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"disqusTitle": "Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!'",
"title": "Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!'",
"headTitle": "Boomtown | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Second of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 1:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/11/boomtown-1870s-decade-of-bonanza-bust-and-unbridled-racism/\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown, 1870s: A Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span>n July 1877, the nation's attention was focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=2&psid=3189\">a railroad strike\u003c/a> that spread through much of the East and led to bloody clashes between workers and troops in Pittsburgh, Baltimore and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 23, 1877, leaders of San Francisco's unions called a mass meeting to support the Eastern strikers, who were fighting for measures like an eight-hour workday. A huge crowd descended on the meeting place, a vacant lot at the corner of Grove and Larkin streets, the site of today's San Francisco Public Library. Many in the throng soon showed they had more local complaints on their mind than what was happening in Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James D'Arcy, who had helped create a national Workingmen's Party, was elected to run the meeting. The Daily Alta California gives the flavor of the gathering as it got underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Mr. D'Arcy threw a damper on the meeting by stating that this was no anti-Coolie meeting, and that they were not there for the purpose of discussing the Chinese question. He put on another blanket by saying that they had met, not for the purpose of encouraging riot and incendiarism, but to give their brother workmen in the East their moral support. He then took up the eight-hour question, but did not speak long, as the crowd were impatient for novelty. ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Talk about the Chinamen;\" \"Give us the Coolie business,\" and other shouts from all over the ground put an end to his discourse.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Soon, hundreds of people broke away from the crowd, led by what the Alta called \"the hoodlum element\" -- hoodlum being a term coined in San Francisco in 1866 that had come, by 1877, to denote gangs that frequently attacked Chinese residents of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Talk about the Chinamen! Give us the Coolie business!'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The mob charged through the center of the city, attacking more than a dozen Chinese homes and businesses, mostly laundries. The violence continued for three nights and spread south of Market to the waterfront, into the Mission and out to the Western Addition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rioters targeted more Chinese homes and businesses and threatened establishments that employed Chinese workers. Leaders of the mob warned they would burn down a woolen mill and wharves owned by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co., a line that carried thousands of immigrants from China to San Francisco. Rioters succeeded in burning down another wharf, as well as nearby lumberyards and outbuildings, and skirmished with the city's small police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unrest, which threatened to spread to the East Bay, was alarming enough to local officials that Gov. William Irwin called for military help, which came in the form of two square-rigged warships, the USS Pensacola and USS Lackawanna, which stood offshore in case they were needed to put down the riots. The Army also issued 2,000 rifles and ammunition to be used by a civilian Committee of Safety that had been hastily formed to help contain the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climax of the July riots was a battle on the slopes of Rincon Hill between rock-throwing rioters and members of the committee, many armed with pick handles. Several people died over the course of the disturbances and dozens were injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spasm of violence had a more lasting impact than the psychic and physical toll taken on the city. It created a movement determined to settle \"the Chinese question\" once and for all, on the one hand, and to redress workers' grievances with the wealthy, on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement, which took the name the Workingmen's Party of California, gained momentum immediately after the July unrest, thanks largely to an Irish immigrant freight hauler who proved to be a compelling street orator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">D\u003c/span>enis Kearney, a native of County Cork, had a successful draying business and in the mid-1870s had become an avid member of a local debating society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430595\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430595\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \" width=\"300\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \u003ccite>(Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco journalist and political economist Henry George \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist9/hgeorge3.html\" target=\"_blank\">recalled Kearney\u003c/a> as \"a man of strict temperance in all except speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the troubles of July 1877, George said, Kearney \"was noticeable not merely for the bitter vulgarity of his attacks upon all forms of religion ... but for the venom with which he abused the working classes, and took on every occasion what passed for the capitalistic side.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradoxically, too, given his soon-to-become-familiar habit of suggesting mob violence as a social cure-all and his tireless vilification of California's Chinese, Kearney had joined the Committee of Safety and taken to the street to help quell the anti-Chinese riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was July. By early October, Kearney had reversed his course and rhetoric, had taken control of the Workingmen's Party -- and had begun attracting thousands to regular Sunday rallies at the sandlot across the street from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kearney's leadership, the party adopted a platform that certainly sounded radical: Throw the rich and powerful out of office, break up monopoly land holdings, redistribute wealth through heavy taxes, and \"provide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak, the helpless, and especially the young , because the country is rich enough to do so, and religion, humanity, and patriotism demand that we should do so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as important, the party was bent on throwing the Chinese out of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More attention-getting than the Workingmen's principles was Kearney's style in calling for immediate drastic action to attain the party's goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rallying cry was, \"The Chinese must go!\" He warned that San Francisco would burn if conditions for workers did not improve. He called on his followers to arm themselves with muskets and ammunition. His regular prescription for enemies, either opponents within the party or class enemies like millionaires, judges or government officials, was hanging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the likelihood that state lawmakers might pass a bill aimed at curbing incitement to riot, Kearney responded, \"If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, 'Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!' This is the battle cry of freedom!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!'\u003ccite>Denis Kearney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In late October 1877, Kearney led a march to Nob Hill where, as we've seen, some of the city's wealthiest men had built their mansions. The procession's specific destination was the home of Charles Crocker, one of the Big Four who had built and profited immensely from the Central Pacific Railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crocker had built his mansion on a block bounded by California, Sacramento, Taylor and Jones street. He wanted to own the entire block, but one neighbor, an undertaker named Nicholas Yung, held out for a higher price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The undertaker wanted more than the nabob was willing to give,\" Henry George wrote, \"and the latter cut short the negotiation by inclosing the undertaker’s house on three sides with an immense board fence, probably the highest on the Pacific coast, if not in the world. This veritable coffin ... is one of the most striking features of the hill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430598\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 365px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10430598\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \" width=\"365\" height=\"446\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \u003ccite>(FoundSF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 marchers accompanied Kearney to the heights, where they set a bonfire in the street as he inveighed against the wealthy and warned about the consequences to the railroad millionaires if they did not fire their Chinese workers. He and others declared they'd give Crocker a month to take down the 30-foot-high fence around Yung's home or they'd be back to tear it down themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gathering was enough to spur demands for the arrest of Kearney and other Workingmen's Party leaders for using incendiary language. And Kearney and others \u003cem>were\u003c/em> arrested, not just once, but several times. The charges didn't stick, and, far from suppressing Kearney, the arrests provoked outrage and won his movement wider sympathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Workingmen became a force in Bay Area politics, winning a seat in the state Senate in early 1878 and electing officials in San Francisco, Oakland and Alameda. The party's rise coincided with a statewide election for delegates to a convention called to write a new state constitution. The Kearneyites won virtually all the seats contested in San Francisco. But in the Sacramento convention, outnumbered by Republicans and Democrats who had joined forces against them, the Workingmen's Party failed to effect any of the reforms in taxes, lands or employment conditions that their movement had promoted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party's delegates did, however, get a chance to enshrine the demands of the anti-Chinese movement in a new section of the state Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">A\u003c/span> committee appointed to consider \"the Chinese question\" returned with a nine-point proposal that would give the Legislature the power to bar further Chinese immigration to California and to eject any Chinese it found undesirable. The proposal would bar Chinese from all public employment, make them ineligible to receive licenses for any trade or business, and strip corporations of their state charters if they employed Chinese workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430600\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430600\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \" width=\"400\" height=\"307\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg 1439w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \u003ccite>(Courtesy, California HIstorical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese would be prohibited from owning or leasing real estate, would be barred from fishing in state waters and would no longer have the right to bring lawsuits in state courts. The committee also suggested denying anyone who hired a Chinese worker the right to vote, disqualifying anyone who hired a Chinese worker from holding public office and disbarring any lawyer who represented a Chinese client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As historian Charles McClain remarks, even though most delegates were all for some sort of anti-Chinese language in the new constitution, they thought the committee's proposal went too far. By a vote of 104-17, the convention adopted a toned-down version, incorporated into the state's highest charter as Article XIX when the document was approved by voters in 1879.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article XIX, titled simply \"Chinese,\" preserved two of the major provisions put forward in the convention: that no private corporation could employ Chinese workers and the ban on public employment for the Chinese. The laws enacting these provisions were swiftly struck down in federal courts that ruled they violated the 14th Amendment's guarantee of equal protection, infringed on rights due to Chinese immigrants under treaty and trampled upon corporate rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new constitution marked the zenith of what had been dubbed Kearneyism. A convention resolution to thank Kearney for his service to the anti-Chinese cause was voted down. By 1881, Kearney was described in San Francisco as \"a spent rocket\" and had left the city for a brief, unremarkable career in New York City politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That did not end the era of anti-Chinese activism or legislation, of course. State and local governments continued to pass new laws to harass and hinder Chinese residents, many of which were unenforceable or were found to violate the U.S. Constitution. And then Congress weighed in, responding to the continuing anti-Asian agitation by passing the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a> in 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'It is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country. But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.'\u003ccite>Wong Ar Chong\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure succeeded, at least in the short run, in achieving what decades of California's hostility, bluster and unconstitutional lawmaking could not: Although it never stopped immigration from China entirely, it slowed it down dramatically and, for the first time since the Gold Rush, led to a decline in the Chinese population in both San Francisco and the entire state by 1900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a cause of celebration, of course, for those who had tried for decades to keep Chinese immigrants out of California. Soon, though, they were complaining the law wasn't tough enough -- that its exemptions were too lax and that it was too easy for those seeking to emigrate from China to \u003ca href=\"http://ucblibrary3.berkeley.edu/cgi-bin/flipomatic/cic/images@ViewHiRes?img=brk00001710_16a\">cross into\u003c/a> the United States from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Chinese in the United States, the law was an occasion to question the loudly propounded ideals of their adopted country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In your Declaration of Independence it is asserted that all men are born free and equal, and it is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_vault/2014/05/28/chinese_exclusion_act_letter_from_chinese_american_merchant_to_william_lloyd.html\" target=\"_blank\">wrote Boston tea merchant Wong Ar Chong\u003c/a> during congressional debates over exclusion. \"But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he epilogue?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Crocker's fence, on Sacramento Street, near the summit of Nob Hill, stood until 1904, long after both the railroad baron and his stubborn neighbor were dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denis Kearney died in 1907, having long since vanished from the political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite having been essentially ruled unconstitutional, Article XIX was part of the California Constitution until 1952, when voters repealed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Exclusion Act remained in force until 1943, when it was repealed in the interest of making amends to China, a U.S. ally in World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock bonanzas turned into a popular TV western that somehow left out all the nasty details of mining skulduggery and stock manipulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city went on, of course, recovering its prosperity, growing relentlessly, moving toward its reckoning with calamity, and unfolding decade by decade into this place we think we know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Chinese in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, there's someone named Mayor Lee at City Hall, a short stroll from where Kearney and his ilk bawled, \"The Chinese must go!\" Just across the bay in Berkeley, there is little doubt which of the state's diverse ethnic groups is most successful at the nation's premier public university. Immigrants from China still seek a California dream and contribute in ways that couldn't have been imagined in the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you think all those developments say about the Bay Area we live in today, whether you see this place as booming or busted, you can't help but take at least a little delight in how this piece of history has turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "How the anti-Chinese movement helped rewrite the state Constitution and pass a landmark exclusion law.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Second of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 1:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/11/boomtown-1870s-decade-of-bonanza-bust-and-unbridled-racism/\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown, 1870s: A Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span>n July 1877, the nation's attention was focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=2&psid=3189\">a railroad strike\u003c/a> that spread through much of the East and led to bloody clashes between workers and troops in Pittsburgh, Baltimore and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 23, 1877, leaders of San Francisco's unions called a mass meeting to support the Eastern strikers, who were fighting for measures like an eight-hour workday. A huge crowd descended on the meeting place, a vacant lot at the corner of Grove and Larkin streets, the site of today's San Francisco Public Library. Many in the throng soon showed they had more local complaints on their mind than what was happening in Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James D'Arcy, who had helped create a national Workingmen's Party, was elected to run the meeting. The Daily Alta California gives the flavor of the gathering as it got underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Mr. D'Arcy threw a damper on the meeting by stating that this was no anti-Coolie meeting, and that they were not there for the purpose of discussing the Chinese question. He put on another blanket by saying that they had met, not for the purpose of encouraging riot and incendiarism, but to give their brother workmen in the East their moral support. He then took up the eight-hour question, but did not speak long, as the crowd were impatient for novelty. ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Talk about the Chinamen;\" \"Give us the Coolie business,\" and other shouts from all over the ground put an end to his discourse.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Soon, hundreds of people broke away from the crowd, led by what the Alta called \"the hoodlum element\" -- hoodlum being a term coined in San Francisco in 1866 that had come, by 1877, to denote gangs that frequently attacked Chinese residents of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Talk about the Chinamen! Give us the Coolie business!'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The mob charged through the center of the city, attacking more than a dozen Chinese homes and businesses, mostly laundries. The violence continued for three nights and spread south of Market to the waterfront, into the Mission and out to the Western Addition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rioters targeted more Chinese homes and businesses and threatened establishments that employed Chinese workers. Leaders of the mob warned they would burn down a woolen mill and wharves owned by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co., a line that carried thousands of immigrants from China to San Francisco. Rioters succeeded in burning down another wharf, as well as nearby lumberyards and outbuildings, and skirmished with the city's small police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unrest, which threatened to spread to the East Bay, was alarming enough to local officials that Gov. William Irwin called for military help, which came in the form of two square-rigged warships, the USS Pensacola and USS Lackawanna, which stood offshore in case they were needed to put down the riots. The Army also issued 2,000 rifles and ammunition to be used by a civilian Committee of Safety that had been hastily formed to help contain the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climax of the July riots was a battle on the slopes of Rincon Hill between rock-throwing rioters and members of the committee, many armed with pick handles. Several people died over the course of the disturbances and dozens were injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spasm of violence had a more lasting impact than the psychic and physical toll taken on the city. It created a movement determined to settle \"the Chinese question\" once and for all, on the one hand, and to redress workers' grievances with the wealthy, on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement, which took the name the Workingmen's Party of California, gained momentum immediately after the July unrest, thanks largely to an Irish immigrant freight hauler who proved to be a compelling street orator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">D\u003c/span>enis Kearney, a native of County Cork, had a successful draying business and in the mid-1870s had become an avid member of a local debating society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430595\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430595\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \" width=\"300\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \u003ccite>(Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco journalist and political economist Henry George \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist9/hgeorge3.html\" target=\"_blank\">recalled Kearney\u003c/a> as \"a man of strict temperance in all except speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the troubles of July 1877, George said, Kearney \"was noticeable not merely for the bitter vulgarity of his attacks upon all forms of religion ... but for the venom with which he abused the working classes, and took on every occasion what passed for the capitalistic side.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradoxically, too, given his soon-to-become-familiar habit of suggesting mob violence as a social cure-all and his tireless vilification of California's Chinese, Kearney had joined the Committee of Safety and taken to the street to help quell the anti-Chinese riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was July. By early October, Kearney had reversed his course and rhetoric, had taken control of the Workingmen's Party -- and had begun attracting thousands to regular Sunday rallies at the sandlot across the street from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kearney's leadership, the party adopted a platform that certainly sounded radical: Throw the rich and powerful out of office, break up monopoly land holdings, redistribute wealth through heavy taxes, and \"provide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak, the helpless, and especially the young , because the country is rich enough to do so, and religion, humanity, and patriotism demand that we should do so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as important, the party was bent on throwing the Chinese out of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More attention-getting than the Workingmen's principles was Kearney's style in calling for immediate drastic action to attain the party's goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rallying cry was, \"The Chinese must go!\" He warned that San Francisco would burn if conditions for workers did not improve. He called on his followers to arm themselves with muskets and ammunition. His regular prescription for enemies, either opponents within the party or class enemies like millionaires, judges or government officials, was hanging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the likelihood that state lawmakers might pass a bill aimed at curbing incitement to riot, Kearney responded, \"If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, 'Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!' This is the battle cry of freedom!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!'\u003ccite>Denis Kearney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In late October 1877, Kearney led a march to Nob Hill where, as we've seen, some of the city's wealthiest men had built their mansions. The procession's specific destination was the home of Charles Crocker, one of the Big Four who had built and profited immensely from the Central Pacific Railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crocker had built his mansion on a block bounded by California, Sacramento, Taylor and Jones street. He wanted to own the entire block, but one neighbor, an undertaker named Nicholas Yung, held out for a higher price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The undertaker wanted more than the nabob was willing to give,\" Henry George wrote, \"and the latter cut short the negotiation by inclosing the undertaker’s house on three sides with an immense board fence, probably the highest on the Pacific coast, if not in the world. This veritable coffin ... is one of the most striking features of the hill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430598\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 365px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10430598\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \" width=\"365\" height=\"446\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \u003ccite>(FoundSF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 marchers accompanied Kearney to the heights, where they set a bonfire in the street as he inveighed against the wealthy and warned about the consequences to the railroad millionaires if they did not fire their Chinese workers. He and others declared they'd give Crocker a month to take down the 30-foot-high fence around Yung's home or they'd be back to tear it down themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gathering was enough to spur demands for the arrest of Kearney and other Workingmen's Party leaders for using incendiary language. And Kearney and others \u003cem>were\u003c/em> arrested, not just once, but several times. The charges didn't stick, and, far from suppressing Kearney, the arrests provoked outrage and won his movement wider sympathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Workingmen became a force in Bay Area politics, winning a seat in the state Senate in early 1878 and electing officials in San Francisco, Oakland and Alameda. The party's rise coincided with a statewide election for delegates to a convention called to write a new state constitution. The Kearneyites won virtually all the seats contested in San Francisco. But in the Sacramento convention, outnumbered by Republicans and Democrats who had joined forces against them, the Workingmen's Party failed to effect any of the reforms in taxes, lands or employment conditions that their movement had promoted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party's delegates did, however, get a chance to enshrine the demands of the anti-Chinese movement in a new section of the state Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">A\u003c/span> committee appointed to consider \"the Chinese question\" returned with a nine-point proposal that would give the Legislature the power to bar further Chinese immigration to California and to eject any Chinese it found undesirable. The proposal would bar Chinese from all public employment, make them ineligible to receive licenses for any trade or business, and strip corporations of their state charters if they employed Chinese workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430600\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430600\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \" width=\"400\" height=\"307\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg 1439w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \u003ccite>(Courtesy, California HIstorical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese would be prohibited from owning or leasing real estate, would be barred from fishing in state waters and would no longer have the right to bring lawsuits in state courts. The committee also suggested denying anyone who hired a Chinese worker the right to vote, disqualifying anyone who hired a Chinese worker from holding public office and disbarring any lawyer who represented a Chinese client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As historian Charles McClain remarks, even though most delegates were all for some sort of anti-Chinese language in the new constitution, they thought the committee's proposal went too far. By a vote of 104-17, the convention adopted a toned-down version, incorporated into the state's highest charter as Article XIX when the document was approved by voters in 1879.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article XIX, titled simply \"Chinese,\" preserved two of the major provisions put forward in the convention: that no private corporation could employ Chinese workers and the ban on public employment for the Chinese. The laws enacting these provisions were swiftly struck down in federal courts that ruled they violated the 14th Amendment's guarantee of equal protection, infringed on rights due to Chinese immigrants under treaty and trampled upon corporate rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new constitution marked the zenith of what had been dubbed Kearneyism. A convention resolution to thank Kearney for his service to the anti-Chinese cause was voted down. By 1881, Kearney was described in San Francisco as \"a spent rocket\" and had left the city for a brief, unremarkable career in New York City politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That did not end the era of anti-Chinese activism or legislation, of course. State and local governments continued to pass new laws to harass and hinder Chinese residents, many of which were unenforceable or were found to violate the U.S. Constitution. And then Congress weighed in, responding to the continuing anti-Asian agitation by passing the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a> in 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'It is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country. But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.'\u003ccite>Wong Ar Chong\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure succeeded, at least in the short run, in achieving what decades of California's hostility, bluster and unconstitutional lawmaking could not: Although it never stopped immigration from China entirely, it slowed it down dramatically and, for the first time since the Gold Rush, led to a decline in the Chinese population in both San Francisco and the entire state by 1900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a cause of celebration, of course, for those who had tried for decades to keep Chinese immigrants out of California. Soon, though, they were complaining the law wasn't tough enough -- that its exemptions were too lax and that it was too easy for those seeking to emigrate from China to \u003ca href=\"http://ucblibrary3.berkeley.edu/cgi-bin/flipomatic/cic/images@ViewHiRes?img=brk00001710_16a\">cross into\u003c/a> the United States from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Chinese in the United States, the law was an occasion to question the loudly propounded ideals of their adopted country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In your Declaration of Independence it is asserted that all men are born free and equal, and it is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_vault/2014/05/28/chinese_exclusion_act_letter_from_chinese_american_merchant_to_william_lloyd.html\" target=\"_blank\">wrote Boston tea merchant Wong Ar Chong\u003c/a> during congressional debates over exclusion. \"But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he epilogue?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Crocker's fence, on Sacramento Street, near the summit of Nob Hill, stood until 1904, long after both the railroad baron and his stubborn neighbor were dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denis Kearney died in 1907, having long since vanished from the political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite having been essentially ruled unconstitutional, Article XIX was part of the California Constitution until 1952, when voters repealed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Exclusion Act remained in force until 1943, when it was repealed in the interest of making amends to China, a U.S. ally in World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock bonanzas turned into a popular TV western that somehow left out all the nasty details of mining skulduggery and stock manipulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city went on, of course, recovering its prosperity, growing relentlessly, moving toward its reckoning with calamity, and unfolding decade by decade into this place we think we know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Chinese in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, there's someone named Mayor Lee at City Hall, a short stroll from where Kearney and his ilk bawled, \"The Chinese must go!\" Just across the bay in Berkeley, there is little doubt which of the state's diverse ethnic groups is most successful at the nation's premier public university. Immigrants from China still seek a California dream and contribute in ways that couldn't have been imagined in the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you think all those developments say about the Bay Area we live in today, whether you see this place as booming or busted, you can't help but take at least a little delight in how this piece of history has turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism",
"title": "Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism",
"headTitle": "Boomtown | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>First of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span> am guessing that on some level lots of us buy into the stereotype of the Bay Area as a hotbed of progressive activism. A place that's bluer than blue, that's quick to march, that's home to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.democracynow.org/2009/10/7/as_afghan_war_enters_9th_year\" target=\"_blank\">only member of Congress\u003c/a> to vote against going to war in Afghanistan after 9/11. A place that's proud to have fostered the Free Speech Movement, the Black Panthers and the fight for gay (now LGBTQ) liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's true that street activism is very much alive here. The last six years, for instance, have seen what amounts to one long campaign against police violence and social injustice -- a campaign that was sparked by the police killing of BART passenger Oscar Grant, became entwined with the economic justice demands of the Occupy movement and that continues today as part of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">1870s San Francisco was a sort of perverse twin to today's city, home to an activism that was anything but 'progressive.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Amid those sporadic eruptions, the tech boom got going and itself became enmeshed in protest. You know the story: Armies of mostly young and highly paid programmers, engineers and entrepreneurs -- and the companies that employ them -- are remaking large swaths of San Francisco, Oakland, the Peninsula and Silicon Valley. Rents have soared, lower-income tenants have lost homes and familiar local businesses, watering holes, art galleries and nonprofits have been priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overnight, or so it seemed, fleets of huge corporate shuttle buses appeared on the streets to whisk the better-paid-than-most-of-us technologists to and from Silicon Valley. Anti-eviction activists turned the vehicles into \u003ca href=\"http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/25/google-bus-protest-swells-to-revolt-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">an internationally recognized symbol\u003c/a> for wealth inequality and community displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that's our tradition of activism as it looks in the early 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when you get out your pick and shovel (or your library card, Kindle and Web browser) and start digging through the dense strata of protest, agitation and political turbulence that have been laid down here over the decades, you eventually find yourself in 1870s San Francisco, a sort of perverse twin to today's city. It was a place of magnificent wealth displayed amid a full-on depression. It was crowded with desperate and disillusioned people, and it was home to an activism marked by unbridled intolerance and racism directed at one group of immigrants who had ventured across the Pacific to join the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">B\u003c/span>y 1870, San Francisco had experienced two major booms. The first was touched off in 1848 by the Gold Rush and transformed a village of about 800 people into a city of 35,000 in just five years. When the flow of gold from the Sierra slowed in the mid-1850s, San Francisco suffered its first prolonged economic slump. Population growth slowed and the city's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/13/san-francisco-real-estate-prices-gold-rush\" target=\"_blank\">real estate bubble collapsed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"iwyXPwnnPcISIXLFcSKeuudC8uPKrfI8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the downturn didn't last long. Another boom got under way in 1859 with the discovery of Nevada's \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/comstock-lode\" target=\"_blank\">Comstock Lode\u003c/a> in the mountains northeast of Lake Tahoe. The Comstock was one of the biggest silver finds in history and touched off a new kind of mining bonanza, one in which speculators, bankers and everyday investors all joined the rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock mines produced more than $300 million in silver in a little more than two decades, wealth that was largely controlled in San Francisco and helped spark the city's rapid growth -- from about 57,000 in 1860 to 150,000 in 1870 and 233,000 in 1880. (The Comstock also drove a secondary mining boom in the hills just south of the small town of San Jose, where mines in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.historysanjose.org/neighborhoods/newalmaden/\">New Almaden district\u003c/a> produced mercury crucial to the gold and silver refining process.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wealth extracted from the mines was one thing. But there was another source of wealth to be tapped, too, for those who knew how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Development of the Comstock was financed largely by investment and speculation on San Francisco's new stock exchange, which focused on trading shares in mining concerns. For a time, everyone wanted in on the game. Here's how Gary Kamiya describes the local Comstock mania in his popular history, \u003ca href=\"http://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=1014001201\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Cool Gray City of Love\u003c/em>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>San Francisco had always been a gambler’s town, but during silver’s 15-year heyday, virtually the entire population succumbed to a gambling mania unlike any it had seen before or would ever see again. What made speculating in mining stocks so addictive was that their values fluctuated so wildly. A rumor that a new vein had been found could cause the value of a mine’s stock to go up 10 times; it could plummet a week later. As a result, anyone could make a fortune literally overnight, and many did. The entire city buzzed with tales of chambermaids who bought the rooming houses they had worked in a few weeks earlier and of former ditchdiggers riding down newly fashionable Kearny Street in opulent carriages.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But those who got rich -- and for the most part stayed rich -- were a small group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/bank-crowd\" target=\"_blank\">bankers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://floodestate.com/GullixsonPresentsTheFloodEstate/History.html\" target=\"_blank\">investors\u003c/a> who controlled both the mines and the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By controlling information from the mines,\" historian Gray Brechin writes in \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Imperial_San_Francisco.html?id=lGJq8nWqY-oC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Imperial San Francisco\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, this group \"had an advantage available to few other gamblers on the Exchange. The barest hint of a new discovery in the mines triggered mayhem in San Francisco resembling religious rapture or riot. ... Those who had the latest information ... used it to manipulate the market to aggrandize their fortunes from the investments of others.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kamiya and Brechin quote \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeshutter.com/image/robert-louis-stevenson-memorial-san-francisco-california\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Louis Stevenson\u003c/a>'s description of the scene and the process that was at work as he viewed it from a neighborhood he termed \"the hill of palaces\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>From Nob Hill, looking down upon the business wards of the city, we can decry a building with a little belfry, and that is the stock exchange, the heart of San Francisco; a great pump we might call it, continually pumping up the savings of the lower quarters into the pockets of the millionaires upon the hill.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 559px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10429593\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\" alt=\"An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \" width=\"559\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg 559w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544-400x286.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 559px) 100vw, 559px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Public Library History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Comstock made several of those millionaires who built palaces on the hill, including James Flood, whose mansion survives today as the Pacific Union Club, at California and Mason streets. Others who chose Nob Hill as a showcase for their fortunes included Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis Huntington and Charles Crocker, \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Octopus_and_the_Big_Four\" target=\"_blank\">the Big Four\u003c/a>, the principal founding investors in the Central Pacific, North America's first transcontinental railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the railroad made the Big Four rich, it didn't turn into the engine of prosperity that promoters promised or that San Francisco expected when it was finished in 1869. On the one hand, the road's completion sent thousands of workers, many of them Chinese immigrants, looking for new jobs. On the other, the railroad served as a conduit for masses of people coming in search of work and land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was little land to be had, though. By one account 0.2 percent of the state's population -- that's two-tenths of 1 percent -- controlled half the land, and huge tracts had been granted to the railroads. Jobs were few, too, as the economy of San Francisco and California as a whole sank into a funk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The particular point we have in view is the lamentable lack of employment for laborers, which is so crying an evil of the day,\" wrote the San Francisco Evening Bulletin in early 1870. \"There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.'\u003ccite>San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 1870\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One East Coast commentator wrote that California and San Francisco were experiencing a \"revolution,\" plunging back to earth after the excesses of the Gold Rush and Comstock decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Speculation was the groundwork of all her wealth and her growth; uncertainty and irregularity were the laws of her prosperity. High prices and vast profits, a grand and reckless way of business and of life pervaded all her society and her movements,\" wrote Massachusetts newspaper editor Samuel Bowles, who twice visited the city in the mid- and late 1860s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowles characterized the situation as the city and state \"struggling into conformity with the modes and morals and money of the nation,\" a transition he observed provoked widespread discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At first the people seemed stunned with the revelation and the revolution,\" Bowles said. \"They cursed the railroad, they cursed the Bank of California, and they cursed the Chinese, one and all, as parents of their disappointment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">\"C\u003c/span>ursing the Chinese\" was something of a constant among California's white population in the state's early decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese, of course, had joined the rush to what they called Gold Mountain in 1849, along with immigrants from the eastern U.S. states, Western Europe, Mexico, Chile, Peru, Hawaii, Australia and New Zealand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429650\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429650\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \" width=\"400\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-800x822.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg 1252w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Harper's Weekly/Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White California was not, by and large, a particularly welcoming place for the new arrivals from Mexico and lands south, many of whom were experienced miners when they arrived in the gold fields. Historians note they played an important role in teaching the American novices how to find and remove gold from the streams and hillsides where it lay. Their reward was a state tax on foreign miners and repeated episodes of violence and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse was in store for the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California -- most of the white population, its lawmakers and their enactments -- reserved a sustained hostility for these early Asian immigrants almost from the first. Arriving in the gold fields, they were generally excluded from all but the poorest mining claims -- those that had already been worked and believed exhausted. They were often the target of violence and were, like blacks and Indians, denied the right even to testify in court against those who robbed and attacked them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was the source of the animus, which was soon to have official backing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Hittell, who produced a voluminous California history, \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/stream/gb0e4-lf4RejkC#page/n93/mode/2up\" target=\"_blank\">offered this speculation\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>It was the practice of the Chinese then as now to huddle together in special and confined quarters and to dress and live as they had dressed and lived in China. Almost all their clothing and most all their food, which consisted in great part of rice, were imported from their native land. As a class they were harmless, peaceful and exceedingly industrious; but, as they were remarkably economical and spent little or none of their earnings except for the necessaries of life and this chiefly to merchants of their own nationality, they soon began to provoke the prejudice and ill-will of those who could not see any value in their labor to the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A much more recent historian -- Charles J. McClain, in \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=eZ7TqtjYlfcC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> -- cites that passage and amplifies it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In short, [the Chinese] worked too hard (often for less pay than others were willing to accept), saved too much, and spent too little. In addition, they looked and behaved differently from the majority population. Beneath all the surface rationalizations, this was to be the gravamen of the complaint against the Chinese through the many phases of the anti-Chinese movement in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That movement led to a series of state and local laws meant to force the Chinese to leave California or make it extremely difficult or expensive to stay. The tax on foreign miners was increased repeatedly. The Legislature enacted a variety of fees and taxes on arriving Chinese immigrants, then a tax of $2.50 month (something like $60 in today's money) on most Chinese residents. Chinese children were excluded from the state's public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness ... we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life.'\u003ccite>Norman Asing,\u003cbr>\nChinese-American merchant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors joined in the anti-Chinese campaign with a long list of discriminatory ordinances. One attempted to ban Chinese peddlers from the common practice of carrying their goods on poles. Other laws attempted to impose punitive fees on the city's large number of Chinese laundries and to regulate the size of rooms in lodging-houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As McClain notes, the Chinese didn't take this continuing assault on their liberty lying down. As the anti-Chinese agitation got under way in the early 1850s, Gov. John Bigler sent the Legislature a special message urging a program of taxes and other measures to stop Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his justifications: the unfounded claim that the Chinese arriving in California were \"coolies\" -- essentially indentured servants who were little better than slaves for the Chinese contractors who hired them. He also argued that, in essence, the Chinese were inferior, ignorant of the enlightened American way of doing things: incapable, for instance, of understanding the importance of or keeping an oath of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bigler's message brought a response from a Chinese merchant in San Francisco named Norman Asing, who blasted the logic of excluding productive immigrants and questioning who in California really represented an inferior culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness, and the nation from whom you sprung \u003cem>barbarous\u003c/em>, we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life,\" Asing wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More important, McClain says, is that leading members of the Chinese community, centered in San Francisco, approached the Legislature directly to try to stem the tide of punitive taxes and other laws. When that effort met with only modest success, they challenged the anti-Chinese laws in court and got the worst of them thrown out. In the 1850s, for instance, Chinese plaintiffs sued the state to overturn a tax to be levied against all arriving Chinese passengers and another that sought to ban Chinese from landing at the state's ports. Both laws were struck down for interfering with federal powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise in the late 1860s and early '70s, Chinese Californians waged long and ultimately successful campaigns to win the right to testify in court and to end enforcement of the discriminatory tax on foreign miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he consistency with which courts struck down the anti-Chinese laws did little to dampen the anti-Chinese movement. Calls for an end to Chinese immigration grew louder as California and San Francisco bumped from one economic trough to another in the 1870s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation in Comstock mining shares grew fevered in 1872, then subsided with widespread losses. Immense new silver discoveries in 1873 triggered another investment frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubert Howe Bancroft's \u003cem>History of California\u003c/em> said the stock exchanges \"were weird in their excitement, the brokers crying to one another, like the unseemly harpies of Dante's hell, every cry carrying the Comstock higher.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If people were wild in those cases or in the excitement of 1872, they now became, so to speak, insane,\" wrote T.H. Hittell in his own history of the period. He said everyone wanted in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The race for wealth, which was simply a race to secure stock in the bonanza mines, attracted nearly everybody. The man or woman, who had or could raise money and did not invest, was the exception. Not only the profits of common trade, manufactures and agriculture but often the principal, the slow accumulations of industry, the hard-earned wages of labor, the salaries of professors and preachers, the fees of lawyers and physicians, the deposits in savings banks, the produce of mortgaged homesteads, the money that was inherited or that could be borrowed -- nearly all found their way into the mining-stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429664\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-e1423609877768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429664\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-400x553.jpg\" alt=\"William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \" width=\"400\" height=\"553\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It didn't take long for the speculation to exact its toll. One of the first and most notable investors ruined in the 1875 fall of mining stocks was San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.net/hist10/wralston.html\">William C. Ralston\u003c/a>. His Bank of California, the biggest financial institution in the state, was forced to close for a time because of losses incurred in his secret speculation in the mines. Ralston drowned off North Beach the day after a run on the bank, a death many presumed to be a suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A plunge in mining stocks in 1877 wiped out investors large and small in the city and led to a renewed financial panic. Economic conditions were made worse by the effects of a drought that wiped out most of the year's wheat crop and devastated the cattle industry. The effects of a nationwide depression added to the malaise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city with a population that now exceeded 200,000, about one in five adult men were out of work. Charities in the city were feeding about 2,000 people a day. Only the very wealthiest, the insiders who had developed the Comstock mines and those who had built the railroads -- those folks who had put up their palaces on Nob Hill -- seemed to be immune from the hard times that had descended over the city in the summer of 1877.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Trade was bad, work was scarce, and for what there was of it the Chinese, willing to take only half the ordinary wages, competed with the white labourer,\" wrote 19th century political historian James Bryce. \"The mob of San Francisco, swelled by disappointed miners from the camps and labourers out of work, men lured from distant homes by the hope of wealth and ease in the land of gold, saw itself on the verge of starvation, while the splendid mansions of speculators, who fifteen years before had kept little shops, rose along the heights of the city, and the newspapers reported their luxurious banquets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the millionaires and San Francisco's roughly 20,000 Chinese residents -- groups at opposite ends of the economic spectrum --- were about to become the targets of a fierce political movement on the city's streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 2:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b\" target=\"_blank\">'The Chinese Must Go!'\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Unearthing a city alive with a perverse activism aimed at vilifying and excluding one immigrant group.",
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"title": "Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>First of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span> am guessing that on some level lots of us buy into the stereotype of the Bay Area as a hotbed of progressive activism. A place that's bluer than blue, that's quick to march, that's home to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.democracynow.org/2009/10/7/as_afghan_war_enters_9th_year\" target=\"_blank\">only member of Congress\u003c/a> to vote against going to war in Afghanistan after 9/11. A place that's proud to have fostered the Free Speech Movement, the Black Panthers and the fight for gay (now LGBTQ) liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's true that street activism is very much alive here. The last six years, for instance, have seen what amounts to one long campaign against police violence and social injustice -- a campaign that was sparked by the police killing of BART passenger Oscar Grant, became entwined with the economic justice demands of the Occupy movement and that continues today as part of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">1870s San Francisco was a sort of perverse twin to today's city, home to an activism that was anything but 'progressive.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Amid those sporadic eruptions, the tech boom got going and itself became enmeshed in protest. You know the story: Armies of mostly young and highly paid programmers, engineers and entrepreneurs -- and the companies that employ them -- are remaking large swaths of San Francisco, Oakland, the Peninsula and Silicon Valley. Rents have soared, lower-income tenants have lost homes and familiar local businesses, watering holes, art galleries and nonprofits have been priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overnight, or so it seemed, fleets of huge corporate shuttle buses appeared on the streets to whisk the better-paid-than-most-of-us technologists to and from Silicon Valley. Anti-eviction activists turned the vehicles into \u003ca href=\"http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/25/google-bus-protest-swells-to-revolt-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">an internationally recognized symbol\u003c/a> for wealth inequality and community displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that's our tradition of activism as it looks in the early 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when you get out your pick and shovel (or your library card, Kindle and Web browser) and start digging through the dense strata of protest, agitation and political turbulence that have been laid down here over the decades, you eventually find yourself in 1870s San Francisco, a sort of perverse twin to today's city. It was a place of magnificent wealth displayed amid a full-on depression. It was crowded with desperate and disillusioned people, and it was home to an activism marked by unbridled intolerance and racism directed at one group of immigrants who had ventured across the Pacific to join the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">B\u003c/span>y 1870, San Francisco had experienced two major booms. The first was touched off in 1848 by the Gold Rush and transformed a village of about 800 people into a city of 35,000 in just five years. When the flow of gold from the Sierra slowed in the mid-1850s, San Francisco suffered its first prolonged economic slump. Population growth slowed and the city's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/13/san-francisco-real-estate-prices-gold-rush\" target=\"_blank\">real estate bubble collapsed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the downturn didn't last long. Another boom got under way in 1859 with the discovery of Nevada's \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/comstock-lode\" target=\"_blank\">Comstock Lode\u003c/a> in the mountains northeast of Lake Tahoe. The Comstock was one of the biggest silver finds in history and touched off a new kind of mining bonanza, one in which speculators, bankers and everyday investors all joined the rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock mines produced more than $300 million in silver in a little more than two decades, wealth that was largely controlled in San Francisco and helped spark the city's rapid growth -- from about 57,000 in 1860 to 150,000 in 1870 and 233,000 in 1880. (The Comstock also drove a secondary mining boom in the hills just south of the small town of San Jose, where mines in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.historysanjose.org/neighborhoods/newalmaden/\">New Almaden district\u003c/a> produced mercury crucial to the gold and silver refining process.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wealth extracted from the mines was one thing. But there was another source of wealth to be tapped, too, for those who knew how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Development of the Comstock was financed largely by investment and speculation on San Francisco's new stock exchange, which focused on trading shares in mining concerns. For a time, everyone wanted in on the game. Here's how Gary Kamiya describes the local Comstock mania in his popular history, \u003ca href=\"http://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=1014001201\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Cool Gray City of Love\u003c/em>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>San Francisco had always been a gambler’s town, but during silver’s 15-year heyday, virtually the entire population succumbed to a gambling mania unlike any it had seen before or would ever see again. What made speculating in mining stocks so addictive was that their values fluctuated so wildly. A rumor that a new vein had been found could cause the value of a mine’s stock to go up 10 times; it could plummet a week later. As a result, anyone could make a fortune literally overnight, and many did. The entire city buzzed with tales of chambermaids who bought the rooming houses they had worked in a few weeks earlier and of former ditchdiggers riding down newly fashionable Kearny Street in opulent carriages.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But those who got rich -- and for the most part stayed rich -- were a small group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/bank-crowd\" target=\"_blank\">bankers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://floodestate.com/GullixsonPresentsTheFloodEstate/History.html\" target=\"_blank\">investors\u003c/a> who controlled both the mines and the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By controlling information from the mines,\" historian Gray Brechin writes in \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Imperial_San_Francisco.html?id=lGJq8nWqY-oC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Imperial San Francisco\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, this group \"had an advantage available to few other gamblers on the Exchange. The barest hint of a new discovery in the mines triggered mayhem in San Francisco resembling religious rapture or riot. ... Those who had the latest information ... used it to manipulate the market to aggrandize their fortunes from the investments of others.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kamiya and Brechin quote \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeshutter.com/image/robert-louis-stevenson-memorial-san-francisco-california\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Louis Stevenson\u003c/a>'s description of the scene and the process that was at work as he viewed it from a neighborhood he termed \"the hill of palaces\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>From Nob Hill, looking down upon the business wards of the city, we can decry a building with a little belfry, and that is the stock exchange, the heart of San Francisco; a great pump we might call it, continually pumping up the savings of the lower quarters into the pockets of the millionaires upon the hill.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 559px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10429593\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\" alt=\"An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \" width=\"559\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg 559w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544-400x286.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 559px) 100vw, 559px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Public Library History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Comstock made several of those millionaires who built palaces on the hill, including James Flood, whose mansion survives today as the Pacific Union Club, at California and Mason streets. Others who chose Nob Hill as a showcase for their fortunes included Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis Huntington and Charles Crocker, \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Octopus_and_the_Big_Four\" target=\"_blank\">the Big Four\u003c/a>, the principal founding investors in the Central Pacific, North America's first transcontinental railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the railroad made the Big Four rich, it didn't turn into the engine of prosperity that promoters promised or that San Francisco expected when it was finished in 1869. On the one hand, the road's completion sent thousands of workers, many of them Chinese immigrants, looking for new jobs. On the other, the railroad served as a conduit for masses of people coming in search of work and land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was little land to be had, though. By one account 0.2 percent of the state's population -- that's two-tenths of 1 percent -- controlled half the land, and huge tracts had been granted to the railroads. Jobs were few, too, as the economy of San Francisco and California as a whole sank into a funk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The particular point we have in view is the lamentable lack of employment for laborers, which is so crying an evil of the day,\" wrote the San Francisco Evening Bulletin in early 1870. \"There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.'\u003ccite>San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 1870\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One East Coast commentator wrote that California and San Francisco were experiencing a \"revolution,\" plunging back to earth after the excesses of the Gold Rush and Comstock decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Speculation was the groundwork of all her wealth and her growth; uncertainty and irregularity were the laws of her prosperity. High prices and vast profits, a grand and reckless way of business and of life pervaded all her society and her movements,\" wrote Massachusetts newspaper editor Samuel Bowles, who twice visited the city in the mid- and late 1860s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowles characterized the situation as the city and state \"struggling into conformity with the modes and morals and money of the nation,\" a transition he observed provoked widespread discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At first the people seemed stunned with the revelation and the revolution,\" Bowles said. \"They cursed the railroad, they cursed the Bank of California, and they cursed the Chinese, one and all, as parents of their disappointment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">\"C\u003c/span>ursing the Chinese\" was something of a constant among California's white population in the state's early decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese, of course, had joined the rush to what they called Gold Mountain in 1849, along with immigrants from the eastern U.S. states, Western Europe, Mexico, Chile, Peru, Hawaii, Australia and New Zealand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429650\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429650\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \" width=\"400\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-800x822.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg 1252w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Harper's Weekly/Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White California was not, by and large, a particularly welcoming place for the new arrivals from Mexico and lands south, many of whom were experienced miners when they arrived in the gold fields. Historians note they played an important role in teaching the American novices how to find and remove gold from the streams and hillsides where it lay. Their reward was a state tax on foreign miners and repeated episodes of violence and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse was in store for the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California -- most of the white population, its lawmakers and their enactments -- reserved a sustained hostility for these early Asian immigrants almost from the first. Arriving in the gold fields, they were generally excluded from all but the poorest mining claims -- those that had already been worked and believed exhausted. They were often the target of violence and were, like blacks and Indians, denied the right even to testify in court against those who robbed and attacked them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was the source of the animus, which was soon to have official backing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Hittell, who produced a voluminous California history, \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/stream/gb0e4-lf4RejkC#page/n93/mode/2up\" target=\"_blank\">offered this speculation\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>It was the practice of the Chinese then as now to huddle together in special and confined quarters and to dress and live as they had dressed and lived in China. Almost all their clothing and most all their food, which consisted in great part of rice, were imported from their native land. As a class they were harmless, peaceful and exceedingly industrious; but, as they were remarkably economical and spent little or none of their earnings except for the necessaries of life and this chiefly to merchants of their own nationality, they soon began to provoke the prejudice and ill-will of those who could not see any value in their labor to the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A much more recent historian -- Charles J. McClain, in \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=eZ7TqtjYlfcC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> -- cites that passage and amplifies it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In short, [the Chinese] worked too hard (often for less pay than others were willing to accept), saved too much, and spent too little. In addition, they looked and behaved differently from the majority population. Beneath all the surface rationalizations, this was to be the gravamen of the complaint against the Chinese through the many phases of the anti-Chinese movement in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That movement led to a series of state and local laws meant to force the Chinese to leave California or make it extremely difficult or expensive to stay. The tax on foreign miners was increased repeatedly. The Legislature enacted a variety of fees and taxes on arriving Chinese immigrants, then a tax of $2.50 month (something like $60 in today's money) on most Chinese residents. Chinese children were excluded from the state's public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness ... we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life.'\u003ccite>Norman Asing,\u003cbr>\nChinese-American merchant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors joined in the anti-Chinese campaign with a long list of discriminatory ordinances. One attempted to ban Chinese peddlers from the common practice of carrying their goods on poles. Other laws attempted to impose punitive fees on the city's large number of Chinese laundries and to regulate the size of rooms in lodging-houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As McClain notes, the Chinese didn't take this continuing assault on their liberty lying down. As the anti-Chinese agitation got under way in the early 1850s, Gov. John Bigler sent the Legislature a special message urging a program of taxes and other measures to stop Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his justifications: the unfounded claim that the Chinese arriving in California were \"coolies\" -- essentially indentured servants who were little better than slaves for the Chinese contractors who hired them. He also argued that, in essence, the Chinese were inferior, ignorant of the enlightened American way of doing things: incapable, for instance, of understanding the importance of or keeping an oath of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bigler's message brought a response from a Chinese merchant in San Francisco named Norman Asing, who blasted the logic of excluding productive immigrants and questioning who in California really represented an inferior culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness, and the nation from whom you sprung \u003cem>barbarous\u003c/em>, we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life,\" Asing wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More important, McClain says, is that leading members of the Chinese community, centered in San Francisco, approached the Legislature directly to try to stem the tide of punitive taxes and other laws. When that effort met with only modest success, they challenged the anti-Chinese laws in court and got the worst of them thrown out. In the 1850s, for instance, Chinese plaintiffs sued the state to overturn a tax to be levied against all arriving Chinese passengers and another that sought to ban Chinese from landing at the state's ports. Both laws were struck down for interfering with federal powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise in the late 1860s and early '70s, Chinese Californians waged long and ultimately successful campaigns to win the right to testify in court and to end enforcement of the discriminatory tax on foreign miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he consistency with which courts struck down the anti-Chinese laws did little to dampen the anti-Chinese movement. Calls for an end to Chinese immigration grew louder as California and San Francisco bumped from one economic trough to another in the 1870s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation in Comstock mining shares grew fevered in 1872, then subsided with widespread losses. Immense new silver discoveries in 1873 triggered another investment frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubert Howe Bancroft's \u003cem>History of California\u003c/em> said the stock exchanges \"were weird in their excitement, the brokers crying to one another, like the unseemly harpies of Dante's hell, every cry carrying the Comstock higher.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If people were wild in those cases or in the excitement of 1872, they now became, so to speak, insane,\" wrote T.H. Hittell in his own history of the period. He said everyone wanted in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The race for wealth, which was simply a race to secure stock in the bonanza mines, attracted nearly everybody. The man or woman, who had or could raise money and did not invest, was the exception. Not only the profits of common trade, manufactures and agriculture but often the principal, the slow accumulations of industry, the hard-earned wages of labor, the salaries of professors and preachers, the fees of lawyers and physicians, the deposits in savings banks, the produce of mortgaged homesteads, the money that was inherited or that could be borrowed -- nearly all found their way into the mining-stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429664\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-e1423609877768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429664\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-400x553.jpg\" alt=\"William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \" width=\"400\" height=\"553\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It didn't take long for the speculation to exact its toll. One of the first and most notable investors ruined in the 1875 fall of mining stocks was San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.net/hist10/wralston.html\">William C. Ralston\u003c/a>. His Bank of California, the biggest financial institution in the state, was forced to close for a time because of losses incurred in his secret speculation in the mines. Ralston drowned off North Beach the day after a run on the bank, a death many presumed to be a suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A plunge in mining stocks in 1877 wiped out investors large and small in the city and led to a renewed financial panic. Economic conditions were made worse by the effects of a drought that wiped out most of the year's wheat crop and devastated the cattle industry. The effects of a nationwide depression added to the malaise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city with a population that now exceeded 200,000, about one in five adult men were out of work. Charities in the city were feeding about 2,000 people a day. Only the very wealthiest, the insiders who had developed the Comstock mines and those who had built the railroads -- those folks who had put up their palaces on Nob Hill -- seemed to be immune from the hard times that had descended over the city in the summer of 1877.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Trade was bad, work was scarce, and for what there was of it the Chinese, willing to take only half the ordinary wages, competed with the white labourer,\" wrote 19th century political historian James Bryce. \"The mob of San Francisco, swelled by disappointed miners from the camps and labourers out of work, men lured from distant homes by the hope of wealth and ease in the land of gold, saw itself on the verge of starvation, while the splendid mansions of speculators, who fifteen years before had kept little shops, rose along the heights of the city, and the newspapers reported their luxurious banquets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the millionaires and San Francisco's roughly 20,000 Chinese residents -- groups at opposite ends of the economic spectrum --- were about to become the targets of a fierce political movement on the city's streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 2:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b\" target=\"_blank\">'The Chinese Must Go!'\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Los Ángeles Se Prepara para una Oleada de Fraudes Contra Inmigrantes en Busca de Servicios Legales",
"title": "Los Ángeles Se Prepara para una Oleada de Fraudes Contra Inmigrantes en Busca de Servicios Legales",
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"content": "\u003cp>La reciente acción ejecutiva del Presidente Obama podría abrir el camino hacia la permanencia legal para varios millones de inmigrantes en los Estados Unidos. Esta situación ha puesto en alerta a las autoridades que anticipan una oleada de estafas contra las personas que buscan consejo legal. No sólo podrán los inmigrantes perder miles de dólares por tales estafas, sino que también pueden ponerse en mayor riesgo de deportación gracias a ellas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Sharp comenta que a su despacho llegan todo el tiempo inmigrantes a contarle cómo resultaron engañados por personas que se hacían pasar por abogados de inmigración o consultores licenciados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"9cjAemoi3bXtEn3ND2EU62FNgw5H0ILB\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es prácticamente el delito perfecto”, indica Sharp, quien es director legal del Centro de Recursos Centroamericanos en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando un individuo cae víctima, con el tiempo se da cuenta de lo que ha pasado, y pueden haber pasado meses y hasta años después del momento inicial en el que le pagó al supuesto abogado por el servicio legal”, explica Sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Y el porcentaje de personas que en realidad se presentan a quejarse es mínimo comparado con el número de personas que cae víctima del fraude”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es por esta razón que Sharp intenta difundir la información sobre estas estafas a las personas ansiosas de solicitar la protección contra la deportación bajo la acción ejecutiva de Obama con presentar talleres en la sede del \u003ca href=\"http://www.carecen-la.org/faq-notarios/\" target=\"_blank\">Central American Resource Center\u003c/a> en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una noche reciente, unas 150 personas se amontonaron en una de las salas de reunión del Centro. La presentación incluye detalles sobre los cambios que habrá bajo la acción ejecutiva que podrían permitir que algunos inmigrantes indocumentados, incluyendo aquellos que tienen hijos que son ciudadanos estadounidenses, permanezcan legalmente en los Estados Unidos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10414258\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10414258\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1-400x263.jpg\" alt=\"Director legal del Central American Resource Center Daniel Sharp dirige un taller cuyo fin es informar a los inmigrantes sobre la reciente acción ejecutiva del Presidente Obama.\" width=\"400\" height=\"263\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1-400x263.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1-800x526.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Director legal del Central American Resource Center Daniel Sharp dirige un taller cuyo fin es informar a los inmigrantes sobre la reciente acción ejecutiva del Presidente Obama. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>También se advierte cautela para evitar a los abogados y consultores legales depredadores que pueden cobrar altas sumas de dinero por servicios que no requieren los inmigrantes y que podrían incluso perjudicarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero para muchos inmigrantes, las advertencias llegan muy tarde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una señora de El Salvador, cuyo nombre es María, residente de la ciudad de Bell, explica que ella y su esposo perdieron más de $5.000 en ahorros a una organización sin fines de lucro en Los Ángeles llamada \u003ca href=\"http://www.coalicionla.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional\u003c/a>. María pidió que no reveláramos su apellido por su estatus legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con panfletos a todo brillo y propagandas llamativas en español en los periódicos, la coalición alega ser defensora acérrima de los derechos del inmigrante y proveedora muy hábil de servicios legales. María dice que el director de la coalición, Oswaldo Cabrera, prometió ayudar a su esposo, Dore, quien es residente permanente legal, hacerse ciudadano de los EE.UU., y después ayudar a conseguirle a ella estatus legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Comenzamos a darle dinero y dinero y dinero”, explica María, quien indica que tuvo por semanas a la pareja con promesas falsas, una pesadilla de trámites confusos y audiencias de inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo comencé a desconfiar”, explica María.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero (Cabrera) nos amenazó, diciendo que no había que jugar con él porque él es abogado. Y que si no jugábamos según sus reglas, haría que nos deporten”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>María dice que cuando intentó hacer que le devolviera el dinero a la pareja, Cabrera se negó. A comienzos de este mes, María y su esposo entablaron una demanda contra él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional opera en una suite de pequeñas oficinas en un rascacielos de Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando me aparezco yo sin aviso una tarde, hay un puñado de personas sentadas sobre sofás raídos en la recepción.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10414261\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1-400x456.jpg\" alt=\"Un anuncio de la Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional, una organización sin fines de lucro de consultoría legal que también alega ser defensora de los derechos del inmigrante. La Coalición se encuentra enfrentada con varias demandas y quejas de consumidor de parte de varios clientes.\" width=\"400\" height=\"456\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10414261\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1-400x456.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1-800x912.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un anuncio de la Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional, una organización sin fines de lucro de consultoría legal que también alega ser defensora de los derechos del inmigrante. La Coalición se encuentra enfrentada con varias demandas y quejas de consumidor de parte de varios clientes. \u003ccite>(Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cabrera interrumpe una reunión que sostiene con un par de clientes y me invita entrar a su oficina. Alega tener una especie de licencia internacional que le permite ofrecer consejo legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, de la profesión legal”, dice Cabrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando se le pide mostrar tal licencia, no puede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>También alega ser director de una organización sin fines de lucro en regla con el estado de California. Esto no lo corrobora la Oficina de la Secretaría del Estado de California. Recientemente la Secretaría le revocó la licencia de organización sin fines de lucro a Cabrera. Cuando le presento a Cabrera una página del sitio web de la Secretaría que indica su suspensión, alega que la información es errónea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, no”, dice Cabrera.\u003cbr>\n“Esto se detuvo, ya no existe”, explica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tampoco aparece en el sitio web el nombre de Cabrera ni de su organización en una búsqueda de consultores de inmigración afianzados por la Secretaría del Estado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una llamada de seguimiento a un representante de la Secretaría del Estado confirma que Cabrera no cuenta con licencia legal para operar como consultor legal remunerado ni como abogado para inmigrantes. En cuanto a la demanda contra Cabrera entablada por sus ex clientes María y su esposo, Cabrera dice que no la ha visto y no podía comentar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otra demanda entablada el año pasado por otro ex cliente presenta, entre otras cosas, que Cabrera abandonó al señor len a víspera de una audiencia de deportación — prometiéndole sin cumplir los servicios de un abogado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No es cierto, no es cierto, porque el tipo está viviendo en este país”, dice Cabrera. “No es deportación, nunca. Esta información está equivocada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según el abogado del demandante, el juicio está activo y pendiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de las demandas contra él, Cabrera tiene en su contra varias quejas ante el Departamento de Asuntos del Consumidor del condado de Los Ángeles. No queda claro si esta dependencia tomará alguna acción contra él.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Si lo propuesto parece demasiado bueno como para ser cierto, lo probable es que sea fraude”\u003ccite>Brian Stiger, el director del Departamento de Asuntos del Consumidor del condado de Los Ángeles\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>El director del Departamento, Brian Stiger, dice que la oficina misma envía advertencias de fraude a los servicios de inmigración mediante conferencias de prensa, talleres y otras medidas de extensión al público.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si lo propuesto parece demasiado bueno como para ser cierto, lo probable es que sea fraude”, asevera Stiger, quien indica que hay muchos estafadores que harán promesas imposibles referentes al remedio de la deportación que ofrece Obama, cuando en realidad el proceso de solicitud no comienza sino dentro de unos meses más. Los consultores legales delictivos también pueden hacer cobros exhorbitantes por trámites que los inmigrantes pueden hacer por su cuenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No hay manera de adelantarse en la cola, ni tampoco hay garantía que se apruebe una solicitud”, explica Stiger. “Y muchas veces estos consultores de temas migratorios, de hecho los que son fraudulentos, cobran más que lo que cuesta presentar la solicitud”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://da.lacounty.gov/immigration.htm\" target=\"_blank\">La Oficina del Fiscal General del Condado de Los Ángeles\u003c/a>, el fiscal de la ciudad de Los Ángeles y el fiscal general de Los Ángeles prometen tomar medidas contra los que ofrecen servicios fraudulentos de inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Fiscal de la ciudad de Los Ángeles también ofrecerá una serie de asambleas públicas en varios idiomas a realizarse en las próximas semanas, en las que los inmigrantes tendrán acceso sin costo a ayuda de abogados y consultores licenciados para llenar los formularios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abogado de inmigración de Los Ángeles, Clemente Franco, explica que los defraudadores han operado durante años y que sus operaciones son bastante sofisticadas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay algunas organizaciones que cuentan con 10 o 15 sucursales”, comenta Franco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dicen que son activistas en defensa de los derechos del inmigrante, lo cual les da un aire de credibilidad, cuando en un sentido lo que son en realidad son lobos dentro de la comunidad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobos que en realidad se valen del hecho que con frecuencia sus víctimas temen presentar una queja por motivo de su estatus legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero María, inmigrante de El Salvador, dice que tenía que poner la mano al fuego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Para que otros no caigan en el mismo problema”, explica. “Y que la gente haga un poquito más de investigación, para no caer en la misma trampa”.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>La reciente acción ejecutiva del Presidente Obama podría abrir el camino hacia la permanencia legal para varios millones de inmigrantes en los Estados Unidos. Esta situación ha puesto en alerta a las autoridades que anticipan una oleada de estafas contra las personas que buscan consejo legal. No sólo podrán los inmigrantes perder miles de dólares por tales estafas, sino que también pueden ponerse en mayor riesgo de deportación gracias a ellas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Sharp comenta que a su despacho llegan todo el tiempo inmigrantes a contarle cómo resultaron engañados por personas que se hacían pasar por abogados de inmigración o consultores licenciados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es prácticamente el delito perfecto”, indica Sharp, quien es director legal del Centro de Recursos Centroamericanos en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando un individuo cae víctima, con el tiempo se da cuenta de lo que ha pasado, y pueden haber pasado meses y hasta años después del momento inicial en el que le pagó al supuesto abogado por el servicio legal”, explica Sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Y el porcentaje de personas que en realidad se presentan a quejarse es mínimo comparado con el número de personas que cae víctima del fraude”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es por esta razón que Sharp intenta difundir la información sobre estas estafas a las personas ansiosas de solicitar la protección contra la deportación bajo la acción ejecutiva de Obama con presentar talleres en la sede del \u003ca href=\"http://www.carecen-la.org/faq-notarios/\" target=\"_blank\">Central American Resource Center\u003c/a> en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una noche reciente, unas 150 personas se amontonaron en una de las salas de reunión del Centro. La presentación incluye detalles sobre los cambios que habrá bajo la acción ejecutiva que podrían permitir que algunos inmigrantes indocumentados, incluyendo aquellos que tienen hijos que son ciudadanos estadounidenses, permanezcan legalmente en los Estados Unidos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10414258\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10414258\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1-400x263.jpg\" alt=\"Director legal del Central American Resource Center Daniel Sharp dirige un taller cuyo fin es informar a los inmigrantes sobre la reciente acción ejecutiva del Presidente Obama.\" width=\"400\" height=\"263\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1-400x263.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1-800x526.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Director legal del Central American Resource Center Daniel Sharp dirige un taller cuyo fin es informar a los inmigrantes sobre la reciente acción ejecutiva del Presidente Obama. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>También se advierte cautela para evitar a los abogados y consultores legales depredadores que pueden cobrar altas sumas de dinero por servicios que no requieren los inmigrantes y que podrían incluso perjudicarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero para muchos inmigrantes, las advertencias llegan muy tarde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una señora de El Salvador, cuyo nombre es María, residente de la ciudad de Bell, explica que ella y su esposo perdieron más de $5.000 en ahorros a una organización sin fines de lucro en Los Ángeles llamada \u003ca href=\"http://www.coalicionla.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional\u003c/a>. María pidió que no reveláramos su apellido por su estatus legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con panfletos a todo brillo y propagandas llamativas en español en los periódicos, la coalición alega ser defensora acérrima de los derechos del inmigrante y proveedora muy hábil de servicios legales. María dice que el director de la coalición, Oswaldo Cabrera, prometió ayudar a su esposo, Dore, quien es residente permanente legal, hacerse ciudadano de los EE.UU., y después ayudar a conseguirle a ella estatus legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Comenzamos a darle dinero y dinero y dinero”, explica María, quien indica que tuvo por semanas a la pareja con promesas falsas, una pesadilla de trámites confusos y audiencias de inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo comencé a desconfiar”, explica María.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero (Cabrera) nos amenazó, diciendo que no había que jugar con él porque él es abogado. Y que si no jugábamos según sus reglas, haría que nos deporten”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>María dice que cuando intentó hacer que le devolviera el dinero a la pareja, Cabrera se negó. A comienzos de este mes, María y su esposo entablaron una demanda contra él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional opera en una suite de pequeñas oficinas en un rascacielos de Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando me aparezco yo sin aviso una tarde, hay un puñado de personas sentadas sobre sofás raídos en la recepción.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10414261\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1-400x456.jpg\" alt=\"Un anuncio de la Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional, una organización sin fines de lucro de consultoría legal que también alega ser defensora de los derechos del inmigrante. La Coalición se encuentra enfrentada con varias demandas y quejas de consumidor de parte de varios clientes.\" width=\"400\" height=\"456\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10414261\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1-400x456.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1-800x912.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un anuncio de la Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional, una organización sin fines de lucro de consultoría legal que también alega ser defensora de los derechos del inmigrante. La Coalición se encuentra enfrentada con varias demandas y quejas de consumidor de parte de varios clientes. \u003ccite>(Coalición Latinoamericana Internacional))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cabrera interrumpe una reunión que sostiene con un par de clientes y me invita entrar a su oficina. Alega tener una especie de licencia internacional que le permite ofrecer consejo legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, de la profesión legal”, dice Cabrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando se le pide mostrar tal licencia, no puede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>También alega ser director de una organización sin fines de lucro en regla con el estado de California. Esto no lo corrobora la Oficina de la Secretaría del Estado de California. Recientemente la Secretaría le revocó la licencia de organización sin fines de lucro a Cabrera. Cuando le presento a Cabrera una página del sitio web de la Secretaría que indica su suspensión, alega que la información es errónea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, no”, dice Cabrera.\u003cbr>\n“Esto se detuvo, ya no existe”, explica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tampoco aparece en el sitio web el nombre de Cabrera ni de su organización en una búsqueda de consultores de inmigración afianzados por la Secretaría del Estado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una llamada de seguimiento a un representante de la Secretaría del Estado confirma que Cabrera no cuenta con licencia legal para operar como consultor legal remunerado ni como abogado para inmigrantes. En cuanto a la demanda contra Cabrera entablada por sus ex clientes María y su esposo, Cabrera dice que no la ha visto y no podía comentar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otra demanda entablada el año pasado por otro ex cliente presenta, entre otras cosas, que Cabrera abandonó al señor len a víspera de una audiencia de deportación — prometiéndole sin cumplir los servicios de un abogado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No es cierto, no es cierto, porque el tipo está viviendo en este país”, dice Cabrera. “No es deportación, nunca. Esta información está equivocada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según el abogado del demandante, el juicio está activo y pendiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de las demandas contra él, Cabrera tiene en su contra varias quejas ante el Departamento de Asuntos del Consumidor del condado de Los Ángeles. No queda claro si esta dependencia tomará alguna acción contra él.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Si lo propuesto parece demasiado bueno como para ser cierto, lo probable es que sea fraude”\u003ccite>Brian Stiger, el director del Departamento de Asuntos del Consumidor del condado de Los Ángeles\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>El director del Departamento, Brian Stiger, dice que la oficina misma envía advertencias de fraude a los servicios de inmigración mediante conferencias de prensa, talleres y otras medidas de extensión al público.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si lo propuesto parece demasiado bueno como para ser cierto, lo probable es que sea fraude”, asevera Stiger, quien indica que hay muchos estafadores que harán promesas imposibles referentes al remedio de la deportación que ofrece Obama, cuando en realidad el proceso de solicitud no comienza sino dentro de unos meses más. Los consultores legales delictivos también pueden hacer cobros exhorbitantes por trámites que los inmigrantes pueden hacer por su cuenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No hay manera de adelantarse en la cola, ni tampoco hay garantía que se apruebe una solicitud”, explica Stiger. “Y muchas veces estos consultores de temas migratorios, de hecho los que son fraudulentos, cobran más que lo que cuesta presentar la solicitud”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://da.lacounty.gov/immigration.htm\" target=\"_blank\">La Oficina del Fiscal General del Condado de Los Ángeles\u003c/a>, el fiscal de la ciudad de Los Ángeles y el fiscal general de Los Ángeles prometen tomar medidas contra los que ofrecen servicios fraudulentos de inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Fiscal de la ciudad de Los Ángeles también ofrecerá una serie de asambleas públicas en varios idiomas a realizarse en las próximas semanas, en las que los inmigrantes tendrán acceso sin costo a ayuda de abogados y consultores licenciados para llenar los formularios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abogado de inmigración de Los Ángeles, Clemente Franco, explica que los defraudadores han operado durante años y que sus operaciones son bastante sofisticadas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay algunas organizaciones que cuentan con 10 o 15 sucursales”, comenta Franco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dicen que son activistas en defensa de los derechos del inmigrante, lo cual les da un aire de credibilidad, cuando en un sentido lo que son en realidad son lobos dentro de la comunidad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobos que en realidad se valen del hecho que con frecuencia sus víctimas temen presentar una queja por motivo de su estatus legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero María, inmigrante de El Salvador, dice que tenía que poner la mano al fuego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Para que otros no caigan en el mismo problema”, explica. “Y que la gente haga un poquito más de investigación, para no caer en la misma trampa”.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "L.A. Braces for Wave of Scams Preying on Immigrants Seeking Legal Services",
"title": "L.A. Braces for Wave of Scams Preying on Immigrants Seeking Legal Services",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/186974583\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Barack Obama’s recent executive action on immigration could pave the way for several million undocumented immigrants to remain in the U.S. legally. And that has authorities bracing for a wave of scams targeting people seeking legal advice. Not only can immigrants lose thousands of dollars in such schemes, but they can also put themselves at greater risk of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Sharp says immigrants show up at his office all the time with stories of how they were fleeced by people passing themselves off as immigration attorneys or licensed consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"UCTzdl4jLsovaCWPLD990BGMiy2JTdVU\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost the perfect crime,” says Sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharp is the legal director of the Central American Resource Center in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When someone falls victim and then eventually realizes what’s happened, it can often be months or years from the time that they initially paid the non-attorney for the legal service,” says Sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the percentage of people who actually come forward is minuscule compared to the number of people who actually fall victim to the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Sharp is trying to spread the word about such scams to people eager to apply for protection from deportation under Obama’s executive action at regular immigration workshops at the \u003ca title=\"Central American Resource Center\" href=\"http://www.carecen-la.org/\">Central American Resource Center’s \u003c/a>L.A. headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10411799\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 484px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10411799\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams-400x262.jpg\" alt=\"Central American Resource Center legal director Daniel Sharp leads a workshop aimed at educating immigrants about President Obama’s recent executive action.\" width=\"484\" height=\"317\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams-400x262.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams-800x525.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 484px) 100vw, 484px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Central American Resource Center legal director Daniel Sharp leads a workshop aimed at educating immigrants about President Obama’s recent executive action. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a recent weeknight about 150 people packed into one of the center’s meeting rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presentation includes details of changes coming under executive action that could enable some undocumented immigrants, including those with children who are U.S. citizens, to remain in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also stark warnings about avoiding predatory attorneys and legal consultants who may take large sums of money for services that immigrants do not need and that may actually end up hurting their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many immigrants, it's too late for warnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Salvadoran woman named Maria, who lives in the city of Bell, says she and her husband lost more than $5,000 in savings to an L.A. nonprofit called \u003ca title=\"Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional\" href=\"http://www.coalicionla.org/\">Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional\u003c/a>. Maria asked that we not use her last name because of her legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In glossy pamphlets and in splashy Spanish-language newspaper ads, the group claims to be a staunch advocate of immigrant rights and a savvy legal services provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria says the group’s director, Oswaldo Cabrera, promised to help her husband, Dore, a legal permanent resident, become a naturalized U.S. citizen and then help attain legal status for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We began to give him money and money and money,” explains Maria in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10411795\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 425px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10411795\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion-400x455.jpg\" alt=\"An ad for Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional, a nonprofit legal consultancy that also claims to be an immigrant rights advocate. The Coalicion is facing numerous lawsuits and consumer complaints from former clients.\" width=\"425\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion-400x455.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion-800x911.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 425px) 100vw, 425px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An ad for Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional, a nonprofit legal consultancy that also claims to be an immigrant rights advocate. The Coalicion is facing numerous lawsuits and consumer complaints from former clients. \u003ccite>(Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria says the couple was strung along for weeks with false promises, in a nightmare of bungled paperwork and immigration hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was getting suspicious,” says Maria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But (Cabrera) threatened us, saying that he wasn’t to be played with because he was an attorney. And that if we didn’t play by his rules, he could have us deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria says that when she tried to get the couple’s money back, Cabrera refused. Earlier this month, she and her husband sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional operates out of a suite of cramped offices in an L.A. high-rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I show up unannounced one afternoon, a handful of people are sitting on threadbare sofas in a reception area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera interrupts a meeting with a couple of clients and invites me into his office. He claims to hold some kind of international license that allows him to dole out legal advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, in the law profession,” says Cabrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to provide that license, he can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera also claims to run a nonprofit in good standing with the state of California. Not according to the California Secretary of State’s Office. It recently yanked Cabrera’s nonprofit status. When I present Cabrera with a page from the secretary’s website showing his suspension, he claims the information is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, no,” says Cabrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is stopped, this is no more,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor does Cabrera’s name or the name of his organization come up on a search of bonded immigration consultants at the secretary of state website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A follow-up call to a California secretary of state representative confirms that Cabrera is not legally licensed to be operating as a paid legal consultant or attorney to immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the lawsuit brought against Cabrera by former clients Maria and her husband, Cabrera says he hasn't seen it and could not comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another lawsuit filed last year by a different former client claims, among other things, that Cabrera abandoned the man on the eve of a deportation hearing -- promising and then failing to provide an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not true, it’s not true because the guy is living in this country,” says Cabrera. “It’s never deportation, never. This information is wrong. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the plaintiff’s attorney, the lawsuit is active and pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the lawsuits, Cabrera faces numerous complaints with the Los Angeles County Department of Consumer Affairs. But it’s unclear what action, if any, the office is taking against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Director Brian Stiger says the office is sending immigration services fraud warnings of its own via news conferences, workshops and other public outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the deal is too good to be true, it is probably a scam,” says Stiger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says scammers will make impossible promises about Obama’s deportation relief, even though the application process won’t begin for months. Outlaw legal consultants can also charge exorbitant fees for things immigrants might be able to do themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no way to be first in line, there is no guarantee about an application being approved,” explains Stiger. “And many times these immigration consultants, certainly the fraudulent ones, are charging more money than it costs to apply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca title=\"Los Angeles Office of Consumer Affairs \" href=\"http://da.lacounty.gov/immigration.htm\">The \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://da.lacounty.gov/immigration.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office,\u003c/a> the L.A. city attorney and the California attorney general all pledge to crack down on outlaw immigration service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The L.A. City Attorney’s Office is also hosting a series of multi-lingual town halls in the coming weeks, where immigrants will be able to get help filling out forms for free from attorneys and licensed consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. immigration attorney Clemente Franco says many scammers have been in business for years and run fairly sophisticated operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have some organizations that actually have 10, 15 offices,” says Franco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They claim to be immigration rights activists, so it gives them this aura of credibility. When in a sense they are really wolves among the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolves that thrive on the fact that their victims are often too afraid to come forward because of their legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Salvadoran immigrant Maria says she needed to speak out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that other people don’t fall into the same trouble,” she says. “And that people will do a little more investigation, so that they don’t fall into the same trap.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/186974583&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/186974583'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Barack Obama’s recent executive action on immigration could pave the way for several million undocumented immigrants to remain in the U.S. legally. And that has authorities bracing for a wave of scams targeting people seeking legal advice. Not only can immigrants lose thousands of dollars in such schemes, but they can also put themselves at greater risk of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Sharp says immigrants show up at his office all the time with stories of how they were fleeced by people passing themselves off as immigration attorneys or licensed consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost the perfect crime,” says Sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharp is the legal director of the Central American Resource Center in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When someone falls victim and then eventually realizes what’s happened, it can often be months or years from the time that they initially paid the non-attorney for the legal service,” says Sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the percentage of people who actually come forward is minuscule compared to the number of people who actually fall victim to the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Sharp is trying to spread the word about such scams to people eager to apply for protection from deportation under Obama’s executive action at regular immigration workshops at the \u003ca title=\"Central American Resource Center\" href=\"http://www.carecen-la.org/\">Central American Resource Center’s \u003c/a>L.A. headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10411799\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 484px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10411799\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams-400x262.jpg\" alt=\"Central American Resource Center legal director Daniel Sharp leads a workshop aimed at educating immigrants about President Obama’s recent executive action.\" width=\"484\" height=\"317\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams-400x262.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams-800x525.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/ImmigrantScams.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 484px) 100vw, 484px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Central American Resource Center legal director Daniel Sharp leads a workshop aimed at educating immigrants about President Obama’s recent executive action. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a recent weeknight about 150 people packed into one of the center’s meeting rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presentation includes details of changes coming under executive action that could enable some undocumented immigrants, including those with children who are U.S. citizens, to remain in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also stark warnings about avoiding predatory attorneys and legal consultants who may take large sums of money for services that immigrants do not need and that may actually end up hurting their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many immigrants, it's too late for warnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Salvadoran woman named Maria, who lives in the city of Bell, says she and her husband lost more than $5,000 in savings to an L.A. nonprofit called \u003ca title=\"Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional\" href=\"http://www.coalicionla.org/\">Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional\u003c/a>. Maria asked that we not use her last name because of her legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In glossy pamphlets and in splashy Spanish-language newspaper ads, the group claims to be a staunch advocate of immigrant rights and a savvy legal services provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria says the group’s director, Oswaldo Cabrera, promised to help her husband, Dore, a legal permanent resident, become a naturalized U.S. citizen and then help attain legal status for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We began to give him money and money and money,” explains Maria in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10411795\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 425px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10411795\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion-400x455.jpg\" alt=\"An ad for Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional, a nonprofit legal consultancy that also claims to be an immigrant rights advocate. The Coalicion is facing numerous lawsuits and consumer complaints from former clients.\" width=\"425\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion-400x455.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion-800x911.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/01/Coalicion.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 425px) 100vw, 425px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An ad for Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional, a nonprofit legal consultancy that also claims to be an immigrant rights advocate. The Coalicion is facing numerous lawsuits and consumer complaints from former clients. \u003ccite>(Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria says the couple was strung along for weeks with false promises, in a nightmare of bungled paperwork and immigration hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was getting suspicious,” says Maria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But (Cabrera) threatened us, saying that he wasn’t to be played with because he was an attorney. And that if we didn’t play by his rules, he could have us deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria says that when she tried to get the couple’s money back, Cabrera refused. Earlier this month, she and her husband sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coalicion Latinoamericana Internacional operates out of a suite of cramped offices in an L.A. high-rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I show up unannounced one afternoon, a handful of people are sitting on threadbare sofas in a reception area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera interrupts a meeting with a couple of clients and invites me into his office. He claims to hold some kind of international license that allows him to dole out legal advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah, in the law profession,” says Cabrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to provide that license, he can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera also claims to run a nonprofit in good standing with the state of California. Not according to the California Secretary of State’s Office. It recently yanked Cabrera’s nonprofit status. When I present Cabrera with a page from the secretary’s website showing his suspension, he claims the information is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No, no,” says Cabrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is stopped, this is no more,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor does Cabrera’s name or the name of his organization come up on a search of bonded immigration consultants at the secretary of state website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A follow-up call to a California secretary of state representative confirms that Cabrera is not legally licensed to be operating as a paid legal consultant or attorney to immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the lawsuit brought against Cabrera by former clients Maria and her husband, Cabrera says he hasn't seen it and could not comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another lawsuit filed last year by a different former client claims, among other things, that Cabrera abandoned the man on the eve of a deportation hearing -- promising and then failing to provide an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not true, it’s not true because the guy is living in this country,” says Cabrera. “It’s never deportation, never. This information is wrong. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the plaintiff’s attorney, the lawsuit is active and pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the lawsuits, Cabrera faces numerous complaints with the Los Angeles County Department of Consumer Affairs. But it’s unclear what action, if any, the office is taking against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Director Brian Stiger says the office is sending immigration services fraud warnings of its own via news conferences, workshops and other public outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the deal is too good to be true, it is probably a scam,” says Stiger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says scammers will make impossible promises about Obama’s deportation relief, even though the application process won’t begin for months. Outlaw legal consultants can also charge exorbitant fees for things immigrants might be able to do themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no way to be first in line, there is no guarantee about an application being approved,” explains Stiger. “And many times these immigration consultants, certainly the fraudulent ones, are charging more money than it costs to apply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca title=\"Los Angeles Office of Consumer Affairs \" href=\"http://da.lacounty.gov/immigration.htm\">The \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://da.lacounty.gov/immigration.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office,\u003c/a> the L.A. city attorney and the California attorney general all pledge to crack down on outlaw immigration service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The L.A. City Attorney’s Office is also hosting a series of multi-lingual town halls in the coming weeks, where immigrants will be able to get help filling out forms for free from attorneys and licensed consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. immigration attorney Clemente Franco says many scammers have been in business for years and run fairly sophisticated operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have some organizations that actually have 10, 15 offices,” says Franco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They claim to be immigration rights activists, so it gives them this aura of credibility. When in a sense they are really wolves among the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolves that thrive on the fact that their victims are often too afraid to come forward because of their legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Salvadoran immigrant Maria says she needed to speak out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that other people don’t fall into the same trouble,” she says. “And that people will do a little more investigation, so that they don’t fall into the same trap.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "Immigrant Shift: The Changing California Workforce | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Shalini Sharma loves spending time at home with her two young sons, make no mistake. She loves being able to cheer on her youngest as he learns to ride a scooter, and helping her eldest with his homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she really misses her work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am an architect,\" said Sharma, who arrived in the U.S. almost six years ago. \"I was a professional architect in India, and I was an interior designer. I had my own practice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharma isn't your typical stay-at-home mom who traded career for kids. She's in the United States on what’s called an H-4 visa, granted to dependents of work visa holders. These are typically high-skilled workers on H-1B visas, more than two-thirds of whom are men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/186205794\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These dependent spouses, many of them from South Asia, aren’t authorized to work in the U.S. But in many cases, they are as well-educated and skilled as their partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Sharma stayed home by choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was all fine with not working, because I wanted to give some time to my kids and stay with them and just be with my family, the four of us together,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was almost six years ago, when she first arrived in the U.S. with her husband, Vishal, on his work visa. But their lives have changed, and she's eager to get back to the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming year, she might: Sharma is one of an estimated 100,000 spouses of high-skilled work visa holders who could soon be allowed to work as part of President Obama's new immigration plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/blogs/multiamerican/2015/01/08/17776/spouses-of-high-skilled-visa-holders-look-forward\">Read the full piece via KPCC\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shalini Sharma loves spending time at home with her two young sons, make no mistake. She loves being able to cheer on her youngest as he learns to ride a scooter, and helping her eldest with his homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she really misses her work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am an architect,\" said Sharma, who arrived in the U.S. almost six years ago. \"I was a professional architect in India, and I was an interior designer. I had my own practice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharma isn't your typical stay-at-home mom who traded career for kids. She's in the United States on what’s called an H-4 visa, granted to dependents of work visa holders. These are typically high-skilled workers on H-1B visas, more than two-thirds of whom are men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/186205794&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/186205794'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These dependent spouses, many of them from South Asia, aren’t authorized to work in the U.S. But in many cases, they are as well-educated and skilled as their partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Sharma stayed home by choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was all fine with not working, because I wanted to give some time to my kids and stay with them and just be with my family, the four of us together,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was almost six years ago, when she first arrived in the U.S. with her husband, Vishal, on his work visa. But their lives have changed, and she's eager to get back to the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming year, she might: Sharma is one of an estimated 100,000 spouses of high-skilled work visa holders who could soon be allowed to work as part of President Obama's new immigration plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/blogs/multiamerican/2015/01/08/17776/spouses-of-high-skilled-visa-holders-look-forward\">Read the full piece via KPCC\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Two Salvadoran Sisters One Step Closer to Special Immigration Relief",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>EDITOR'S NOTE: Yesenia asked KQED not to use her last name because she's an undocumented immigrant.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer and Yesenia stand in the living room of their modest two-bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their eyes are shut tight, in prayer. The sisters are anxious and uneasy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today is one of the most important days in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In about an hour, they’ll face a Superior Court judge who will decide whether Yesenia should have permanent legal custody of her little sister, a move that \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Green%20Card/Green%20Card%20Through%20a%20Job/Information_for_Juvenile_Courts_-FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">could pave the way for Jennifer to stay here legally\u003c/a> under a special kind of immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia was reunited with her sister just about a year ago, after 10 years of being apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, I’m really nervous,” Yesenia says. “God willing, [the judge] won’t send her away from me. If she goes back [to El Salvador] again … I'll lose her completely. That’s my biggest fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer, 17, arrived last year to live with her 34-year-old sister, Yesenia, in San Mateo County. She was part of that \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/08/21/child-immigrants-legal-logjam/\">wave of thousands of Central American kids\u003c/a> who came to the U.S. fleeing gang violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is now trying to stay by applying for a special kind of immigration relief. But building her legal case is forcing the sisters to confront a painful family secret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past couple months, they’ve been working with a well-known pro bono attorney by the name of Jennifer Horne. She offers legal representation for immigrant children at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.legalaidsmc.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Legal Aid Society of San Mateo County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I visited Horne at her Redwood City office before the sisters' court hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she has a good case,” says Horne, who has Jennifer’s court file spread out across her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s Horne’s job to make the case that Jennifer should get what is called \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/green-card/special-immigrant-juveniles/special-immigrant-juveniles-sij-status\" target=\"_blank\">Special Immigrant Juvenile Status\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says Jennifer qualifies because her biological father abandoned her years ago, and her mother has now taken refuge in a church in El Salvador after gangs threatened her and her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"k7L6of15oXGOTKsq8k63ficamBkHa4mu\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They haven't seen Jennifer’s father because he never stuck around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia knows this. Her mother knows this. But neither of them ever could bring themselves to tell Jennifer the truth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia, whose dad left when she was 4 years old, says Jennifer’s real father left their mom before Jennifer was even born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think my mother was lonely,\" Yesenia says. \"This man came along and was treating her well. She was always looking for that kind of attention from men.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their mother got pregnant, but Jennifer's father urged her to have an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Jennifer grew up thinking another man was her real dad. Eventually, like the others, he also left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer's legal case, however, depends on the court knowing what happened to her father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Yesenia got her mom on the phone a few weeks ago, and both of them told Jennifer the truth. Yesenia says their mom had several men in her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It hurts me so much,\" Yesenia admits, tears streaming down her face. \"My father and her father never knew when we had problems, or if we had food on the table. They never knew anything.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is still trying to make sense of what her mom revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[My mom] never talked to me about this before,” Jennifer says. “That my father wasn’t my father … it was some man I’ve never even met.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man who Jennifer thought was her dad was actually her younger brother’s father, but Jennifer says she “loved him like my father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasing number of child migrants in the U.S. right now are in Jennifer's position -- dredging up family histories in an effort to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost 6,000 young people applied for Special Immigrant Juvenile Status in the fiscal year that ended Sep. 30. That's more than triple the number four years earlier. First, they must show that at least one of their parents abandoned, neglected or abused them. If they prove that, they can apply to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"768\" height=\"706.5\" src=\"https://infoactive.co/plays/24774\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers say this is easier than \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/08/teens-life-and-death-struggle-for-asylum-in-america\" target=\"_blank\">applying for asylum\u003c/a> in many cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is now about to take the first step in this process at the San Mateo County Superior Courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sisters make their way through security at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their attorney, Horne, has her own private doubts at this moment. It has been difficult for her to assemble all the necessary evidence and documentation from El Salvador to prove Jennifer’s case. And she had a last-minute scramble to meet the judge's request for some additional material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Horne quickly goes over the game plan outside the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obviously, the judge has not seen the papers I just filed,\" Horne explains to Jennifer and Yesenia. \"He will mostly talk to me, but he might have a question for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sisters are seated on a long wooden bench with their arms wrapped around each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courtroom door opens, and the sisters follow Horne to their seats in front of the judge’s podium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superior Court Judge Joseph Scott whips open Jennifer's court file, analyzes the evidence and looks directly at the 17-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Scott: \"Has anyone made any recent attempts to locate Jennifer’s father in El Salvador? Any attempts at all?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_146007\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/hands.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-146007\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/hands.jpg\" alt=\"Jennifer and Yesenia. (Gabriel Salcedo/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer and Yesenia. (Gabriel Salcedo/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Horne replies: \"We have made every attempt to try and locate him … he might be deceased, he might be in another country. We simply have no leads.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott asks more questions, takes off his glasses and then issues his ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He finds Jennifer's father did in fact abandon her. He also grants Yesenia legal guardianship over her sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once they leave the courtroom, tears start flowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sisters are locked in a tight embrace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is speechless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, finally, she smiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer knows her chance to win legal immigration status is much closer. Still, the sisters and their mom have been forced into new emotional territory:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A daughter who now wants to ask her mother and sister, \"Why keep this secret for so many years?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a sister and mother who must now explain their family's past, as they work to secure Jennifer's future.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>EDITOR'S NOTE: Yesenia asked KQED not to use her last name because she's an undocumented immigrant.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer and Yesenia stand in the living room of their modest two-bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their eyes are shut tight, in prayer. The sisters are anxious and uneasy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today is one of the most important days in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In about an hour, they’ll face a Superior Court judge who will decide whether Yesenia should have permanent legal custody of her little sister, a move that \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Green%20Card/Green%20Card%20Through%20a%20Job/Information_for_Juvenile_Courts_-FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">could pave the way for Jennifer to stay here legally\u003c/a> under a special kind of immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia was reunited with her sister just about a year ago, after 10 years of being apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, I’m really nervous,” Yesenia says. “God willing, [the judge] won’t send her away from me. If she goes back [to El Salvador] again … I'll lose her completely. That’s my biggest fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer, 17, arrived last year to live with her 34-year-old sister, Yesenia, in San Mateo County. She was part of that \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/08/21/child-immigrants-legal-logjam/\">wave of thousands of Central American kids\u003c/a> who came to the U.S. fleeing gang violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is now trying to stay by applying for a special kind of immigration relief. But building her legal case is forcing the sisters to confront a painful family secret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past couple months, they’ve been working with a well-known pro bono attorney by the name of Jennifer Horne. She offers legal representation for immigrant children at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.legalaidsmc.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Legal Aid Society of San Mateo County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I visited Horne at her Redwood City office before the sisters' court hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she has a good case,” says Horne, who has Jennifer’s court file spread out across her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s Horne’s job to make the case that Jennifer should get what is called \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/green-card/special-immigrant-juveniles/special-immigrant-juveniles-sij-status\" target=\"_blank\">Special Immigrant Juvenile Status\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says Jennifer qualifies because her biological father abandoned her years ago, and her mother has now taken refuge in a church in El Salvador after gangs threatened her and her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They haven't seen Jennifer’s father because he never stuck around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia knows this. Her mother knows this. But neither of them ever could bring themselves to tell Jennifer the truth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia, whose dad left when she was 4 years old, says Jennifer’s real father left their mom before Jennifer was even born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think my mother was lonely,\" Yesenia says. \"This man came along and was treating her well. She was always looking for that kind of attention from men.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their mother got pregnant, but Jennifer's father urged her to have an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Jennifer grew up thinking another man was her real dad. Eventually, like the others, he also left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer's legal case, however, depends on the court knowing what happened to her father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Yesenia got her mom on the phone a few weeks ago, and both of them told Jennifer the truth. Yesenia says their mom had several men in her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It hurts me so much,\" Yesenia admits, tears streaming down her face. \"My father and her father never knew when we had problems, or if we had food on the table. They never knew anything.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is still trying to make sense of what her mom revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[My mom] never talked to me about this before,” Jennifer says. “That my father wasn’t my father … it was some man I’ve never even met.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man who Jennifer thought was her dad was actually her younger brother’s father, but Jennifer says she “loved him like my father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasing number of child migrants in the U.S. right now are in Jennifer's position -- dredging up family histories in an effort to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost 6,000 young people applied for Special Immigrant Juvenile Status in the fiscal year that ended Sep. 30. That's more than triple the number four years earlier. First, they must show that at least one of their parents abandoned, neglected or abused them. If they prove that, they can apply to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"768\" height=\"706.5\" src=\"https://infoactive.co/plays/24774\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers say this is easier than \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/08/teens-life-and-death-struggle-for-asylum-in-america\" target=\"_blank\">applying for asylum\u003c/a> in many cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is now about to take the first step in this process at the San Mateo County Superior Courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sisters make their way through security at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their attorney, Horne, has her own private doubts at this moment. It has been difficult for her to assemble all the necessary evidence and documentation from El Salvador to prove Jennifer’s case. And she had a last-minute scramble to meet the judge's request for some additional material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Horne quickly goes over the game plan outside the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obviously, the judge has not seen the papers I just filed,\" Horne explains to Jennifer and Yesenia. \"He will mostly talk to me, but he might have a question for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sisters are seated on a long wooden bench with their arms wrapped around each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courtroom door opens, and the sisters follow Horne to their seats in front of the judge’s podium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superior Court Judge Joseph Scott whips open Jennifer's court file, analyzes the evidence and looks directly at the 17-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Scott: \"Has anyone made any recent attempts to locate Jennifer’s father in El Salvador? Any attempts at all?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_146007\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/hands.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-146007\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/hands.jpg\" alt=\"Jennifer and Yesenia. (Gabriel Salcedo/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer and Yesenia. (Gabriel Salcedo/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Horne replies: \"We have made every attempt to try and locate him … he might be deceased, he might be in another country. We simply have no leads.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott asks more questions, takes off his glasses and then issues his ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He finds Jennifer's father did in fact abandon her. He also grants Yesenia legal guardianship over her sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once they leave the courtroom, tears start flowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sisters are locked in a tight embrace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is speechless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, finally, she smiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer knows her chance to win legal immigration status is much closer. Still, the sisters and their mom have been forced into new emotional territory:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A daughter who now wants to ask her mother and sister, \"Why keep this secret for so many years?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a sister and mother who must now explain their family's past, as they work to secure Jennifer's future.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Dos Hermanas de El Salvador Están un Paso Más Cerca del Alivio Migratorio Especial",
"title": "Dos Hermanas de El Salvador Están un Paso Más Cerca del Alivio Migratorio Especial",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Nota del editor: Yesenia le pidió a KQED no usar su apellido por lo que es una inmigrante sin documentos.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer y Yesenia están de pie en la sala de estar de su apartamento modesto de dos recámaras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tienen los ojos bien cerrados, concentrándose en una oración. Las hermanas se sienten ansiosas e inquietas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoy es el día más importante de su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En aproximadamente una hora, comparecerán ante un juez del Tribunal Superior quien decidirá otorgarle o no a Yesenia la tutoría legal permanente de su hermanita, una decisión que podría abrirle el camino a Jennifer para quedarse aquí legalmente, gozando de una clase especial de estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/185298725\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se reunieron las dos hermanas hace apenas un año, después de estar separadas durante 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, estoy bien nerviosa”, comenta Yesenia. “Dios quiera, [el juez] no me la quite. Si ella regresa [a El Salvador] de nuevo…la perderé por completo. Ese es mi mayor temor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer, de 17 años, llegó el año pasado a vivir con su hermana Yesenia, de 34 años, en el condado de San Mateo. Formó parte de aquella ola de miles de niños centroamericanos que llegaron a los Estados Unidos, huyendo de la violencia de las pandillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora Jennifer intenta quedarse con solicitar un alivio migratorio especial. Pero al recoger información para fortalecer su caso legal, las hermanas se ven obligadas a enfrentar un secreto familiar doloroso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante los últimos meses, han estado colaborando con una abogada conocida que atiende casos pro bono, Jennifer Horne, quien ofrece representación legal a los niños inmigrantes en la Legal Aid Society del condado de San Mateo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pasé a visitar a Horne en su despacho de Redwood City antes de la audiencia de las hermanas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me parece que tiene mérito su caso”, dice Horne, con el expediente legal de Jennifer distribuido por su escritorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tarea que tiene Horne es de convencer al juez que a Jennifer hay que otorgarle estatus especial para migrantes juveniles, que se llama en inglés \u003cem>Special Immigrant Juvenile Status\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Explica que Jennifer califica para el estatus por lo que su padre biológico la abandonó hace muchos años, y su madre ahora se ha refugiado en una iglesia en El Salvador después de recibir amenazas de las maras, ella y su hijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"YNC1gDVkVeEkcf5Oj1mojb9KSFqHVkBu\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No han visto al padre de Jennifer porque no se ha dejado ver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto lo sabe Yesenia, y lo sabe su madre. Pero ninguna de las dos pudo nunca contarle a Jennifer la verdad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia, cuyo padre la abandonó cuando tenia 4 años, dice que el padre biológico de Jennifer dejó a su madre antes que Jennifer naciera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo creo que se sentía muy sola mi madre”, explica Yesenia. “Llegó este señor y la trataba muy bien. Ella siempre buscó ese tipo de atención de los hombres”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se quedó embarazada con Jennifer, pero el hombre le instó a que abortara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella se negó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Jennifer se crió pensando que otro hombre era su padre. Con el tiempo, como los demás, él también las abandonó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El caso legal de Jennifer, sin embargo, depende de poder informarle al tribunal lo que ocurrió con su padre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como resultado, Yesenia llamó por teléfono a su madre hace unas semanas, y entre las dos le contaron a Jennifer la verdad. Yesenia comenta que su mamá estuvo con varios hombres durante su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me duele mucho”, admite Yesenia, el rostro empapado de lágrimas. “Ni mi padre ni el de ella supo nunca que teníamos problemas, o que si había qué comer. Nunca supieron nada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer sigue tratando de comprender lo que su madre le reveló.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Mi mamá] nunca me había hablado de esto”, cuenta Jennifer. “Que mi papá no era mi padre … que fue algún hombre al que nunca conocí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El hombre que Jennifer pensaba era su padre era en realidad el padre de su hermano menor, pero Jennifer dice que “lo quería como mi papá”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este momento, un número creciente de niños migrantes en los EE.UU. están en la misma posición que Jennifer – desenterrando las historias familiares en un esfuerzo por quedarse en los Estados Unidos legalmente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unos seis mil jóvenes solicitaron el estatus especial para migrantes juveniles durante el año fiscal que terminó el 30 de septiembre. Esta cifra es tres veces mayor que la de cuatro años antes. Primero, deben probar que al menos uno de sus padres les dejó, los dejó al abandono o los abusó. Si esto lo pueden probar, pueden solicitar permanecer aquí.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los abogados de inmigración dicen que esto es más fácil que solicitar el asilo, en muchos casos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer ahora está por dar su primer paso por este camino en el Tribunal Superior del condado de San Mateo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las hermanas de dirigen por los corredores del tribunal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Están inquietas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su abogado, Jennifer Horne, tiene ciertas dudas, las cuales guarda en secreto, en este momento. Le ha resultado difícil juntar toda la evidencia y la documentación necesarias de El Salvador para probar el caso de Jennifer. Y le tocó apresurarse por reunir materiales que el juez le pidió a última hora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antes de entrar al tribunal, Horne rápidamente repasa la estrategia que aplicará.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Claramente el juez no ha visto los documentos que acabo de presentar”, le explica Horne a Jennifer y a Yesenia. “Hablará mayormente conmigo, pero es posible que tenga alguna pregunta para ustedes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las hermanas están sentadas sobre un largo banco de madera, abrazándose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se abre la puerta del tribunal, y las hermanas siguen a Horne para sentarse frente al podio del juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El juez del Tribunal Superior, Joseph Scott, abre el expediente de Jennifer, analiza la evidencia y mira directamente a la joven de 17 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El juez Scott pregunta: “En tiempos recientes, ¿ha intentado alguien localizar al padre de Jennifer en El Salvador? ¿Se ha hecho intento alguno?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_146007\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/hands.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-146007\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/hands.jpg\" alt=\"Jennifer and Yesenia. (Gabriel Salcedo/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer y Yesenia. (Gabriel Salcedo/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Responde Horne: “Hemos hecho todo intento por intentar localizarlo … es posible que haya fallecido, o que esté en otro país. Sencillamente no tenemos ninguna pista”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El juez hace otras preguntas, se quita los lentes, y presenta su decisión.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Encuentra que en realidad el padre de Jennifer la abandonó. También le otorga a Yesenia la tutoría legal de su hermana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que salen del tribunal, brotan las lágrimas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las hermanas se unen en un fuerte abrazo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer no encuentra palabras para expresarse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Después, al final, sonríe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer sabe que está ahora más cerca a la posibilidad de obtener estatus legal. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Nota del editor: Yesenia le pidió a KQED no usar su apellido por lo que es una inmigrante sin documentos.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer y Yesenia están de pie en la sala de estar de su apartamento modesto de dos recámaras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tienen los ojos bien cerrados, concentrándose en una oración. Las hermanas se sienten ansiosas e inquietas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoy es el día más importante de su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En aproximadamente una hora, comparecerán ante un juez del Tribunal Superior quien decidirá otorgarle o no a Yesenia la tutoría legal permanente de su hermanita, una decisión que podría abrirle el camino a Jennifer para quedarse aquí legalmente, gozando de una clase especial de estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/185298725&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/185298725'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se reunieron las dos hermanas hace apenas un año, después de estar separadas durante 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, estoy bien nerviosa”, comenta Yesenia. “Dios quiera, [el juez] no me la quite. Si ella regresa [a El Salvador] de nuevo…la perderé por completo. Ese es mi mayor temor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer, de 17 años, llegó el año pasado a vivir con su hermana Yesenia, de 34 años, en el condado de San Mateo. Formó parte de aquella ola de miles de niños centroamericanos que llegaron a los Estados Unidos, huyendo de la violencia de las pandillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora Jennifer intenta quedarse con solicitar un alivio migratorio especial. Pero al recoger información para fortalecer su caso legal, las hermanas se ven obligadas a enfrentar un secreto familiar doloroso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante los últimos meses, han estado colaborando con una abogada conocida que atiende casos pro bono, Jennifer Horne, quien ofrece representación legal a los niños inmigrantes en la Legal Aid Society del condado de San Mateo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pasé a visitar a Horne en su despacho de Redwood City antes de la audiencia de las hermanas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me parece que tiene mérito su caso”, dice Horne, con el expediente legal de Jennifer distribuido por su escritorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tarea que tiene Horne es de convencer al juez que a Jennifer hay que otorgarle estatus especial para migrantes juveniles, que se llama en inglés \u003cem>Special Immigrant Juvenile Status\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Explica que Jennifer califica para el estatus por lo que su padre biológico la abandonó hace muchos años, y su madre ahora se ha refugiado en una iglesia en El Salvador después de recibir amenazas de las maras, ella y su hijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No han visto al padre de Jennifer porque no se ha dejado ver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto lo sabe Yesenia, y lo sabe su madre. Pero ninguna de las dos pudo nunca contarle a Jennifer la verdad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yesenia, cuyo padre la abandonó cuando tenia 4 años, dice que el padre biológico de Jennifer dejó a su madre antes que Jennifer naciera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo creo que se sentía muy sola mi madre”, explica Yesenia. “Llegó este señor y la trataba muy bien. Ella siempre buscó ese tipo de atención de los hombres”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se quedó embarazada con Jennifer, pero el hombre le instó a que abortara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella se negó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Jennifer se crió pensando que otro hombre era su padre. Con el tiempo, como los demás, él también las abandonó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El caso legal de Jennifer, sin embargo, depende de poder informarle al tribunal lo que ocurrió con su padre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como resultado, Yesenia llamó por teléfono a su madre hace unas semanas, y entre las dos le contaron a Jennifer la verdad. 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Si esto lo pueden probar, pueden solicitar permanecer aquí.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los abogados de inmigración dicen que esto es más fácil que solicitar el asilo, en muchos casos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer ahora está por dar su primer paso por este camino en el Tribunal Superior del condado de San Mateo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las hermanas de dirigen por los corredores del tribunal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Están inquietas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su abogado, Jennifer Horne, tiene ciertas dudas, las cuales guarda en secreto, en este momento. Le ha resultado difícil juntar toda la evidencia y la documentación necesarias de El Salvador para probar el caso de Jennifer. 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"content": "\u003cp>Dozens of individuals arrived at a DMV office in San Jose early Friday morning to fill out paperwork for driver's licenses, as a new law allowed California to begin taking applications from the nation's largest population of undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose office was one of four opened in the state to handle the expected influx of applications. The DMV expects 1.4 million people will seek a license in the first three years of a program aimed at boosting road safety and making immigrants' lives easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\u003cstrong>How to apply for a license under the new law\u003c/strong>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/wasapp/foa/clear.do?goTo=officeVisit\" target=\"_blank\">Make an appointment online\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/driver_license_processing_centers\" target=\"_blank\">Drop in at same-day service processing centers\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/fo_sat_offices/\" target=\"_blank\">Offices with Saturday hours by appointment\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Call 1-800-777-0133 to make an appointment\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://dmv.ca.gov/portal/wcm/connect/11a86d62-f848-4012-bc7d-4192bdef4f00/doc_req_matrix.pdf?MOD=AJPERES\" target=\"_blank\">Documents needed for proof of identity\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/?1dmy&urile=wcm:path:/dmv_content_en/dmv/ab60/index\" target=\"_blank\">Handbooks and sample tests in 11 languages\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The DMV is asking that those who would like to apply for a license under the new law, AB60, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/wasapp/foa/clear.do?goTo=officeVisit\" target=\"_blank\">make an appointment online\u003c/a> or by calling 1-800-777-0133. \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/fo_sat_offices/\" target=\"_blank\">Saturday office hours are available at select offices\u003c/a>. Same-day service is available at \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/driver_license_processing_centers\" target=\"_blank\">driver's license processing centers\u003c/a>, including the one in San Jose, without an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials couldn't predict how many people would immediately apply, but the number of those making appointments for a license more than doubled when immigrants were allowed to sign up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Francisco Garcia was among those waiting in the cold for the processing center in East San Jose to open. He told KQED's Beth Willon that a driver's license would make him feel \"confident, that's the word, get confident again, I'm somebody.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the new DMV processing centers has the ability to administer actual behind-the-wheel driving tests. After undocumented immigrants pass the written exam and receive a practice permit, they have to make an appointment and return to another office to be tested behind the wheel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants have not been able to obtain a California driver's license in 20 years. Prior to 1994, proof of legal presence was not required. Some undocumented immigrants had licenses before the change in the law, but after they expired, they could not renew them without documentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Stanton on Friday, hundreds of people lined up in the early-morning cold to form a line stretching around a temporary Department of Motor Vehicles office -- some poring over driver's handbooks in preparation for written tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a big opportunity for me,\" said Sammy Moeung, 24, a Cambodian immigrant. \"Having this is moving a step forward in life, in California and the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moeung, who lives in Buena Park, said he arrived a little after 4 a.m. because he didn't want to wait another day to get a license. He said he needs it to avoid having to ride his bike to work at his brother's doughnut shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of 10 states now providing licenses to immigrants in the country illegally. The licenses issued to immigrants without legal status will include a distinctive marking and are not considered a valid form of federal identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates have cheered the licenses as a way to integrate immigrants who must drive to work and shuttle children to school. But critics have questioned state officials' ability to verify the identity of foreign applicants, citing security concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement officials say the program will improve road safety because licensed drivers must be tested and insured. A DMV study of 23 years of crash data found that unlicensed drivers were more likely to cause a fatal collision than licensed drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State insurance officials hope the change will increase the number of drivers holding auto insurance, though some immigrants say they have always held insurance even though they could not get a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Aguirre, 30, is one of them. She used to take a two-hour bus trip to clean houses in driving-dependent Southern California. Now she drives, but lacks a license and fears her car might be impounded if she is ever stopped by police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me, honestly, it is a blessing,\" said Aguirre, who has an appointment to apply for a license. \"The relief of knowing they won't take your car is a big advantage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have encouraged immigrants to seek the license. But they are warning those with deportation orders or criminal records to first seek legal advice since law enforcement can access DMV data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants must submit proof of identity and state residency and pass written and road tests. Those who don't possess foreign government-issued identification on a list of approved documents can be interviewed by a DMV investigator to see if they qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who pass the initial hurdles will get a driving permit. But they must return for a driving test before they can get the new licenses, which will be marked with the words \"federal limits apply.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>AP contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dozens of individuals arrived at a DMV office in San Jose early Friday morning to fill out paperwork for driver's licenses, as a new law allowed California to begin taking applications from the nation's largest population of undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose office was one of four opened in the state to handle the expected influx of applications. The DMV expects 1.4 million people will seek a license in the first three years of a program aimed at boosting road safety and making immigrants' lives easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\u003cstrong>How to apply for a license under the new law\u003c/strong>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/wasapp/foa/clear.do?goTo=officeVisit\" target=\"_blank\">Make an appointment online\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/driver_license_processing_centers\" target=\"_blank\">Drop in at same-day service processing centers\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/fo_sat_offices/\" target=\"_blank\">Offices with Saturday hours by appointment\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Call 1-800-777-0133 to make an appointment\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://dmv.ca.gov/portal/wcm/connect/11a86d62-f848-4012-bc7d-4192bdef4f00/doc_req_matrix.pdf?MOD=AJPERES\" target=\"_blank\">Documents needed for proof of identity\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/?1dmy&urile=wcm:path:/dmv_content_en/dmv/ab60/index\" target=\"_blank\">Handbooks and sample tests in 11 languages\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The DMV is asking that those who would like to apply for a license under the new law, AB60, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/wasapp/foa/clear.do?goTo=officeVisit\" target=\"_blank\">make an appointment online\u003c/a> or by calling 1-800-777-0133. \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/fo_sat_offices/\" target=\"_blank\">Saturday office hours are available at select offices\u003c/a>. Same-day service is available at \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/fo/driver_license_processing_centers\" target=\"_blank\">driver's license processing centers\u003c/a>, including the one in San Jose, without an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials couldn't predict how many people would immediately apply, but the number of those making appointments for a license more than doubled when immigrants were allowed to sign up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Francisco Garcia was among those waiting in the cold for the processing center in East San Jose to open. He told KQED's Beth Willon that a driver's license would make him feel \"confident, that's the word, get confident again, I'm somebody.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the new DMV processing centers has the ability to administer actual behind-the-wheel driving tests. After undocumented immigrants pass the written exam and receive a practice permit, they have to make an appointment and return to another office to be tested behind the wheel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants have not been able to obtain a California driver's license in 20 years. Prior to 1994, proof of legal presence was not required. Some undocumented immigrants had licenses before the change in the law, but after they expired, they could not renew them without documentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Stanton on Friday, hundreds of people lined up in the early-morning cold to form a line stretching around a temporary Department of Motor Vehicles office -- some poring over driver's handbooks in preparation for written tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a big opportunity for me,\" said Sammy Moeung, 24, a Cambodian immigrant. \"Having this is moving a step forward in life, in California and the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moeung, who lives in Buena Park, said he arrived a little after 4 a.m. because he didn't want to wait another day to get a license. He said he needs it to avoid having to ride his bike to work at his brother's doughnut shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of 10 states now providing licenses to immigrants in the country illegally. The licenses issued to immigrants without legal status will include a distinctive marking and are not considered a valid form of federal identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates have cheered the licenses as a way to integrate immigrants who must drive to work and shuttle children to school. But critics have questioned state officials' ability to verify the identity of foreign applicants, citing security concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement officials say the program will improve road safety because licensed drivers must be tested and insured. A DMV study of 23 years of crash data found that unlicensed drivers were more likely to cause a fatal collision than licensed drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State insurance officials hope the change will increase the number of drivers holding auto insurance, though some immigrants say they have always held insurance even though they could not get a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Aguirre, 30, is one of them. She used to take a two-hour bus trip to clean houses in driving-dependent Southern California. Now she drives, but lacks a license and fears her car might be impounded if she is ever stopped by police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me, honestly, it is a blessing,\" said Aguirre, who has an appointment to apply for a license. \"The relief of knowing they won't take your car is a big advantage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have encouraged immigrants to seek the license. But they are warning those with deportation orders or criminal records to first seek legal advice since law enforcement can access DMV data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants must submit proof of identity and state residency and pass written and road tests. Those who don't possess foreign government-issued identification on a list of approved documents can be interviewed by a DMV investigator to see if they qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who pass the initial hurdles will get a driving permit. But they must return for a driving test before they can get the new licenses, which will be marked with the words \"federal limits apply.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>AP contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California's Undocumented Immigrants Get Ready for the DMV",
"title": "California's Undocumented Immigrants Get Ready for the DMV",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Friday, undocumented immigrants in California can reclaim a long-lost privilege: the right to stand in line at the DMV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the first day that immigrants living in California illegally \u003ca href=\"http://apps.dmv.ca.gov/ab60/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">can apply for a license\u003c/a> in more than 20 years. That right was recently secured in 2013, when state lawmakers passed AB60.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some are so excited at the prospect that they’ve been \u003ca href=\"http://driveca.org/\" target=\"_blank\">preparing for the DMV exams\u003c/a> months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/183890638\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since July, volunteer teacher Felipe Portales has taught nearly 1,000 students at test prep sessions at San Jose schools and churches and at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.embassypages.com/missions/embassy14230/\" target=\"_blank\">Mexican Consulate\u003c/a>. Students have traveled from as far away as Oakland, Salinas, Watsonville and King City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weeknight, his audience included about 35 undocumented immigrants. They met in borrowed space at the consulate. Portales used to work for the DMV and, along with his ex-wife, Gina Gates, also used to run a drivers education business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve been offering classes at the consulate for free.\u003cbr>\nHe says two students in the front row are here for the sixth or seventh time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ask them to come as many times as they want,” Portales says. “Because these two women say that it’s easier to get it from my lecture than to read and try to understand it and try to remember it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many who attend come straight from work. Tired, they show up anyway, eager to pass their tests at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv\" target=\"_blank\">Department of Motor Vehicles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10392485\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10392485\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut-400x225.jpg\" alt=\"Immigrants study driving rules in preparation for their tests at the DMV. California will let undocumented immigrants apply for driver licenses as of Jan. 2, 2015. (Vinnee Tong/KQED)\" width=\"400\" height=\"225\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrants study driving rules in preparation for their tests at the DMV. California will let undocumented immigrants apply for driver's licenses as of Jan. 2, 2015. (Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, the DMV expects 1.4 million undocumented immigrants to apply for licenses. Portales’ students are among the first who will try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two sessions that last 2½ hours each, Portales covers speed limits, 3-point turns, how to hold the steering wheel and the danger of passing on a two-lane road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a break in the class, one of the students explains why she wants to get her license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared because I don’t have something legal here for identification,” says Monica, who asked to go by her first name only because she’s been driving without a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica moved to East San Jose from Acapulco, Mexico, to support her two daughters back at home. And for the past 12 years, she says her work as a housekeeper means she drives a lot, every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new license that Monica hopes to get isn’t going to look like an ordinary license. Republicans pushed to make sure it was clearly different. Like \u003ca href=\"https://ad76.assemblygop.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Assemblyman Rocky Chavez of Carlsbad\u003c/a>, who told me he fought an earlier version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It basically could have been the same license that a citizen would have had,” Chavez said about the earlier design. “I brought up the point that licenses need to look different for a noncitizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/home.php\" target=\"_blank\">Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a> signed, the new licenses will be distinctly different. The front will say: Federal Limits Apply. And the back will say: This card is not acceptable for official federal purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica says that doesn’t bother her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portales says a lot of undocumented immigrants haven’t decided whether to risk putting themselves on record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of them are concerned they’re going to get deported as soon as they register themselves,” he says. “They think they’re going to get deported and they’re afraid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Portales says many plan to step forward regardless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two ways undocumented immigrants can apply for their licenses: Get an appointment at any DMV office or show up at one of four giant new DMVs that have opened temporarily just for this. Three are in Southern California: in Granada Hills, Lompoc and Stanton. The fourth is in San Jose. All this new real estate and personnel are projected to cost $141 million over three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants need to show that they do in fact \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/pubs/newsrel/newsrel14/2014_70\" target=\"_blank\">live in the state and to provide some form of identification\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica has her appointment set for next week, and she says it will be a big relief when she can finally get a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have your identification, you don’t have so much problem,” she says. “You feeling better if the police stop. OK, I have everything correct.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Friday, undocumented immigrants in California can reclaim a long-lost privilege: the right to stand in line at the DMV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the first day that immigrants living in California illegally \u003ca href=\"http://apps.dmv.ca.gov/ab60/index.html\" target=\"_blank\">can apply for a license\u003c/a> in more than 20 years. That right was recently secured in 2013, when state lawmakers passed AB60.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some are so excited at the prospect that they’ve been \u003ca href=\"http://driveca.org/\" target=\"_blank\">preparing for the DMV exams\u003c/a> months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/183890638&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/183890638'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since July, volunteer teacher Felipe Portales has taught nearly 1,000 students at test prep sessions at San Jose schools and churches and at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.embassypages.com/missions/embassy14230/\" target=\"_blank\">Mexican Consulate\u003c/a>. Students have traveled from as far away as Oakland, Salinas, Watsonville and King City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weeknight, his audience included about 35 undocumented immigrants. They met in borrowed space at the consulate. Portales used to work for the DMV and, along with his ex-wife, Gina Gates, also used to run a drivers education business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve been offering classes at the consulate for free.\u003cbr>\nHe says two students in the front row are here for the sixth or seventh time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ask them to come as many times as they want,” Portales says. “Because these two women say that it’s easier to get it from my lecture than to read and try to understand it and try to remember it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many who attend come straight from work. Tired, they show up anyway, eager to pass their tests at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv\" target=\"_blank\">Department of Motor Vehicles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10392485\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10392485\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut-400x225.jpg\" alt=\"Immigrants study driving rules in preparation for their tests at the DMV. California will let undocumented immigrants apply for driver licenses as of Jan. 2, 2015. (Vinnee Tong/KQED)\" width=\"400\" height=\"225\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS13842_IMG_20141215_174202055-qut.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrants study driving rules in preparation for their tests at the DMV. California will let undocumented immigrants apply for driver's licenses as of Jan. 2, 2015. (Vinnee Tong/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, the DMV expects 1.4 million undocumented immigrants to apply for licenses. Portales’ students are among the first who will try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two sessions that last 2½ hours each, Portales covers speed limits, 3-point turns, how to hold the steering wheel and the danger of passing on a two-lane road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a break in the class, one of the students explains why she wants to get her license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared because I don’t have something legal here for identification,” says Monica, who asked to go by her first name only because she’s been driving without a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica moved to East San Jose from Acapulco, Mexico, to support her two daughters back at home. And for the past 12 years, she says her work as a housekeeper means she drives a lot, every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new license that Monica hopes to get isn’t going to look like an ordinary license. Republicans pushed to make sure it was clearly different. Like \u003ca href=\"https://ad76.assemblygop.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Assemblyman Rocky Chavez of Carlsbad\u003c/a>, who told me he fought an earlier version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It basically could have been the same license that a citizen would have had,” Chavez said about the earlier design. “I brought up the point that licenses need to look different for a noncitizen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/home.php\" target=\"_blank\">Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a> signed, the new licenses will be distinctly different. The front will say: Federal Limits Apply. And the back will say: This card is not acceptable for official federal purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica says that doesn’t bother her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portales says a lot of undocumented immigrants haven’t decided whether to risk putting themselves on record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of them are concerned they’re going to get deported as soon as they register themselves,” he says. “They think they’re going to get deported and they’re afraid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Portales says many plan to step forward regardless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two ways undocumented immigrants can apply for their licenses: Get an appointment at any DMV office or show up at one of four giant new DMVs that have opened temporarily just for this. Three are in Southern California: in Granada Hills, Lompoc and Stanton. The fourth is in San Jose. All this new real estate and personnel are projected to cost $141 million over three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants need to show that they do in fact \u003ca href=\"http://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/pubs/newsrel/newsrel14/2014_70\" target=\"_blank\">live in the state and to provide some form of identification\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica has her appointment set for next week, and she says it will be a big relief when she can finally get a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have your identification, you don’t have so much problem,” she says. “You feeling better if the police stop. OK, I have everything correct.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California residents who are living without documentation soon will be eligible to apply for driver's licenses, thanks to a new law that takes effect in the new year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's Department of Motor Vehicles is expecting 1.6 million immigrants to apply in the first few years, and law enforcement, community groups and others are preparing for the surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In central Los Angeles, about 150 parishioners recently packed into Holy Spirit Catholic Church, not for a Mass but for a training session. Presenter after presenter explained the new law, called AB60, which goes into effect on Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know that the city of L.A. has a big immigrant population that doesn't have a driver's license, and they're driving in the city of L.A.,\" Juan Gonzalez, a lieutenant with the Los Angeles Police Department, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They're driving all over the state — in California's cities, in rural areas, commuting to work and school or just traveling. Like most people do — only in the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And we know that a lot of the accidents that get caused — we have a lot of hit-and-runs, because of the fear because they don't have driver's licenses,\" Gonzalez says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can leave a legal driver — someone with a license — in a bind, or turn a small incident for the immigrant, driving illegally, into a misdemeanor or felony. That leads to arrests, impounded cars and just generally bad blood between cops and immigrant drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So it's actually better for the police department for most of our drivers to be licensed and know how to drive,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn't the first state to have this kind of law — Connecticut is implementing a similar one now, and a handful of other states already allow undocumented immigrants to apply for driver's licenses or card equivalents — but it's is certainly the biggest. The expectation of 1.6 million new applicants has spurred the state's DMV to add 800 employees to help with the transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community groups and churches like Holy Spirit are helping in their own way, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/pubs/interactive/tdrive/exam\" target=\"_blank\">preparing people for the written tests\u003c/a> and walking them through \u003ca href=\"https://apps.dmv.ca.gov/ab60/doc_req_matrix.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">the needed documentation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rev. Aloysius Ezeonyeka, also known as Father Al, is an immigrant himself, so he knows how important it was to him to get his driver's license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You have no idea how many years a lot of those people have been living in darkness of the law, hoping that nobody catches them,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Churchgoer Marta Quinto knows that well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You always afraid to be stopped by the police. Then they can take your car,\" she says. \"So, I'm excited by this opportunity that we have.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Quinto plans to take full advantage: She's been to every training session, and is studying in Spanish and in English. And she already has set a date to take the exam — Jan. 2, a day after the new law goes into effect. Quinto hopes that soon after, she'll be able to drive her two kids legally for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2014 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+DMV+Prepares+For+Undocumented+Residents+Applying+For+Licenses&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California residents who are living without documentation soon will be eligible to apply for driver's licenses, thanks to a new law that takes effect in the new year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's Department of Motor Vehicles is expecting 1.6 million immigrants to apply in the first few years, and law enforcement, community groups and others are preparing for the surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In central Los Angeles, about 150 parishioners recently packed into Holy Spirit Catholic Church, not for a Mass but for a training session. Presenter after presenter explained the new law, called AB60, which goes into effect on Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know that the city of L.A. has a big immigrant population that doesn't have a driver's license, and they're driving in the city of L.A.,\" Juan Gonzalez, a lieutenant with the Los Angeles Police Department, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They're driving all over the state — in California's cities, in rural areas, commuting to work and school or just traveling. Like most people do — only in the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And we know that a lot of the accidents that get caused — we have a lot of hit-and-runs, because of the fear because they don't have driver's licenses,\" Gonzalez says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can leave a legal driver — someone with a license — in a bind, or turn a small incident for the immigrant, driving illegally, into a misdemeanor or felony. That leads to arrests, impounded cars and just generally bad blood between cops and immigrant drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So it's actually better for the police department for most of our drivers to be licensed and know how to drive,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn't the first state to have this kind of law — Connecticut is implementing a similar one now, and a handful of other states already allow undocumented immigrants to apply for driver's licenses or card equivalents — but it's is certainly the biggest. The expectation of 1.6 million new applicants has spurred the state's DMV to add 800 employees to help with the transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community groups and churches like Holy Spirit are helping in their own way, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/pubs/interactive/tdrive/exam\" target=\"_blank\">preparing people for the written tests\u003c/a> and walking them through \u003ca href=\"https://apps.dmv.ca.gov/ab60/doc_req_matrix.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">the needed documentation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rev. Aloysius Ezeonyeka, also known as Father Al, is an immigrant himself, so he knows how important it was to him to get his driver's license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You have no idea how many years a lot of those people have been living in darkness of the law, hoping that nobody catches them,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Churchgoer Marta Quinto knows that well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You always afraid to be stopped by the police. Then they can take your car,\" she says. \"So, I'm excited by this opportunity that we have.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Quinto plans to take full advantage: She's been to every training session, and is studying in Spanish and in English. And she already has set a date to take the exam — Jan. 2, a day after the new law goes into effect. Quinto hopes that soon after, she'll be able to drive her two kids legally for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2014 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+DMV+Prepares+For+Undocumented+Residents+Applying+For+Licenses&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Posada Christmas Pilgrimage Reunites Family, Friends at U.S.-Mexico Border ",
"title": "Posada Christmas Pilgrimage Reunites Family, Friends at U.S.-Mexico Border ",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>I join a few dozen people on a chilly Saturday trudging along a muddy horse trail on the southernmost tip of California: San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We head toward the shores of Imperial Beach, where the immense border wall that bisects the United States and Mexico snakes across the outskirts of Tijuana and disappears into the Pacific Ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After about 20 minutes, the sticky mud gives way to wet sand. Bundled in heavy winter coats and hats, the procession marches along the beach for another mile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The border wall and Tijuana’s imposing Monumental Plaza de Torros bullring gradually come into view through a veil of sea mist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For 21 years San Diegans and Tijuanans have been coming together along this border to celebrate Christmas,” says Christian Ramirez of the \u003ca href=\"http://afsc.org/%20\">American Friends Service Committee\u003c/a>, an advocacy group that helps organize the annual La Posada Sin Fronteras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For this event, border agents allow people to access a secured area on the \u003ca href=\"http://www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=664\">U.S. side\u003c/a>, and visit with people on the Tijuana side through small gaps in the border fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/182330579\" params=\"auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"450\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we stand here not being able to touch one other, not being able to pass food across the border,” says Ramirez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite that division, folks continue to come here and celebrate this very beautiful moment for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Aragon-Padilla traveled here from South San Francisco to see his sister, nephew and other relatives. He has not seen them since last visiting Mexico about 10 years ago. The family drove 24 hours from Mazatlan -- nearly 1,000 miles -- to attend the posada and see Carlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though separated by the border fence, the family presses up against the fence and spend the entire afternoon together talking, laughing and shedding more than a few tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are my whole life, the loves of my life. My siblings, my nieces and nephews, my sister’s grandchildren,” says Aragon-Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10384365\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10384365 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1-800x407.jpg\" alt=\"People gather at the foot of the U.S.-Mexico border fence at the annual La Posada Sin Fronteras.\" width=\"800\" height=\"407\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1-800x407.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1-400x203.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People gather at the foot of the U.S.-Mexico border fence at the annual La Posada Sin Fronteras. (Steven Cuevas/KQED) \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who push me the most, to make it in this country. To really try my best.” Aragon-Padilla won asylum in the U.S. after coming here without papers about 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those relatives is 5-year-old Jesus, a nephew that Aragon-Padilla is meeting for the first time. The boy sings a classic Mexican ballad, \u003ca href=\"http://m.youtube.com/watch?v=1jd_kdq2jlI\">“Mexico Lindo y Querido,”\u003c/a> for his uncle. It’s a song that expresses Aragon-Padilla’s own longing to someday return, even in death, to his native land -- his Mexico lindo, or beautiful Mexico:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>'My beautiful and beloved Mexico should I die far from you let them say I'm asleep and bring me back to you\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Let them say I'm asleep and bring me back to you my beautiful and beloved Mexico should I die far from you'\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>-- Chucho Monge\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be no cross-border family reunion today for Yolanda Varona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She's lived in Tijuana since being denied re-entrance to the U.S. several years ago after having a tourist visa revoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varona is attending the posada with a group of other women who have all left children or grandchildren behind in the U.S. after being deported or otherwise losing their legal status. But Varona did get to see her adult son, who’s now a U.S. citizen, at a border event here earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10384090\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10384090\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2-800x1066.jpg\" alt=\"Yolanda Varona attended La Posada Sin Fronteras on the Tijuana side, where she's lived since having a U.S. tourist visa revoked. One of her grandchildren who lives in the U.S. visited her here at another border event. “But I didn't like it, she thinks I’m in jail,” says Varona. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas)\" width=\"411\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2-400x533.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2.jpg 1224w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Varona attended La Posada Sin Fronteras on the Tijuana side, where she's lived since having a U.S. tourist visa revoked. One of her grandchildren who lives in the U.S. visited her here at another border event. “But I didn't like it, she thinks I’m in jail,” says Varona. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas) \u003ccite>(Leslie Berestein Rojas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of my grandchildren came, too, but I didn't like it. She thinks I’m in jail.” says Varona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She is too little to understand. She doesn't know I'm deported. I don’t want to see her come back here (to the border). She just couldn't handle what she saw.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varona says it was still important for her to attend today’s posada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This event, especially, for me signifies our desire that they remove this fence,” says Varona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To let us return to the U.S. We are asking to be back in our homes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also a few non-Latinos celebrating the posada on the Tijuana side, including a grizzled Irishman with Santa Claus white whiskers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Patrick Murphy, very Irish,” laughs the Rev. Patrick Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do posadas every night, though we don’t do it as elaborately as today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy runs \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrante.com.mx/Tijuana.htm\">Casa del Migrante, \u003c/a>a Roman Catholic aid group in Tijuana that provides shelter and other help to immigrants recently deported from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the theme of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.americancatholic.org/news/report.aspx?id=3711\">traditional posada\u003c/a> story, of Joseph and Mary repeatedly being denied shelter and eventually finding it, takes on added meaning at La Posada Sin Fronteras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a symbolic reminder for us to come together in prayer, to remind people that there are a lot of people that need posadas,” says Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a political subtext to the border posada. But the political sloganeering is kept to a minimum, replaced instead by traditional Christmas carols sung in Spanish and English and numerous speakers touching on the themes of shelter, family and welcoming the stranger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10384132\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10384132\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Several hundred people celebrated the Posada on the Tijuana side including this couple from New Zealand. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas)\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1.jpg 1632w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Several hundred people celebrated the posada on the Tijuana side, including this couple from New Zealand. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas) \u003ccite>(Leslie Berestein Rojas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For this little moment the great tension and many opinions that the immigration debate raises, all of that disappears,” says Christian Ramirez of the American Friends Service Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I can’t help but to have my heart warmed in what is perhaps one of the coldest places in our country: the U.S.-Mexico border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As sunset approaches, celebrants brace themselves against the chilly ocean winds. Those on the U.S. side prepare to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Border agents need to clear the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People pull themselves from the border fence, and say goodbye to friends and relatives on the other side of the border they may not see again until next Christmas.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "People are separated by a fence during the annual ritual, which has been going on for 21 years.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I join a few dozen people on a chilly Saturday trudging along a muddy horse trail on the southernmost tip of California: San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We head toward the shores of Imperial Beach, where the immense border wall that bisects the United States and Mexico snakes across the outskirts of Tijuana and disappears into the Pacific Ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After about 20 minutes, the sticky mud gives way to wet sand. Bundled in heavy winter coats and hats, the procession marches along the beach for another mile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The border wall and Tijuana’s imposing Monumental Plaza de Torros bullring gradually come into view through a veil of sea mist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For 21 years San Diegans and Tijuanans have been coming together along this border to celebrate Christmas,” says Christian Ramirez of the \u003ca href=\"http://afsc.org/%20\">American Friends Service Committee\u003c/a>, an advocacy group that helps organize the annual La Posada Sin Fronteras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For this event, border agents allow people to access a secured area on the \u003ca href=\"http://www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=664\">U.S. side\u003c/a>, and visit with people on the Tijuana side through small gaps in the border fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='450'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/182330579&visual=true&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/182330579'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we stand here not being able to touch one other, not being able to pass food across the border,” says Ramirez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite that division, folks continue to come here and celebrate this very beautiful moment for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Aragon-Padilla traveled here from South San Francisco to see his sister, nephew and other relatives. He has not seen them since last visiting Mexico about 10 years ago. The family drove 24 hours from Mazatlan -- nearly 1,000 miles -- to attend the posada and see Carlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though separated by the border fence, the family presses up against the fence and spend the entire afternoon together talking, laughing and shedding more than a few tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are my whole life, the loves of my life. My siblings, my nieces and nephews, my sister’s grandchildren,” says Aragon-Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10384365\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10384365 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1-800x407.jpg\" alt=\"People gather at the foot of the U.S.-Mexico border fence at the annual La Posada Sin Fronteras.\" width=\"800\" height=\"407\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1-800x407.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1-400x203.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/BorderFence1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People gather at the foot of the U.S.-Mexico border fence at the annual La Posada Sin Fronteras. (Steven Cuevas/KQED) \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who push me the most, to make it in this country. To really try my best.” Aragon-Padilla won asylum in the U.S. after coming here without papers about 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those relatives is 5-year-old Jesus, a nephew that Aragon-Padilla is meeting for the first time. The boy sings a classic Mexican ballad, \u003ca href=\"http://m.youtube.com/watch?v=1jd_kdq2jlI\">“Mexico Lindo y Querido,”\u003c/a> for his uncle. It’s a song that expresses Aragon-Padilla’s own longing to someday return, even in death, to his native land -- his Mexico lindo, or beautiful Mexico:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>'My beautiful and beloved Mexico should I die far from you let them say I'm asleep and bring me back to you\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Let them say I'm asleep and bring me back to you my beautiful and beloved Mexico should I die far from you'\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>-- Chucho Monge\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be no cross-border family reunion today for Yolanda Varona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She's lived in Tijuana since being denied re-entrance to the U.S. several years ago after having a tourist visa revoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varona is attending the posada with a group of other women who have all left children or grandchildren behind in the U.S. after being deported or otherwise losing their legal status. But Varona did get to see her adult son, who’s now a U.S. citizen, at a border event here earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10384090\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10384090\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2-800x1066.jpg\" alt=\"Yolanda Varona attended La Posada Sin Fronteras on the Tijuana side, where she's lived since having a U.S. tourist visa revoked. One of her grandchildren who lives in the U.S. visited her here at another border event. “But I didn't like it, she thinks I’m in jail,” says Varona. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas)\" width=\"411\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2-400x533.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/posada-yolanda2.jpg 1224w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yolanda Varona attended La Posada Sin Fronteras on the Tijuana side, where she's lived since having a U.S. tourist visa revoked. One of her grandchildren who lives in the U.S. visited her here at another border event. “But I didn't like it, she thinks I’m in jail,” says Varona. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas) \u003ccite>(Leslie Berestein Rojas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of my grandchildren came, too, but I didn't like it. She thinks I’m in jail.” says Varona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She is too little to understand. She doesn't know I'm deported. I don’t want to see her come back here (to the border). She just couldn't handle what she saw.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varona says it was still important for her to attend today’s posada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This event, especially, for me signifies our desire that they remove this fence,” says Varona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To let us return to the U.S. We are asking to be back in our homes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also a few non-Latinos celebrating the posada on the Tijuana side, including a grizzled Irishman with Santa Claus white whiskers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Patrick Murphy, very Irish,” laughs the Rev. Patrick Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do posadas every night, though we don’t do it as elaborately as today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy runs \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrante.com.mx/Tijuana.htm\">Casa del Migrante, \u003c/a>a Roman Catholic aid group in Tijuana that provides shelter and other help to immigrants recently deported from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the theme of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.americancatholic.org/news/report.aspx?id=3711\">traditional posada\u003c/a> story, of Joseph and Mary repeatedly being denied shelter and eventually finding it, takes on added meaning at La Posada Sin Fronteras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a symbolic reminder for us to come together in prayer, to remind people that there are a lot of people that need posadas,” says Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a political subtext to the border posada. But the political sloganeering is kept to a minimum, replaced instead by traditional Christmas carols sung in Spanish and English and numerous speakers touching on the themes of shelter, family and welcoming the stranger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10384132\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10384132\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Several hundred people celebrated the Posada on the Tijuana side including this couple from New Zealand. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas)\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/photo-1.jpg 1632w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Several hundred people celebrated the posada on the Tijuana side, including this couple from New Zealand. (Courtesy Leslie Berestein Rojas) \u003ccite>(Leslie Berestein Rojas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For this little moment the great tension and many opinions that the immigration debate raises, all of that disappears,” says Christian Ramirez of the American Friends Service Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I can’t help but to have my heart warmed in what is perhaps one of the coldest places in our country: the U.S.-Mexico border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As sunset approaches, celebrants brace themselves against the chilly ocean winds. Those on the U.S. side prepare to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Border agents need to clear the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"baycurious": {
"id": "baycurious",
"title": "Bay Curious",
"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Bay-Curious-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 3
},
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious",
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}
},
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"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/BBC-World-Service-p455581/",
"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
}
},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/commonwealth-club-of-california-podcast/id976334034?mt=2",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
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