handmade signs calling for an end to gun violence during the Sept. 5 walkout at Coliseum College Prep Academy. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Locally, we can deal with the results of violence, but together is the only way we can deal with the source of violence. And the source of violence is the supply,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland, and Alameda County at large, has long grappled with higher-than-average gun violence rates — a December 2024 report by then-District Attorney Pamela Price concluded that gun violence was the leading cause of death among Alameda’s children and young people under the age of 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High school students from Oakland’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054838/oakland-walkout\">Coliseum Prep Academy recently walked out of class\u003c/a> demanding an end to gun violence in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said the group will report back on next steps at a later date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-mateo-supervisors-to-issue-final-vote-on-sheriff-removal",
"title": "San Mateo County Sheriff Is Ousted in Historic Final Vote by Supervisors",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Mateo County supervisors unanimously voted Tuesday to remove first-term \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/christina-corpus\">Sheriff Christina Corpus\u003c/a> from office after a prolonged campaign to oust her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-member board’s final decision followed two independent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">investigations into Corpus’ leadership\u003c/a> and her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037502/embattled-san-mateo-sheriff-brings-back-former-aide-alleged-romantic-partner\">relationship with her former Chief of Staff Victor Aenlle\u003c/a>, a special election where voters overwhelmingly granted supervisors the authority to remove Corpus, a formal vote to remove her, 10 days of hearings and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045697/san-mateo-county-supervisors-take-historic-vote-to-remove-sheriff\">a retired judge’s finding that Corpus’ removal is warranted\u003c/a>. The supervisors’ first vote to remove her in June marked the first time in state history that a board voted to remove a sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those who voted against her Tuesday included her initial supporters, including Supervisors Ray Mueller and Noelia Corzo, who led the charge to remove Corpus, and Jackie Speier, who represented the area in Congress for 15 years before returning to the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is the end of a tragic, destructive and grossly expensive chapter in San Mateo County history,” Speier said. “I had high hopes for Sheriff Corpus. I voted for her. I held a town hall with her on crime prevention. She had great ideas to modernize the office, so it’s tragic to see her time as sheriff come down to this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board’s decision was effective immediately. The county said Undersheriff Dan Perea will temporarily act as sheriff, and supervisors have 30 days to fill the vacancy or call for a special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11896308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11896308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in front of a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-1536x1087.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Jackie Speier, D-California, speaks at a press conference on Nov. 15, 2017, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing, Corpus didn’t address the accusations against her but maintained that she was the victim of a conspiracy to take back control of the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they couldn’t control me, they decided to destroy me,” she said. “This is not justice. It’s political retribution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public comment during the meeting was split between people who wanted Corpus gone and those who preferred an inspector general put in place for oversight of the office. Corpus received numerous compliments from residents of Half Moon Bay, where a mass shooting left seven dead in January 2023, shortly after she was sworn into office.[aside postID=news_12059818 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/044_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023_qed.jpg']“Sheriff Corpus was elected by the people. If you wanted her removed, that would have been a recall. That is a constitutional right of Sheriff Corpus to remove by a recall, not by you,” said Joaquin Jimenez of Half Moon Bay. “We do not give you the power to do this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her removal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052795/san-mateo-county-sheriff-facing-removal-takes-the-stand-in-her-own-defense\">hearings in August\u003c/a>, Corpus denied allegations that she and Aenlle had been romantically involved, saying instead that he was “someone [she] trusted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Santa Clara County Judge James Emerson, who presided over those hearings, ultimately found Corpus’ denial of that relationship under oath resulted in her “lost credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a year and a half into Corpus’ first term, the county had received so many complaints about Aenlle that County Attorney John Nibbelin retained retired Judge LaDoris Cordell to conduct an independent fact-finding investigation into those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell wrote in her \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page report\u003c/a> that “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority are the hallmarks of the Corpus administration,” adding that Corpus should step down and Aenlle’s employment should be terminated immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Christina Corpus (center) speaks about a shooting at the Half Moon Bay IDES Society in Half Moon Bay, San Mateo County, on Jan. 24, 2023. \u003ccite>(Samantha Laurey/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nothing short of new leadership can save this organization that is in turmoil, and its personnel demoralized,” Cordell found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day the report was made public in mid-November, the board took a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014310/san-mateo-county-supervisors-to-hold-vote-of-no-confidence-in-sheriff-christina-corpus\">vote of no confidence\u003c/a> in Corpus and voted to terminate Aenlle’s unsworn position. Corpus refused to resign, and immediately promoted Aenlle to assistant sheriff — a position that county officials found, as a civilian, he wasn’t qualified to hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier that day, deputies arrested Carlos Tapia, a vocal critic of Corpus and head of the deputies’ union, on allegations of timecard fraud. District Attorney Stephen Wagstaffe ultimately threw the charges out, saying there was “no basis to believe any violation of law had occurred.”[aside postID=news_12052795 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-009-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg']Since then, other deputies — including Capt. Brian Philip, who refused orders to arrest Tapia — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026356/lawsuit-alleges-continued-intimidation-retaliation-at-san-mateo-sheriffs-office\">filed lawsuits\u003c/a> alleging continued intimidation from members of Corpus’ executive team. That includes high-ranking members whom Corpus recruited to join her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, 84% of voters approved a temporary charter amendment that allowed the county to initiate the formal removal process of Corpus. This was possible because San Mateo County is one of California’s 14 charter counties — which have broader power for the election and removal of some municipal officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process requires a four-fifths vote by the county board after providing the affected person with written notice and a chance to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While other counties have gone through parts of that process — Los Angeles County in 2022 voted to use the authority but didn’t need to because then-Sheriff Alex Villanueva lost his reelection bid, and San Francisco supervisors didn’t get enough votes in 2012 to oust then-Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi — San Mateo County was the first to bring the issue to a vote and initiate the appeal hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus appealed the board’s decision, and 10 days of hearings were held before Emerson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Mateo County Sheriff’s Department squad car is seen in Redwood City, California, on Dec. 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was credible evidence, Emerson wrote in his opinion, that Corpus and Aenlle were “in a romantic extra-marital relationship preceding appellant Sheriff Corpus’s election to office and continuing thereafter.” Emerson also found that Corpus had Tapia arrested because of his protected activity as the head of the deputy union, and Corpus retaliated against Philips after he legally refused to arrest Tapia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Emerson’s findings, Corpus \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SheriffCorpus22/status/1975362090463600756/photo/1\">tweeted a press release\u003c/a> on Oct. 6 that she had reached out to California Attorney General Rob Bonta, requesting he intervene in the removal proceedings, calling them “unconstitutional, corrupt, and fundamentally unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the removal process is allowed to proceed, no elected sheriff in California will be safe from political retaliation,” the release stated. “The danger isn’t just to me. It’s to the rule of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter dated Oct. 12, Bonta’s office declined to issue a legal ruling at Corpus’ request, citing her ongoing lawsuits in state and federal court. “Given the pendency of litigation that you have initiated on this same question, we respectfully decline your request,” wrote Marc Nolan, senior assistant attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Tuesday’s vote, there is no further option for her to appeal under the county’s charter amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus has publicly railed against the removal process, including filing a lawsuit to stop the proceedings, but a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/media/155363/\">denied that request\u003c/a> in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County spokesperson Effie Milionis Verducci said Corpus is likely to challenge her removal in court, but “the County is always prepared to take necessary and appropriate steps to ensure compliance with actions directed by the Board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors made its final decision to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus, who has fought to hold her position for more than a year amid investigations and hearings. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Mateo County supervisors unanimously voted Tuesday to remove first-term \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/christina-corpus\">Sheriff Christina Corpus\u003c/a> from office after a prolonged campaign to oust her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-member board’s final decision followed two independent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015538/timeline-whats-going-on-with-the-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-office\">investigations into Corpus’ leadership\u003c/a> and her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037502/embattled-san-mateo-sheriff-brings-back-former-aide-alleged-romantic-partner\">relationship with her former Chief of Staff Victor Aenlle\u003c/a>, a special election where voters overwhelmingly granted supervisors the authority to remove Corpus, a formal vote to remove her, 10 days of hearings and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045697/san-mateo-county-supervisors-take-historic-vote-to-remove-sheriff\">a retired judge’s finding that Corpus’ removal is warranted\u003c/a>. The supervisors’ first vote to remove her in June marked the first time in state history that a board voted to remove a sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those who voted against her Tuesday included her initial supporters, including Supervisors Ray Mueller and Noelia Corzo, who led the charge to remove Corpus, and Jackie Speier, who represented the area in Congress for 15 years before returning to the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is the end of a tragic, destructive and grossly expensive chapter in San Mateo County history,” Speier said. “I had high hopes for Sheriff Corpus. I voted for her. I held a town hall with her on crime prevention. She had great ideas to modernize the office, so it’s tragic to see her time as sheriff come down to this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board’s decision was effective immediately. The county said Undersheriff Dan Perea will temporarily act as sheriff, and supervisors have 30 days to fill the vacancy or call for a special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11896308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11896308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in front of a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/RS29049_GettyImages-874578274-qut-1536x1087.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Jackie Speier, D-California, speaks at a press conference on Nov. 15, 2017, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing, Corpus didn’t address the accusations against her but maintained that she was the victim of a conspiracy to take back control of the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they couldn’t control me, they decided to destroy me,” she said. “This is not justice. It’s political retribution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public comment during the meeting was split between people who wanted Corpus gone and those who preferred an inspector general put in place for oversight of the office. Corpus received numerous compliments from residents of Half Moon Bay, where a mass shooting left seven dead in January 2023, shortly after she was sworn into office.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Sheriff Corpus was elected by the people. If you wanted her removed, that would have been a recall. That is a constitutional right of Sheriff Corpus to remove by a recall, not by you,” said Joaquin Jimenez of Half Moon Bay. “We do not give you the power to do this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her removal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052795/san-mateo-county-sheriff-facing-removal-takes-the-stand-in-her-own-defense\">hearings in August\u003c/a>, Corpus denied allegations that she and Aenlle had been romantically involved, saying instead that he was “someone [she] trusted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Santa Clara County Judge James Emerson, who presided over those hearings, ultimately found Corpus’ denial of that relationship under oath resulted in her “lost credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a year and a half into Corpus’ first term, the county had received so many complaints about Aenlle that County Attorney John Nibbelin retained retired Judge LaDoris Cordell to conduct an independent fact-finding investigation into those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell wrote in her \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page report\u003c/a> that “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority are the hallmarks of the Corpus administration,” adding that Corpus should step down and Aenlle’s employment should be terminated immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/ChristinaCorpusGetty-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Christina Corpus (center) speaks about a shooting at the Half Moon Bay IDES Society in Half Moon Bay, San Mateo County, on Jan. 24, 2023. \u003ccite>(Samantha Laurey/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Nothing short of new leadership can save this organization that is in turmoil, and its personnel demoralized,” Cordell found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day the report was made public in mid-November, the board took a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014310/san-mateo-county-supervisors-to-hold-vote-of-no-confidence-in-sheriff-christina-corpus\">vote of no confidence\u003c/a> in Corpus and voted to terminate Aenlle’s unsworn position. Corpus refused to resign, and immediately promoted Aenlle to assistant sheriff — a position that county officials found, as a civilian, he wasn’t qualified to hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier that day, deputies arrested Carlos Tapia, a vocal critic of Corpus and head of the deputies’ union, on allegations of timecard fraud. District Attorney Stephen Wagstaffe ultimately threw the charges out, saying there was “no basis to believe any violation of law had occurred.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since then, other deputies — including Capt. Brian Philip, who refused orders to arrest Tapia — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026356/lawsuit-alleges-continued-intimidation-retaliation-at-san-mateo-sheriffs-office\">filed lawsuits\u003c/a> alleging continued intimidation from members of Corpus’ executive team. That includes high-ranking members whom Corpus recruited to join her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, 84% of voters approved a temporary charter amendment that allowed the county to initiate the formal removal process of Corpus. This was possible because San Mateo County is one of California’s 14 charter counties — which have broader power for the election and removal of some municipal officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process requires a four-fifths vote by the county board after providing the affected person with written notice and a chance to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While other counties have gone through parts of that process — Los Angeles County in 2022 voted to use the authority but didn’t need to because then-Sheriff Alex Villanueva lost his reelection bid, and San Francisco supervisors didn’t get enough votes in 2012 to oust then-Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi — San Mateo County was the first to bring the issue to a vote and initiate the appeal hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus appealed the board’s decision, and 10 days of hearings were held before Emerson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20231211-San-Mateo-Sheriff-021-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Mateo County Sheriff’s Department squad car is seen in Redwood City, California, on Dec. 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was credible evidence, Emerson wrote in his opinion, that Corpus and Aenlle were “in a romantic extra-marital relationship preceding appellant Sheriff Corpus’s election to office and continuing thereafter.” Emerson also found that Corpus had Tapia arrested because of his protected activity as the head of the deputy union, and Corpus retaliated against Philips after he legally refused to arrest Tapia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Emerson’s findings, Corpus \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SheriffCorpus22/status/1975362090463600756/photo/1\">tweeted a press release\u003c/a> on Oct. 6 that she had reached out to California Attorney General Rob Bonta, requesting he intervene in the removal proceedings, calling them “unconstitutional, corrupt, and fundamentally unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the removal process is allowed to proceed, no elected sheriff in California will be safe from political retaliation,” the release stated. “The danger isn’t just to me. It’s to the rule of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter dated Oct. 12, Bonta’s office declined to issue a legal ruling at Corpus’ request, citing her ongoing lawsuits in state and federal court. “Given the pendency of litigation that you have initiated on this same question, we respectfully decline your request,” wrote Marc Nolan, senior assistant attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Tuesday’s vote, there is no further option for her to appeal under the county’s charter amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus has publicly railed against the removal process, including filing a lawsuit to stop the proceedings, but a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/media/155363/\">denied that request\u003c/a> in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County spokesperson Effie Milionis Verducci said Corpus is likely to challenge her removal in court, but “the County is always prepared to take necessary and appropriate steps to ensure compliance with actions directed by the Board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SF Appeals Court Appears Reluctant to Block Trump’s National Guard Deployment to Portland",
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"content": "\u003cp>A three-judge appeals panel in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> heard oral arguments on Thursday on whether President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> had the authority to federalize 200 Oregon National Guard troops and appeared reluctant to second-guess the president’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing comes as multiple court cases play out in numerous states over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">Trump’s move to send in troops\u003c/a>, and as the president escalates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058130/san-francisco-officials-respond-to-trump-telling-us-generals-were-under-invasion-from-within\">his threats and rhetoric against Democratic led cities\u003c/a>. This week, Trump called those cities\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1kmniegrR23cFlXDVVq9Gdf0bOniHzdWFO6ETNjHKWbQ/edit?tab=t.0\"> “war zones”\u003c/a> and said he may consider using the Insurrection Act, which would allow military troops to be used for civilian law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case being heard Thursday, the judges acknowledged the narrow nature of the issue before them: whether to halt a lower court’s order declaring the federalization of the Oregon Guard members illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals was the question of whether additional troops from California could be sent to Oregon, or if any of the troops could be deployed to Portland to protect an immigration building that’s been the site of ongoing protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Oregon U.S. District Judge Karin J. Immergut last weekend issued two separate temporary restraining orders: one halting Trump’s federalization of the 200 Oregon troops, and another halting both the federalization of California Guard members and the deployment of troops from both states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California joined Oregon’s lawsuit after Trump ordered its state’s National Guard members to report to Portland last weekend. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">previously sued over Trump’s\u003c/a> deployment of thousands of California National Guard troops and U.S. Marines to Los Angeles earlier this year — also in response to immigration protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court judges — two Trump appointees, one appointed by former President Bill Clinton — said they were only ruling on whether Trump had the authority to federalize the Oregon troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is relying on a \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid:USC-prelim-title10-section12406&num=0&edition=prelim\">section of federal code\u003c/a> that allows the president to seize control of National Guard troops if there’s a threat of an invasion by a foreign country, a rebellion against the government or the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president gets to direct his resources as he deems fit,” said Judge Ryan D. Nelson, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/judges/nelson-ryan-douglas\">nominated\u003c/a> by Trump in 2018. “And it just seems a little counterintuitive to me that the city of Portland can come in and say, no, you need to do it differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zJ41xxYQEkk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representing the federal government, Deputy Assistant Attorney General Eric McArthur said the ongoing protests outside an ICE facility in Portland meet the law’s standards because, dating back to June, they had at times \u003ca href=\"https://www.portland.gov/police/news/2025/6/15/portland-police-make-three-arrests-criminal-activity-near-ice-building\">resulted in violence\u003c/a> and led to the facility’s closure for more than three weeks earlier this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For months, the ICE facility in Portland and the federal law enforcement officers who worked there have faced a steady stream of violence, threats of violence and harassment from violent agitators bent on impeding federal immigration enforcement,” he said, adding later that “no dictionary definition of the term rebellion requires that it be aimed at overthrowing [the] entire government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant Attorney General Stacy Chaffin, representing Oregon and Portland, argued that local police and existing federal law enforcement were equipped to handle protests that federal officials often characterized as “low-energy” in their own internal reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When crimes occurred, she noted, arrests were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s supposed to happen,” she said. “That’s how this process is supposed to work. It’s not that there is a protest, and then you just send in the military. This is protected speech. And for the most part, it is calm and sedate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058678\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/AP25278152013154-scaled-e1760043069367.jpg\" alt=\"A nighttime photo of several people walking and running in the street with tear gas in the air.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement officers stand after deploying tear gas outside a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility during a protest on Oct. 4, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. \u003ccite>(Jenny Kane/The Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This case, like the others filed in California and Illinois, hinges on how much deference the president should be given in deciding to seize control of National Guard troops, who state governors normally control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of Thursday’s debate focused on the timing of Trump’s order in September — months after some of the largest demonstrations occurred. Chaffin argued that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">June 7 memo\u003c/a> Trump relied on in part to justify the September mobilization in Oregon was “stale” and mostly related to protests in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McArthur said the court should look at the totality of the circumstances, arguing that delaying the use of the Guard “effectively penalizes the president for using the National Guard as a last resort rather than a first resort.”[aside postID=news_12058936 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/BorderPatrolAgentsGetty.jpg']Nelson noted that the federal government has not yet appealed the second temporary restraining order barring Trump from deploying troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue of how those troops are used once they are deployed could be the subject of a future hearing — and acknowledged the broader issues at play when military troops are dispatched to American cities. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">separate federal law\u003c/a> limits the use of military troops against U.S. civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be clear. I’m very sensitive to the slippery slope argument that’s being made here and the slippery slope argument that’s been made in L.A. and around the country. I mean, this is something that clearly the founders were concerned about,” Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If National Guard troops are allowed in Portland, he went on, “it may well be that the forces are used in an improper way. But we don’t have any evidence of that right now. All we have is a document that says we have a federal facility under attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That he said, “doesn’t strike me as a glaring overuse on its face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals panel is likely to rule before the lower court’s order expires on Oct. 18. McArthur said the Trump administration did not appeal both orders because they assumed that if the appeals court rules that the first order is illegal, the second, related to California and the deployment of the troops, will be invalidated as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A three-judge appeals panel in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> heard oral arguments on Thursday on whether President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> had the authority to federalize 200 Oregon National Guard troops and appeared reluctant to second-guess the president’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing comes as multiple court cases play out in numerous states over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058799/trumps-national-guard-moves-are-part-of-a-dangerous-plan-california-ag-warns\">Trump’s move to send in troops\u003c/a>, and as the president escalates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058130/san-francisco-officials-respond-to-trump-telling-us-generals-were-under-invasion-from-within\">his threats and rhetoric against Democratic led cities\u003c/a>. This week, Trump called those cities\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1kmniegrR23cFlXDVVq9Gdf0bOniHzdWFO6ETNjHKWbQ/edit?tab=t.0\"> “war zones”\u003c/a> and said he may consider using the Insurrection Act, which would allow military troops to be used for civilian law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case being heard Thursday, the judges acknowledged the narrow nature of the issue before them: whether to halt a lower court’s order declaring the federalization of the Oregon Guard members illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals was the question of whether additional troops from California could be sent to Oregon, or if any of the troops could be deployed to Portland to protect an immigration building that’s been the site of ongoing protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Oregon U.S. District Judge Karin J. Immergut last weekend issued two separate temporary restraining orders: one halting Trump’s federalization of the 200 Oregon troops, and another halting both the federalization of California Guard members and the deployment of troops from both states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California joined Oregon’s lawsuit after Trump ordered its state’s National Guard members to report to Portland last weekend. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">previously sued over Trump’s\u003c/a> deployment of thousands of California National Guard troops and U.S. Marines to Los Angeles earlier this year — also in response to immigration protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court judges — two Trump appointees, one appointed by former President Bill Clinton — said they were only ruling on whether Trump had the authority to federalize the Oregon troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is relying on a \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid:USC-prelim-title10-section12406&num=0&edition=prelim\">section of federal code\u003c/a> that allows the president to seize control of National Guard troops if there’s a threat of an invasion by a foreign country, a rebellion against the government or the president is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president gets to direct his resources as he deems fit,” said Judge Ryan D. Nelson, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/judges/nelson-ryan-douglas\">nominated\u003c/a> by Trump in 2018. “And it just seems a little counterintuitive to me that the city of Portland can come in and say, no, you need to do it differently.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/zJ41xxYQEkk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/zJ41xxYQEkk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Representing the federal government, Deputy Assistant Attorney General Eric McArthur said the ongoing protests outside an ICE facility in Portland meet the law’s standards because, dating back to June, they had at times \u003ca href=\"https://www.portland.gov/police/news/2025/6/15/portland-police-make-three-arrests-criminal-activity-near-ice-building\">resulted in violence\u003c/a> and led to the facility’s closure for more than three weeks earlier this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For months, the ICE facility in Portland and the federal law enforcement officers who worked there have faced a steady stream of violence, threats of violence and harassment from violent agitators bent on impeding federal immigration enforcement,” he said, adding later that “no dictionary definition of the term rebellion requires that it be aimed at overthrowing [the] entire government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant Attorney General Stacy Chaffin, representing Oregon and Portland, argued that local police and existing federal law enforcement were equipped to handle protests that federal officials often characterized as “low-energy” in their own internal reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When crimes occurred, she noted, arrests were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s supposed to happen,” she said. “That’s how this process is supposed to work. It’s not that there is a protest, and then you just send in the military. This is protected speech. And for the most part, it is calm and sedate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058678\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/AP25278152013154-scaled-e1760043069367.jpg\" alt=\"A nighttime photo of several people walking and running in the street with tear gas in the air.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement officers stand after deploying tear gas outside a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility during a protest on Oct. 4, 2025, in Portland, Oregon. \u003ccite>(Jenny Kane/The Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This case, like the others filed in California and Illinois, hinges on how much deference the president should be given in deciding to seize control of National Guard troops, who state governors normally control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of Thursday’s debate focused on the timing of Trump’s order in September — months after some of the largest demonstrations occurred. Chaffin argued that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">June 7 memo\u003c/a> Trump relied on in part to justify the September mobilization in Oregon was “stale” and mostly related to protests in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McArthur said the court should look at the totality of the circumstances, arguing that delaying the use of the Guard “effectively penalizes the president for using the National Guard as a last resort rather than a first resort.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nelson noted that the federal government has not yet appealed the second temporary restraining order barring Trump from deploying troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the issue of how those troops are used once they are deployed could be the subject of a future hearing — and acknowledged the broader issues at play when military troops are dispatched to American cities. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">separate federal law\u003c/a> limits the use of military troops against U.S. civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to be clear. I’m very sensitive to the slippery slope argument that’s being made here and the slippery slope argument that’s been made in L.A. and around the country. I mean, this is something that clearly the founders were concerned about,” Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If National Guard troops are allowed in Portland, he went on, “it may well be that the forces are used in an improper way. But we don’t have any evidence of that right now. All we have is a document that says we have a federal facility under attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That he said, “doesn’t strike me as a glaring overuse on its face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals panel is likely to rule before the lower court’s order expires on Oct. 18. McArthur said the Trump administration did not appeal both orders because they assumed that if the appeals court rules that the first order is illegal, the second, related to California and the deployment of the troops, will be invalidated as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Fire Department’s former assistant chief may sue the city over allegations that he was discriminated against and wrongfully fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Williams, 57, who served as assistant chief in San José from 2021 to this July, filed a claim for damages against the city at the end of September over his firing, and his attorney said a lawsuit will be filed if the city doesn’t resolve the claim soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was really hoping he would retire with the city of San José,” attorney Jamon Hicks, of the Douglas/Hicks law firm, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city doesn’t respond to the claim within 45 days or chooses to reject the claim for damages, Williams would have up to six months to file a lawsuit against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim alleges the department “systematically stripped Mr. Williams of his duties, excluded him from executive decision making, denied [him] fair performance evaluations, and [that he was] ultimately informed by the Fire Chief Robert Sapien that the City was ‘going in a different direction.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said Williams was referred to as a “dinosaur” during his time in San José, suggesting bias about his age, and was questioned about when he planned to retire. He was fired about two months before he would have become eligible for deferred retirement benefits, Hicks said, putting his future financial security at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The complaint filed on behalf of former Assistant Fire Chief James Williams came as unexpected news to the San José Fire Department. As it concerns a personnel matter, we are not able to comment further,” Sapien said in a statement.[aside postID=news_12059098 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240327-OPD-CHIEF-MITCHELL-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams had a nearly 40-year career in fire service, including previous work in Oakland and two years as the chief of the Oxnard Fire Department. He abruptly resigned from his post in Oxnard in 2015 and received a $60,000 payout in exchange for agreeing not to sue the city, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://archive.vcstar.com/news/local/oxnard/oxnards-former-fire-chief-was-paid-60000-agreed-not-to-sue-document-shows-ep-1361014215-347814161.html\">Ventura County Star\u003c/a>. It’s unclear what led to the departure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San José, the claim said Williams’ firing came after he had worked to strengthen ties with the firefighters union and pushed back on Sapien’s “effort to monopolize authority in violation of department rules assigning day-to-day operations to the Assistant Chief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firing also came after Williams said he was seeking medical leave for a work-related injury, the claim said. Williams is alleging the city violated his rights under the state’s Fair Employment and Housing Act, and that he faced discrimination, harassment, retaliation and age bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s definitely stressed, he’s definitely concerned,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The absolute last thing he wanted was litigation. We were extremely hopeful and optimistic that we would be able to sit down with the city of San José and the fire department, that we would have an opportunity to work this out without this becoming a public matter,” Hicks said. “Unfortunately, that wasn’t able to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Fire Department’s former assistant chief may sue the city over allegations that he was discriminated against and wrongfully fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Williams, 57, who served as assistant chief in San José from 2021 to this July, filed a claim for damages against the city at the end of September over his firing, and his attorney said a lawsuit will be filed if the city doesn’t resolve the claim soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was really hoping he would retire with the city of San José,” attorney Jamon Hicks, of the Douglas/Hicks law firm, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city doesn’t respond to the claim within 45 days or chooses to reject the claim for damages, Williams would have up to six months to file a lawsuit against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim alleges the department “systematically stripped Mr. Williams of his duties, excluded him from executive decision making, denied [him] fair performance evaluations, and [that he was] ultimately informed by the Fire Chief Robert Sapien that the City was ‘going in a different direction.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said Williams was referred to as a “dinosaur” during his time in San José, suggesting bias about his age, and was questioned about when he planned to retire. He was fired about two months before he would have become eligible for deferred retirement benefits, Hicks said, putting his future financial security at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The complaint filed on behalf of former Assistant Fire Chief James Williams came as unexpected news to the San José Fire Department. As it concerns a personnel matter, we are not able to comment further,” Sapien said in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams had a nearly 40-year career in fire service, including previous work in Oakland and two years as the chief of the Oxnard Fire Department. He abruptly resigned from his post in Oxnard in 2015 and received a $60,000 payout in exchange for agreeing not to sue the city, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://archive.vcstar.com/news/local/oxnard/oxnards-former-fire-chief-was-paid-60000-agreed-not-to-sue-document-shows-ep-1361014215-347814161.html\">Ventura County Star\u003c/a>. It’s unclear what led to the departure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San José, the claim said Williams’ firing came after he had worked to strengthen ties with the firefighters union and pushed back on Sapien’s “effort to monopolize authority in violation of department rules assigning day-to-day operations to the Assistant Chief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firing also came after Williams said he was seeking medical leave for a work-related injury, the claim said. Williams is alleging the city violated his rights under the state’s Fair Employment and Housing Act, and that he faced discrimination, harassment, retaliation and age bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s definitely stressed, he’s definitely concerned,” Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The absolute last thing he wanted was litigation. We were extremely hopeful and optimistic that we would be able to sit down with the city of San José and the fire department, that we would have an opportunity to work this out without this becoming a public matter,” Hicks said. “Unfortunately, that wasn’t able to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "City Leaders and Tenderloin Vow to ‘Fight’ for Urban Alchemy After Employee Shot While Working | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After an Urban Alchemy community ambassador was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058277/sf-district-attorney-to-charge-man-suspected-of-killing-urban-alchemy-employee-with-shotgun-blast\">fatally shot on the job\u003c/a> last month, San Francisco lawmakers on Tuesday rallied behind the nonprofit, whose future role in the city has been in question in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders joined about 100 members of the Tenderloin community on the steps of City Hall to pay tribute to Joey Alexander, who was shot just a few hundred feet away in front of the city’s main library after asking a man to stop using drugs on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They paid tribute to Alexander’s life and service, as well as to the mission of the nonprofit, which has contracted with the city since 2018 to patrol and clean up some of its roughest downtown streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot deliver on safe and clean streets in the Tenderloin without Urban Alchemy, full stop,” said Supervisor Bilal Mahmood, who represents the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins and other city supervisors also praised the ambassadors’ ability to connect with Tenderloin residents, aid in school children’s safe passage through the neighborhood and drive reductions in crime and drug use on the streets they patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059031\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059031\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie speaks at a rally on the steps of City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 7, 2025, following the death of Urban Alchemy practitioner Joey Alexander. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said that she was moved looking out at the throng of Urban Alchemy ambassadors gathered for the event, wearing their identifiable black and yellow branded vests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I see] a beautiful representation — of mostly Black men — in front of me with those vests on, working, contributing, giving back to our city,” she said, noting that the nonprofit’s employment opportunities for formerly incarcerated people, including Alexander, can have a major impact on reducing recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, ambassadors [from] Urban Alchemy work alongside San Francisco police officers, our neighborhood street teams and service providers, helping connect people in crisis to care, supporting first responders and ensuring that our neighborhoods are welcoming places for everyone,” Lurie said. “That work, your work, is so important.”[aside postID=news_12058277 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/URBAN-ALCHEMY-01-KQED-2000x1429.jpg']Whether Urban Alchemy’s ambassador work with the city — which currently extends through the end of the year — will continue in its current capacity, though, is somewhat uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The role of the nonprofit has expanded to include operating safe RV parking sites and homeless shelters in recent years, but its ambassador contract could be impacted by changes to the city’s larger approach to street safety work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-01/Ambassador%20Program%20Report%202023.pdf\">Department of Emergency Management report\u003c/a> showed that there were at least 34 different ambassador programs, run by seven nonprofits and even more “community benefit districts,” which were awarded grants by twelve government agencies to operate across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie spokesperson Charles Lutvak said that strategically, it makes more sense to have one department overseeing all of the work around street conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is phasing out its own Community Ambassador Program through the Office of Civic Engagement and Immigrant Affairs in 2027, and the Mayor’s office has consolidated all street ambassador contracts under DEM, which will decide which organizations win future bids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059035\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A jacket with the Urban Alchemy logo is seen during a rally outside San Francisco City Hall on Oct. 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the agency \u003ca href=\"https://sfcitypartner.sfgov.org/pages/Events-BS3/event-details.aspx?Page=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL&Action=U&AUC_ID=0000011141&AUC_ROUND=1&AUC_VERSION=2&BIDDER_ID=0000000001&BIDDER_LOC=1&BIDDER_SETID=SHARE&BIDDER_TYPE=B&BUSINESS_UNIT=SFGOV&PAGE=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL&&PAGE=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL&PAGE=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL\">issued a request for proposals\u003c/a> for contractors to run a “Community Safety Ambassador Program,” which it said would provide “ongoing deployment of a specialized and highly trained community safety ambassador program” along 12 corridors, including the Tenderloin and Civic Center areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restructuring comes after the city controller’s office placed Urban Alchemy under review over financial issues, and after the nonprofit lost a key contract to staff Bay Area Rapid Transit bathrooms and elevators in the city with its ambassadors. Separately, Supervisor Connie Chan called for an audit of its previous overspending last November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outpouring of support for the organization — and \u003ca href=\"https://urban-alchemy.us/mayor-london-breed-stanford-researchers-and-urban-alchemyannounce-52-decrease-in-crime-rates-in-ambassador-served-areas/\">data\u003c/a> that shows an overall 50% reduction in crime and 80% reduction in drug-related crime where it operates — was a “loud and clear” indicator of its impact, Mahmood said Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re urging the mayor’s office to include Urban Alchemy as part of the long-term plan,” he said. “We still don’t know the long-term details of what’s going to happen in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen the data of how they impact this neighborhood, and so we’re going to fight like hell to ensure that our communities still continue to feel safe,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot deliver on safe and clean streets in the Tenderloin without Urban Alchemy, full stop,” said Supervisor Bilal Mahmood, who represents the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins and other city supervisors also praised the ambassadors’ ability to connect with Tenderloin residents, aid in school children’s safe passage through the neighborhood and drive reductions in crime and drug use on the streets they patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059031\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059031\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie speaks at a rally on the steps of City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 7, 2025, following the death of Urban Alchemy practitioner Joey Alexander. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jenkins said that she was moved looking out at the throng of Urban Alchemy ambassadors gathered for the event, wearing their identifiable black and yellow branded vests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I see] a beautiful representation — of mostly Black men — in front of me with those vests on, working, contributing, giving back to our city,” she said, noting that the nonprofit’s employment opportunities for formerly incarcerated people, including Alexander, can have a major impact on reducing recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, ambassadors [from] Urban Alchemy work alongside San Francisco police officers, our neighborhood street teams and service providers, helping connect people in crisis to care, supporting first responders and ensuring that our neighborhoods are welcoming places for everyone,” Lurie said. “That work, your work, is so important.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Whether Urban Alchemy’s ambassador work with the city — which currently extends through the end of the year — will continue in its current capacity, though, is somewhat uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The role of the nonprofit has expanded to include operating safe RV parking sites and homeless shelters in recent years, but its ambassador contract could be impacted by changes to the city’s larger approach to street safety work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-01/Ambassador%20Program%20Report%202023.pdf\">Department of Emergency Management report\u003c/a> showed that there were at least 34 different ambassador programs, run by seven nonprofits and even more “community benefit districts,” which were awarded grants by twelve government agencies to operate across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie spokesperson Charles Lutvak said that strategically, it makes more sense to have one department overseeing all of the work around street conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is phasing out its own Community Ambassador Program through the Office of Civic Engagement and Immigrant Affairs in 2027, and the Mayor’s office has consolidated all street ambassador contracts under DEM, which will decide which organizations win future bids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059035\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007_Urban-Alchemy-Rally_-18_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A jacket with the Urban Alchemy logo is seen during a rally outside San Francisco City Hall on Oct. 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the agency \u003ca href=\"https://sfcitypartner.sfgov.org/pages/Events-BS3/event-details.aspx?Page=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL&Action=U&AUC_ID=0000011141&AUC_ROUND=1&AUC_VERSION=2&BIDDER_ID=0000000001&BIDDER_LOC=1&BIDDER_SETID=SHARE&BIDDER_TYPE=B&BUSINESS_UNIT=SFGOV&PAGE=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL&&PAGE=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL&PAGE=AUC_RESP_INQ_DTL\">issued a request for proposals\u003c/a> for contractors to run a “Community Safety Ambassador Program,” which it said would provide “ongoing deployment of a specialized and highly trained community safety ambassador program” along 12 corridors, including the Tenderloin and Civic Center areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restructuring comes after the city controller’s office placed Urban Alchemy under review over financial issues, and after the nonprofit lost a key contract to staff Bay Area Rapid Transit bathrooms and elevators in the city with its ambassadors. Separately, Supervisor Connie Chan called for an audit of its previous overspending last November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outpouring of support for the organization — and \u003ca href=\"https://urban-alchemy.us/mayor-london-breed-stanford-researchers-and-urban-alchemyannounce-52-decrease-in-crime-rates-in-ambassador-served-areas/\">data\u003c/a> that shows an overall 50% reduction in crime and 80% reduction in drug-related crime where it operates — was a “loud and clear” indicator of its impact, Mahmood said Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re urging the mayor’s office to include Urban Alchemy as part of the long-term plan,” he said. “We still don’t know the long-term details of what’s going to happen in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen the data of how they impact this neighborhood, and so we’re going to fight like hell to ensure that our communities still continue to feel safe,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Officials Respond to Trump Telling US Generals: ‘We're Under Invasion From Within’",
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"content": "\u003cp>California elected officials reacted with concern on Tuesday to President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s threat to send troops to Democratic strongholds like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and other major cities to fight what the commander-in-chief called a “war from within.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to a highly unusual gathering of top U.S. military officials in Virginia, Trump called on generals to defend the country against an internal invasion. He suggested using Democratic-led cities as “training grounds” for the National Guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s comments quickly drew condemnation from Democratic leaders, including Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Sen. Scott Wiener, as well as immigration advocates across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Training the military to ‘quell civil disturbances’ is another step toward authoritarianism,” Wiener posted on social media platform X. “Linking it to ‘the enemy from within’ is absolutely terrifying since that was the phrase Hitler used for Jews & others considered undesirable. He doesn’t even hide what he’s doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s remarks come amid \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">an ongoing court battle over his decision\u003c/a> to deploy the National Guard and military to Los Angeles in June in the wake of protests against raids by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. A federal judge later ruled that deployment violated federal law, and the Trump administration has appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks at a press event in front of the SFUSD offices in San Francisco on Oct. 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He has repeatedly targeted cities with sanctuary policies, which prohibit local law enforcement from aiding ICE. Federal officers can still carry out immigration enforcement in these cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Trump called out San Francisco as one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/trump-san-francisco-troops-20883072.php\">cities he’d like to “clean up”\u003c/a> by sending in the National Guard. This week, the president said he would deploy troops to Portland, Oregon, to protect immigration enforcement officials. The city of Portland and the state of Oregon have since sued the Trump administration to stop the deployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s speech on Tuesday, however, was the first time Trump publicly alluded to cities such as San Francisco, Chicago, New York and Los Angeles as war zones, according to the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>, and directed military officials to be “a major part” in fighting on the ground.[aside postID=news_12057742 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2236329361-2000x1333.jpg']“San Francisco and Chicago, New York, Los Angeles. They’re very unsafe places,” Trump said. “We’re gonna straighten them out one by one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An operation is currently underway in Memphis, Tennessee, where 219 officers have been “special deputized,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AGPamBondi/status/1973000379185938582\">post on X\u003c/a> from Attorney General Pamela Bondi. Nine arrests were made on Monday, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked by reporters for a response at a press conference on Tuesday, San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie said crime rates are falling and general welfare in the city is rebounding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime in San Francisco is down 30%, it’s down 40% in our financial district, and we are continuing to drive those numbers down,” Lurie said. “People are feeling better here in San Francisco. And that’s what I can control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie has largely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">avoided uttering Trump’s name\u003c/a> and repeatedly said he can only focus on San Francisco, not what happens in Washington, D.C. The mayor’s approach has marked a stark contrast to that of other Democratic leaders, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054630/in-picking-a-fight-with-trump-newsom-gambles-on-his-own-political-future\">like Newsom\u003c/a>, who has staked out a position as a leader of the Trump resistance movement and sought opportunities to spar with the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This speech should terrify anyone who cares about our country. Declaring war on our nation’s cities and using our troops as political pawns is what dictators do,” Newsom posted on X on Tuesday. “This man cares about nothing but his own ego and power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom at a press conference to discuss the measures to redraw the state’s Congressional districts and put new maps before voters in a special election, in Sacramento, California, on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump, known for his off-the-cuff remarks, has previously made threats that don’t transpire and his comments on Tuesday were met with lackluster applause from military leaders. But arrests by ICE outside San Francisco’s immigration court have increased this year already and his comments on Tuesday appear to mark an escalation in his fight against Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates across the state said the president’s words amplify fear in communities and should be taken seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Far from making our neighborhoods safer, the militarization of our streets brought fear, violence and separation of families,” said Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigration Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fouladi pointed to events such as the National Guard rolling military vehicles through MacArthur Park in Los Angeles in July in a dramatic show of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The deployment led to the detention and deportation of permanent residents … including family members of military veterans. This is not public safety. It is state-sponsored violence and harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several local leaders in Los Angeles, including Mayor Karen Bass, fired back at the president at the time, saying local police were capable of keeping peace in protests and that federal law enforcement was overreaching and stirring fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Localities and the state should not take this passively,” Fouladi said. “They should be thinking proactively about how to prepare so that if what happened in L.A. happens in our region, that we protect those who are going to be most vulnerable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California elected officials reacted with concern on Tuesday to President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s threat to send troops to Democratic strongholds like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and other major cities to fight what the commander-in-chief called a “war from within.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to a highly unusual gathering of top U.S. military officials in Virginia, Trump called on generals to defend the country against an internal invasion. He suggested using Democratic-led cities as “training grounds” for the National Guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s comments quickly drew condemnation from Democratic leaders, including Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Sen. Scott Wiener, as well as immigration advocates across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Training the military to ‘quell civil disturbances’ is another step toward authoritarianism,” Wiener posted on social media platform X. “Linking it to ‘the enemy from within’ is absolutely terrifying since that was the phrase Hitler used for Jews & others considered undesirable. He doesn’t even hide what he’s doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s remarks come amid \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">an ongoing court battle over his decision\u003c/a> to deploy the National Guard and military to Los Angeles in June in the wake of protests against raids by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. A federal judge later ruled that deployment violated federal law, and the Trump administration has appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks at a press event in front of the SFUSD offices in San Francisco on Oct. 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He has repeatedly targeted cities with sanctuary policies, which prohibit local law enforcement from aiding ICE. Federal officers can still carry out immigration enforcement in these cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Trump called out San Francisco as one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/trump-san-francisco-troops-20883072.php\">cities he’d like to “clean up”\u003c/a> by sending in the National Guard. This week, the president said he would deploy troops to Portland, Oregon, to protect immigration enforcement officials. The city of Portland and the state of Oregon have since sued the Trump administration to stop the deployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s speech on Tuesday, however, was the first time Trump publicly alluded to cities such as San Francisco, Chicago, New York and Los Angeles as war zones, according to the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>, and directed military officials to be “a major part” in fighting on the ground.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“San Francisco and Chicago, New York, Los Angeles. They’re very unsafe places,” Trump said. “We’re gonna straighten them out one by one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An operation is currently underway in Memphis, Tennessee, where 219 officers have been “special deputized,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AGPamBondi/status/1973000379185938582\">post on X\u003c/a> from Attorney General Pamela Bondi. Nine arrests were made on Monday, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked by reporters for a response at a press conference on Tuesday, San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie said crime rates are falling and general welfare in the city is rebounding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime in San Francisco is down 30%, it’s down 40% in our financial district, and we are continuing to drive those numbers down,” Lurie said. “People are feeling better here in San Francisco. And that’s what I can control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie has largely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">avoided uttering Trump’s name\u003c/a> and repeatedly said he can only focus on San Francisco, not what happens in Washington, D.C. The mayor’s approach has marked a stark contrast to that of other Democratic leaders, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054630/in-picking-a-fight-with-trump-newsom-gambles-on-his-own-political-future\">like Newsom\u003c/a>, who has staked out a position as a leader of the Trump resistance movement and sought opportunities to spar with the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This speech should terrify anyone who cares about our country. Declaring war on our nation’s cities and using our troops as political pawns is what dictators do,” Newsom posted on X on Tuesday. “This man cares about nothing but his own ego and power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom at a press conference to discuss the measures to redraw the state’s Congressional districts and put new maps before voters in a special election, in Sacramento, California, on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump, known for his off-the-cuff remarks, has previously made threats that don’t transpire and his comments on Tuesday were met with lackluster applause from military leaders. But arrests by ICE outside San Francisco’s immigration court have increased this year already and his comments on Tuesday appear to mark an escalation in his fight against Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates across the state said the president’s words amplify fear in communities and should be taken seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Far from making our neighborhoods safer, the militarization of our streets brought fear, violence and separation of families,” said Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigration Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fouladi pointed to events such as the National Guard rolling military vehicles through MacArthur Park in Los Angeles in July in a dramatic show of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The deployment led to the detention and deportation of permanent residents … including family members of military veterans. This is not public safety. It is state-sponsored violence and harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several local leaders in Los Angeles, including Mayor Karen Bass, fired back at the president at the time, saying local police were capable of keeping peace in protests and that federal law enforcement was overreaching and stirring fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Localities and the state should not take this passively,” Fouladi said. “They should be thinking proactively about how to prepare so that if what happened in L.A. happens in our region, that we protect those who are going to be most vulnerable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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