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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that he vetoed a controversial bill that would have allowed undocumented immigrants to access a wildly popular \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976218/california-will-help-fund-the-down-payment-for-your-first-house-heres-how-to-apply\">first-generation homeownership loan program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1840, authored by Assemblymember Joaquin Arambula (D-Fresno), would have prohibited California’s Housing Finance Agency from disqualifying applicants from the California Dream For All Shared Appreciation Loan solely on an applicant’s immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the program, the state loans homebuyers 20% of the purchase price, or up to $150,000. Buyers repay the loan, without interest, when the home is sold, along with 20% of any appreciation on the home’s value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first round of funding in 2023 helped nearly 2,200 applicants purchase their first home. It was so popular — with the roughly $300 million in loans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946353/californias-dream-for-all-home-loan-program-ran-through-300-million-in-11-days-who-got-the-money\">exhausted in just 11 days\u003c/a> after applications opened — that the state changed the rules for this year’s $250 million funding round and selected applicants based on a lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 100 applicants have closed on their homes, according to CalHFA spokesperson Eric Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GarciaRETeam/status/1828613523494031404\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Sept. 4, Johnson said about 18,000 people had applied for this year’s funding round. CalHFA predicts up to around 2,200 applicants will ultimately be awarded loans. However, with the state facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">major budget deficit\u003c/a> this year, legislators declined to provide further funding in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill that was sent to me was a program that had no money,” Newsom said. “I thought it was unnecessary and completely consistent with prior vetoes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arambula’s bill incited lively discussion between Republicans and Democrats and was often the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://thefederalist.com/2024/09/03/pelosi-celebrates-plans-for-illegal-immigrants-to-buy-homes-with-american-tax-dollars/\">race-baiting headlines\u003c/a>. In late August, the \u003ca href=\"https://src.senate.ca.gov/sites/src.senate.ca.gov/files/AB%201840%20%28Arambula%29%20Veto%20Request%20Letter_.pdf\">California Senate Republican Caucus\u003c/a> asked Newsom to veto the bill, saying, “legal California taxpayers are already struggling to purchase and maintain their homes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-1840-Veto-Message.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> to the California State Assembly, he noted there is “finite funding available” for such programs, and expanding eligibility “must be carefully considered within the context of the annual state budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m deeply disappointed that Gov. Newsom today vetoed AB 1840,” Arambula said in a statement Friday. “The veto doesn’t change the fact that many people — including undocumented immigrants — dream of owning a home so that generational wealth can be passed to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want to be explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arambula’s bill incited lively discussion between Republicans and Democrats and was often the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://thefederalist.com/2024/09/03/pelosi-celebrates-plans-for-illegal-immigrants-to-buy-homes-with-american-tax-dollars/\">race-baiting headlines\u003c/a>. In late August, the \u003ca href=\"https://src.senate.ca.gov/sites/src.senate.ca.gov/files/AB%201840%20%28Arambula%29%20Veto%20Request%20Letter_.pdf\">California Senate Republican Caucus\u003c/a> asked Newsom to veto the bill, saying, “legal California taxpayers are already struggling to purchase and maintain their homes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-1840-Veto-Message.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> to the California State Assembly, he noted there is “finite funding available” for such programs, and expanding eligibility “must be carefully considered within the context of the annual state budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m deeply disappointed that Gov. Newsom today vetoed AB 1840,” Arambula said in a statement Friday. “The veto doesn’t change the fact that many people — including undocumented immigrants — dream of owning a home so that generational wealth can be passed to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want to be explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "West Marin Worker Housing Often Substandard and Faulty, New Report Finds",
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"content": "\u003cp>Low-wage Latino workers who reside in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>’s western region often live in substandard rentals with mold, mice and other serious problems because they have no other affordable options, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmhousingsolutions.org/\">study\u003c/a> on the West Marin housing landscape, which was funded by the county and philanthropic organizations, offers a glimpse into the living conditions of the population, relegated to a largely underground rental market that powers the agriculture and tourism industries in the bucolic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80% of the study’s participants lived in units with several major health and safety violations, according to interviews with dozens of Latino workers, representing the experience of more than 280 adults and children. The conditions, ranging from non-functioning toilets to holes in the walls and leaky ceilings, were particularly acute at housing on ranches, where most of the respondents resided, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Bravo, who lived as a child in local ranches where her father worked, remembers the smell of mold, which can be toxic, in the shower and while falling asleep. Rats scratched the walls. She hopes the findings stir the local community and county to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been aware of these conditions for so many years and have just looked away or have wanted to help, but nothing has come out of it,” said Bravo, 29, who was an interviewer for the report. “This survey is putting facts on paper. You cannot look away any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Bravo in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report titled \u003cem>Growing Together: Advancing Housing Solutions for Workers in West Marin\u003c/em>, the area needs a bare minimum of 460 additional units of quality housing but likely closer to 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of decent housing for agricultural and other lower-income workers and their families is threatening the survival of local farms, restaurants and other businesses, according to employers surveyed for the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the land in West Marin, spanning from Stinson Beach in the south to Tomales in the north, is protected from development and dedicated to parks or agriculture. Restrictive land use policies, limited infrastructure for water and septic systems and community resistance to new developments have made housing scarce and very expensive, researchers concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Latino households in the rural area rent their homes. Researchers found that many long-term rentals are unpermitted, old and often mobile homes or conversions of buildings not designed for residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranches are a top provider of affordable housing in West Marin. Most of the surveyed dairy and cattle workers lived in employer-provided housing. Other ranches have closed agricultural operations but continue to offer rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of the 68 Latino workers who participated in the in-depth interviews had one or more household members working in agriculture, including oyster and vegetable farms. The rest had jobs in fields such as food service, landscaping and housekeeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many reported reluctance to request repairs because they feared losing the only housing they could afford near their jobs. Half of the participants were undocumented immigrants, even though all reported living in the United States for 20 years on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bravo’s case, rent for her family of six was taken out of her father’s paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s another reason a lot of these people don’t feel like they have the right to say something because it’s tied to their employment, and they fear losing their employment if they speak up about these conditions in their homes,” said Bravo, who became a community advocate with the Bolinas Community Land Trust and is pushing for fair and secure housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003104\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Coast Guard housing that CLAM, the Community Land Trust of West Marin, aims to turn into affordable housing in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the county found dozens of Latino families living with \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/10/21/bolinas-rv-camp-proposed-for-emergency-housing/?clearUserState=true\">raw sewage on the ground\u003c/a> and using water through garden hoses in unpermitted mobile homes at a Bolinas ranch. The property, which was cited about 30 years ago for unsanitary living conditions, now hosts a temporary recreational vehicle park secured by the Bolinas Community Land Trust while it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/marin-bolinas-housing-workers-19717600.php\">attempts to build\u003c/a> permanent homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its natural coastal beauty and uninhabited open space, West Marin draws millions of visitors each year and most likely don’t see where the people shucking oysters, milking cows or making organic cheese live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more workers in West Marin commute from Sonoma and East Bay counties, local employers face increased competition from other businesses that are also recruiting for jobs, according to the researchers, who surveyed a total of 150 workers and 17 agricultural employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks closes a gate to a pasture where goats are grazing on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tamara Hicks, co-owner of Toluma Farms & Tomales Farmstead Creamery, bought permitted Airstream and Park Model trailers to house four of her 10 employees at the 160-acre property. They share a kitchen with all the amenities in a separate building. But that’s not a long-term solution, she said. She expects her workers, currently single and in their 20s, to move on to have families and better housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest rate-limiting factor of maintaining great people is the housing by far. And so, I’ve lost most of our really fantastic people to Vermont, to Maine, to Arizona,” said Hicks, who has owned the certified-organic goat and sheep farm with her husband for 21 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said many farms and ranches in the region are more than a century old. Some landowners now fear that trying to fix or build units could lead to inspections that open the door to costly penalties due to other code violations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a good, streamlined, affordable, fast, easy way for people to either rehab existing housing or build new housing,” Hicks, 56, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her husband have plans that were drawn a decade ago to build a couple of units for workers on their land. But the biggest obstacles have been permits and the money to do it, Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks’ home on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The study makes several recommendations to counteract what authors call decades of inaction limiting affordable housing. They include, among other things, proposed reforms to zoning and permitting and a code amnesty and financial assistance for landowners who want to improve housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish there was one solution. I’d say housing is a team sport,” said Cassandra Benjamin, who led the study and is interim director of housing at the Marin Community Foundation. “The way to solve this is through everybody flexing and doing more than they’re doing now — from the county to the local foundations, to the nonprofits, to businesses, to residents. So everybody has to be in this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002081 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/014_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends that foundations invest in strengthening Latino organizing and advocacy so that agricultural workers and other residents can participate in housing solutions. Racist and exclusionary policies have long constrained opportunities for this workforce in Marin County, the most segregated in the Bay Area, according to the researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really became very restrictive, both in terms of community acceptance but also regulation about housing,” Benjamin said at her office in Point Reyes Station. “That’s part of what we have to turn around in this work. And what’s exciting is that county supervisors know we need more housing. The ranchers are advocating for it. Certainly, the workers are. So I’m hopeful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, who studies farmworker wellbeing at the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973396/half-moon-bay-commemorates-1-year-anniversary-of-mass-shooting-that-killed-7\">mass shooting that killed seven workers at two farms in Half Moon Bay last year\u003c/a> highlighted deplorable living conditions for farmworkers at those sites, increasing awareness about the issue throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Marin County decides to use public funds to help agriculture businesses build housing, Flores said it would be an opportunity to support employers that raise pay and safety standards for laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, how do you best support the farms that want to do the right thing?” he said. “Because the competition is so stiff that if you’re not providing public subsidies to those farms that want to do the right thing, they might be pushed out of business, and that’s not in the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Low-wage Latino workers who reside in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>’s western region often live in substandard rentals with mold, mice and other serious problems because they have no other affordable options, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmhousingsolutions.org/\">study\u003c/a> on the West Marin housing landscape, which was funded by the county and philanthropic organizations, offers a glimpse into the living conditions of the population, relegated to a largely underground rental market that powers the agriculture and tourism industries in the bucolic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80% of the study’s participants lived in units with several major health and safety violations, according to interviews with dozens of Latino workers, representing the experience of more than 280 adults and children. The conditions, ranging from non-functioning toilets to holes in the walls and leaky ceilings, were particularly acute at housing on ranches, where most of the respondents resided, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Bravo, who lived as a child in local ranches where her father worked, remembers the smell of mold, which can be toxic, in the shower and while falling asleep. Rats scratched the walls. She hopes the findings stir the local community and county to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been aware of these conditions for so many years and have just looked away or have wanted to help, but nothing has come out of it,” said Bravo, 29, who was an interviewer for the report. “This survey is putting facts on paper. You cannot look away any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Bravo in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report titled \u003cem>Growing Together: Advancing Housing Solutions for Workers in West Marin\u003c/em>, the area needs a bare minimum of 460 additional units of quality housing but likely closer to 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of decent housing for agricultural and other lower-income workers and their families is threatening the survival of local farms, restaurants and other businesses, according to employers surveyed for the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the land in West Marin, spanning from Stinson Beach in the south to Tomales in the north, is protected from development and dedicated to parks or agriculture. Restrictive land use policies, limited infrastructure for water and septic systems and community resistance to new developments have made housing scarce and very expensive, researchers concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Latino households in the rural area rent their homes. Researchers found that many long-term rentals are unpermitted, old and often mobile homes or conversions of buildings not designed for residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranches are a top provider of affordable housing in West Marin. Most of the surveyed dairy and cattle workers lived in employer-provided housing. Other ranches have closed agricultural operations but continue to offer rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of the 68 Latino workers who participated in the in-depth interviews had one or more household members working in agriculture, including oyster and vegetable farms. The rest had jobs in fields such as food service, landscaping and housekeeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many reported reluctance to request repairs because they feared losing the only housing they could afford near their jobs. Half of the participants were undocumented immigrants, even though all reported living in the United States for 20 years on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bravo’s case, rent for her family of six was taken out of her father’s paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s another reason a lot of these people don’t feel like they have the right to say something because it’s tied to their employment, and they fear losing their employment if they speak up about these conditions in their homes,” said Bravo, who became a community advocate with the Bolinas Community Land Trust and is pushing for fair and secure housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003104\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Coast Guard housing that CLAM, the Community Land Trust of West Marin, aims to turn into affordable housing in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the county found dozens of Latino families living with \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/10/21/bolinas-rv-camp-proposed-for-emergency-housing/?clearUserState=true\">raw sewage on the ground\u003c/a> and using water through garden hoses in unpermitted mobile homes at a Bolinas ranch. The property, which was cited about 30 years ago for unsanitary living conditions, now hosts a temporary recreational vehicle park secured by the Bolinas Community Land Trust while it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/marin-bolinas-housing-workers-19717600.php\">attempts to build\u003c/a> permanent homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its natural coastal beauty and uninhabited open space, West Marin draws millions of visitors each year and most likely don’t see where the people shucking oysters, milking cows or making organic cheese live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more workers in West Marin commute from Sonoma and East Bay counties, local employers face increased competition from other businesses that are also recruiting for jobs, according to the researchers, who surveyed a total of 150 workers and 17 agricultural employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks closes a gate to a pasture where goats are grazing on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tamara Hicks, co-owner of Toluma Farms & Tomales Farmstead Creamery, bought permitted Airstream and Park Model trailers to house four of her 10 employees at the 160-acre property. They share a kitchen with all the amenities in a separate building. But that’s not a long-term solution, she said. She expects her workers, currently single and in their 20s, to move on to have families and better housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest rate-limiting factor of maintaining great people is the housing by far. And so, I’ve lost most of our really fantastic people to Vermont, to Maine, to Arizona,” said Hicks, who has owned the certified-organic goat and sheep farm with her husband for 21 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said many farms and ranches in the region are more than a century old. Some landowners now fear that trying to fix or build units could lead to inspections that open the door to costly penalties due to other code violations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a good, streamlined, affordable, fast, easy way for people to either rehab existing housing or build new housing,” Hicks, 56, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her husband have plans that were drawn a decade ago to build a couple of units for workers on their land. But the biggest obstacles have been permits and the money to do it, Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks’ home on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The study makes several recommendations to counteract what authors call decades of inaction limiting affordable housing. They include, among other things, proposed reforms to zoning and permitting and a code amnesty and financial assistance for landowners who want to improve housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish there was one solution. I’d say housing is a team sport,” said Cassandra Benjamin, who led the study and is interim director of housing at the Marin Community Foundation. “The way to solve this is through everybody flexing and doing more than they’re doing now — from the county to the local foundations, to the nonprofits, to businesses, to residents. So everybody has to be in this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends that foundations invest in strengthening Latino organizing and advocacy so that agricultural workers and other residents can participate in housing solutions. Racist and exclusionary policies have long constrained opportunities for this workforce in Marin County, the most segregated in the Bay Area, according to the researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really became very restrictive, both in terms of community acceptance but also regulation about housing,” Benjamin said at her office in Point Reyes Station. “That’s part of what we have to turn around in this work. And what’s exciting is that county supervisors know we need more housing. The ranchers are advocating for it. Certainly, the workers are. So I’m hopeful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, who studies farmworker wellbeing at the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973396/half-moon-bay-commemorates-1-year-anniversary-of-mass-shooting-that-killed-7\">mass shooting that killed seven workers at two farms in Half Moon Bay last year\u003c/a> highlighted deplorable living conditions for farmworkers at those sites, increasing awareness about the issue throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Marin County decides to use public funds to help agriculture businesses build housing, Flores said it would be an opportunity to support employers that raise pay and safety standards for laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, how do you best support the farms that want to do the right thing?” he said. “Because the competition is so stiff that if you’re not providing public subsidies to those farms that want to do the right thing, they might be pushed out of business, and that’s not in the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-wage-theft-victims-miss-out-on-millions-in-collected-funds",
"title": "California Wage Theft Victims Miss Out on Millions in Collected Funds",
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"headTitle": "California Wage Theft Victims Miss Out on Millions in Collected Funds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal labor enforcement officials recover millions of dollars each year from employers who break minimum wage or overtime pay laws, but a significant percentage never makes it to workers who are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $166 million was unclaimed by nearly 200,000 wage theft victims over the last three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. If workers don’t claim that money within three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">it’s sent\u003c/a> to the U.S. Treasury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many don’t know they are entitled to compensation. More than 15,000 employees with money waiting for them worked for businesses in California, one of the top states with unclaimed wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating and sad all around,” said Yvonne Medrano, an attorney with Bet Tzedek Legal Services, a Los Angeles nonprofit that represents undocumented immigrants in wage theft cases. “It’s workers’ hard-earned money and yet it’s not getting to where it needs to be, which is into the workers’ pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor officials acknowledged that the department is more efficient at recovering wages from about nine in 10 employers through investigations than it is in getting the owed wages to the workers whose rights were violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations often uncover past abuses in targeted low-wage industries that rely heavily on a transient or immigrant workforce, such as restaurants, agriculture and construction. By the time cases are resolved, people entitled to back pay may have moved on to other jobs or changed home addresses and phone numbers, making it hard to notify them of the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alberto Raymond, Assistant District Director of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division, speaks during a workers’ rights event for low-wage and at-risk workers hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to receiving remuneration is that many undocumented immigrants may recoil from filing ID verification documents with a federal agency to get a check because they fear that it could lead to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data/charts/all-acts\">$660 million\u003c/a> in back pay the labor department has recovered from employers from fiscal year 2021 through 2023 was distributed to workers, according to a high-ranking official with the wage and hour division, which investigates alleged violations. The official estimated that, potentially, as much as one-fifth of those funds don’t reach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not immediately provide how much money was transferred to the U.S. Treasury in recent years, a Labor Department spokesperson said. Alberto Raymond, a district director with the wage and hour division in San Francisco, said the agency pursues several avenues to try to get wage theft victims relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want workers to be paid. They are due that money, and we will work very, very, very hard to get them paid,” said Raymond, an investigator with the labor department for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002502\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A handful of dedicated staff throughout the country combs public databases to find impacted workers, confirm their identities and disburse their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department distributed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data\">$27 million\u003c/a> to nearly 4,000 workers through its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">Workers Owed Wages\u003c/a> program in fiscal year 2023. More than 1,600 people claimed $9 million through the program in the previous fiscal year. Community organizations or foreign government authorities, such as Mexican Consulates in the United States, also help find people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20230601-0\">underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor\u003c/a> in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. Some of the 55 farmworkers were still in the U.S., but others had returned to remote, rural towns in Mexico, said Arturo Zaldivar, the Consulate staffer who tracked the workers. Finding them took weeks, Zaldivar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren’t expecting that money. They thought they’d lost it forever,” he said in Spanish, adding that the farmworkers told him the money would cover food and rent for weeks or even months. “I’ve had contact with many workers in Mexico and supporting them in this way is very encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Consulate General of Mexico, Consulado General de Mexico, in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zaldivar said he is scouring social media accounts and calling current and former employees of a business to find dozens of additional impacted workers. Once he gets in touch with one, that person can help find former co-workers who can also claim wages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our compatriots trust us, the Consulate,” he said. “If you say wage and hour division, they are like, ‘What’s that?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, labor enforcement agencies were hesitant to collaborate with community groups out of fear that they’d appear biased, though that has been changing, according to advocates and academics who study wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase remuneration, the labor department should partner with more churches, immigrant rights organizations and others who can knock on doors and help find workers because they are trusted messengers, Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign during a workers’ rights event hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024, for low-wage and at-risk workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The disconnect and the lack of local relationships is clear in moments like this,” she said, referring to the $166 million in unclaimed wages. “I see the DOL moving towards a more community-oriented role, but we’re not there yet. And I think this is very much a symptom of that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a top priority of the department is not distributing all uncollected wages but increasing businesses’ compliance with the rules, said Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division during the George W. Bush administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/10Sandra-fields9_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I think the bigger priority for the department is stopping the violations and getting the back wages disgorged” from employers, said DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at Epstein Becker Green, a law firm. “And if we can get the wages into the hands of the workers, all the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department officials said there are roughly 700 wage and hour investigators nationwide, with just a handful of staffers dedicated to getting money into the hands of the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, workers don’t have a time limit to claim wages recovered by the state’s labor enforcement agency, the California Labor Commissioner, according to a spokesperson who said California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=96.7.&lawCode=LAB\">Unpaid Wage Fund\u003c/a> had a balance of $18.3 million as of Aug. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also takes money from that fund for other expenditures. From fiscal years 2020 through 2022, nearly $17 million due to workers who weren’t found was transferred to the state’s general fund, according to the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Know someone who might need to claim owed wages? Workers should call 877-552-9832 for help in Spanish or search the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">\u003cem>Workers Owed Wages\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> website to find out if they are due money and apply for compensation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Nearly 200,000 wage theft victims have left millions unclaimed over the past three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal labor enforcement officials recover millions of dollars each year from employers who break minimum wage or overtime pay laws, but a significant percentage never makes it to workers who are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $166 million was unclaimed by nearly 200,000 wage theft victims over the last three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. If workers don’t claim that money within three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">it’s sent\u003c/a> to the U.S. Treasury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many don’t know they are entitled to compensation. More than 15,000 employees with money waiting for them worked for businesses in California, one of the top states with unclaimed wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating and sad all around,” said Yvonne Medrano, an attorney with Bet Tzedek Legal Services, a Los Angeles nonprofit that represents undocumented immigrants in wage theft cases. “It’s workers’ hard-earned money and yet it’s not getting to where it needs to be, which is into the workers’ pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor officials acknowledged that the department is more efficient at recovering wages from about nine in 10 employers through investigations than it is in getting the owed wages to the workers whose rights were violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations often uncover past abuses in targeted low-wage industries that rely heavily on a transient or immigrant workforce, such as restaurants, agriculture and construction. By the time cases are resolved, people entitled to back pay may have moved on to other jobs or changed home addresses and phone numbers, making it hard to notify them of the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alberto Raymond, Assistant District Director of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division, speaks during a workers’ rights event for low-wage and at-risk workers hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to receiving remuneration is that many undocumented immigrants may recoil from filing ID verification documents with a federal agency to get a check because they fear that it could lead to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data/charts/all-acts\">$660 million\u003c/a> in back pay the labor department has recovered from employers from fiscal year 2021 through 2023 was distributed to workers, according to a high-ranking official with the wage and hour division, which investigates alleged violations. The official estimated that, potentially, as much as one-fifth of those funds don’t reach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not immediately provide how much money was transferred to the U.S. Treasury in recent years, a Labor Department spokesperson said. Alberto Raymond, a district director with the wage and hour division in San Francisco, said the agency pursues several avenues to try to get wage theft victims relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want workers to be paid. They are due that money, and we will work very, very, very hard to get them paid,” said Raymond, an investigator with the labor department for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002502\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A handful of dedicated staff throughout the country combs public databases to find impacted workers, confirm their identities and disburse their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department distributed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data\">$27 million\u003c/a> to nearly 4,000 workers through its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">Workers Owed Wages\u003c/a> program in fiscal year 2023. More than 1,600 people claimed $9 million through the program in the previous fiscal year. Community organizations or foreign government authorities, such as Mexican Consulates in the United States, also help find people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20230601-0\">underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor\u003c/a> in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. Some of the 55 farmworkers were still in the U.S., but others had returned to remote, rural towns in Mexico, said Arturo Zaldivar, the Consulate staffer who tracked the workers. Finding them took weeks, Zaldivar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren’t expecting that money. They thought they’d lost it forever,” he said in Spanish, adding that the farmworkers told him the money would cover food and rent for weeks or even months. “I’ve had contact with many workers in Mexico and supporting them in this way is very encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Consulate General of Mexico, Consulado General de Mexico, in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zaldivar said he is scouring social media accounts and calling current and former employees of a business to find dozens of additional impacted workers. Once he gets in touch with one, that person can help find former co-workers who can also claim wages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our compatriots trust us, the Consulate,” he said. “If you say wage and hour division, they are like, ‘What’s that?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, labor enforcement agencies were hesitant to collaborate with community groups out of fear that they’d appear biased, though that has been changing, according to advocates and academics who study wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase remuneration, the labor department should partner with more churches, immigrant rights organizations and others who can knock on doors and help find workers because they are trusted messengers, Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign during a workers’ rights event hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024, for low-wage and at-risk workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The disconnect and the lack of local relationships is clear in moments like this,” she said, referring to the $166 million in unclaimed wages. “I see the DOL moving towards a more community-oriented role, but we’re not there yet. And I think this is very much a symptom of that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a top priority of the department is not distributing all uncollected wages but increasing businesses’ compliance with the rules, said Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division during the George W. Bush administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I think the bigger priority for the department is stopping the violations and getting the back wages disgorged” from employers, said DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at Epstein Becker Green, a law firm. “And if we can get the wages into the hands of the workers, all the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department officials said there are roughly 700 wage and hour investigators nationwide, with just a handful of staffers dedicated to getting money into the hands of the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, workers don’t have a time limit to claim wages recovered by the state’s labor enforcement agency, the California Labor Commissioner, according to a spokesperson who said California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=96.7.&lawCode=LAB\">Unpaid Wage Fund\u003c/a> had a balance of $18.3 million as of Aug. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also takes money from that fund for other expenditures. From fiscal years 2020 through 2022, nearly $17 million due to workers who weren’t found was transferred to the state’s general fund, according to the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Know someone who might need to claim owed wages? Workers should call 877-552-9832 for help in Spanish or search the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">\u003cem>Workers Owed Wages\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> website to find out if they are due money and apply for compensation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "over-1-million-were-deported-to-mexico-nearly-100-years-ago-most-of-them-were-u-s-citizens",
"title": "Over 1 Million Were Deported to Mexico Nearly 100 Years Ago. Most of Them Were US Citizens",
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"headTitle": "Over 1 Million Were Deported to Mexico Nearly 100 Years Ago. Most of Them Were US Citizens | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill making its way through the California state legislature would commemorate a little-known chapter of U.S. history: a large-scale deportation of Mexicans — and Mexican Americans — nearly a century ago. And the bill’s backers say it’s all the more relevant in this election year when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/19/nx-s1-5044582/trump-has-promised-deportations-on-an-unprecedented-scale\">mass deportation is again a political topic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The yearslong episode, referred to as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2015/09/10/439114563/americas-forgotten-history-of-mexican-american-repatriation\">the Mexican Repatriation\u003c/a> by those who enacted it, began in 1930, as the Great Depression took hold. As employment dwindled, hostility toward immigrants grew. President Herbert Hoover had announced a plan to ensure “American jobs for real Americans,” implying that anyone of Mexican descent was not a “real” American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB537\">bill\u003c/a>, SB 537, would authorize a nonprofit organization representing Mexican Americans or immigrants to build a memorial in Los Angeles recognizing the people who were forcibly deported from the U.S. during the Great Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians say more than a million people — and possibly as many as 1.8 million — throughout the country were forced to go to Mexico. But not all of them were Mexican. Indeed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmpress.com/9780826339744/decade-of-betrayal/\">scholars estimate that \u003c/a>more than half of those pushed out of the country were American citizens, often the U.S.-born children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those deported was Martin Cabrera’s grandfather, Emilio, who was born in 1918 in Wilmington, California, in Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-12002188\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-1020x1648.jpg\" alt=\"A vintage black and white image of a man and woman dressed in wedding attire.\" width=\"640\" height=\"1034\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-1020x1648.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-800x1292.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-160x258.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-951x1536.jpg 951w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED.jpg 1238w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emilio Cabrera and Maria Asuncion pose for a portrait at their wedding in Mexico in 1934. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of the Cabrera family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cabrera, the CEO of Cabrera Capital, an investment firm in Chicago, said that when he was a boy, his grandfather told him stories about being deported, along with his mother and little sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was about 12 years old in 1930,” Cabrera said. “He was put into a box car over by Los Angeles at Union Station, and they’re shipped out and ended up in San Luis Potosí in Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his grandfather never complained about what he had been through and worked hard to build a good life for his family. But when Cabrera became an adult, he began to realize how hard it must have been for the family to leave everything behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t have a lot of belongings that they took with them when they were being deported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A lawless deportation’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>UC Davis Law School Dean Kevin Johnson said government officials flagrantly \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr/vol26/iss1/1/\">disregarded people’s constitutional rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a lawless deportation,” he said. “There were no removal procedures. There’s no process, there’s no nothing. And [under law] you can’t deport a citizen. You can’t force a citizen to leave the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson points out that “repatriation” is a misnomer for the hundreds of thousands of Americans who had never lived in Mexico, including his former colleague, the late \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2016/06/08/im-mexican-american-and-i-was-a-judge-what-trump-is-doing-is-appalling/\">California Supreme Court Justice Cruz Reynoso\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I view the repatriation as an ethnic cleansing that took place in the greater Southwest, including Los Angeles, in the Great Depression,” he said. “And it’s had significant impacts…. For generations, Mexican identities were kept, some might say, ‘in the closet.’ It was kept quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in places like Los Angeles adopted the term “repatriation” because they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/about-us/our-history/stories-from-the-archives/ins-records-for-1930s-mexican-repatriations\">waging pressure campaigns\u003c/a> to induce Mexicans to “voluntarily” depart, as well as collaborating with federal immigration authorities to carry out formal deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows some families were coerced into “self-deporting” through persuasion, threats or intimidation. Others were rounded up by force, even taken from hospitals. Johnson notes that, though immigration enforcement is a federal responsibility, local officials were often the ones conducting the raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most notorious incidents took place in Los Angeles in February 1931, where city police corralled hundreds of people at La Placita, the plaza in front of Our Lady Queen of Angels Catholic Church, in a Mexican neighborhood. Officers checked papers and trucked dozens of people to the train station to send them to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Obviously it could happen again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tamara Gisiger was a high school junior when she learned about the Mexican Repatriation. Her class was studying the Great Depression, and she wanted to focus her final paper on how it had affected people of Mexican heritage like her. She said she was shocked by what her research turned up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I brought it up to my teacher, I was even more shocked when she didn’t know about it,” said Gisiger, who’s starting her first year at Bowdoin College. “So, I started talking to family members about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She learned that a cousin’s grandfather was deported and the family had to start over at the southern tip of Baja California, a region where “repatriates” were promised land but, with no water, found it nearly impossible to farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very un-talked about because it’s shameful,” she said. “It’s traumatizing and hidden from the family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gisiger’s paper came to the attention of California State Sen. Josh Becker, and together, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB537\">they wrote the bill\u003c/a> to place the memorial at La Placita park in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker said Americans need to learn this history because \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2024-election/trump-says-immigrants-are-poisoning-blood-country-biden-campaign-liken-rcna130141\">the inflammatory way that former President Donald Trump speaks about immigrants\u003c/a> as he campaigns for president echoes the anti-immigrant climate that made Mexican Repatriation possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TFch7SbrYWI&t=1s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we are seeing the same kind of hateful, vile rhetoric coming from political leaders, and actually calls for mass deportation,” Becker said at a recent press conference promoting the bill. “I think many people think, ‘Oh, that’s just rhetoric that will never happen.’ We’re here to say: ‘This happened in the past and obviously it could happen again.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">an estimated 11 million unauthorized immigrants\u003c/a> in the United States as of 2022. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/2024-republican-party-platform\">Republican party platform\u003c/a> pledges to “Carry out the largest deportation operation in American history,” something analysts predict would be complicated and very costly. A \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\">growing share of Americans\u003c/a> — though still a minority — support large-scale deportations, polls show.[aside postID=\"news_12002117,news_11999292,news_11979997\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. has more rigorous due process protections than it did in the 1930s, including a deportation process in the immigration courts, notes Johnson, the law school dean. But those protections could be overridden, he said, if a president were to declare a state of emergency for deportations and sympathetic courts were to uphold it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could end up with mass removals or at least mass removals for a time,” he said. “So I think damage could be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2006/01/02/5079627/remembering-californias-repatriation-program\">California issued a formal apology\u003c/a> for its role in the Mexican Repatriation, acknowledging that it violated people’s civil liberties and constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker’s bill to erect a commemorative monument passed the state assembly unanimously Wednesday and is expected to pass the senate this week. It must make it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk by Saturday if it’s to be signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin Cabrera thinks that recognition is needed to help raise awareness about what he calls “a dark part of our American history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you learn from those negative points in our history? One: recognize it and then document it. But also educate people and what transpired,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A new California bill would commemorate 'a dark part of our American history' known as the Mexican 'repatriation' of the 1930s.",
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"title": "Over 1 Million Were Deported to Mexico Nearly 100 Years Ago. Most of Them Were US Citizens | KQED",
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"headline": "Over 1 Million Were Deported to Mexico Nearly 100 Years Ago. Most of Them Were US Citizens",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill making its way through the California state legislature would commemorate a little-known chapter of U.S. history: a large-scale deportation of Mexicans — and Mexican Americans — nearly a century ago. And the bill’s backers say it’s all the more relevant in this election year when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/19/nx-s1-5044582/trump-has-promised-deportations-on-an-unprecedented-scale\">mass deportation is again a political topic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The yearslong episode, referred to as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2015/09/10/439114563/americas-forgotten-history-of-mexican-american-repatriation\">the Mexican Repatriation\u003c/a> by those who enacted it, began in 1930, as the Great Depression took hold. As employment dwindled, hostility toward immigrants grew. President Herbert Hoover had announced a plan to ensure “American jobs for real Americans,” implying that anyone of Mexican descent was not a “real” American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB537\">bill\u003c/a>, SB 537, would authorize a nonprofit organization representing Mexican Americans or immigrants to build a memorial in Los Angeles recognizing the people who were forcibly deported from the U.S. during the Great Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians say more than a million people — and possibly as many as 1.8 million — throughout the country were forced to go to Mexico. But not all of them were Mexican. Indeed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmpress.com/9780826339744/decade-of-betrayal/\">scholars estimate that \u003c/a>more than half of those pushed out of the country were American citizens, often the U.S.-born children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those deported was Martin Cabrera’s grandfather, Emilio, who was born in 1918 in Wilmington, California, in Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-12002188\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-1020x1648.jpg\" alt=\"A vintage black and white image of a man and woman dressed in wedding attire.\" width=\"640\" height=\"1034\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-1020x1648.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-800x1292.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-160x258.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED-951x1536.jpg 951w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-Mexican-Repatriation-01-KQED.jpg 1238w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emilio Cabrera and Maria Asuncion pose for a portrait at their wedding in Mexico in 1934. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of the Cabrera family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cabrera, the CEO of Cabrera Capital, an investment firm in Chicago, said that when he was a boy, his grandfather told him stories about being deported, along with his mother and little sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was about 12 years old in 1930,” Cabrera said. “He was put into a box car over by Los Angeles at Union Station, and they’re shipped out and ended up in San Luis Potosí in Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his grandfather never complained about what he had been through and worked hard to build a good life for his family. But when Cabrera became an adult, he began to realize how hard it must have been for the family to leave everything behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t have a lot of belongings that they took with them when they were being deported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A lawless deportation’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>UC Davis Law School Dean Kevin Johnson said government officials flagrantly \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr/vol26/iss1/1/\">disregarded people’s constitutional rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a lawless deportation,” he said. “There were no removal procedures. There’s no process, there’s no nothing. And [under law] you can’t deport a citizen. You can’t force a citizen to leave the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson points out that “repatriation” is a misnomer for the hundreds of thousands of Americans who had never lived in Mexico, including his former colleague, the late \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2016/06/08/im-mexican-american-and-i-was-a-judge-what-trump-is-doing-is-appalling/\">California Supreme Court Justice Cruz Reynoso\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I view the repatriation as an ethnic cleansing that took place in the greater Southwest, including Los Angeles, in the Great Depression,” he said. “And it’s had significant impacts…. For generations, Mexican identities were kept, some might say, ‘in the closet.’ It was kept quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in places like Los Angeles adopted the term “repatriation” because they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/about-us/our-history/stories-from-the-archives/ins-records-for-1930s-mexican-repatriations\">waging pressure campaigns\u003c/a> to induce Mexicans to “voluntarily” depart, as well as collaborating with federal immigration authorities to carry out formal deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows some families were coerced into “self-deporting” through persuasion, threats or intimidation. Others were rounded up by force, even taken from hospitals. Johnson notes that, though immigration enforcement is a federal responsibility, local officials were often the ones conducting the raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most notorious incidents took place in Los Angeles in February 1931, where city police corralled hundreds of people at La Placita, the plaza in front of Our Lady Queen of Angels Catholic Church, in a Mexican neighborhood. Officers checked papers and trucked dozens of people to the train station to send them to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Obviously it could happen again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tamara Gisiger was a high school junior when she learned about the Mexican Repatriation. Her class was studying the Great Depression, and she wanted to focus her final paper on how it had affected people of Mexican heritage like her. She said she was shocked by what her research turned up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I brought it up to my teacher, I was even more shocked when she didn’t know about it,” said Gisiger, who’s starting her first year at Bowdoin College. “So, I started talking to family members about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She learned that a cousin’s grandfather was deported and the family had to start over at the southern tip of Baja California, a region where “repatriates” were promised land but, with no water, found it nearly impossible to farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very un-talked about because it’s shameful,” she said. “It’s traumatizing and hidden from the family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gisiger’s paper came to the attention of California State Sen. Josh Becker, and together, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB537\">they wrote the bill\u003c/a> to place the memorial at La Placita park in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker said Americans need to learn this history because \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2024-election/trump-says-immigrants-are-poisoning-blood-country-biden-campaign-liken-rcna130141\">the inflammatory way that former President Donald Trump speaks about immigrants\u003c/a> as he campaigns for president echoes the anti-immigrant climate that made Mexican Repatriation possible.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/TFch7SbrYWI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/TFch7SbrYWI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“Today we are seeing the same kind of hateful, vile rhetoric coming from political leaders, and actually calls for mass deportation,” Becker said at a recent press conference promoting the bill. “I think many people think, ‘Oh, that’s just rhetoric that will never happen.’ We’re here to say: ‘This happened in the past and obviously it could happen again.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">an estimated 11 million unauthorized immigrants\u003c/a> in the United States as of 2022. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/2024-republican-party-platform\">Republican party platform\u003c/a> pledges to “Carry out the largest deportation operation in American history,” something analysts predict would be complicated and very costly. A \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\">growing share of Americans\u003c/a> — though still a minority — support large-scale deportations, polls show.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. has more rigorous due process protections than it did in the 1930s, including a deportation process in the immigration courts, notes Johnson, the law school dean. But those protections could be overridden, he said, if a president were to declare a state of emergency for deportations and sympathetic courts were to uphold it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could end up with mass removals or at least mass removals for a time,” he said. “So I think damage could be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2006/01/02/5079627/remembering-californias-repatriation-program\">California issued a formal apology\u003c/a> for its role in the Mexican Repatriation, acknowledging that it violated people’s civil liberties and constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker’s bill to erect a commemorative monument passed the state assembly unanimously Wednesday and is expected to pass the senate this week. It must make it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk by Saturday if it’s to be signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin Cabrera thinks that recognition is needed to help raise awareness about what he calls “a dark part of our American history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you learn from those negative points in our history? One: recognize it and then document it. But also educate people and what transpired,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "protesters-decry-conditions-at-ice-detention-centers-as-aclu-report-detail-alleged-abuses",
"title": "Protesters Decry Conditions at ICE Detention Centers as ACLU Report Details Alleged Abuses",
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"headTitle": "Protesters Decry Conditions at ICE Detention Centers as ACLU Report Details Alleged Abuses | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Advocates are escalating their condemnation of federal immigration authorities and a private prison company that operates ICE detention facilities in California, where dozens of detained men have waged months-long protests over what they say are sub-standard and abusive conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a protest in San Francisco Wednesday outside the office of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, several dozen activists called on the agency’s field director to meet with detainees who are waging hunger and labor strikes inside two Kern County facilities: Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center and Golden State Annex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After ICE ended free phone calls earlier this month, dozens of people resumed a hunger and labor strike they have waged intermittently for more than two years. The detainees began by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">protesting $1/day pay\u003c/a> for cleaning dormitories and bathrooms and then used the strikes to call attention to what they say are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942414/with-detainee-hunger-strike-in-third-week-ice-is-failing-to-review-requests-for-freedom-advocates-say\">sexually abusive pat-downs, retaliatory use of solitary confinement and substandard care \u003c/a>and conditions. Advocates say eight people are still refusing food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eunice Hernandez Chenier, an organizer with Pangea Legal Services, said waging a hunger strike shows how serious the concerns are for people living inside the two privately operated immigration jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is obviously a very big sacrifice and a decision that one does not take lightly,” said Hernandez Chenier. “So you can imagine how terrible conditions and treatment are in the facilities in order for someone to make such a decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Chenier added that two hunger strikers were transferred to a different ICE facility in Tacoma, WA, last week, a move she called retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliatory transfers are common when folks are striking or when folks are just asserting their rights,” she said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"immigrant-detention-centers\"]Protesters called on ICE to end their contracts with GEO Group for both Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex this December, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20191223005099/en/\">when the contracts are up for a 5-year review and renewal\u003c/a>. The publicly traded, multinational corrections corporation holds contracts to operate four out of six ICE detention centers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the protesters, an ICE spokeswoman referred KQED to a statement issued last year that reads in part: “ICE fully respects the rights of all people to voice their opinion without interference. ICE does not retaliate in any way against hunger strikers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokeswoman, Alethea Smock, also pointed to the agency’s recent statement that it had ended a pandemic-era free phone call program as a result of budget constraints. ICE “would gladly reinstate the 520 minutes calling program with adequate appropriated funds” from Congress, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/statement-free-cell-phone-minutes-provided-during-covid-19-public-health-emergency\">the statement said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she referenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/2-12.pdf\">ICE’s detention standards regarding solitary confinement\u003c/a>, which governs the use of cells for “disciplinary segregation” or “administrative segregation.” The standards say segregation must be reviewed every 30 days if it stretches longer than that. It also states that “every effort” shall be made to place detainees with “serious mental illness” in an alternate setting where they can receive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Grievances Reveal Abuse and Neglect, Advocates Say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The protest in San Francisco occurred on the same day that the ACLU of Northern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Resistance%20Retaliation%20Repression%20-%20Two%20Years%20in%20California%20Immigration%20Detention.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> documenting what it called a pattern of hazardous, inhumane conditions, medical neglect and retaliation across all six ICE facilities in California, which have a combined capacity to hold nearly 7,200 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report is based on a database of 485 grievance claims filed over the past two years by immigrants held at all six ICE facilities in California. The claim records were obtained through a federal Freedom of Information Act lawsuit or directly from the people who filed them. According to the ACLU’s report, ICE determined that only 8% of the grievances were well-founded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002182\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jesse Lucas rallies outside the U.S. Customs and Immigraiton Enforcement offices in San Francisco on Aug. 28, 2024, in support of labor and hunger strikers inside two detention centers in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, ICE officials said in a statement that it is “committed to ensuring that all those in its custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments under appropriate \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/7S-VCPNYRAu5q15KHzj81M?domain=ice.gov\">conditions of confinement\u003c/a>.” They added that “the agency takes allegations of misconduct very seriously – personnel are held to the highest standards of professional and ethical behavior, and when a complaint is received, it is investigated thoroughly to determine veracity and ensure comprehensive standards are strictly maintained and enforced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-23-Apr24.pdf\">unannounced federal inspection\u003c/a> at Golden State Annex in April found the facility “generally complied” with health care and other standards but failed to allow recreation for people in solitary confinement and did not meet requirements for responding to grievances. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2023-11/OIG-24-03-Nov23.pdf\">inspection\u003c/a> last November at the Mesa Verde facility found staff did not accurately report a use of force incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Complaint Charges Sexual Abuse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the day before the protest, half a dozen detained immigrants at Golden State Annex filed a \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.craft.cloud/5cd1c590-65ba-4ad2-a52c-b55e67f8f04b/assets/media/Programs/Immigrant-Rights/CRCL-Complaint-IR-08272024.pdf\">federal civil rights complaint \u003c/a>alleging sexual abuse, harassment and discrimination, based on their sexual orientation, gender expression or as retaliation for speaking out over poor conditions. The complaint charges that guards repeatedly made sexually suggestive and threatening comments to a gay couple who had fled violence in Colombia, subjected a transgender woman to sexually intrusive pat-down searches and waged a campaign of sexually degrading comments against a man after he protested medical neglect and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detainees filing the complaint are asking the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties to investigate and ensure that staff members charged with abuse are barred from working with detained individuals, according to attorney Lee Ann Felder-Heim with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the six people involved only filed the complaint after waiting months for a response to earlier reports of the abusive behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re aware of reports of sexual abuse and harassment in many facilities across the country,” Felder-Heim said. “So this is definitely not an isolated incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, GEO Group spokesman Christopher Ferreira said the company takes all allegations of sexual abuse and harassment “with the utmost seriousness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a zero-tolerance policy as it relates to such matters and take steps to ensure a thorough investigation of all related complaints,” he said, adding that GEO is committed to providing services to the Department of Homeland Security “in accordance with all established federal standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alternatives to Detention Are Cheaper\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE currently has \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/featured-issue-immigration-detention\">funding to hold 41,500 people\u003c/a> in immigration detention at any given time at an annual cost of $3.4 billion. Just over \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/quickfacts/\">36,000 people were in custody\u003c/a> as of Aug. 11. The American Immigration Lawyers Association estimates the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/featured-issue-immigration-detention\">cost of detention at $165/day\u003c/a> per person. ICE’s “Alternatives to Detention” program, involving community-based supervision, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/features/atd\">a cost of $8/day\u003c/a> per individual.[aside label=\"More Immigration Coverage\" tag=\"asylum-seeker\"]Immigration detention is not a punishment for a crime but a form of civil detention to ensure individuals appear for court proceedings and to protect the public from those who could be considered a safety risk. \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11343\">Immigration law requires mandatory detention\u003c/a> for certain immigrants who are in deportation proceedings because of their criminal record, and in some cases for those seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil liberties advocates argue that it’s not necessary to detain people who are fighting deportation, as there are fairer and much less expensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/alternatives-immigration-detention-overview\">alternatives to detention\u003c/a>. They say immigration detention is harmful and inhumane. And they point to evidence that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/11-years-government-data-reveal-immigrants-do-show-court\">vast majority of non-detained people show up\u003c/a> for their immigration court appearances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many conservatives – and some moderates – insist that immigration detention is a necessary part of strengthening border enforcement and removing more of the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants from the country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has pledged \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/video/2024/01/10/trump-promises-largest-deportation-effort-in-the-history-of-our-country-1184677\">“the largest deportation effort in the history of our country,”\u003c/a> if elected in November. To carry that out would likely require a massive expansion of detention capacity if authorities plan to jail people while they await hearings in the backlogged immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The protest Wednesday came as the ACLU released a report documenting what it calls a pattern of inhumane conditions at all California ICE facilities, and immigrants at one of them filed a civil rights complaint over sexual abuse.",
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"title": "Protesters Decry Conditions at ICE Detention Centers as ACLU Report Details Alleged Abuses | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Advocates are escalating their condemnation of federal immigration authorities and a private prison company that operates ICE detention facilities in California, where dozens of detained men have waged months-long protests over what they say are sub-standard and abusive conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a protest in San Francisco Wednesday outside the office of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, several dozen activists called on the agency’s field director to meet with detainees who are waging hunger and labor strikes inside two Kern County facilities: Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center and Golden State Annex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After ICE ended free phone calls earlier this month, dozens of people resumed a hunger and labor strike they have waged intermittently for more than two years. The detainees began by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">protesting $1/day pay\u003c/a> for cleaning dormitories and bathrooms and then used the strikes to call attention to what they say are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942414/with-detainee-hunger-strike-in-third-week-ice-is-failing-to-review-requests-for-freedom-advocates-say\">sexually abusive pat-downs, retaliatory use of solitary confinement and substandard care \u003c/a>and conditions. Advocates say eight people are still refusing food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eunice Hernandez Chenier, an organizer with Pangea Legal Services, said waging a hunger strike shows how serious the concerns are for people living inside the two privately operated immigration jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is obviously a very big sacrifice and a decision that one does not take lightly,” said Hernandez Chenier. “So you can imagine how terrible conditions and treatment are in the facilities in order for someone to make such a decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Chenier added that two hunger strikers were transferred to a different ICE facility in Tacoma, WA, last week, a move she called retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliatory transfers are common when folks are striking or when folks are just asserting their rights,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Protesters called on ICE to end their contracts with GEO Group for both Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex this December, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20191223005099/en/\">when the contracts are up for a 5-year review and renewal\u003c/a>. The publicly traded, multinational corrections corporation holds contracts to operate four out of six ICE detention centers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the protesters, an ICE spokeswoman referred KQED to a statement issued last year that reads in part: “ICE fully respects the rights of all people to voice their opinion without interference. ICE does not retaliate in any way against hunger strikers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokeswoman, Alethea Smock, also pointed to the agency’s recent statement that it had ended a pandemic-era free phone call program as a result of budget constraints. ICE “would gladly reinstate the 520 minutes calling program with adequate appropriated funds” from Congress, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/statement-free-cell-phone-minutes-provided-during-covid-19-public-health-emergency\">the statement said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she referenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/2-12.pdf\">ICE’s detention standards regarding solitary confinement\u003c/a>, which governs the use of cells for “disciplinary segregation” or “administrative segregation.” The standards say segregation must be reviewed every 30 days if it stretches longer than that. It also states that “every effort” shall be made to place detainees with “serious mental illness” in an alternate setting where they can receive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Grievances Reveal Abuse and Neglect, Advocates Say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The protest in San Francisco occurred on the same day that the ACLU of Northern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Resistance%20Retaliation%20Repression%20-%20Two%20Years%20in%20California%20Immigration%20Detention.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> documenting what it called a pattern of hazardous, inhumane conditions, medical neglect and retaliation across all six ICE facilities in California, which have a combined capacity to hold nearly 7,200 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report is based on a database of 485 grievance claims filed over the past two years by immigrants held at all six ICE facilities in California. The claim records were obtained through a federal Freedom of Information Act lawsuit or directly from the people who filed them. According to the ACLU’s report, ICE determined that only 8% of the grievances were well-founded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002182\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jesse Lucas rallies outside the U.S. Customs and Immigraiton Enforcement offices in San Francisco on Aug. 28, 2024, in support of labor and hunger strikers inside two detention centers in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, ICE officials said in a statement that it is “committed to ensuring that all those in its custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments under appropriate \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/7S-VCPNYRAu5q15KHzj81M?domain=ice.gov\">conditions of confinement\u003c/a>.” They added that “the agency takes allegations of misconduct very seriously – personnel are held to the highest standards of professional and ethical behavior, and when a complaint is received, it is investigated thoroughly to determine veracity and ensure comprehensive standards are strictly maintained and enforced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-23-Apr24.pdf\">unannounced federal inspection\u003c/a> at Golden State Annex in April found the facility “generally complied” with health care and other standards but failed to allow recreation for people in solitary confinement and did not meet requirements for responding to grievances. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2023-11/OIG-24-03-Nov23.pdf\">inspection\u003c/a> last November at the Mesa Verde facility found staff did not accurately report a use of force incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Complaint Charges Sexual Abuse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the day before the protest, half a dozen detained immigrants at Golden State Annex filed a \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.craft.cloud/5cd1c590-65ba-4ad2-a52c-b55e67f8f04b/assets/media/Programs/Immigrant-Rights/CRCL-Complaint-IR-08272024.pdf\">federal civil rights complaint \u003c/a>alleging sexual abuse, harassment and discrimination, based on their sexual orientation, gender expression or as retaliation for speaking out over poor conditions. The complaint charges that guards repeatedly made sexually suggestive and threatening comments to a gay couple who had fled violence in Colombia, subjected a transgender woman to sexually intrusive pat-down searches and waged a campaign of sexually degrading comments against a man after he protested medical neglect and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detainees filing the complaint are asking the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties to investigate and ensure that staff members charged with abuse are barred from working with detained individuals, according to attorney Lee Ann Felder-Heim with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the six people involved only filed the complaint after waiting months for a response to earlier reports of the abusive behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re aware of reports of sexual abuse and harassment in many facilities across the country,” Felder-Heim said. “So this is definitely not an isolated incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, GEO Group spokesman Christopher Ferreira said the company takes all allegations of sexual abuse and harassment “with the utmost seriousness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a zero-tolerance policy as it relates to such matters and take steps to ensure a thorough investigation of all related complaints,” he said, adding that GEO is committed to providing services to the Department of Homeland Security “in accordance with all established federal standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alternatives to Detention Are Cheaper\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE currently has \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/featured-issue-immigration-detention\">funding to hold 41,500 people\u003c/a> in immigration detention at any given time at an annual cost of $3.4 billion. Just over \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/quickfacts/\">36,000 people were in custody\u003c/a> as of Aug. 11. The American Immigration Lawyers Association estimates the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/featured-issue-immigration-detention\">cost of detention at $165/day\u003c/a> per person. ICE’s “Alternatives to Detention” program, involving community-based supervision, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/features/atd\">a cost of $8/day\u003c/a> per individual.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Immigration detention is not a punishment for a crime but a form of civil detention to ensure individuals appear for court proceedings and to protect the public from those who could be considered a safety risk. \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11343\">Immigration law requires mandatory detention\u003c/a> for certain immigrants who are in deportation proceedings because of their criminal record, and in some cases for those seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil liberties advocates argue that it’s not necessary to detain people who are fighting deportation, as there are fairer and much less expensive \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/alternatives-immigration-detention-overview\">alternatives to detention\u003c/a>. They say immigration detention is harmful and inhumane. And they point to evidence that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/11-years-government-data-reveal-immigrants-do-show-court\">vast majority of non-detained people show up\u003c/a> for their immigration court appearances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many conservatives – and some moderates – insist that immigration detention is a necessary part of strengthening border enforcement and removing more of the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants from the country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has pledged \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/video/2024/01/10/trump-promises-largest-deportation-effort-in-the-history-of-our-country-1184677\">“the largest deportation effort in the history of our country,”\u003c/a> if elected in November. To carry that out would likely require a massive expansion of detention capacity if authorities plan to jail people while they await hearings in the backlogged immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A rare legal pathway has opened up for as many as half a million undocumented immigrants in the Bay Area and across the country that could lead to eventual U.S. citizenship. But in an election year when immigration is a polarizing issue, it’s also raising questions for those who stand to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden Administration began accepting Monday applications for \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/newsroom/news-releases/dhs-implements-keeping-families-together\">a program\u003c/a> that would enable long-term unauthorized immigrants married to U.S. citizens — and 50,000 undocumented stepchildren of citizens — to become permanent legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant legal aid groups across California are rolling out information sessions on how to apply, even as they rush to read \u003ca href=\"https://public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2024-18725.pdf\">the program’s fine print (PDF)\u003c/a> — which won’t be officially published by the federal government until Tuesday, Aug. 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some families said they were eager to take advantage of the long-sought opportunity to secure the full rights of citizenship, others were cautious about applying. With former President Donald Trump condemning undocumented immigrants as “poisoning the blood of our country,” they fear they’d be especially vulnerable if he makes good on his vow of mass deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear of deportation if Trump wins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Janet Reyes, a dental assistant at an Oakland high school, is a U.S.-born citizen. She and her husband, Marco, have two kids, ages 8 and 15, who were also born here. But Marco, a construction worker, is undocumented, having come illegally from Mexico when he was a young man. KQED is not using his last name because of his concerns about deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When President Joe Biden announced the legalization program in June, Reyes said she and her husband were “beyond excited” that it would allow him to get a better job and join Reyes and the kids on family vacations. But now Reyes says they’re not sure it’s wise to give the government so much information about Marco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you apply, you’re going to be added to this list. … And if the Republican wins, it might be something bad that you’re on this list,” she said. “Some of my coworkers were just like, ‘I think we’re going to wait until after the election to see who wins.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angélica Salas, the executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles, is encouraging undocumented immigrants who’ve been in the U.S. for at least a decade and are married to a citizen to find out if they qualify and apply.[aside label=\"More Immigration Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Monday, Salas applauded the Biden-Harris administration for creating the program, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/keepingfamiliestogether\">Keeping Families Together\u003c/a>. She acknowledged that it’s possible a future Trump administration could end the program or that it could face a challenge in court, as former Trump immigration adviser Stephen Miller has pledged. But Salas said that’s all the more reason for eligible families to get covered by the program now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we know is that the program exists today,” said Salas. “We want to make sure as many families [as possible] are in the program, even as we know that there are many who see this as a threat. We just don’t understand why having U.S. citizens actually take advantage of their right as citizens to petition for their families is threatening to anybody in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics on the right called the Biden executive order unconstitutional and suggested Vice President Kamala Harris would go further in granting legal status to undocumented immigrants if elected president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This illegal and unlegislated amnesty for half a million illegal aliens is just a cat’s paw for what is likely to come in a future administration if it is allowed to stand,” said Dan Stein, president of the conservative Federation for American Immigration Reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the program works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under current law, noncitizens who entered the country illegally cannot become legal residents without leaving and re-entering lawfully through an official port of entry. However, immigration law also states that those who have been in the U.S. without legal immigration status are \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/three-and-ten-year-bars\">barred from re-entering\u003c/a>, often for 10 years and sometimes longer. That has created a Catch-22 for undocumented immigrants, including spouses of U.S. citizens, who would otherwise be entitled to a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new program offers “parole in place,” or the ability to apply for legal admission to the U.S. while already here, on a case-by-case basis to noncitizens who:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Entered without authorization;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have lived in the U.S. continuously for at least 10 years;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Are married to a U.S. citizen;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have no felony convictions or current criminal charges;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have not been ordered deported;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Undergo background checks and national security and public safety screenings.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It’s also available to undocumented immigrants under age 21 who are stepchildren of U.S. citizens and have a noncitizen parent married to that citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement released Monday, the director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, Ur Jaddou, said the process is geared toward noncitizens “who contribute to and have long standing connections within American communities across the country.”[aside label=\"More Stories about DACA\" tag=\"daca\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too often, noncitizen spouses of U.S. citizens — many of them mothers and fathers — live with uncertainty,” said Jaddou. “This process to keep U.S. families together will remove these undue barriers for those who would otherwise qualify to live and work lawfully in the U.S.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those parents is Brenda Valle, 35, a student enrollment administrator and mother of two young sons, who spoke at the CHIRLA press conference in Los Angeles Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valle, who says she was brought to the U.S. as a 3-year-old, has protection from deportation and a renewable two-year work permit under DACA, or \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/DACA\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a>. But that protection is temporary, and until now, she had no way to legalize her status, even though as the spouse of a U.S. citizen, she’s technically entitled to become a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It brings a sense of relief I can barely put into words,” said Valle. “I look forward to the day when I can focus on long-term goals … and leave behind the constant worry of what would happen to my children if we were separated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Spreading the word\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups are beginning to host information sessions and \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/chirlausa/videos/466790242806055\">spread the word about the program through social media\u003c/a>. CHIRLA is hosting presentations three days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Sanctuary Covenant in Berkeley has started weekly information sessions over Zoom. The group’s immigration legal services manager, Shiori Akimoto, said she thinks the program will be especially beneficial for young adults with DACA because they’re likely to meet the criteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DACA recipients have been in the U.S. since 2007, and many are married to U.S. citizens,” said Akimoto. “We have more than 1,000 DACA clients, and out of those, at least 200 may qualify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups were taking a more cautious approach, with some lawyers complaining that the government had been slow to release the rules of the program. At Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland, attorney Lourdes Martínez said her team is consulting with other groups in the area before setting up legal clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expect this will be a very hot topic for many mixed households in our community,” she said. “We are training our staff, talking to partners and gearing up to respond to our community’s interest in the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Janet Reyes the thought of her husband Marco applying for legal immigration status generated both hope and apprehension. She said they plan to meet with their lawyer this week and find out whether he recommends applying now or seeing how the presidential election turns out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been waiting so long anyway, so it’s okay,” she said. “We’ll wait a little more.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A rare legal pathway has opened up for as many as half a million undocumented immigrants in the Bay Area and across the country that could lead to eventual U.S. citizenship. But in an election year when immigration is a polarizing issue, it’s also raising questions for those who stand to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden Administration began accepting Monday applications for \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/newsroom/news-releases/dhs-implements-keeping-families-together\">a program\u003c/a> that would enable long-term unauthorized immigrants married to U.S. citizens — and 50,000 undocumented stepchildren of citizens — to become permanent legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant legal aid groups across California are rolling out information sessions on how to apply, even as they rush to read \u003ca href=\"https://public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2024-18725.pdf\">the program’s fine print (PDF)\u003c/a> — which won’t be officially published by the federal government until Tuesday, Aug. 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some families said they were eager to take advantage of the long-sought opportunity to secure the full rights of citizenship, others were cautious about applying. With former President Donald Trump condemning undocumented immigrants as “poisoning the blood of our country,” they fear they’d be especially vulnerable if he makes good on his vow of mass deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear of deportation if Trump wins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Janet Reyes, a dental assistant at an Oakland high school, is a U.S.-born citizen. She and her husband, Marco, have two kids, ages 8 and 15, who were also born here. But Marco, a construction worker, is undocumented, having come illegally from Mexico when he was a young man. KQED is not using his last name because of his concerns about deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Monday, Salas applauded the Biden-Harris administration for creating the program, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/keepingfamiliestogether\">Keeping Families Together\u003c/a>. She acknowledged that it’s possible a future Trump administration could end the program or that it could face a challenge in court, as former Trump immigration adviser Stephen Miller has pledged. But Salas said that’s all the more reason for eligible families to get covered by the program now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we know is that the program exists today,” said Salas. “We want to make sure as many families [as possible] are in the program, even as we know that there are many who see this as a threat. We just don’t understand why having U.S. citizens actually take advantage of their right as citizens to petition for their families is threatening to anybody in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics on the right called the Biden executive order unconstitutional and suggested Vice President Kamala Harris would go further in granting legal status to undocumented immigrants if elected president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This illegal and unlegislated amnesty for half a million illegal aliens is just a cat’s paw for what is likely to come in a future administration if it is allowed to stand,” said Dan Stein, president of the conservative Federation for American Immigration Reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the program works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under current law, noncitizens who entered the country illegally cannot become legal residents without leaving and re-entering lawfully through an official port of entry. However, immigration law also states that those who have been in the U.S. without legal immigration status are \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/three-and-ten-year-bars\">barred from re-entering\u003c/a>, often for 10 years and sometimes longer. That has created a Catch-22 for undocumented immigrants, including spouses of U.S. citizens, who would otherwise be entitled to a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new program offers “parole in place,” or the ability to apply for legal admission to the U.S. while already here, on a case-by-case basis to noncitizens who:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Entered without authorization;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have lived in the U.S. continuously for at least 10 years;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Are married to a U.S. citizen;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have no felony convictions or current criminal charges;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have not been ordered deported;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Undergo background checks and national security and public safety screenings.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It’s also available to undocumented immigrants under age 21 who are stepchildren of U.S. citizens and have a noncitizen parent married to that citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement released Monday, the director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, Ur Jaddou, said the process is geared toward noncitizens “who contribute to and have long standing connections within American communities across the country.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too often, noncitizen spouses of U.S. citizens — many of them mothers and fathers — live with uncertainty,” said Jaddou. “This process to keep U.S. families together will remove these undue barriers for those who would otherwise qualify to live and work lawfully in the U.S.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those parents is Brenda Valle, 35, a student enrollment administrator and mother of two young sons, who spoke at the CHIRLA press conference in Los Angeles Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valle, who says she was brought to the U.S. as a 3-year-old, has protection from deportation and a renewable two-year work permit under DACA, or \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/DACA\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a>. But that protection is temporary, and until now, she had no way to legalize her status, even though as the spouse of a U.S. citizen, she’s technically entitled to become a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It brings a sense of relief I can barely put into words,” said Valle. “I look forward to the day when I can focus on long-term goals … and leave behind the constant worry of what would happen to my children if we were separated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Spreading the word\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups are beginning to host information sessions and \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/chirlausa/videos/466790242806055\">spread the word about the program through social media\u003c/a>. CHIRLA is hosting presentations three days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Sanctuary Covenant in Berkeley has started weekly information sessions over Zoom. The group’s immigration legal services manager, Shiori Akimoto, said she thinks the program will be especially beneficial for young adults with DACA because they’re likely to meet the criteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DACA recipients have been in the U.S. since 2007, and many are married to U.S. citizens,” said Akimoto. “We have more than 1,000 DACA clients, and out of those, at least 200 may qualify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups were taking a more cautious approach, with some lawyers complaining that the government had been slow to release the rules of the program. At Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland, attorney Lourdes Martínez said her team is consulting with other groups in the area before setting up legal clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expect this will be a very hot topic for many mixed households in our community,” she said. “We are training our staff, talking to partners and gearing up to respond to our community’s interest in the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Janet Reyes the thought of her husband Marco applying for legal immigration status generated both hope and apprehension. She said they plan to meet with their lawyer this week and find out whether he recommends applying now or seeing how the presidential election turns out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "What Does Kamala Harris' California Past Show About Immigration Record",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, August 13, 2024…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Republicans are hammering Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris on \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/1198912943/can-kamala-harris-find-her-footing-on-immigration\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">immigration\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. They’re calling her a ‘failed border czar’ responsible for an “invasion” of migrants, but she’s pushing back with a tough on the border message. How does \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999721/as-republicans-attack-harris-on-immigration-heres-what-her-california-record-reveals\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris’ record in California\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> shape her views on immigration and the border?\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/climate-environment/4-4-magnitude-quake-hits-near-highland-park\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">4.4 magnitude earthquake\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> struck 2.5 miles southeast of Highland Park in Los Angeles County on Monday afternoon. In terms of intensity, the shaking was strong enough to knock items off shelves, but didn’t cause any widespread damage. It did startle quite a few people throughout the region. And thousands received early notice of the quake through the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://myshake.berkeley.edu/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">MyShake app\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>State lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article290892494.html\">approved a package of bills\u003c/a> aimed at combating retail theft. The bills now await Governor Newsom’s signature.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999721/as-republicans-attack-harris-on-immigration-heres-what-her-california-record-reveals\">\u003cb>As Republicans Attack Harris on Immigration, Here’s What Her California Record Reveals\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With the Biden administration facing \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/610322/immigration-leads-reasons-biden-detractors-disapprove.aspx\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">low approval ratings on immigration\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, and Republicans blaming Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris for what they call a “border \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.donaldjtrump.com/news/ca8d0dd5-2f4b-417b-8ed2-9d42b89f5946\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">invasion\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,” Harris is pushing back, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hamD7RueuvA\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">spotlighting\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in campaign ads and speeches what she says is her history of tough border enforcement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But a look at Harris’ record as a public official in California — the state with the largest number and share of immigrants — finds a more nuanced picture. Longtime political observers say her experience as the daughter of immigrants has intertwined with her career as a prosecutor to form a pattern: pro-immigration but tough in enforcing the law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/climate-environment/4-4-magnitude-quake-hits-near-highland-park\">\u003cb>4.4. Magnitude Earthquake Hits Los Angeles\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A strong \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.foxla.com/tag/weather/earthquakes\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earthquake \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">struck \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.foxla.com/tag/us/ca/los-angeles-county/los-angeles\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Los Angeles on Monday afternoon,\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> centered near the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.foxla.com/tag/us/ca/los-angeles-county/la-los-angeles-county/highland-park\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Highland Park\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> area. According to the U.S. Geological Survey, the 4.4. magnitude quake struck around 12:20 p.m.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The quake was centered right beneath a heavily populated part of Los Angeles, meaning more people felt it than if the same size quake hit in a remote location. Just a few hours after the quake hit, more than 20,000 people had submitted “\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/eventpage/ci40699207/dyfi/intensity\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Did You Feel It\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">” reports to the U.S. Geological Survey. Three aftershocks were recorded within a few hours of the main event, all smaller than magnitude 3.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The earthquake early warning system detected the quake 4 seconds after it started, calculated its size and issued warnings that were delivered by the app \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://myshake.berkeley.edu/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">MyShake\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to more than 370,000 phones, according to Elizabeth Cochran, a seismologist with the USGS.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>State Lawmakers Send Retail Theft Bills To Governor’s Desk\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State lawmakers approved \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article290892494.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a package of bills on Monday\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> aimed at combating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990587/californias-democratic-leaders-clash-with-businesses-over-curbing-retail-theft-heres-what-to-know\">retail theft.\u003c/a> The 10 bills include one that would require online marketplaces to have a policy prohibiting the sale of stolen items and alerting law enforcement if someone is trying to sell stolen goods in the state. The bills now head to Governor Newsom’s desk for his signature.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as voters are set to decide on Proposition 36 this November. If passed the measure would allow courts to charge people with a felony if they have past convictions for shoplifting, burglary and carjacking and they’re accused of committing more theft crimes, essentially rolling back changes approved by California voters with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded\">Prop 47. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "What Does Kamala Harris' California Past Show About Immigration Record | KQED",
"description": "Here are the morning's top stories on Tuesday, August 13, 2024… Republicans are hammering Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris on immigration. They're calling her a 'failed border czar' responsible for an “invasion” of migrants, but she's pushing back with a tough on the border message. How does Harris’ record in California shape her views on immigration and the border? A 4.4 magnitude earthquake struck 2.5 miles southeast of Highland Park in Los Angeles County on Monday afternoon. In terms of intensity, the shaking was strong enough to knock items off shelves, but didn't cause any widespread damage. It did startle",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, August 13, 2024…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Republicans are hammering Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris on \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/1198912943/can-kamala-harris-find-her-footing-on-immigration\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">immigration\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. They’re calling her a ‘failed border czar’ responsible for an “invasion” of migrants, but she’s pushing back with a tough on the border message. How does \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999721/as-republicans-attack-harris-on-immigration-heres-what-her-california-record-reveals\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris’ record in California\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> shape her views on immigration and the border?\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/climate-environment/4-4-magnitude-quake-hits-near-highland-park\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">4.4 magnitude earthquake\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> struck 2.5 miles southeast of Highland Park in Los Angeles County on Monday afternoon. In terms of intensity, the shaking was strong enough to knock items off shelves, but didn’t cause any widespread damage. It did startle quite a few people throughout the region. And thousands received early notice of the quake through the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://myshake.berkeley.edu/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">MyShake app\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>State lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article290892494.html\">approved a package of bills\u003c/a> aimed at combating retail theft. The bills now await Governor Newsom’s signature.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999721/as-republicans-attack-harris-on-immigration-heres-what-her-california-record-reveals\">\u003cb>As Republicans Attack Harris on Immigration, Here’s What Her California Record Reveals\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With the Biden administration facing \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/610322/immigration-leads-reasons-biden-detractors-disapprove.aspx\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">low approval ratings on immigration\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, and Republicans blaming Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris for what they call a “border \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.donaldjtrump.com/news/ca8d0dd5-2f4b-417b-8ed2-9d42b89f5946\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">invasion\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,” Harris is pushing back, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hamD7RueuvA\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">spotlighting\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in campaign ads and speeches what she says is her history of tough border enforcement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But a look at Harris’ record as a public official in California — the state with the largest number and share of immigrants — finds a more nuanced picture. Longtime political observers say her experience as the daughter of immigrants has intertwined with her career as a prosecutor to form a pattern: pro-immigration but tough in enforcing the law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/climate-environment/4-4-magnitude-quake-hits-near-highland-park\">\u003cb>4.4. Magnitude Earthquake Hits Los Angeles\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A strong \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.foxla.com/tag/weather/earthquakes\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earthquake \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">struck \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.foxla.com/tag/us/ca/los-angeles-county/los-angeles\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Los Angeles on Monday afternoon,\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> centered near the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.foxla.com/tag/us/ca/los-angeles-county/la-los-angeles-county/highland-park\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Highland Park\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> area. According to the U.S. Geological Survey, the 4.4. magnitude quake struck around 12:20 p.m.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The quake was centered right beneath a heavily populated part of Los Angeles, meaning more people felt it than if the same size quake hit in a remote location. Just a few hours after the quake hit, more than 20,000 people had submitted “\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/eventpage/ci40699207/dyfi/intensity\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Did You Feel It\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">” reports to the U.S. Geological Survey. Three aftershocks were recorded within a few hours of the main event, all smaller than magnitude 3.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The earthquake early warning system detected the quake 4 seconds after it started, calculated its size and issued warnings that were delivered by the app \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://myshake.berkeley.edu/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">MyShake\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to more than 370,000 phones, according to Elizabeth Cochran, a seismologist with the USGS.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>State Lawmakers Send Retail Theft Bills To Governor’s Desk\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State lawmakers approved \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article290892494.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a package of bills on Monday\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> aimed at combating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990587/californias-democratic-leaders-clash-with-businesses-over-curbing-retail-theft-heres-what-to-know\">retail theft.\u003c/a> The 10 bills include one that would require online marketplaces to have a policy prohibiting the sale of stolen items and alerting law enforcement if someone is trying to sell stolen goods in the state. The bills now head to Governor Newsom’s desk for his signature.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as voters are set to decide on Proposition 36 this November. If passed the measure would allow courts to charge people with a felony if they have past convictions for shoplifting, burglary and carjacking and they’re accused of committing more theft crimes, essentially rolling back changes approved by California voters with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded\">Prop 47. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-republicans-attack-harris-on-immigration-heres-what-her-california-record-reveals",
"title": "As Republicans Attack Harris on Immigration, Here’s What Her California Record Reveals",
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"headTitle": "As Republicans Attack Harris on Immigration, Here’s What Her California Record Reveals | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the Biden administration facing \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/610322/immigration-leads-reasons-biden-detractors-disapprove.aspx\">low approval ratings on immigration\u003c/a>, and Republicans blaming Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris for what they call a “border \u003ca href=\"https://www.donaldjtrump.com/news/ca8d0dd5-2f4b-417b-8ed2-9d42b89f5946\">invasion\u003c/a>,” Harris is pushing back, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hamD7RueuvA\">spotlighting\u003c/a> in campaign ads and speeches what she says is her history of tough border enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a look at Harris’ record as a public official in California — the state with the largest number and share of immigrants — finds a more nuanced picture. Longtime political observers say her experience as the daughter of immigrants has intertwined with her career as a prosecutor to form a pattern: pro-immigration but tough in enforcing the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Morain, a California political reporter who wrote a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Kamalas-Way/Dan-Morain/9781982175771\">biography of Harris\u003c/a>, says her parents took her to their respective home countries of India and Jamaica, where she learned about her roots. And, as high-achieving scholars committed to civil rights, her parents embodied a belief that, with persistence, in America great things are possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With immigration at the core of her own life experience, Harris has a history of supporting immigrant communities and legislation that would provide a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. But her work in California, including as the state’s attorney general, provides her with opportunities to also tout law enforcement measures she’s taken on the issue. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Harris as DA and AG\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As San Francisco district attorney from 2004 to 2010, Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/SAN-FRANCISCO-Unlicensed-contractor-charged-in-2570411.php\">went after abusive employers\u003c/a> shortchanging immigrant workers. And she encouraged immigrant communities to feel safe dealing with law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/ILLEGALS-CALLED-COURT-S-PROBLEM-3206302.php\">favored turning over juvenile immigrants\u003c/a> arrested for crimes to immigration agents, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/02/11/politics/kfile-kamala-harris-undocumented-juveniles/index.html\">bucking the San Francisco Board of Supervisors\u003c/a> on how to apply the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/sanctuary-city-ordinance\">sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>, which restricted cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That she would take a dim view of people who break the law is in keeping with who she was,” Morain said. “I mean, she’s a prosecutor. That’s what her job was.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s attorney general from 2011 to 2016, Harris brought that forceful approach to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-issues-comprehensive-report-transnational\">tackling cross-border crime\u003c/a>. At a presidential campaign rally in Atlanta last month, Harris spotlighted that work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went after transnational gangs, drug cartels and human traffickers that came into our country illegally,” she said. “I prosecuted them in case after case, and I won.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonja Diaz worked as policy counsel on the attorney general’s executive staff in those days. She says she saw Harris make that a particular focus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She did a lot of work to address the proliferation of transnational criminal organizations, not just with respect to drugs, but also the issue of human trafficking\u003cem>,\u003c/em>” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris built ties with her law enforcement counterparts in Mexico and El Salvador, added Diaz, who now runs a UCLA research lab focused on Latinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To do this type of work necessitated partnerships and bilateral relationships that could really move the needle,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/2193x1234+0+45/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fa1%2Fe0%2Fefd82a064a9096fe25770a28b155%2Fap24216054883839.jpg\" alt=\"Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris gives a news conference in Los Angeles on Nov. 30, 2010.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"675\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris gives a news conference in Los Angeles on Nov. 30, 2010. (Damian Dovarganes/AP)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But when thousands of unaccompanied children began arriving at the border in 2014, she led with humanity, says Diaz. Harris \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-convenes-immigration-advocates-law-firms\">convened\u003c/a> government, philanthropy, nonprofits and corporate law firms, securing tens of millions of dollars so children going into immigration court alone had lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that she acted was … to identify how we as Californians under her leadership could start to fill the holes in access to justice and representation for these kids,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“She has stood with us in our worst moments”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Capitol Hill last month, advocates rallied for \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/leading-immigrant-rights-representatives-reintroduce-registry-bill-provide-path\">a bill that would offer a path to citizenship\u003c/a> to long-term undocumented immigrants. At the rally, Angelica Salas, who runs the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles, known as CHIRLA, said she and other advocates are energized to have Harris at the top of the Democratic ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know her,” she said. “She comes from California, so she knows the immigrant community. She has stood with us in our worst moments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Donald Trump became president in 2017 and Harris was a new U.S. senator, Salas said Harris met with CHIRLA members, reassuring undocumented immigrants fearful of Trump’s threats of mass deportation that she would fight for them. She also \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/448196-harris-unveils-plan-to-provide-dreamers-a-pathway-to-citizenship/\">stood with Dreamers\u003c/a>, young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children, when Trump tried to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Salas says Harris \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/senate/393742-kamala-harris-trump-treatment-of-migrants-is-a-crime-against-humanity/\">did more than speak out\u003c/a> when the Trump administration separated children from migrant parents at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She went to detention centers to talk to the mothers whose children had been taken away from them,” she said. “So we have incredible faith that she will be an incredible champion for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Biden-Harris administration struggles with migration\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now in the White House, Harris has had to wrestle with immigration from another standpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s part of a Biden administration that has been confronted with record numbers of international migrants arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border and attempting to enter the country illegally, often to request asylum. Border enforcement and asylum adjudication agencies have been swamped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-embed npr-promo-card insettwocolumn\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\u003c/div>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, President Biden tasked Harris with addressing the “root causes” of migration from three Central American countries that were then the source of most unauthorized migration — a role that Republicans have falsely dubbed “border czar.” Analysts say Harris made some headway on business investment to create jobs, and on promoting the rule of law, but the results of such efforts could be many years in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring down the number of unauthorized border crossings more immediately, the Biden administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/06/04/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-new-actions-to-secure-the-border/\">restricted access to asylum\u003c/a>, among other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris joined Biden in calling on Congress to pass a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/02/29/fact-sheet-impact-of-bipartisan-border-agreement-funding-on-border-operations/\">bipartisan bill\u003c/a>, hammered out early this year, that would pour more resources into the Border Patrol and immigration courts, and allow the government to summarily expel people without hearing asylum claims if border encounters reach a certain level. Harris has slammed Trump for \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/02/07/politics/senate-border-ukraine-israel-aid-vote/index.html\">undercutting Republican support\u003c/a> and tanking the bill’s chances of passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to these policies, many immigrant rights groups have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/2024/06/04/nilc-statement-on-bidens-executive-action-on-the-border/\">sharply criticized Biden\u003c/a> for what they say are moves that override the legal right to ask for protection from persecution. But so far, they’re not attacking Harris in the same way.[aside tag=\"kamala-harris, election\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political observers say that may be because — with the November election approaching — advocates recognize the alternative to a Harris presidency is a return to Trump’s hard-line policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“We’ll see if that works as a political message”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Though three-quarters of Americans say they believe the border is either a crisis or a major problem, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx#:~:text=Americans'%20Preferences%20for%20Immigration%20to%20the%20U.S.&text=Trend%20from%201965%20to%202024,highest%20since%2058%25%20in%202001.\">recent Gallup poll\u003c/a>, two-thirds say immigration is good for the country and vast majorities back an earned path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, especially Dreamers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Selee, president of the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C., says that is the backdrop to a presidential election that offers starkly diverging approaches to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen the Trump campaign lean into the idea that immigration is bad for the country,” he said. “But actually, most Americans don’t believe that. They’re worried about the border, which is a specific part of the immigration debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selee predicts Harris will try to look for the middle ground, bringing together the two sides of her own life experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to see Vice President Harris talk about immigration as a good thing for the country, because she’s the child of two immigrants, and she understands how important it is for America’s future. And at the same time [she’ll] talk like a prosecutor when she’s talking about the border, specifically,” he said. “We’ll see if that works as a political message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "As Republicans Attack Harris on Immigration, Here’s What Her California Record Reveals | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the Biden administration facing \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/610322/immigration-leads-reasons-biden-detractors-disapprove.aspx\">low approval ratings on immigration\u003c/a>, and Republicans blaming Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris for what they call a “border \u003ca href=\"https://www.donaldjtrump.com/news/ca8d0dd5-2f4b-417b-8ed2-9d42b89f5946\">invasion\u003c/a>,” Harris is pushing back, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hamD7RueuvA\">spotlighting\u003c/a> in campaign ads and speeches what she says is her history of tough border enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a look at Harris’ record as a public official in California — the state with the largest number and share of immigrants — finds a more nuanced picture. Longtime political observers say her experience as the daughter of immigrants has intertwined with her career as a prosecutor to form a pattern: pro-immigration but tough in enforcing the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Morain, a California political reporter who wrote a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Kamalas-Way/Dan-Morain/9781982175771\">biography of Harris\u003c/a>, says her parents took her to their respective home countries of India and Jamaica, where she learned about her roots. And, as high-achieving scholars committed to civil rights, her parents embodied a belief that, with persistence, in America great things are possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With immigration at the core of her own life experience, Harris has a history of supporting immigrant communities and legislation that would provide a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. But her work in California, including as the state’s attorney general, provides her with opportunities to also tout law enforcement measures she’s taken on the issue. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Harris as DA and AG\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As San Francisco district attorney from 2004 to 2010, Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/SAN-FRANCISCO-Unlicensed-contractor-charged-in-2570411.php\">went after abusive employers\u003c/a> shortchanging immigrant workers. And she encouraged immigrant communities to feel safe dealing with law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/ILLEGALS-CALLED-COURT-S-PROBLEM-3206302.php\">favored turning over juvenile immigrants\u003c/a> arrested for crimes to immigration agents, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/02/11/politics/kfile-kamala-harris-undocumented-juveniles/index.html\">bucking the San Francisco Board of Supervisors\u003c/a> on how to apply the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/sanctuary-city-ordinance\">sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>, which restricted cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That she would take a dim view of people who break the law is in keeping with who she was,” Morain said. “I mean, she’s a prosecutor. That’s what her job was.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s attorney general from 2011 to 2016, Harris brought that forceful approach to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-issues-comprehensive-report-transnational\">tackling cross-border crime\u003c/a>. At a presidential campaign rally in Atlanta last month, Harris spotlighted that work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went after transnational gangs, drug cartels and human traffickers that came into our country illegally,” she said. “I prosecuted them in case after case, and I won.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonja Diaz worked as policy counsel on the attorney general’s executive staff in those days. She says she saw Harris make that a particular focus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She did a lot of work to address the proliferation of transnational criminal organizations, not just with respect to drugs, but also the issue of human trafficking\u003cem>,\u003c/em>” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris built ties with her law enforcement counterparts in Mexico and El Salvador, added Diaz, who now runs a UCLA research lab focused on Latinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To do this type of work necessitated partnerships and bilateral relationships that could really move the needle,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/2193x1234+0+45/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fa1%2Fe0%2Fefd82a064a9096fe25770a28b155%2Fap24216054883839.jpg\" alt=\"Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris gives a news conference in Los Angeles on Nov. 30, 2010.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"675\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris gives a news conference in Los Angeles on Nov. 30, 2010. (Damian Dovarganes/AP)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But when thousands of unaccompanied children began arriving at the border in 2014, she led with humanity, says Diaz. Harris \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-convenes-immigration-advocates-law-firms\">convened\u003c/a> government, philanthropy, nonprofits and corporate law firms, securing tens of millions of dollars so children going into immigration court alone had lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that she acted was … to identify how we as Californians under her leadership could start to fill the holes in access to justice and representation for these kids,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“She has stood with us in our worst moments”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On Capitol Hill last month, advocates rallied for \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/leading-immigrant-rights-representatives-reintroduce-registry-bill-provide-path\">a bill that would offer a path to citizenship\u003c/a> to long-term undocumented immigrants. At the rally, Angelica Salas, who runs the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles, known as CHIRLA, said she and other advocates are energized to have Harris at the top of the Democratic ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know her,” she said. “She comes from California, so she knows the immigrant community. She has stood with us in our worst moments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Donald Trump became president in 2017 and Harris was a new U.S. senator, Salas said Harris met with CHIRLA members, reassuring undocumented immigrants fearful of Trump’s threats of mass deportation that she would fight for them. She also \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/448196-harris-unveils-plan-to-provide-dreamers-a-pathway-to-citizenship/\">stood with Dreamers\u003c/a>, young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children, when Trump tried to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Salas says Harris \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/senate/393742-kamala-harris-trump-treatment-of-migrants-is-a-crime-against-humanity/\">did more than speak out\u003c/a> when the Trump administration separated children from migrant parents at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She went to detention centers to talk to the mothers whose children had been taken away from them,” she said. “So we have incredible faith that she will be an incredible champion for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Biden-Harris administration struggles with migration\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now in the White House, Harris has had to wrestle with immigration from another standpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s part of a Biden administration that has been confronted with record numbers of international migrants arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border and attempting to enter the country illegally, often to request asylum. Border enforcement and asylum adjudication agencies have been swamped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-embed npr-promo-card insettwocolumn\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\u003c/div>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, President Biden tasked Harris with addressing the “root causes” of migration from three Central American countries that were then the source of most unauthorized migration — a role that Republicans have falsely dubbed “border czar.” Analysts say Harris made some headway on business investment to create jobs, and on promoting the rule of law, but the results of such efforts could be many years in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring down the number of unauthorized border crossings more immediately, the Biden administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/06/04/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-new-actions-to-secure-the-border/\">restricted access to asylum\u003c/a>, among other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris joined Biden in calling on Congress to pass a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/02/29/fact-sheet-impact-of-bipartisan-border-agreement-funding-on-border-operations/\">bipartisan bill\u003c/a>, hammered out early this year, that would pour more resources into the Border Patrol and immigration courts, and allow the government to summarily expel people without hearing asylum claims if border encounters reach a certain level. Harris has slammed Trump for \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/02/07/politics/senate-border-ukraine-israel-aid-vote/index.html\">undercutting Republican support\u003c/a> and tanking the bill’s chances of passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to these policies, many immigrant rights groups have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/2024/06/04/nilc-statement-on-bidens-executive-action-on-the-border/\">sharply criticized Biden\u003c/a> for what they say are moves that override the legal right to ask for protection from persecution. But so far, they’re not attacking Harris in the same way.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political observers say that may be because — with the November election approaching — advocates recognize the alternative to a Harris presidency is a return to Trump’s hard-line policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>“We’ll see if that works as a political message”\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Though three-quarters of Americans say they believe the border is either a crisis or a major problem, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx#:~:text=Americans'%20Preferences%20for%20Immigration%20to%20the%20U.S.&text=Trend%20from%201965%20to%202024,highest%20since%2058%25%20in%202001.\">recent Gallup poll\u003c/a>, two-thirds say immigration is good for the country and vast majorities back an earned path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, especially Dreamers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Selee, president of the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C., says that is the backdrop to a presidential election that offers starkly diverging approaches to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen the Trump campaign lean into the idea that immigration is bad for the country,” he said. “But actually, most Americans don’t believe that. They’re worried about the border, which is a specific part of the immigration debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selee predicts Harris will try to look for the middle ground, bringing together the two sides of her own life experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to see Vice President Harris talk about immigration as a good thing for the country, because she’s the child of two immigrants, and she understands how important it is for America’s future. And at the same time [she’ll] talk like a prosecutor when she’s talking about the border, specifically,” he said. “We’ll see if that works as a political message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-these-3-mexican-americans-from-la-found-their-true-homes-in-mexico",
"title": "How These 3 Mexican Americans From LA Found Their True Homes in Mexico",
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"headTitle": "How These 3 Mexican Americans From LA Found Their True Homes in Mexico | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A growing number of Californians with Mexican ancestry are relocating to Mexico — the same country their ancestors once left in search of a better life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, the number of American citizens applying for Mexican residency has nearly doubled. Many of the transplants are remote workers looking to settle in a country with rents that are often a fraction of what a typical apartment goes for in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that move is, of course, a deeply personal one. Reporter Levi Bridges asked three Angelenos who recently moved to the Mexico City area to explain why they left California and why they don’t intend on coming back.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tlahui González\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From Boyle Heights (LA); now living in Ecatepec de Morelos, Mexico\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Occupation: Jewelry maker and dancer\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999574\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999574\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A young woman with multiple turquoise necklaces stands against a fence in an outdoor market.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tlahui González, a jewelry maker and dancer from Los Angeles, ended up settling in Mexico City in part because she does not have to be tied to the kind of full-time job she would need to survive in California and can be more present in her young son’s life. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tlahui González of Los Angeles ended up settling in Mexico City partly because she does not have to be tied to the kind of full-time job she would need to survive in California and can be more present in her young son’s life. González’s family emigrated to LA from the Mexican state of Jalisco in the 1990s. During her childhood, González was the only one in her family who wasn’t undocumented. Her older sisters told her about traditional dances — called danza — they had learned back in their parents’ village in Mexico. González found places to learn danza in LA and connect with her family’s culture through dance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an adult, González traveled to Mexico City to study danza. While visiting, she fell in love with a man who lived there and decided to stay. She now has a 3-year-old son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999575\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 828px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999575\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman in an ornate dance dress performs on the street. \" width=\"828\" height=\"818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3.jpeg 828w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3-800x790.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3-160x158.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 828px) 100vw, 828px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">González grew up learning traditional Mexican dances as a way to connect with the country her parents and older siblings emigrated from. Now based in Mexico City, she travels the country performing with a group of local dancers. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>González says her son is enjoying a much different childhood than the one she had growing up in California, when her parents were always gone, working different jobs to make ends meet. In Mexico City, González gets by making jewelry and dancing and can focus on being a mom instead of working full time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I’m back there [in California], I am more in a rush. I need to go work all the time,” she said. “In Mexico, I can be with my son any time of day, comfort him when I see him cry, or help him when I see him angry. Just be there for him in general, which is something I didn’t have growing up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Colleen Rodríguez\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From Upland (LA County); now living in Colonia Del Valle, Mexico City\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Occupation: Working remotely for a tech startup\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999576\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999576 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman in a peach sweater and jeans stands on a sidewalk, with buildings behind her.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4.jpeg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4-160x120.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Last year, Colleen Rodríguez fulfilled a lifelong dream of moving to Mexico to master Spanish and learn more about the country her grandparents came from. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although Colleen Rodríguez’s grandparents emigrated from Mexico City to LA, she didn’t speak Spanish at home when she was growing up and only knew Mexico from occasional trips to the beach south of Tijuana. She got bullied in school for having Mexican heritage, and from an early age says she had the feeling she didn’t quite belong in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an adult, Rodríguez began to think about moving to Mexico one day to master Spanish and explore her family’s roots. She started traveling there frequently and finally decided to make the move last year amid skyrocketing housing costs in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can eat so much better food for less than even McDonald’s. Even in a big city, just right there on the corner, you can get fruit, or tortillas or cheeses,” she says, pointing to just one of the reasons she plans on staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Madeline Arroyo Romero\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From Highland Park (LA); now living in Iztapalapa, Mexico City\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Occupation: English teacher\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with glasses and a blue jacket poses for a photo on a sidewalk.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1909\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-800x596.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-1020x761.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-1536x1145.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-2048x1527.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-1920x1432.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madeline Arroyo Romero grew up undocumented in LA. But after becoming a U.S. citizen, she decided to move back to the part of Mexico City where she was born to be closer to family. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Madeline Arroyo Romero crossed the U.S.-Mexico border with her mom when she was 5 years old, where they reunited with her father, who was already living in LA. As a kid, she didn’t know she was undocumented until her uncle in Mexico died, and her parents told her why they couldn’t go to the funeral. Her entire family eventually became U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After her mother retired and moved back to Mexico City, Arroyo Romero followed her. Almost all of her extended family lives in Mexico City, and after so many years away, she says she wants to be near them and make up for lost time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know I could be better off economically in California, but that wouldn’t make me happy,” she said. “My happiness right now is being close with my family.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A growing number of Californians with Mexican ancestry are relocating to Mexico — the same country their ancestors once left in search of a better life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, the number of American citizens applying for Mexican residency has nearly doubled. Many of the transplants are remote workers looking to settle in a country with rents that are often a fraction of what a typical apartment goes for in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that move is, of course, a deeply personal one. Reporter Levi Bridges asked three Angelenos who recently moved to the Mexico City area to explain why they left California and why they don’t intend on coming back.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tlahui González\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From Boyle Heights (LA); now living in Ecatepec de Morelos, Mexico\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Occupation: Jewelry maker and dancer\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999574\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999574\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A young woman with multiple turquoise necklaces stands against a fence in an outdoor market.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tlahui González, a jewelry maker and dancer from Los Angeles, ended up settling in Mexico City in part because she does not have to be tied to the kind of full-time job she would need to survive in California and can be more present in her young son’s life. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tlahui González of Los Angeles ended up settling in Mexico City partly because she does not have to be tied to the kind of full-time job she would need to survive in California and can be more present in her young son’s life. González’s family emigrated to LA from the Mexican state of Jalisco in the 1990s. During her childhood, González was the only one in her family who wasn’t undocumented. Her older sisters told her about traditional dances — called danza — they had learned back in their parents’ village in Mexico. González found places to learn danza in LA and connect with her family’s culture through dance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an adult, González traveled to Mexico City to study danza. While visiting, she fell in love with a man who lived there and decided to stay. She now has a 3-year-old son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999575\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 828px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999575\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman in an ornate dance dress performs on the street. \" width=\"828\" height=\"818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3.jpeg 828w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3-800x790.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_3-160x158.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 828px) 100vw, 828px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">González grew up learning traditional Mexican dances as a way to connect with the country her parents and older siblings emigrated from. Now based in Mexico City, she travels the country performing with a group of local dancers. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>González says her son is enjoying a much different childhood than the one she had growing up in California, when her parents were always gone, working different jobs to make ends meet. In Mexico City, González gets by making jewelry and dancing and can focus on being a mom instead of working full time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I’m back there [in California], I am more in a rush. I need to go work all the time,” she said. “In Mexico, I can be with my son any time of day, comfort him when I see him cry, or help him when I see him angry. Just be there for him in general, which is something I didn’t have growing up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Colleen Rodríguez\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From Upland (LA County); now living in Colonia Del Valle, Mexico City\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Occupation: Working remotely for a tech startup\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999576\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999576 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman in a peach sweater and jeans stands on a sidewalk, with buildings behind her.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4.jpeg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_4-160x120.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Last year, Colleen Rodríguez fulfilled a lifelong dream of moving to Mexico to master Spanish and learn more about the country her grandparents came from. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although Colleen Rodríguez’s grandparents emigrated from Mexico City to LA, she didn’t speak Spanish at home when she was growing up and only knew Mexico from occasional trips to the beach south of Tijuana. She got bullied in school for having Mexican heritage, and from an early age says she had the feeling she didn’t quite belong in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an adult, Rodríguez began to think about moving to Mexico one day to master Spanish and explore her family’s roots. She started traveling there frequently and finally decided to make the move last year amid skyrocketing housing costs in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can eat so much better food for less than even McDonald’s. Even in a big city, just right there on the corner, you can get fruit, or tortillas or cheeses,” she says, pointing to just one of the reasons she plans on staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Madeline Arroyo Romero\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>From Highland Park (LA); now living in Iztapalapa, Mexico City\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Occupation: English teacher\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with glasses and a blue jacket poses for a photo on a sidewalk.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1909\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-800x596.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-1020x761.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-1536x1145.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-2048x1527.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Photo_5-1920x1432.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madeline Arroyo Romero grew up undocumented in LA. But after becoming a U.S. citizen, she decided to move back to the part of Mexico City where she was born to be closer to family. \u003ccite>(Levi Bridges/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Madeline Arroyo Romero crossed the U.S.-Mexico border with her mom when she was 5 years old, where they reunited with her father, who was already living in LA. As a kid, she didn’t know she was undocumented until her uncle in Mexico died, and her parents told her why they couldn’t go to the funeral. Her entire family eventually became U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After her mother retired and moved back to Mexico City, Arroyo Romero followed her. Almost all of her extended family lives in Mexico City, and after so many years away, she says she wants to be near them and make up for lost time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know I could be better off economically in California, but that wouldn’t make me happy,” she said. “My happiness right now is being close with my family.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hile James Tsukuda doesn’t say too much about his farm work, his attention to detail makes his care for the craft apparent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For harvesting raspberries — some so deeply red in color they appear purple in the right light — he keeps a small metal coffee can tied around his midsection where he collects them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For growing heirloom tomatoes, he ties the branches to stakes to help support the weight of the fruit. It’s extra work, but the twine is more effective than tomato cages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the tomatoes sit on the ground, the slugs will put a lot of holes in them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The farm and the Tsukuda’s stand — located on a plot of land bordered by the busy Montague Expressway near the corner of Seely Avenue — are an unusual sight in San José. Surrounded by tech company office buildings, Tsukuda harvests fruits and vegetables for the day starting at dawn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996299\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996299\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda harvests zucchini in front of the Tsukuda Fruit Stand in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Tsukudas started leasing the farmland after James’ father, Eiji Tsukuda, and his family lost some of their own farmland off Oakland Road four decades ago through the eminent domain process. The forced sale allowed the Orchard School District to purchase the land and build its facilities there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Tsukuda took over the lion’s share of the planting and harvesting work nearly 20 years ago after his father was diagnosed with cancer and died. His mother, Miyo, might be an octogenarian but said her age is “a secret.” She helps at the stand — which is not much more than a set of bright yellow tables under wooden arbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As active Japanese American farmers, the Tsukudas are a rarity in the South Bay. But after the fall season’s popular persimmon harvest, they will close up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family that owns the land under the stand, the Sakauyes, is preparing to sell it to a developer. And with the sale, a significant piece of Japanese American history is at risk of disappearing. A decision on the fate of the land is expected to be made Tuesday by the San José City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel sad. I’m going to miss this work,” Miyo Tsukuda said while working the stand, tossing extra raspberries into a basket for a customer. “What am I going to do now? I’m going to miss all these people coming here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miyo Tsukuda (center) chats with a customer at the Tsukuda family fruit stand in San José on July 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Japanese American family history \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The 22.8-acre plot of land is steeped in history and has been owned by the Sakauyes — a Japanese American family with a long farming legacy — for roughly 120 continuous years. While many Japanese American families \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10459596/hard-row-to-hoe-japanese-farming-in-the-santa-clara-valley\">lost their property during World War II\u003c/a>, the Sakauyes were able to retain their land due to the stewardship of a white neighbor. (A fire broke out Thursday, burning 3–5 acres and a barn not considered historically significant before San José Fire Department crews stopped it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land was first brought into the family after Japanese immigrant Yuwakichi Sakauye bought the initial plots in 1907, only several years before the Alien Land Act would have prevented an Asian immigrant from owning such property. It was later managed by his eldest son, Eiichi Edward Sakauye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi Sakauye became a prominent farmer and civic figure serving on local boards and commissions. He was also a steadfast booster and advocate for the preservation of Japanese American history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The farm is one of only a handful of remaining active farming and orchard sites in the city’s boundaries and represents the last patch of agricultural land owned in the immediate area by the Sakauyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999082\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999082 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED.jpg 944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eiichi Sakauye is photographed with a pear tree following his return to his farm in San José from the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on July 9, 1945. \u003ccite>(Hikaru Iwasaki courtesy of Calisphere)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family once grew the plots under their control into a veritable farming empire of around 200 acres in the region, despite facing severe hurdles, including entrenched racism against Asian immigrants; government-sanctioned discrimination such as the Alien Land Act and Asian Exclusion Act; two World Wars, including four years during WWII when the family was sent to a concentration camp at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10459596/hard-row-to-hoe-japanese-farming-in-the-santa-clara-valley\">Heart Mountain, Wyoming\u003c/a>; and a technological revolution that collapsed the agriculture and canning industry here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sakauyes, led by Eiichi Sakauye’s son Ron, planned to develop or sell off much of the acreage they once owned beginning in the 1980s, and indeed, a pair of large commercial offices sit today on nearby land owned by some of the family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Eiichi Sakauye painted a more complicated picture of what happened to the rest of their farmland in a \u003ca href=\"https://ddr.densho.org/interviews/ddr-jamsj-2-7-1/?tableft=segments\">February 2005 interview\u003c/a> with the Japanese American Museum of San Jose, alluding to disagreements with in-laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a sad story. We had family disputes, so gradually, we got in debt and lost it,” he said. He died later that year at the age of 93.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the decades, the family has held onto this cleaver-shaped parcel the longest, part of the original farmland worked by the patriarch, Yuwakichi Sakauye in the early 1900s, and now farmed largely by James and Miyo Tsukuda.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Historical Sites into housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of the site is eligible to be listed as an entire historic district in the state’s Register of Historic Resources, according to a consultant report commissioned by the developer. On the site are several buildings — such as barns and pump houses — in addition to the rows of crops, dirt roads and fruit trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those buildings is an adobe home with a red clay tile roof built around 1920. This home is where Eiichi Sakauye lived his entire life, save for the years he was interned during World War II. It is eligible on its own for listing in the register.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11996245 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda picks cucumbers in front of an old building on the Sakauye family farm in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, a contract is in place for the Sakauyes to sell the land to the Hanover Company, a Houston-based developer that has mapped out plans to level the entire site to build nearly 1,500 apartments and townhomes, as well as a 2.5-acre public park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council will consider the proposal at its Aug. 13 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Not worth preservation, according to family\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While no one disagrees that housing is sorely needed in the region, some in the city are concerned about the apparent ease with which city officials, the Sakauye family and the developer are willing to allow the historic structures to be leveled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In letters to the city, family members said they are proud of their father’s accomplishments and contributions in the community but don’t care about saving his former home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999081\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999081 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sakauye family outside their home in San José following their return from the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on July 9, 1945. \u003ccite>(Hikaru Iwasaki courtesy of Calisphere)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“While Carolyn Sakauye and Jane May, the children of Eiichi Edward Sakauye, have very fond memories of growing up and spending their childhoods in that family farmhouse, they do not think it is worth trying to preserve it,” their attorney, Sam Farb, wrote to the city in June. The sisters declined to be interviewed for this story, citing advice from their attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Youdall, a development partner at Hanover, told city officials the public park will include a prominently featured historic interpretation area with embedded storyboards that would tell the story of Eiichi Sakauye’s life in San José, his internment, and his contributions to agriculture. Youdall did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to see this last patch of the farm and orchard land be converted into apartment buildings. It’s very difficult to see,” said Vanessa Hatakeyama, the acting director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.jamsj.org/\">Japanese American Museum of San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are very few Japanese American farms. And so I think to see one of the last ones in this area go, it is a little bit painful,” she said, citing the once large cultural influence on farming by Japanese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama said the museum is in a tough spot. The organization is dedicated to preserving and perpetuating the stories of Japanese Americans in the South Bay but also wants to respect the wishes of the family members who have decided to sell the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi Sakauye seemed resigned to the fate of farms like his even decades ago. In a 1982 feature story in the San José \u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em> about the changing of the guard in his family, he described his farming in the area at the time as a hobby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate to see it going like this, but there’s no way you can save the valley. It’s too far gone already. All the canners and packers have moved out, all the equipment people have moved out, all the cold storage people have moved out,” he said at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996249\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11996249 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A modern office park for Cadence Design Systems is located across the street from the Tsukuda Fruit Stand and the farm owned by the Sakauye family in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 2005 videotaped interview with the local museum, Eiichi was asked what he thought of the future for Japanese Americans in agriculture in Santa Clara Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe there’s none,” he said. “Because there’s very few of us in agriculture, and those very few are not producing as much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Eiichi Sakauye’s legacy \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama noted that Eiichi Sakauye purchased a home on Fifth Street in San José and generously donated it to the Japanese American Resource Center in 1998, an organization he helped found, which later became the first iteration of the museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11979430,news_11857895,news_11969746\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family also donated many other farm tools, equipment and artifacts that support the museum’s exhibit on Japanese American agriculture in the valley, including a pear sorting machine that Eiichi and his brothers engineered. Carolyn Sakauye and Jane May are also members of the museum’s advisory board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their contributions were really huge already as a family. So even though it’s difficult, and even though we always like to preserve things … sometimes you have to remember that these are people’s personal stories and their personal lives,” Hatakeyama said. “It is their story to tell, and it is their property to control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The museum has advocated for the public park to be named after Eiichi Sakauye, not just the family name, Hatakeyama said, so people will remember his unique story and contributions, including his force of spirit while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi, while with his family at Heart Mountain, took on a variety of roles, such as block manager and activities coordinator, and he was assigned to be the assistant superintendent of agriculture because of his depth of farming knowledge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recruited other farmers interned there and together they helped produce bounties for thousands of people forcibly living at the camp, according to city and museum records. He led the construction of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.powelltribune.com/stories/heart-mountain-miracle,134795\">root cellar\u003c/a>, which was preserved and \u003ca href=\"https://www.powelltribune.com/stories/annual-heart-mountain-pilgrimage-highlights-lessons-from-the-past,3125\">dedicated\u003c/a> there in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2249px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999518 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2249\" height=\"997\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2.jpg 2249w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-800x355.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-1020x452.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-160x71.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-1536x681.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-2048x908.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-1920x851.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2249px) 100vw, 2249px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Eiichi Sakauye operates a bean thrasher on the farm at the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on Nov. 22, 1943. Right: Eiichi Sakauye checks the moisture of the soil on the farm at the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on March 10, 1944. \u003ccite>(Hikaru Iwasaki courtesy of Calisphere)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With a camera he managed to bring into the camp, Eiichi documented life at Heart Mountain in photographs and \u003ca href=\"https://ddr.densho.org/interviews/ddr-densho-1005-1-1/\">video footage\u003c/a>, which were used in a national television documentary in the 1960s. In 2000, he published a \u003ca href=\"https://asianamericanbooks.com/books/2892.htm\">photo book\u003c/a> called \u003cem>Heart Mountain: A Reflection of the Heart Mountain Relocation Center\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama said the property in North San José is visible evidence of not only Japanese American lineage and the journey of an entire community but also of allyship and of \u003cem>gaman\u003c/em>, a Japanese term meaning to persevere and endure through difficult times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi and his father were able to preserve the land in part because of a close friendship with their neighbors, the Seely family, from whom Yuwakichi first bought the land. During World War I, which lasted from 1914–18, the Sakauyes helped take care of the Seely farm and Edward Seely’s ill mother while Edward Seely served in the military, according to city reports and museum accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During WWII, when the Sakauye family was incarcerated, the Seelys took ownership of the Sakauye family’s land and protected it for them until they returned, then handed it back, while many other Japanese Americans lost their land, homes and possessions during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They persevered, and they endured, and they managed to hold on to that farm and make it thrive even after resettling in the area,” Hatakeyama said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Losing history for good?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Members of Preservation Action Council San Jose are hoping city officials will push for a rejiggering of the plans to allow at least the home that Eiichi Sakauye grew up in to be preserved on the site and incorporated into the development, and possibly some of the remaining orchard trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a lot of sites that really tell such a compelling story,” Ben Leech, the president of the action council, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s a major preservationist [Eiichi Sakauye] telling a major San José story, and his own house is now threatened,” Leech said. “That just seemed like we needed to speak up and say, there’s got to be a better way to treat this as a development site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leech said his organization has had conversations with the developer and the city, but overall, his organization’s requests are being met with apathy, with no one yet willing to take responsibility for the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like plaques as much as the next person, but this still exists. And it is being proposed as if this was a blank slate, and it’s not a blank slate. It’s actually an incredible site,” Leech said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996244\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11996244 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda harvests produce for the Tsukuda Fruit Stand beside the Montague Expressway in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Carolyn Sakauye and Jane May’s attorney said they don’t believe the developer nor the city should have to bear the costs of preserving their father’s home, Leech thinks it can be done without affecting the bottom line of the deal for the family and developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the site and the story transcend the personal interests of the people involved in a positive way,” Leech said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as it is significant that two of the daughters aren’t championing preservation, it doesn’t mean that preservation isn’t important to the larger community. In the future, 50 years from now, 100 years from now, people will forget who was for and who was against saving this thing. They’ll just be glad that it’s still around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama also worries about what else is lost when something is gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the loss that might come with this transformation of the property, it might be one that we don’t realize immediately off the bat,” she said. “There is something that can be very, very magical about being able to actually stand in a space that is still full of generations of history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The future of San José family farming\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some customers of the Tsukuda fruit stand share a similar sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before my time here, I heard there were orchards everywhere,” said Rich Buttrey, a customer for the last two years, as he loaded his haul from the fruit stand into his car. “And this is one of the last remaining ones, and we’re very fortunate to have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re wonderful people, really make you feel at home, and they have really good food,” Buttrey said of James Tsukuda and his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999524 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"855\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-800x274.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-1020x349.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-160x55.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-1536x525.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-2048x700.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-1920x657.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Inez Lismonde (left) and Rich Buttrey (right) chat at the Tsukuda fruit stand. Right: Produce for sale at the Tsukuda fruit stand. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another grower in the region, Phil Cosentino, along with his daughters, still maintains the 2-acre \u003ca href=\"https://cosentinofamilyfarm.com/\">J&P Cosentino Family Farm\u003c/a> near Highway 85 in South San José that was started in the 1940s by his father, Dominic Cosentino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phil Cosentino said he’s saddened but not surprised to see the paving over of another patch of what he calls the “most fertile fruit-producing region” in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what are you going to do? Money talks. Nothing else seems to matter anymore,” he said. “History and all that, what there was here in the valley, is meaningless. Money is the only thing that means anything, and nothing else matters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Tsukuda said he doesn’t know what he’s going to do next after his time working the farmland here comes to an end. The Tsukudas say they likely won’t continue their business elsewhere after they close, especially given the exorbitant prices for land in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996250\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996250\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda on the Sakauye family farm in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve gone through this before. So for me, this is roughly the same experience or a similar experience,” he said. “Once we’re done, I think I’ll miss it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing he’s sure of: he won’t be visiting the area to gaze at the multi-story apartment buildings about to replace the rows of crops he’s worked in for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not for me. I might come and take a look at the development once after they finish,” James Tsukuda said. “And I’ll probably never come back here again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After surviving through wars, racist laws and a tech boom, a piece of San José farmland held by one Japanese American family is set to be sold and developed with nearly 1,500 apartments and homes.",
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"title": "Historic Japanese American Family Farm Is About to Fade Into Much-Needed Housing in San José | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hile James Tsukuda doesn’t say too much about his farm work, his attention to detail makes his care for the craft apparent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For harvesting raspberries — some so deeply red in color they appear purple in the right light — he keeps a small metal coffee can tied around his midsection where he collects them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For growing heirloom tomatoes, he ties the branches to stakes to help support the weight of the fruit. It’s extra work, but the twine is more effective than tomato cages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the tomatoes sit on the ground, the slugs will put a lot of holes in them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The farm and the Tsukuda’s stand — located on a plot of land bordered by the busy Montague Expressway near the corner of Seely Avenue — are an unusual sight in San José. Surrounded by tech company office buildings, Tsukuda harvests fruits and vegetables for the day starting at dawn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996299\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996299\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-26_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda harvests zucchini in front of the Tsukuda Fruit Stand in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Tsukudas started leasing the farmland after James’ father, Eiji Tsukuda, and his family lost some of their own farmland off Oakland Road four decades ago through the eminent domain process. The forced sale allowed the Orchard School District to purchase the land and build its facilities there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Tsukuda took over the lion’s share of the planting and harvesting work nearly 20 years ago after his father was diagnosed with cancer and died. His mother, Miyo, might be an octogenarian but said her age is “a secret.” She helps at the stand — which is not much more than a set of bright yellow tables under wooden arbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As active Japanese American farmers, the Tsukudas are a rarity in the South Bay. But after the fall season’s popular persimmon harvest, they will close up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family that owns the land under the stand, the Sakauyes, is preparing to sell it to a developer. And with the sale, a significant piece of Japanese American history is at risk of disappearing. A decision on the fate of the land is expected to be made Tuesday by the San José City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel sad. I’m going to miss this work,” Miyo Tsukuda said while working the stand, tossing extra raspberries into a basket for a customer. “What am I going to do now? I’m going to miss all these people coming here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miyo Tsukuda (center) chats with a customer at the Tsukuda family fruit stand in San José on July 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Japanese American family history \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The 22.8-acre plot of land is steeped in history and has been owned by the Sakauyes — a Japanese American family with a long farming legacy — for roughly 120 continuous years. While many Japanese American families \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10459596/hard-row-to-hoe-japanese-farming-in-the-santa-clara-valley\">lost their property during World War II\u003c/a>, the Sakauyes were able to retain their land due to the stewardship of a white neighbor. (A fire broke out Thursday, burning 3–5 acres and a barn not considered historically significant before San José Fire Department crews stopped it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land was first brought into the family after Japanese immigrant Yuwakichi Sakauye bought the initial plots in 1907, only several years before the Alien Land Act would have prevented an Asian immigrant from owning such property. It was later managed by his eldest son, Eiichi Edward Sakauye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi Sakauye became a prominent farmer and civic figure serving on local boards and commissions. He was also a steadfast booster and advocate for the preservation of Japanese American history in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The farm is one of only a handful of remaining active farming and orchard sites in the city’s boundaries and represents the last patch of agricultural land owned in the immediate area by the Sakauyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999082\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999082 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-03-KQED.jpg 944w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eiichi Sakauye is photographed with a pear tree following his return to his farm in San José from the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on July 9, 1945. \u003ccite>(Hikaru Iwasaki courtesy of Calisphere)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family once grew the plots under their control into a veritable farming empire of around 200 acres in the region, despite facing severe hurdles, including entrenched racism against Asian immigrants; government-sanctioned discrimination such as the Alien Land Act and Asian Exclusion Act; two World Wars, including four years during WWII when the family was sent to a concentration camp at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10459596/hard-row-to-hoe-japanese-farming-in-the-santa-clara-valley\">Heart Mountain, Wyoming\u003c/a>; and a technological revolution that collapsed the agriculture and canning industry here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sakauyes, led by Eiichi Sakauye’s son Ron, planned to develop or sell off much of the acreage they once owned beginning in the 1980s, and indeed, a pair of large commercial offices sit today on nearby land owned by some of the family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Eiichi Sakauye painted a more complicated picture of what happened to the rest of their farmland in a \u003ca href=\"https://ddr.densho.org/interviews/ddr-jamsj-2-7-1/?tableft=segments\">February 2005 interview\u003c/a> with the Japanese American Museum of San Jose, alluding to disagreements with in-laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a sad story. We had family disputes, so gradually, we got in debt and lost it,” he said. He died later that year at the age of 93.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the decades, the family has held onto this cleaver-shaped parcel the longest, part of the original farmland worked by the patriarch, Yuwakichi Sakauye in the early 1900s, and now farmed largely by James and Miyo Tsukuda.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Historical Sites into housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of the site is eligible to be listed as an entire historic district in the state’s Register of Historic Resources, according to a consultant report commissioned by the developer. On the site are several buildings — such as barns and pump houses — in addition to the rows of crops, dirt roads and fruit trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those buildings is an adobe home with a red clay tile roof built around 1920. This home is where Eiichi Sakauye lived his entire life, save for the years he was interned during World War II. It is eligible on its own for listing in the register.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11996245 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-22-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda picks cucumbers in front of an old building on the Sakauye family farm in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, a contract is in place for the Sakauyes to sell the land to the Hanover Company, a Houston-based developer that has mapped out plans to level the entire site to build nearly 1,500 apartments and townhomes, as well as a 2.5-acre public park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council will consider the proposal at its Aug. 13 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Not worth preservation, according to family\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While no one disagrees that housing is sorely needed in the region, some in the city are concerned about the apparent ease with which city officials, the Sakauye family and the developer are willing to allow the historic structures to be leveled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In letters to the city, family members said they are proud of their father’s accomplishments and contributions in the community but don’t care about saving his former home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999081\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999081 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sakauye family outside their home in San José following their return from the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on July 9, 1945. \u003ccite>(Hikaru Iwasaki courtesy of Calisphere)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“While Carolyn Sakauye and Jane May, the children of Eiichi Edward Sakauye, have very fond memories of growing up and spending their childhoods in that family farmhouse, they do not think it is worth trying to preserve it,” their attorney, Sam Farb, wrote to the city in June. The sisters declined to be interviewed for this story, citing advice from their attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Youdall, a development partner at Hanover, told city officials the public park will include a prominently featured historic interpretation area with embedded storyboards that would tell the story of Eiichi Sakauye’s life in San José, his internment, and his contributions to agriculture. Youdall did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to see this last patch of the farm and orchard land be converted into apartment buildings. It’s very difficult to see,” said Vanessa Hatakeyama, the acting director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.jamsj.org/\">Japanese American Museum of San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are very few Japanese American farms. And so I think to see one of the last ones in this area go, it is a little bit painful,” she said, citing the once large cultural influence on farming by Japanese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama said the museum is in a tough spot. The organization is dedicated to preserving and perpetuating the stories of Japanese Americans in the South Bay but also wants to respect the wishes of the family members who have decided to sell the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi Sakauye seemed resigned to the fate of farms like his even decades ago. In a 1982 feature story in the San José \u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em> about the changing of the guard in his family, he described his farming in the area at the time as a hobby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate to see it going like this, but there’s no way you can save the valley. It’s too far gone already. All the canners and packers have moved out, all the equipment people have moved out, all the cold storage people have moved out,” he said at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996249\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11996249 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-27-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A modern office park for Cadence Design Systems is located across the street from the Tsukuda Fruit Stand and the farm owned by the Sakauye family in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 2005 videotaped interview with the local museum, Eiichi was asked what he thought of the future for Japanese Americans in agriculture in Santa Clara Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe there’s none,” he said. “Because there’s very few of us in agriculture, and those very few are not producing as much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Eiichi Sakauye’s legacy \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama noted that Eiichi Sakauye purchased a home on Fifth Street in San José and generously donated it to the Japanese American Resource Center in 1998, an organization he helped found, which later became the first iteration of the museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family also donated many other farm tools, equipment and artifacts that support the museum’s exhibit on Japanese American agriculture in the valley, including a pear sorting machine that Eiichi and his brothers engineered. Carolyn Sakauye and Jane May are also members of the museum’s advisory board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their contributions were really huge already as a family. So even though it’s difficult, and even though we always like to preserve things … sometimes you have to remember that these are people’s personal stories and their personal lives,” Hatakeyama said. “It is their story to tell, and it is their property to control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The museum has advocated for the public park to be named after Eiichi Sakauye, not just the family name, Hatakeyama said, so people will remember his unique story and contributions, including his force of spirit while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi, while with his family at Heart Mountain, took on a variety of roles, such as block manager and activities coordinator, and he was assigned to be the assistant superintendent of agriculture because of his depth of farming knowledge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recruited other farmers interned there and together they helped produce bounties for thousands of people forcibly living at the camp, according to city and museum records. He led the construction of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.powelltribune.com/stories/heart-mountain-miracle,134795\">root cellar\u003c/a>, which was preserved and \u003ca href=\"https://www.powelltribune.com/stories/annual-heart-mountain-pilgrimage-highlights-lessons-from-the-past,3125\">dedicated\u003c/a> there in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2249px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999518 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2249\" height=\"997\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2.jpg 2249w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-800x355.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-1020x452.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-160x71.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-1536x681.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-2048x908.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-2-1920x851.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2249px) 100vw, 2249px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Eiichi Sakauye operates a bean thrasher on the farm at the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on Nov. 22, 1943. Right: Eiichi Sakauye checks the moisture of the soil on the farm at the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming on March 10, 1944. \u003ccite>(Hikaru Iwasaki courtesy of Calisphere)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With a camera he managed to bring into the camp, Eiichi documented life at Heart Mountain in photographs and \u003ca href=\"https://ddr.densho.org/interviews/ddr-densho-1005-1-1/\">video footage\u003c/a>, which were used in a national television documentary in the 1960s. In 2000, he published a \u003ca href=\"https://asianamericanbooks.com/books/2892.htm\">photo book\u003c/a> called \u003cem>Heart Mountain: A Reflection of the Heart Mountain Relocation Center\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama said the property in North San José is visible evidence of not only Japanese American lineage and the journey of an entire community but also of allyship and of \u003cem>gaman\u003c/em>, a Japanese term meaning to persevere and endure through difficult times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eiichi and his father were able to preserve the land in part because of a close friendship with their neighbors, the Seely family, from whom Yuwakichi first bought the land. During World War I, which lasted from 1914–18, the Sakauyes helped take care of the Seely farm and Edward Seely’s ill mother while Edward Seely served in the military, according to city reports and museum accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During WWII, when the Sakauye family was incarcerated, the Seelys took ownership of the Sakauye family’s land and protected it for them until they returned, then handed it back, while many other Japanese Americans lost their land, homes and possessions during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They persevered, and they endured, and they managed to hold on to that farm and make it thrive even after resettling in the area,” Hatakeyama said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Losing history for good?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Members of Preservation Action Council San Jose are hoping city officials will push for a rejiggering of the plans to allow at least the home that Eiichi Sakauye grew up in to be preserved on the site and incorporated into the development, and possibly some of the remaining orchard trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a lot of sites that really tell such a compelling story,” Ben Leech, the president of the action council, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s a major preservationist [Eiichi Sakauye] telling a major San José story, and his own house is now threatened,” Leech said. “That just seemed like we needed to speak up and say, there’s got to be a better way to treat this as a development site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leech said his organization has had conversations with the developer and the city, but overall, his organization’s requests are being met with apathy, with no one yet willing to take responsibility for the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like plaques as much as the next person, but this still exists. And it is being proposed as if this was a blank slate, and it’s not a blank slate. It’s actually an incredible site,” Leech said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996244\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11996244 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda harvests produce for the Tsukuda Fruit Stand beside the Montague Expressway in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Carolyn Sakauye and Jane May’s attorney said they don’t believe the developer nor the city should have to bear the costs of preserving their father’s home, Leech thinks it can be done without affecting the bottom line of the deal for the family and developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the site and the story transcend the personal interests of the people involved in a positive way,” Leech said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as it is significant that two of the daughters aren’t championing preservation, it doesn’t mean that preservation isn’t important to the larger community. In the future, 50 years from now, 100 years from now, people will forget who was for and who was against saving this thing. They’ll just be glad that it’s still around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hatakeyama also worries about what else is lost when something is gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the loss that might come with this transformation of the property, it might be one that we don’t realize immediately off the bat,” she said. “There is something that can be very, very magical about being able to actually stand in a space that is still full of generations of history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The future of San José family farming\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some customers of the Tsukuda fruit stand share a similar sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before my time here, I heard there were orchards everywhere,” said Rich Buttrey, a customer for the last two years, as he loaded his haul from the fruit stand into his car. “And this is one of the last remaining ones, and we’re very fortunate to have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re wonderful people, really make you feel at home, and they have really good food,” Buttrey said of James Tsukuda and his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11999524 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"855\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-800x274.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-1020x349.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-160x55.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-1536x525.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-2048x700.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Japanese-American-Family-Farm-Diptych-3-1-1920x657.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Inez Lismonde (left) and Rich Buttrey (right) chat at the Tsukuda fruit stand. Right: Produce for sale at the Tsukuda fruit stand. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another grower in the region, Phil Cosentino, along with his daughters, still maintains the 2-acre \u003ca href=\"https://cosentinofamilyfarm.com/\">J&P Cosentino Family Farm\u003c/a> near Highway 85 in South San José that was started in the 1940s by his father, Dominic Cosentino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phil Cosentino said he’s saddened but not surprised to see the paving over of another patch of what he calls the “most fertile fruit-producing region” in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But what are you going to do? Money talks. Nothing else seems to matter anymore,” he said. “History and all that, what there was here in the valley, is meaningless. Money is the only thing that means anything, and nothing else matters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Tsukuda said he doesn’t know what he’s going to do next after his time working the farmland here comes to an end. The Tsukudas say they likely won’t continue their business elsewhere after they close, especially given the exorbitant prices for land in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996250\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996250\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240703-JAPANESE-AMERICAN-FAMILY-FARM-MD-28-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Tsukuda on the Sakauye family farm in San José on July 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve gone through this before. So for me, this is roughly the same experience or a similar experience,” he said. “Once we’re done, I think I’ll miss it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing he’s sure of: he won’t be visiting the area to gaze at the multi-story apartment buildings about to replace the rows of crops he’s worked in for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not for me. I might come and take a look at the development once after they finish,” James Tsukuda said. “And I’ll probably never come back here again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "she-cried-help-for-24-minutes-then-fell-to-her-death-as-border-patrol-waited-for-backup",
"title": "She Cried 'Help!' for 24 Minutes Then Fell to Her Death as Border Patrol Waited For Backup",
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"headTitle": "She Cried ‘Help!’ for 24 Minutes Then Fell to Her Death as Border Patrol Waited For Backup | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Trigger Warning: This story contains content that may be distressing. It describes a video, linked to at the end of the story, that depicts a woman’s fatal fall from the U.S.-Mexico border fence, captured in body-worn camera footage. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The young woman’s pleas for help became increasingly desperate over the more than 20 minutes she was stuck on top of the U.S.-Mexico border fence in San Diego. As she screamed for help, Border Patrol agents watched from below and emergency personnel struggled to reach her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twice, a Border Patrol agent turned down suggestions from others to use a nearby ladder to help the woman, saying they had to wait for the fire department. Another agent led the fire engine to the wrong location, delaying their arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, she couldn’t hold on any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m gonna fall!” the woman said in Spanish, her cries audible in body-worn camera footage from a Border Patrol agent at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the footage captured a loud thud. The woman plummeted at least 30 feet to the ground, hitting her head on a concrete platform at the bottom of the fence before rolling onto a dirt road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Border Patrol agent who had driven up afterward stepped out of his vehicle to get closer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh shit, bro,” the agent said. “I think she’s done, bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Petronila Elizabeth Poma Perez, a 24-year-old from Guatemala who also went by “Heidy,” was pronounced dead at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body-worn camera footage recently released by Border Patrol sheds new light on the chaotic and confused response from agents and San Diego Fire-Rescue personnel over the 24-minute span before Poma Perez ultimately fell to her death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises questions about whether Border Patrol is doing enough to respond to emergencies along the border, which are common in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez’s death in March is the latest among the dozens of migrants in recent years who have scaled and fallen from the border fence in their attempts to reach the U.S. between legal ports of entry. Local hospitals have seen a fivefold increase in border fall-related injuries since the fence was heightened to 30 feet under former President Donald Trump in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customs and Border Protection, Border Patrol’s overseeing agency, has faced mounting criticism from immigration advocates and aid volunteers who say agents have at times failed to respond appropriately to injured or sick migrants in need of medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP released the video earlier this month in accordance with a 2022 presidential executive order, which required federal law enforcement agencies to release body-worn camera footage in incidents resulting in serious bodily injury or a death in custody. The footage appears in an edited video that is narrated and does not provide continuous footage of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP did not comment on this story by the time of publication. In March, the agency said that its Office of Professional Responsibility, which investigates misconduct, was reviewing the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The border is a challenging environment for emergency medical responders, but fire crews and CBP working together have saved lives over the years, according to Mónica Muñoz, spokesperson for San Diego Fire-Rescue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our personnel feel horrible when a fatality occurs because our intent is always to rescue, render aid and get those folks who need further medical care to the hospital,” Muñoz said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Diego Police Department’s investigation found “no foul play is suspected in the death,” said Joel Tien, detective sergeant, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lilian Serrano, director of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant advocacy organization, said the lack of coordination displayed in the video was “shocking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One, if not multiple, agents made mistakes that took somebody’s life,” Serrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serrano wants clarity on the agency’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that there is an investigation that results in the agency taking real actions to prevent this type of mistake from ever being made again,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Stay there, do not get down’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first agent arrived on the scene at 10:30 p.m., according to CBP. He was south of the secondary fence, the northernmost of two parallel fences that make up the border barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just after the agent’s arrival, Poma Perez scaled from the south to the north side of the secondary fence when she could not get down. The fence, which is constructed with vertical metal bollards and has a concrete base at the bottom, is between 30 and 35 feet in this area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stay there, do not get down! Please, please!” the agent yelled in Spanish. He told her an ambulance and firefighters were coming. He radioed in for help, repeating several times that the woman was stuck on the north side of the secondary fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998868\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43%E2%80%AFAM-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43%E2%80%AFAM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot of two border patrol fences, with the caption 'between the primary and secondary fences.'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-1536x960.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-2048x1280.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-1920x1200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows the primary and secondary fences of the U.S.-Mexico border wall. \u003ccite>(U.S. Customs and Border Protection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Help me!” Poma Perez yelled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little is known about Poma Perez’s journey to the U.S. from Guatemala before that March 21 night, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/heidy-poma-perez\">GoFundMe page\u003c/a> started after her death said “all she wanted was to see her father and husband.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was from a small city in Guatemala called Mazatenango, according to her death certificate. \u003cem>inewsource\u003c/em> was unable to reach the family for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fire-Rescue arrived at wrong location\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fire-Rescue received the call at 10:33 p.m. The dispatcher sent the nearest vehicle, a fire engine with a 24-foot ground ladder, and a Chula Vista fire truck with a 100-foot aerial ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The engine was eight minutes away and the truck was more than 15 minutes away, according to a Fire-Rescue’s dispatch records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The realities of the border region have proven challenging for medical responders as \u003ca href=\"https://inewsource.org/2024/04/03/injuries-on-border-wall-san-diego-emergency-medical-care/\">injuries and emergencies\u003c/a> have piled up over the years. Unmarked locations, restricted areas and unpaved roads have meant that fire crews have had to rely heavily on Border Patrol to direct and allow them access to the locations of emergencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that night, after the engine arrived at a meeting point close to the border, a Border Patrol agent led the crew to the wrong location — to the south side of the fence instead of the north where Poma Perez was stuck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998866\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11998866 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows a fire-rescue vehicle near the border fence. The caption reads: 'Boss, she's on, she's on top, but she's on the other side.'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-1536x960.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-2048x1280.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-1920x1200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows a Fire-Rescue vehicle near the border fence. \u003ccite>(U.S. Customs and Border Protection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Boss, she’s on top but on the other side,” the agent who was waiting with Poma Perez told them as they arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From there, the engine crew wouldn’t be able to reach her with the 24-foot ground ladder, according to Muñoz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, when the agent led the engine to a nearby gate to go back north, the engine couldn’t complete the turn to enter because of its size. Then, they had to take another route, performing “lengthy maneuvers,” further delaying their arrival, Muñoz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The engine arranged to meet the fire truck at another meeting point so both units could arrive at Poma Perez’s location together. But by then, it would be too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have worked with CBP extensively to train their agents to include vital details that will assist us in sending the appropriate resource for the incident at hand,” Muñoz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, Muñoz said CBP did not provide her team with the best information to reach Poma Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Had the CBP agents provided the correct location initially, the crews would have gone to that location,” Muñoz said. “However, it is unknown whether the patient would have still been on the wall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We can’t do anything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Around 10:34 p.m., an “unknown individual” on the north side of the fence approached the agent on the south side and offered to use a ladder to help Poma Perez, according to CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your coworker told me that I could (inaudible) put the ladder that they left thrown there,” said the person, according to the subtitles in the video. The video does not show the ladder the person was referring to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent replied, “The thing is, we can’t put (up) ladders until the fire department comes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t do anything,” the agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the agent apprehended another migrant woman who was walking between the border fences. Poma Perez was screaming that she was struggling to hold on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 10:50 p.m., an agent arrived on the scene on the north side of the fence, according to CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez yelled again that she couldn’t hold on any longer. The agent on the south side told her that help was on the way but then asked the other agent where the Fire-Rescue units were.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no idea, bro,” the agent replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent on the north side then asked the other, “Could you pass that ladder through the north side?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body-worn camera footage from the agent on the south side captured what appears to be a makeshift ladder — a single vertical pole with short horizontal poles fashioned into steps — leaning against the border fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11998867 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows what appears to be a makeshift ladder leaning against a border fence. The caption reads: 'Señor, ya donde vienen?' or 'Sir, where are they?'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-1536x960.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-2048x1280.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-1920x1200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows what appears to be a makeshift ladder leaning against the border fence. \u003ccite>(U.S. Customs and Border Protection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The agent on the south side responds: “You can’t … No, no, I mean–”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez’s yells seemed to interrupt them for a moment. Then, the agents started arranging transfers for other migrants they apprehended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP did not respond to a list of questions from \u003cem>inewsource,\u003c/em> including about any policies the agency has in place for responding to emergencies and why the agent could not use the ladder offered by a civilian and another agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent on the south side tells the other that he’s having trouble communicating with her from where he is. He asked the other agent to tell her to keep holding on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘No, no, no!’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By now, Poma Perez had been holding on for 20 minutes. “Sir, where are they?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are bringing the firefighters, so you must wait,” the agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A minute later, Poma Perez yelled that she was going to fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, no, no!” the agent yelled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second later, the camera captured the flash of her body, seen between the pillars of the border fence, crashing to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent approached the fence, then walked back to his vehicle and radioed in: “Yeah, we’re gonna need EMS on the north side of the border secondary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, another agent arrived on the north side, stepped out of his car and approached Poma Perez’s body on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The camera captured what appeared to be blood dripping from the concrete platform at the bottom of the wall. Just below, Poma Perez was still, facing up on the ground. A large pool of blood formed near her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent did not appear to check Poma Perez’s pulse or render medical aid. He then radioed in that the female had “massive head trauma” and was unresponsive. He asked if emergency medical services were still coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, she f– fell and hit her head, dude,” the agent said a minute later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seconds later, another agent arrived in a vehicle. “Do I even wanna look at this?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two agents still didn’t know when EMS would arrive. A third on the other side of the fence asked again where EMS was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, the lights of a fire vehicle appeared in the distance down the dirt road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t make it in time. She couldn’t hold on.” one agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 11:04 p.m., half an hour after Fire-Rescue received the initial call, they arrived. The crew assessed the woman, found that she had no pulse and performed CPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez was declared dead at 11:17 p.m. She died from blunt force head trauma, according to her death certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did you guys see her fall?” one person in the crew asked the agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One agent replied that they had been working traffic when it happened. But he pointed his flashlight toward the fence above Poma Perez, where the light caught glints of the makeshift ladder sitting on the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They got their ladder right there,” the agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CBP’s video can be viewed \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/video/930845/woman-dies-after-fall-international-border-fence-near-otay-mesa-port-entry\">\u003cem>here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. It is extremely graphic and may be disturbing to viewers. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Trigger Warning: This story contains content that may be distressing. It describes a video, linked to at the end of the story, that depicts a woman’s fatal fall from the U.S.-Mexico border fence, captured in body-worn camera footage. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The young woman’s pleas for help became increasingly desperate over the more than 20 minutes she was stuck on top of the U.S.-Mexico border fence in San Diego. As she screamed for help, Border Patrol agents watched from below and emergency personnel struggled to reach her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twice, a Border Patrol agent turned down suggestions from others to use a nearby ladder to help the woman, saying they had to wait for the fire department. Another agent led the fire engine to the wrong location, delaying their arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, she couldn’t hold on any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m gonna fall!” the woman said in Spanish, her cries audible in body-worn camera footage from a Border Patrol agent at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the footage captured a loud thud. The woman plummeted at least 30 feet to the ground, hitting her head on a concrete platform at the bottom of the fence before rolling onto a dirt road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Border Patrol agent who had driven up afterward stepped out of his vehicle to get closer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh shit, bro,” the agent said. “I think she’s done, bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Petronila Elizabeth Poma Perez, a 24-year-old from Guatemala who also went by “Heidy,” was pronounced dead at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body-worn camera footage recently released by Border Patrol sheds new light on the chaotic and confused response from agents and San Diego Fire-Rescue personnel over the 24-minute span before Poma Perez ultimately fell to her death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises questions about whether Border Patrol is doing enough to respond to emergencies along the border, which are common in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez’s death in March is the latest among the dozens of migrants in recent years who have scaled and fallen from the border fence in their attempts to reach the U.S. between legal ports of entry. Local hospitals have seen a fivefold increase in border fall-related injuries since the fence was heightened to 30 feet under former President Donald Trump in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customs and Border Protection, Border Patrol’s overseeing agency, has faced mounting criticism from immigration advocates and aid volunteers who say agents have at times failed to respond appropriately to injured or sick migrants in need of medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP released the video earlier this month in accordance with a 2022 presidential executive order, which required federal law enforcement agencies to release body-worn camera footage in incidents resulting in serious bodily injury or a death in custody. The footage appears in an edited video that is narrated and does not provide continuous footage of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP did not comment on this story by the time of publication. In March, the agency said that its Office of Professional Responsibility, which investigates misconduct, was reviewing the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The border is a challenging environment for emergency medical responders, but fire crews and CBP working together have saved lives over the years, according to Mónica Muñoz, spokesperson for San Diego Fire-Rescue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our personnel feel horrible when a fatality occurs because our intent is always to rescue, render aid and get those folks who need further medical care to the hospital,” Muñoz said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Diego Police Department’s investigation found “no foul play is suspected in the death,” said Joel Tien, detective sergeant, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lilian Serrano, director of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant advocacy organization, said the lack of coordination displayed in the video was “shocking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One, if not multiple, agents made mistakes that took somebody’s life,” Serrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serrano wants clarity on the agency’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that there is an investigation that results in the agency taking real actions to prevent this type of mistake from ever being made again,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Stay there, do not get down’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first agent arrived on the scene at 10:30 p.m., according to CBP. He was south of the secondary fence, the northernmost of two parallel fences that make up the border barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just after the agent’s arrival, Poma Perez scaled from the south to the north side of the secondary fence when she could not get down. The fence, which is constructed with vertical metal bollards and has a concrete base at the bottom, is between 30 and 35 feet in this area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stay there, do not get down! Please, please!” the agent yelled in Spanish. He told her an ambulance and firefighters were coming. He radioed in for help, repeating several times that the woman was stuck on the north side of the secondary fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998868\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43%E2%80%AFAM-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43%E2%80%AFAM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot of two border patrol fences, with the caption 'between the primary and secondary fences.'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-1536x960.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-2048x1280.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-29-at-7.25.43 AM-1920x1200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows the primary and secondary fences of the U.S.-Mexico border wall. \u003ccite>(U.S. Customs and Border Protection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Help me!” Poma Perez yelled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little is known about Poma Perez’s journey to the U.S. from Guatemala before that March 21 night, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/heidy-poma-perez\">GoFundMe page\u003c/a> started after her death said “all she wanted was to see her father and husband.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was from a small city in Guatemala called Mazatenango, according to her death certificate. \u003cem>inewsource\u003c/em> was unable to reach the family for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fire-Rescue arrived at wrong location\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fire-Rescue received the call at 10:33 p.m. The dispatcher sent the nearest vehicle, a fire engine with a 24-foot ground ladder, and a Chula Vista fire truck with a 100-foot aerial ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The engine was eight minutes away and the truck was more than 15 minutes away, according to a Fire-Rescue’s dispatch records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The realities of the border region have proven challenging for medical responders as \u003ca href=\"https://inewsource.org/2024/04/03/injuries-on-border-wall-san-diego-emergency-medical-care/\">injuries and emergencies\u003c/a> have piled up over the years. Unmarked locations, restricted areas and unpaved roads have meant that fire crews have had to rely heavily on Border Patrol to direct and allow them access to the locations of emergencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that night, after the engine arrived at a meeting point close to the border, a Border Patrol agent led the crew to the wrong location — to the south side of the fence instead of the north where Poma Perez was stuck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998866\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11998866 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows a fire-rescue vehicle near the border fence. The caption reads: 'Boss, she's on, she's on top, but she's on the other side.'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-1536x960.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-2048x1280.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.38.47 PM-1920x1200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows a Fire-Rescue vehicle near the border fence. \u003ccite>(U.S. Customs and Border Protection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Boss, she’s on top but on the other side,” the agent who was waiting with Poma Perez told them as they arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From there, the engine crew wouldn’t be able to reach her with the 24-foot ground ladder, according to Muñoz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, when the agent led the engine to a nearby gate to go back north, the engine couldn’t complete the turn to enter because of its size. Then, they had to take another route, performing “lengthy maneuvers,” further delaying their arrival, Muñoz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The engine arranged to meet the fire truck at another meeting point so both units could arrive at Poma Perez’s location together. But by then, it would be too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have worked with CBP extensively to train their agents to include vital details that will assist us in sending the appropriate resource for the incident at hand,” Muñoz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, Muñoz said CBP did not provide her team with the best information to reach Poma Perez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Had the CBP agents provided the correct location initially, the crews would have gone to that location,” Muñoz said. “However, it is unknown whether the patient would have still been on the wall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We can’t do anything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Around 10:34 p.m., an “unknown individual” on the north side of the fence approached the agent on the south side and offered to use a ladder to help Poma Perez, according to CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your coworker told me that I could (inaudible) put the ladder that they left thrown there,” said the person, according to the subtitles in the video. The video does not show the ladder the person was referring to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent replied, “The thing is, we can’t put (up) ladders until the fire department comes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t do anything,” the agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the agent apprehended another migrant woman who was walking between the border fences. Poma Perez was screaming that she was struggling to hold on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 10:50 p.m., an agent arrived on the scene on the north side of the fence, according to CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez yelled again that she couldn’t hold on any longer. The agent on the south side told her that help was on the way but then asked the other agent where the Fire-Rescue units were.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no idea, bro,” the agent replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent on the north side then asked the other, “Could you pass that ladder through the north side?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body-worn camera footage from the agent on the south side captured what appears to be a makeshift ladder — a single vertical pole with short horizontal poles fashioned into steps — leaning against the border fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11998867 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41%E2%80%AFPM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows what appears to be a makeshift ladder leaning against a border fence. The caption reads: 'Señor, ya donde vienen?' or 'Sir, where are they?'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-1536x960.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-2048x1280.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Screenshot-2024-07-28-at-9.43.41 PM-1920x1200.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from recently released body-worn camera footage shows what appears to be a makeshift ladder leaning against the border fence. \u003ccite>(U.S. Customs and Border Protection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The agent on the south side responds: “You can’t … No, no, I mean–”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez’s yells seemed to interrupt them for a moment. Then, the agents started arranging transfers for other migrants they apprehended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP did not respond to a list of questions from \u003cem>inewsource,\u003c/em> including about any policies the agency has in place for responding to emergencies and why the agent could not use the ladder offered by a civilian and another agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent on the south side tells the other that he’s having trouble communicating with her from where he is. He asked the other agent to tell her to keep holding on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘No, no, no!’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By now, Poma Perez had been holding on for 20 minutes. “Sir, where are they?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are bringing the firefighters, so you must wait,” the agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A minute later, Poma Perez yelled that she was going to fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, no, no!” the agent yelled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second later, the camera captured the flash of her body, seen between the pillars of the border fence, crashing to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent approached the fence, then walked back to his vehicle and radioed in: “Yeah, we’re gonna need EMS on the north side of the border secondary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, another agent arrived on the north side, stepped out of his car and approached Poma Perez’s body on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The camera captured what appeared to be blood dripping from the concrete platform at the bottom of the wall. Just below, Poma Perez was still, facing up on the ground. A large pool of blood formed near her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent did not appear to check Poma Perez’s pulse or render medical aid. He then radioed in that the female had “massive head trauma” and was unresponsive. He asked if emergency medical services were still coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, she f– fell and hit her head, dude,” the agent said a minute later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seconds later, another agent arrived in a vehicle. “Do I even wanna look at this?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two agents still didn’t know when EMS would arrive. A third on the other side of the fence asked again where EMS was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, the lights of a fire vehicle appeared in the distance down the dirt road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t make it in time. She couldn’t hold on.” one agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 11:04 p.m., half an hour after Fire-Rescue received the initial call, they arrived. The crew assessed the woman, found that she had no pulse and performed CPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poma Perez was declared dead at 11:17 p.m. She died from blunt force head trauma, according to her death certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did you guys see her fall?” one person in the crew asked the agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One agent replied that they had been working traffic when it happened. But he pointed his flashlight toward the fence above Poma Perez, where the light caught glints of the makeshift ladder sitting on the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They got their ladder right there,” the agent said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CBP’s video can be viewed \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/video/930845/woman-dies-after-fall-international-border-fence-near-otay-mesa-port-entry\">\u003cem>here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. It is extremely graphic and may be disturbing to viewers. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "local-health-inspectors-cant-access-immigration-detention-centers-california-may-change-that",
"title": "Local Health Inspectors Can’t Access Immigration Detention Centers. California May Change That",
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"headTitle": "Local Health Inspectors Can’t Access Immigration Detention Centers. California May Change That | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>COVID-19, mumps and chickenpox outbreaks. Contaminated water, moldy food, and air ducts spewing black dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These health threats have been documented inside privately run immigration detention facilities in California through lawsuits, federal and state audits, and complaints lodged by detainees themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, local public health officers who routinely inspect county jails and state prisons say they don’t have the authority under state law to inspect detention centers operated by private companies, including all six federal immigration centers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://sd26.senate.ca.gov/\">Sen. María Elena Durazo\u003c/a> (D-Los Angeles) wants to close that loophole with legislation that would allow county health officers to conduct inspections at the facilities if health officers deem them necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo said that many detainees live in substandard conditions and that communicable diseases sweeping through these facilities could pose a risk to surrounding communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, our detainees are treated as if they’re not human beings,” she said. “We don’t want any excuses. We want state and public health officials to go in whenever it’s needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how much authority local health officers would have to implement changes, but public health experts say they could act as independent observers who document violations that would otherwise remain unknown to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Senate passed the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1132\">SB 1132\u003c/a>, unanimously in late May. It is now under consideration in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government regulates immigration. GEO Group, the country’s largest private prison contractor, runs California’s federal centers, located in four counties. Together, they can house up to 6,500 people awaiting deportation or immigration hearings. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"geo-group\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While campaigning in 2020, President Joe Biden pledged to end for-profit immigration detention. However, more than 90% of the roughly 30,000 people held by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency on any given day remain in private facilities, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/news/immigrants-rights/unchecked-growth-private-prison-corporations-and-immigration-detention-three-years-into-the-biden-administration\">2023 analysis\u003c/a> by the American Civil Liberties Union. Congress members in both chambers have introduced legislation to \u003ca href=\"https://jayapal.house.gov/2023/04/20/jayapal-booker-and-smith-introduce-dignity-for-detained-immigrants-act/#:~:text=%E2%80%9CThe%20Dignity%20for%20Detained%20Immigrants%20Act%20is%20a%20critical%20bill,long%20history%20of%20cruel%20conditions\">phase out private detention centers\u003c/a>, while other lawmakers, including at least two this month, have called for investigations into substandard \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/press/dem/releases/durbin-launches-inquiry-into-medical-and-mental-health-care-in-ice-detention-facilities\">medical and mental health care\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.spokesman.com/stories/2024/jul/12/murray-requests-federal-audit-on-ice-health-care-s/\">deaths\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Washington state passed a law in 2023 to impose state oversight of private detention facilities, but the GEO Group sued and the measure is \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/judge-blocks-tighter-washington-state-oversight-immigration-detention-center-2024-03-10/\">tied up in court\u003c/a>. California lawmakers have repeatedly attempted to regulate such facilities, with mixed results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, signed a measure banning private prisons and detention facilities from operating in California. However, a federal court later declared the law unconstitutional as it related to immigration detention centers, saying it interfered with federal functions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, state lawmakers passed a bill requiring private detention centers to comply with state and local public health orders and worker safety and health regulations. That measure was adopted at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, as the virus tore through detention facilities where people were packed into dorms with little or no protection from airborne viruses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, at the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego, one outbreak at the start of the pandemic infected more than 300 staff members and detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Health Officers Association of California, which represents the public health officers for the state’s 61 local health departments, supports Durazo’s legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These investigations play a pivotal role in identifying and addressing health and sanitary concerns within these facilities, thereby mitigating risks to detainees, staff, and the surrounding communities,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2024/07/240531-SB-1132-Durazo-Support-Letter.pdf\">a letter\u003c/a> from the association’s executive director, Kat DeBurgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, public health officers \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2024/07/202320240SB1132_Assembly-Public-Safety.pdf\">would determine\u003c/a> whether the facilities are complying with environmental rules, such as ensuring proper ventilation, and offering basic mental and health care, emergency treatment, and safely prepared food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike public correctional facilities, which local health officers inspect every year, private detention centers would be inspected as needed, to be determined by the health officer.[aside label=\"More Immigration Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO Group spokesperson Christopher Ferreira and ICE spokesperson Richard Beam declined to comment on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Public Health Association Executive Director Georges Benjamin said public health officers are well positioned to inspect these facilities because they understand how to make confined spaces safer for large populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though they likely can’t force the detention centers to comply with their recommendations, their reports could provide valuable information for public officials, attorneys, and others who want to pursue options such as litigation, he said. “When the system isn’t working, the courts can play a very profound role,” Benjamin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal system that monitors health care and the transmission of communicable diseases inside immigration detention centers is broken, said Annette Dekker, an assistant clinical professor of emergency medicine at UCLA, who studies health care in these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inspections of detention centers are typically conducted by ICE employees and, up until 2022, by a private auditor. In a paper \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanam/article/PIIS2667-193X(24)00152-2/fulltext#secsectitle0045\">published in June\u003c/a>, Dekker and other researchers showed that immigration officials and the auditor conducted inspections infrequently — at least once every three years — and provided limited public information about deficiencies and how they were addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of harm that is happening in detention centers that we are not able to document,” Dekker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and the GEO Group have been the subjects of lawsuits and hundreds of complaints alleging poor conditions inside the California facilities since the pandemic began. Some of these lawsuits are pending, but a significant share of complaints have been dismissed, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/CA_database\">a database\u003c/a> maintained by the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent lawsuits by detainees allege crowded and \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.craft.cloud/5cd1c590-65ba-4ad2-a52c-b55e67f8f04b/assets/media/Programs/Immigrant-Rights/Form95andSupplement_ICEAdminComplaint_IR_12202023_Redacted.pdf\">unsanitary conditions\u003c/a>, denial of adequate mental and medical health care, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/04/16/lawsuit-against-ice-detention-center-highlights-medical-neglect-complaints\">medical neglect\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/laf-05-17-2022\">wrongful death\u003c/a> by suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Division of Occupational Safety and Health fined the GEO Group about $100,000 in 2022 for failing to maintain written procedures to reduce exposure to COVID-19. The GEO Group has contested the fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have experienced really inhumane living conditions,” 28-year-old Dilmer Lovos told KFF Health News by phone from the Golden State Annex immigration detention center in McFarland, Kern County. Lovos has been held there since January while awaiting an immigration hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovos, who was born in El Salvador and uses the pronouns they/them, has been a legal permanent resident for 15 years and was detained by immigration officials while on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early July, Lovos and 58 other detainees from Golden State Annex and the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield started a labor and hunger strike demanding the end of poor living conditions, solitary confinement, and inadequate medical and mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovos described a packed dorm room, clogged air filters, mice and cockroaches scurrying in the kitchen, water leaking from the ceiling, and detainees with flu-like symptoms who couldn’t get access to medication or a COVID-19 test when requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/coronavirus/eroCOVID19PostPandemicEmergencyGuidelinesProtocol_05112023.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ICE protocols\u003c/a> require testing of detainees with symptoms upon intake into facilities with no COVID-19 hospitalizations or deaths in the previous week. In facilities with two or more hospitalizations or deaths in the previous week, all detainees are tested during intake. It is up to each facility’s medical providers to decide when a test is necessary after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lovos filed a complaint with the GEO Group in June, alleging medical and mental health neglect, they said they were placed in solitary confinement for 20 days without a properly functioning toilet. “I was smelling my urine and feces because I was not able to flush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira declined to address Lovos’ allegations but said via email that detainees receive “around-the-clock access to medical care,” including doctors, dentists, psychologists, and referrals to off-site specialists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“GEO takes exception to the unsubstantiated allegations that have been made regarding access to health care services at GEO-contracted ICE Processing Centers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-23-Apr24.pdf\">unannounced inspection\u003c/a> by federal immigration officials in April 2023 found Golden State Annex employees did not respond within 24 hours to medical complaints, which the report said could negatively affect detainees’ health and did not properly store detainees’ medical records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovos said that no one has addressed their concerns and that conditions have only worsened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please come check these places out,” Lovos said in a plea to local health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The federal government regulates immigration, but California lawmakers may give local public health inspectors the authority to inspect privately operated immigration detention facilities, citing complaints and lawsuits from detainees alleging inadequate medical care and unsanitary conditions.",
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"title": "Local Health Inspectors Can’t Access Immigration Detention Centers. California May Change That | KQED",
"description": "The federal government regulates immigration, but California lawmakers may give local public health inspectors the authority to inspect privately operated immigration detention facilities, citing complaints and lawsuits from detainees alleging inadequate medical care and unsanitary conditions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>COVID-19, mumps and chickenpox outbreaks. Contaminated water, moldy food, and air ducts spewing black dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These health threats have been documented inside privately run immigration detention facilities in California through lawsuits, federal and state audits, and complaints lodged by detainees themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, local public health officers who routinely inspect county jails and state prisons say they don’t have the authority under state law to inspect detention centers operated by private companies, including all six federal immigration centers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://sd26.senate.ca.gov/\">Sen. María Elena Durazo\u003c/a> (D-Los Angeles) wants to close that loophole with legislation that would allow county health officers to conduct inspections at the facilities if health officers deem them necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo said that many detainees live in substandard conditions and that communicable diseases sweeping through these facilities could pose a risk to surrounding communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, our detainees are treated as if they’re not human beings,” she said. “We don’t want any excuses. We want state and public health officials to go in whenever it’s needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how much authority local health officers would have to implement changes, but public health experts say they could act as independent observers who document violations that would otherwise remain unknown to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Senate passed the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1132\">SB 1132\u003c/a>, unanimously in late May. It is now under consideration in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government regulates immigration. GEO Group, the country’s largest private prison contractor, runs California’s federal centers, located in four counties. Together, they can house up to 6,500 people awaiting deportation or immigration hearings. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While campaigning in 2020, President Joe Biden pledged to end for-profit immigration detention. However, more than 90% of the roughly 30,000 people held by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency on any given day remain in private facilities, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/news/immigrants-rights/unchecked-growth-private-prison-corporations-and-immigration-detention-three-years-into-the-biden-administration\">2023 analysis\u003c/a> by the American Civil Liberties Union. Congress members in both chambers have introduced legislation to \u003ca href=\"https://jayapal.house.gov/2023/04/20/jayapal-booker-and-smith-introduce-dignity-for-detained-immigrants-act/#:~:text=%E2%80%9CThe%20Dignity%20for%20Detained%20Immigrants%20Act%20is%20a%20critical%20bill,long%20history%20of%20cruel%20conditions\">phase out private detention centers\u003c/a>, while other lawmakers, including at least two this month, have called for investigations into substandard \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/press/dem/releases/durbin-launches-inquiry-into-medical-and-mental-health-care-in-ice-detention-facilities\">medical and mental health care\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.spokesman.com/stories/2024/jul/12/murray-requests-federal-audit-on-ice-health-care-s/\">deaths\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Washington state passed a law in 2023 to impose state oversight of private detention facilities, but the GEO Group sued and the measure is \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/judge-blocks-tighter-washington-state-oversight-immigration-detention-center-2024-03-10/\">tied up in court\u003c/a>. California lawmakers have repeatedly attempted to regulate such facilities, with mixed results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, signed a measure banning private prisons and detention facilities from operating in California. However, a federal court later declared the law unconstitutional as it related to immigration detention centers, saying it interfered with federal functions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, state lawmakers passed a bill requiring private detention centers to comply with state and local public health orders and worker safety and health regulations. That measure was adopted at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, as the virus tore through detention facilities where people were packed into dorms with little or no protection from airborne viruses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, at the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego, one outbreak at the start of the pandemic infected more than 300 staff members and detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Health Officers Association of California, which represents the public health officers for the state’s 61 local health departments, supports Durazo’s legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These investigations play a pivotal role in identifying and addressing health and sanitary concerns within these facilities, thereby mitigating risks to detainees, staff, and the surrounding communities,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2024/07/240531-SB-1132-Durazo-Support-Letter.pdf\">a letter\u003c/a> from the association’s executive director, Kat DeBurgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, public health officers \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2024/07/202320240SB1132_Assembly-Public-Safety.pdf\">would determine\u003c/a> whether the facilities are complying with environmental rules, such as ensuring proper ventilation, and offering basic mental and health care, emergency treatment, and safely prepared food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike public correctional facilities, which local health officers inspect every year, private detention centers would be inspected as needed, to be determined by the health officer.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO Group spokesperson Christopher Ferreira and ICE spokesperson Richard Beam declined to comment on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Public Health Association Executive Director Georges Benjamin said public health officers are well positioned to inspect these facilities because they understand how to make confined spaces safer for large populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though they likely can’t force the detention centers to comply with their recommendations, their reports could provide valuable information for public officials, attorneys, and others who want to pursue options such as litigation, he said. “When the system isn’t working, the courts can play a very profound role,” Benjamin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal system that monitors health care and the transmission of communicable diseases inside immigration detention centers is broken, said Annette Dekker, an assistant clinical professor of emergency medicine at UCLA, who studies health care in these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inspections of detention centers are typically conducted by ICE employees and, up until 2022, by a private auditor. In a paper \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanam/article/PIIS2667-193X(24)00152-2/fulltext#secsectitle0045\">published in June\u003c/a>, Dekker and other researchers showed that immigration officials and the auditor conducted inspections infrequently — at least once every three years — and provided limited public information about deficiencies and how they were addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of harm that is happening in detention centers that we are not able to document,” Dekker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and the GEO Group have been the subjects of lawsuits and hundreds of complaints alleging poor conditions inside the California facilities since the pandemic began. Some of these lawsuits are pending, but a significant share of complaints have been dismissed, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/CA_database\">a database\u003c/a> maintained by the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent lawsuits by detainees allege crowded and \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.craft.cloud/5cd1c590-65ba-4ad2-a52c-b55e67f8f04b/assets/media/Programs/Immigrant-Rights/Form95andSupplement_ICEAdminComplaint_IR_12202023_Redacted.pdf\">unsanitary conditions\u003c/a>, denial of adequate mental and medical health care, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/04/16/lawsuit-against-ice-detention-center-highlights-medical-neglect-complaints\">medical neglect\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/laf-05-17-2022\">wrongful death\u003c/a> by suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Division of Occupational Safety and Health fined the GEO Group about $100,000 in 2022 for failing to maintain written procedures to reduce exposure to COVID-19. The GEO Group has contested the fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have experienced really inhumane living conditions,” 28-year-old Dilmer Lovos told KFF Health News by phone from the Golden State Annex immigration detention center in McFarland, Kern County. Lovos has been held there since January while awaiting an immigration hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovos, who was born in El Salvador and uses the pronouns they/them, has been a legal permanent resident for 15 years and was detained by immigration officials while on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early July, Lovos and 58 other detainees from Golden State Annex and the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield started a labor and hunger strike demanding the end of poor living conditions, solitary confinement, and inadequate medical and mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovos described a packed dorm room, clogged air filters, mice and cockroaches scurrying in the kitchen, water leaking from the ceiling, and detainees with flu-like symptoms who couldn’t get access to medication or a COVID-19 test when requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/coronavirus/eroCOVID19PostPandemicEmergencyGuidelinesProtocol_05112023.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ICE protocols\u003c/a> require testing of detainees with symptoms upon intake into facilities with no COVID-19 hospitalizations or deaths in the previous week. In facilities with two or more hospitalizations or deaths in the previous week, all detainees are tested during intake. It is up to each facility’s medical providers to decide when a test is necessary after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lovos filed a complaint with the GEO Group in June, alleging medical and mental health neglect, they said they were placed in solitary confinement for 20 days without a properly functioning toilet. “I was smelling my urine and feces because I was not able to flush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira declined to address Lovos’ allegations but said via email that detainees receive “around-the-clock access to medical care,” including doctors, dentists, psychologists, and referrals to off-site specialists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“GEO takes exception to the unsubstantiated allegations that have been made regarding access to health care services at GEO-contracted ICE Processing Centers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-23-Apr24.pdf\">unannounced inspection\u003c/a> by federal immigration officials in April 2023 found Golden State Annex employees did not respond within 24 hours to medical complaints, which the report said could negatively affect detainees’ health and did not properly store detainees’ medical records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovos said that no one has addressed their concerns and that conditions have only worsened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please come check these places out,” Lovos said in a plea to local health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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},
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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