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"bio": "Julie Small reports on criminal justice and immigration.\r\n\r\nShe was part of a team at KQED awarded a regional 2019 Edward R. Murrow award for continuing coverage of the Trump Administration's family separation policy.\r\n\r\nThe Society for Professional Journalists recognized Julie's 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11636262/the-officer-tased-him-31-times-the-sheriff-called-his-death-an-accident\">reporting\u003c/a> on the San Joaquin County Sheriff's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11634689/autopsy-doctors-sheriff-overrode-death-findings-to-protect-law-enforcement\">interference\u003c/a> in death investigations with an Excellence in Journalism Award for Ongoing Coverage.\r\n\r\nJulie's\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11039666/two-mentally-ill-inmates-died-one-month-in-santa-clara\"> reporting\u003c/a> with Lisa Pickoff-White on the treatment of mentally ill offenders in California jails earned a 2017 regional Edward R. Murrow Award for news reporting and an investigative reporting award from the SPJ of Northern California.\r\n\r\nBefore joining KQED, Julie covered government and politics in Sacramento for Southern California Public Radio (SCPR). Her 2010 \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/specials/prisonmedical/\">series\u003c/a> on lapses in California’s prison medical care also won a regional Edward R. Murrow Award for investigative reporting and a Golden Mic Award from the RTNDA of Southern California.\r\n\r\nJulie began her career in journalism in 2000 as the deputy foreign editor for public radio's \u003cem>Marketplace, \u003c/em>while earning her master's degree in journalism from USC’s Annenberg School of Communication.",
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"slug": "hard-row-to-hoe-japanese-farming-in-the-santa-clara-valley",
"title": "Hard Row to Hoe: Japanese Farming in the Santa Clara Valley",
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"content": "\u003cp>This year marks the 125th anniversary of Japantown in San Jose. To celebrate, the neighborhood will host a festival called \u003ca href=\"http://www.nikkeimatsuri.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nikkei Matsuri\u003c/a> this coming Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose is one of only three historic Japantowns still thriving in the United States, and the only one rooted in the history of California agriculture. In a time before semiconductor chips and suburban housing, the region in and around San Jose was largely farmland, much of it farmed by Japanese-American families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Japantown was the heart of the community, and that’s where you’ll find the \u003ca href=\"http://www.jamsj.org/japanese-american-history-museum-san-jose/resources\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Japanese American Museum of San Jose\u003c/a>. Jimi Yamaichi, 92, is one of the curators of the museum’s exhibition on Japanese farming. But more than that, he himself used to work the fields northeast of San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459646\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10459646 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt='At 92, Jimi Yamaichi remembers row crop farming in Berryessa before World War II. \"It was hard living.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At 92, Jimi Yamaichi remembers row crop farming in Berryessa before World War II. ‘It was hard living.’ \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yamaichi vividly remembers what it was like to grow up on his dad’s row crop farm in Berryessa during the Great Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Beans, cucumbers and squash and other bell peppers, and tomatoes, and other things. But the beans and cucumber, that’s what he was known for,” Yamaichi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supplying local markets, the Yamaichis sent 200 boxes to Los Angeles on Tuesdays, and another 200 on Saturdays. They shipped produce as far as Denver and Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jimi was the fourth child out of 10. It was a working childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d get up early in the morning, at 6 o’clock, and we’d cut lettuce for about two hours,” he recalls. “Around 8:30, my dad says, ‘Well, go and clean up.’ ” You can listen to him tell his story \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/rmyrow/japaneseag\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His dad drove them to elementary school in time for the 9 o’clock bell, then picked them up when school was out at 3 to return to the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not the only ones doing it,” Yamaichi says. “Everybody else was doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, not everyone. The non-Japanese farmers, he admits, didn’t work quite so hard, and they didn’t necessarily take kindly to the Japanese-Americans who did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10459648 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A produce crate from the exhibit 'Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,' at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A produce crate from the exhibition ‘Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,’ at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, there are just a handful of Japanese-owned farms and nurseries in the region. But at one time, before World War II, the area around San Jose was dotted with hundreds of Japanese farms growing vegetables for local and regional markets. The story of why they were here, and how they were here, is one of sorrow and suffering, but also success against the odds and the weight of fierce prejudice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometime around 1890, Japanese laborers escaping the grim plantation work of Hawaii began to settle around San Jose. Especially after the \u003ca href=\"ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-admin/post.php?post=10459596&action=edit&message=10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882\u003c/a>, white farmers were eager for alternative sources of cheap labor to pick crops. Some Japanese immigrants saved enough money to buy their own farmland, but California changed the law, several times, to make it close to impossible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Columbia University Professor \u003ca href=\"https://sipa.columbia.edu/faculty/gary-okihiro\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> Gary Okihiro\u003c/a> co-wrote a history of Japanese farming in the Santa Clara Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The land laws were called \u003ca href=\"http://encyclopedia.densho.org/Alien_land_laws/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">alien land laws\u003c/a>,” he says, “because they were directed at aliens ineligible for citizenship, which meant only Asian people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Japanese had no choice but to work as sharecroppers. Others set up land trusts, or began to have American-born children in the hopes that the first to reach maturity would be able to own the farm for the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of the farmers were farming on land that did not belong to them, in fact, but to some other person, a white landowner,” Okihiro says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1929, Jimi Yamaichi’s father, Kaneichi Yamaichi, found a way around California law: a white man willing to own 21 acres for him — in exchange for a “royalty,” which today would amount to more than $27,000 a year, staked on nothing more than a handshake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of World War II, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sonoma.edu/asc/projects/sanjose/Part_of_San_Jose_History.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">roughly 4,000\u003c/a> Japanese lived in the Santa Clara Valley. They were just beginning to bounce back from the Great Depression when the federal government forced them into internment camps away from the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yVyIa11ZtAE]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This short film from the United States Office Of War Information — produced as part of the government effort to justify uprooting 120,000 people of Japanese descent — puts a somewhat sunny spin on \u003ca href=\"http://www.archives.gov/historical-docs/todays-doc/?dod-date=219\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Executive Order 9066\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Japanese sent to camps in 1942 had to liquidate everything they couldn’t carry with them, and at fire-sale prices: farms, homes, cars, businesses. Japanese-Americans left $22 million of crops in the ground across California. The government saw to it that those crops were harvested, but not that the farmers were compensated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the war was over, many of them returned home destitute and demoralized. They converted buildings in San Jose’s Japantown into makeshift barracks while they figured out what to do next. KTEH broadcast a compelling documentary about that period in history, called “Return to the Valley.” Jimi Yamaichi is one of the people featured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=muvqPCy1j_0]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamaichi’s family spent the war years in the internment camps at \u003ca href=\"http://www.heartmountain.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Heart Mountain\u003c/a> in Wyoming and \u003ca href=\"http://www.nps.gov/tule/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Tule Lake\u003c/a> in California. Jimi’s dad was better off than most. A sympathetic insurance agent he’d worked with offered to guard his farm. But that doesn’t mean it was easy to start all over again when the war was over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ ’Course, he was quite a heavy drinker,” Yamaichi says. “They were all drinkers, you know. Got to the point where it pickled him to death, I think!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many in the Japan-born generation known as \u003cem>issei\u003c/em>, Kaneichi Yamaichi kept a lot of feelings about his life bottled up inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sake was his drink of choice, and when the war broke out, couldn’t get no more,” Jimi Yamaichi says. “He turned to whiskey. One fifth a day. That’s a lot of whiskey to drink, hunh?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the war, American farming was growing increasingly mechanized, moving from horses to tractors, requiring bigger farms to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the American-born \u003cem>nisei,\u003c/em> like Jimi Yamaichi, wanted out of farming. But younger children followed their parents onto new fields, raising labor-intensive crops they could produce on small plots of land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10459653 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Today, there's almost no evidence how prevalent Japanese farms once were in and around San Jose. A map from the exhibit 'Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,' at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose highlights Japanese American farms in the area around 1958.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map from the exhibition ‘Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,’ at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose highlights Japanese-American farms in the area around 1958.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leon Kimura was one of those children, back in the 1950s. “I picked 10 crates of strawberries to get money to buy my first Timex watch,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And where did Kimura go to get the watch?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came to here to Japantown to Jackson Jewelers [now defunct],” Kimura says. “There always was a feeling that this was home for the JA community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, as the rise of Silicon Valley made land more expensive, the strawberry industry moved south to Watsonville and Salinas. The flower business \u003ca href=\"http://www.gpnmag.com/california-cut-flower-industry-still-decline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">moved overseas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With each passing generation, it became easier for Japanese-Americans to find work outside of agriculture — and to buy homes in neighborhoods previously closed to them. More and more of the community in the Santa Clara Valley dispersed across the Bay Area, California and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Japantown San Jose is still a cultural center, with churches, restaurants, shops and, of course, the museum. But it doesn’t have quite the vibrancy that Kimura remembers from his childhood. “Maybe it’s a function of, if you will, at becoming too successful integrating into mainstream America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, the love cuts both ways now. Japantown San Jose has become a fond focal point for the whole city, one locals proudly point to as part of their collective heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10460214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10460214 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"On April 26th, Japantown San Jose hosts a festival called Nikkei Matsuri, to celebrate its 125th anniversary\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-400x290.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-768x558.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-320x232.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut.jpg 1902w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On April 26, Japantown San Jose hosts a festival called Nikkei Matsuri, to celebrate its 125th anniversary \u003ccite>(Takahiro Kitamura)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This year marks the 125th anniversary of Japantown in San Jose. To celebrate, the neighborhood will host a festival called \u003ca href=\"http://www.nikkeimatsuri.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nikkei Matsuri\u003c/a> this coming Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose is one of only three historic Japantowns still thriving in the United States, and the only one rooted in the history of California agriculture. In a time before semiconductor chips and suburban housing, the region in and around San Jose was largely farmland, much of it farmed by Japanese-American families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Japantown was the heart of the community, and that’s where you’ll find the \u003ca href=\"http://www.jamsj.org/japanese-american-history-museum-san-jose/resources\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Japanese American Museum of San Jose\u003c/a>. Jimi Yamaichi, 92, is one of the curators of the museum’s exhibition on Japanese farming. But more than that, he himself used to work the fields northeast of San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459646\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10459646 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt='At 92, Jimi Yamaichi remembers row crop farming in Berryessa before World War II. \"It was hard living.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14529_JimiToday.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At 92, Jimi Yamaichi remembers row crop farming in Berryessa before World War II. ‘It was hard living.’ \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yamaichi vividly remembers what it was like to grow up on his dad’s row crop farm in Berryessa during the Great Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Beans, cucumbers and squash and other bell peppers, and tomatoes, and other things. But the beans and cucumber, that’s what he was known for,” Yamaichi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supplying local markets, the Yamaichis sent 200 boxes to Los Angeles on Tuesdays, and another 200 on Saturdays. They shipped produce as far as Denver and Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jimi was the fourth child out of 10. It was a working childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d get up early in the morning, at 6 o’clock, and we’d cut lettuce for about two hours,” he recalls. “Around 8:30, my dad says, ‘Well, go and clean up.’ ” You can listen to him tell his story \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/rmyrow/japaneseag\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His dad drove them to elementary school in time for the 9 o’clock bell, then picked them up when school was out at 3 to return to the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not the only ones doing it,” Yamaichi says. “Everybody else was doing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, not everyone. The non-Japanese farmers, he admits, didn’t work quite so hard, and they didn’t necessarily take kindly to the Japanese-Americans who did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10459648 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A produce crate from the exhibit 'Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,' at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14528_ProduceCrate-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A produce crate from the exhibition ‘Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,’ at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, there are just a handful of Japanese-owned farms and nurseries in the region. But at one time, before World War II, the area around San Jose was dotted with hundreds of Japanese farms growing vegetables for local and regional markets. The story of why they were here, and how they were here, is one of sorrow and suffering, but also success against the odds and the weight of fierce prejudice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometime around 1890, Japanese laborers escaping the grim plantation work of Hawaii began to settle around San Jose. Especially after the \u003ca href=\"ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-admin/post.php?post=10459596&action=edit&message=10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882\u003c/a>, white farmers were eager for alternative sources of cheap labor to pick crops. Some Japanese immigrants saved enough money to buy their own farmland, but California changed the law, several times, to make it close to impossible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Columbia University Professor \u003ca href=\"https://sipa.columbia.edu/faculty/gary-okihiro\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> Gary Okihiro\u003c/a> co-wrote a history of Japanese farming in the Santa Clara Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The land laws were called \u003ca href=\"http://encyclopedia.densho.org/Alien_land_laws/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">alien land laws\u003c/a>,” he says, “because they were directed at aliens ineligible for citizenship, which meant only Asian people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Japanese had no choice but to work as sharecroppers. Others set up land trusts, or began to have American-born children in the hopes that the first to reach maturity would be able to own the farm for the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of the farmers were farming on land that did not belong to them, in fact, but to some other person, a white landowner,” Okihiro says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1929, Jimi Yamaichi’s father, Kaneichi Yamaichi, found a way around California law: a white man willing to own 21 acres for him — in exchange for a “royalty,” which today would amount to more than $27,000 a year, staked on nothing more than a handshake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of World War II, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sonoma.edu/asc/projects/sanjose/Part_of_San_Jose_History.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">roughly 4,000\u003c/a> Japanese lived in the Santa Clara Valley. They were just beginning to bounce back from the Great Depression when the federal government forced them into internment camps away from the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yVyIa11ZtAE'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yVyIa11ZtAE'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This short film from the United States Office Of War Information — produced as part of the government effort to justify uprooting 120,000 people of Japanese descent — puts a somewhat sunny spin on \u003ca href=\"http://www.archives.gov/historical-docs/todays-doc/?dod-date=219\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Executive Order 9066\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Japanese sent to camps in 1942 had to liquidate everything they couldn’t carry with them, and at fire-sale prices: farms, homes, cars, businesses. Japanese-Americans left $22 million of crops in the ground across California. The government saw to it that those crops were harvested, but not that the farmers were compensated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the war was over, many of them returned home destitute and demoralized. They converted buildings in San Jose’s Japantown into makeshift barracks while they figured out what to do next. KTEH broadcast a compelling documentary about that period in history, called “Return to the Valley.” Jimi Yamaichi is one of the people featured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/muvqPCy1j_0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/muvqPCy1j_0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamaichi’s family spent the war years in the internment camps at \u003ca href=\"http://www.heartmountain.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Heart Mountain\u003c/a> in Wyoming and \u003ca href=\"http://www.nps.gov/tule/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Tule Lake\u003c/a> in California. Jimi’s dad was better off than most. A sympathetic insurance agent he’d worked with offered to guard his farm. But that doesn’t mean it was easy to start all over again when the war was over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ ’Course, he was quite a heavy drinker,” Yamaichi says. “They were all drinkers, you know. Got to the point where it pickled him to death, I think!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many in the Japan-born generation known as \u003cem>issei\u003c/em>, Kaneichi Yamaichi kept a lot of feelings about his life bottled up inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sake was his drink of choice, and when the war broke out, couldn’t get no more,” Jimi Yamaichi says. “He turned to whiskey. One fifth a day. That’s a lot of whiskey to drink, hunh?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the war, American farming was growing increasingly mechanized, moving from horses to tractors, requiring bigger farms to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the American-born \u003cem>nisei,\u003c/em> like Jimi Yamaichi, wanted out of farming. But younger children followed their parents onto new fields, raising labor-intensive crops they could produce on small plots of land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10459653 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Today, there's almost no evidence how prevalent Japanese farms once were in and around San Jose. A map from the exhibit 'Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,' at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose highlights Japanese American farms in the area around 1958.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14527_JapaneseFarmMap.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map from the exhibition ‘Yesterday’s Farmer: Planting an American Dream,’ at the Japanese American Museum of San Jose highlights Japanese-American farms in the area around 1958.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leon Kimura was one of those children, back in the 1950s. “I picked 10 crates of strawberries to get money to buy my first Timex watch,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And where did Kimura go to get the watch?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came to here to Japantown to Jackson Jewelers [now defunct],” Kimura says. “There always was a feeling that this was home for the JA community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, as the rise of Silicon Valley made land more expensive, the strawberry industry moved south to Watsonville and Salinas. The flower business \u003ca href=\"http://www.gpnmag.com/california-cut-flower-industry-still-decline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">moved overseas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With each passing generation, it became easier for Japanese-Americans to find work outside of agriculture — and to buy homes in neighborhoods previously closed to them. More and more of the community in the Santa Clara Valley dispersed across the Bay Area, California and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Japantown San Jose is still a cultural center, with churches, restaurants, shops and, of course, the museum. But it doesn’t have quite the vibrancy that Kimura remembers from his childhood. “Maybe it’s a function of, if you will, at becoming too successful integrating into mainstream America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, the love cuts both ways now. Japantown San Jose has become a fond focal point for the whole city, one locals proudly point to as part of their collective heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10460214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10460214 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"On April 26th, Japantown San Jose hosts a festival called Nikkei Matsuri, to celebrate its 125th anniversary\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-400x290.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-768x558.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut-320x232.jpg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14530_125th-koi-front001-qut.jpg 1902w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On April 26, Japantown San Jose hosts a festival called Nikkei Matsuri, to celebrate its 125th anniversary \u003ccite>(Takahiro Kitamura)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in Sacramento made one thing crystal clear Tuesday as they\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dTy2nTDovFA\"> touted a package of 10 bills \u003c/a>aimed at expanding the rights of undocumented Californians: They are doing this because Congress will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President pro Tem Kevin de León said the bills, which would expand legal rights and protections to the state's estimated 2.5 million undocumented immigrants, are the \"direct reflection of the brokenness of Washington, D.C.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a reflection of the dereliction of duty of these members of Congress -- either their intellectual laziness or lack of work ethic on this issue,\" said de León (D-Los Angeles). \"Today we remind the rest of the nation that California is different -- we respect immigrants and recognize the contributions they have made to this state. From the very beginning, we have served as a model for the country.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills tackle a wide range of issues, including health care access, civil rights protections, due process for those accused of crimes and help for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, said Angie Junck, an attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, the proposed laws will \"right many wrongs that currently exist in the federal immigration system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These bills will help ensure that immigrant children will have protections that they need to grow up safe and free from violence and neglect,\" she said. \"They will help ensure that immigrants have access to fair, honest and competent legal representation when they need it. And they will help ensure that immigrants aren’t punished unfairly for offenses they have already faced justice for.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the proposals:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_10_bill_20141201_introduced.pdf\">SB10\u003c/a> would create an Office of New Americans under the governor to coordinate immigration programs and services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_4_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB4 \u003c/a>would expand health care coverage to undocumented immigrants; it would require a waiver from the federal government to enact.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0601-0650/ab_622_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB622 \u003c/a>would prohibit employers from using the federal E-Verify system to see if a person is here legally, unless the business owner must do so under federal law.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0551-0600/sb_600_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB600 \u003c/a>would make it illegal for businesses to discriminate on the basis of immigration status, citizenship and language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0051-0100/ab_60_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v96.pdf\">AB60 \u003c/a>would protect people from paying in advance for services related to federal immigration reform that has yet to be enacted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_674_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">SB674 \u003c/a>would require law enforcement to help undocumented victims of crime apply for a U-Visa.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli> \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_899_bill_20150226_introduced.pdf\">AB899 \u003c/a>would protect state juvenile court records from immigration authorities unless they secured a court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1301-1350/ab_1343_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB1343\u003c/a> would require defense attorneys to tell clients when their actions, such as accepting a plea deal, could result in deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_900_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB900 \u003c/a>would help more juveniles apply for a special humanitarian visa and stay in the U.S.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1351-1400/ab_1352_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">AB1352\u003c/a> would wipe the criminal record of undocumented immigrants who avoided criminal prosecution for drug possession by going to treatment, letting them avoid deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) said the package is a heavy lift, even in California, but she expects bipartisan support on at least some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why? Because what affects California affects every single one of us,\" she said, adding she has heard too many stories of families being ripped apart by deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are hard-working individuals who just want an opportunity … this is the right thing to do and if we thought this were easy, it would be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Sacramento Democrats say they're acting to expand rights of 2.5 million because Congress will not.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in Sacramento made one thing crystal clear Tuesday as they\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dTy2nTDovFA\"> touted a package of 10 bills \u003c/a>aimed at expanding the rights of undocumented Californians: They are doing this because Congress will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President pro Tem Kevin de León said the bills, which would expand legal rights and protections to the state's estimated 2.5 million undocumented immigrants, are the \"direct reflection of the brokenness of Washington, D.C.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a reflection of the dereliction of duty of these members of Congress -- either their intellectual laziness or lack of work ethic on this issue,\" said de León (D-Los Angeles). \"Today we remind the rest of the nation that California is different -- we respect immigrants and recognize the contributions they have made to this state. From the very beginning, we have served as a model for the country.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills tackle a wide range of issues, including health care access, civil rights protections, due process for those accused of crimes and help for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, said Angie Junck, an attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, the proposed laws will \"right many wrongs that currently exist in the federal immigration system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These bills will help ensure that immigrant children will have protections that they need to grow up safe and free from violence and neglect,\" she said. \"They will help ensure that immigrants have access to fair, honest and competent legal representation when they need it. And they will help ensure that immigrants aren’t punished unfairly for offenses they have already faced justice for.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the proposals:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_10_bill_20141201_introduced.pdf\">SB10\u003c/a> would create an Office of New Americans under the governor to coordinate immigration programs and services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_4_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB4 \u003c/a>would expand health care coverage to undocumented immigrants; it would require a waiver from the federal government to enact.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0601-0650/ab_622_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB622 \u003c/a>would prohibit employers from using the federal E-Verify system to see if a person is here legally, unless the business owner must do so under federal law.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0551-0600/sb_600_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB600 \u003c/a>would make it illegal for businesses to discriminate on the basis of immigration status, citizenship and language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0051-0100/ab_60_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v96.pdf\">AB60 \u003c/a>would protect people from paying in advance for services related to federal immigration reform that has yet to be enacted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_674_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">SB674 \u003c/a>would require law enforcement to help undocumented victims of crime apply for a U-Visa.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli> \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_899_bill_20150226_introduced.pdf\">AB899 \u003c/a>would protect state juvenile court records from immigration authorities unless they secured a court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1301-1350/ab_1343_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB1343\u003c/a> would require defense attorneys to tell clients when their actions, such as accepting a plea deal, could result in deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_900_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB900 \u003c/a>would help more juveniles apply for a special humanitarian visa and stay in the U.S.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1351-1400/ab_1352_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">AB1352\u003c/a> would wipe the criminal record of undocumented immigrants who avoided criminal prosecution for drug possession by going to treatment, letting them avoid deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) said the package is a heavy lift, even in California, but she expects bipartisan support on at least some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why? Because what affects California affects every single one of us,\" she said, adding she has heard too many stories of families being ripped apart by deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are hard-working individuals who just want an opportunity … this is the right thing to do and if we thought this were easy, it would be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Demandas Contra la Detención de Familias Centroamericanas que Buscan Asilo",
"title": "Demandas Contra la Detención de Familias Centroamericanas que Buscan Asilo",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the English version of this story \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/27/lawsuit-challenges-detention-of-central-american-families-seeking-asylum/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie puso pie en el Río Grande con su hijo de seis años en brazos, sin tener idea de lo que les esperaba en la otra orilla. El contrabandista que los había traído desde El Salvador los dejó abruptamente a la orilla del río.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo iba con mucho miedo porque no conocía”, explica. “No llevaba agua, no llevaba nada de comer. Y en aquello, que no conoce uno, yo sentía que mi corazón latía bien acelerado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En la orilla opuesta del río, agentes de la patrulla fronteriza en Texas los detuvieron. Stephanie cuenta que la temperatura de la celda inicial era frígida – cuanto más por lo que la ropa que llevaban seguía mojada por haber cruzado el río.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¡Es que estaba helada!” expresa con lágrimas. “Mi hijo lloraba y decía, ‘Mamá, no aguanto’”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes se negaron a devolverle un suéter que le habían obligado a tirar a la basura.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El día siguiente, enviaron a la madre y su hijo a un \u003ca href=\"http://www.ice.gov/detention-facility/karnes-county-residential-center\" target=\"_blank\">centro de detención de familias\u003c/a> en Karnes, Texas, donde el Servicio de Inmigración y Aduanas de los Estados Unidos (ICE por sus siglas en inglés) mantenía detenidos a cientos de niños y madres más.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10472874\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10472874\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Meses después de estar detenidos por ICE, Stephanie y José dicen que su hijo de 6 años habla aun de haber estado ‘encerrado’. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-768x576.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-320x240.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Meses después de estar detenidos por ICE, Stephanie y José dicen que su hijo de 6 años habla aun de haber estado ‘encerrado’. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE comenzó a detener a familias centroamericanas el verano pasado, cuando un \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/documents/BP%20Southwest%20Border%20Family%20Units%20and%20UAC%20Apps%20FY13%20-%20FY14_0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">número sin precedentes\u003c/a> comenzó a aparecer en la frontera entre los EE.UU. y México.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie y José llegaron al centro de detención en Karnes a comienzos de septiembre. Se les asignó a una sala con tres familias más – y allí quedaron confinados cada noche a partir de las 6 de la tarde hasta la mañana. Desde la ventana del segundo piso, José podía ver que pasaban autos por la carretera. Stephanie cuenta que él pensaba que una puerta en la cafetería daba paso a aquella carretera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos los días mi hijo me preguntaba, ‘¿Cuándo vamos a salir por esa puerta?””\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos de los niños y madres que Stephanie conoció habían pasado tres meses en el centro, pero le parecía muy distante tres meses, entonces le decía a José, “Luego, papá, luego, luego”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie narra su historia desde la recámara de un pequeño apartamento de segundo piso, junto a una carretera llena de autos, al sur de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un juez de inmigración le dio libertad del centro de detención en Karnes en noviembre, y se vino hacía aquí a reunirse con su esposo, José, quien había buscado asilo en los Estados Unidos el año pasado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En lo que vamos conversando, José está sentado en el piso ayudándole a su hijo a poner en fila unos carritos Matchbox, para rodarlos por una rampa roja de plástico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie y José no querían divulgar sus apellidos por lo que temen represalias de las personas de quienes huyen en El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>José fue activista político en su país. Un día, unos hombres del partido de oposición le atacaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amenazaron con matarme si no me iba del país”, explica. “Llevo todavía aquí en el labio una cicatriz de aquel ataque”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie cuenta que se vio obligada a seguirle meses más tarde cuando los mismos hombres se aparecieron, exigiendo que les diera cinco mil dólares. Después de semanas de hostigamiento, Stephanie cuenta le llamaron por teléfono una noche para decir, “que me darían un día más para conseguirles el dinero. Si no les daba el dinero, que preparara mi cajón, y otro para mi hijo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch2>Para oír la primera parte:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197809958\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Para oír la segunda parte:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197949035\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Stephanie explica que huía de la violencia criminal en El Salvador, pero que cuando llegó a los EE.UU. con su hijo, siente que los trataron como delincuentes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las autoridades de gobierno querían enviar un \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhs.gov/news/2014/07/10/written-testimony-dhs-secretary-jeh-johnson-senate-committee-appropriations-hearing\" target=\"_blank\">mensaje\u003c/a> para disuadir a las madres de venir aquí con sus hijos, afirma \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/authors/marc-r-rosenblum\" target=\"_blank\">Marc Rosenblum\u003c/a>, del \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/deportation-dilemma-reconciling-tough-humane-enforcement\" target=\"_blank\">Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>, en Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El interés en enviar un mensaje a Centroamérica es completamente válido de parte del gobierno”, explica Rosenblum. “El que las personas que no tengan un reclamo humanitario válido no van a poder quedarse. Y es mejor que la gente reciba ese mensaje sin darse el viaje de miles de millas a través de México, para después ser deportada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace unos seis años, ICE \u003ca href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9492\" target=\"_blank\">cerró un centro de detención\u003c/a> después que una demanda denunciara las condiciones de cárcel, que no son apropiadas para los niños. Desde entonces, los oficiales de ICE no han querido detener a familias. Pero el verano pasado, ICE \u003ca href=\"http://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ices-new-family-detention-center-dilley-texas-open-december\" target=\"_blank\">amplió\u003c/a> la política de detener a familias. Los oficiales reportan que detuvieron a casi 4 mil mujeres y sus hijos hasta finales del mes de enero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El privarles de la libertad no es aceptable”, indica la profesora Denise Gilman, directora de la \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/27/lawsuit-challenges-detention-of-central-american-families-seeking-asylum/www.utexas.edu/law/clinics/immigration/\" target=\"_blank\">clínica de inmigración\u003c/a> de la Escuela de Derecho de la Universidad de Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Explica que la política generalizada de detenciones no toma en consideración las circunstancias de cada individuo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"jnAYt5RuTD0MAxjeuMvKD6cxV6RwIpxa\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Francamente, es una crueldad contra los niños y sus madres que vienen huyendo de una violencia terrible, en busca de ayuda aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilman y la American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU por sus siglas en inglés) han entablado un juicio contra ICE para que cese la detención de personas en busca de asilo con niños con el sólo fin de disuadir a otros. Un juez federal ha \u003ca href=\"http://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2015cv0011-33\" target=\"_blank\">prohibido temporalmente\u003c/a> esta política.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El gobierno tiene hasta el primero de abril para apelar la demanda. De lo contrario, el caso procederá.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una declaración por escrito, los oficiales de ICE han indicado que están “cumpliendo con la orden judicial, que prohíbe a ICE de considerar usar políticas para disuadir la inmigración futura al hacer determinaciones de detención con respecto a adultos y niños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes también quieren poner fin a la detención de familias con invocar una conciliación lograda hace décadas (\u003ca href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9493\" target=\"_blank\">Flores v. Reno\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace casi 20 años, las autoridades federales de inmigración concordaron en minimizar la detención de migrantes menores de edad para transferirlos al ámbito menos restrictivo tan pronto como fuera posible, como por ejemplo el hogar de un pariente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguín, del \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law \u003c/a>explica que los centros de detención para familias de ICE ofrecen completamente lo contrario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cualquier persona que haya ido a la instalación en Karnes en particular, notará que es como una institución”, comenta Holguín. “Es como una cárcel. Se pasa por una poterna después de pasar por detectores de metales – altos muros de bloques de cemento”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holguín afirma que no se debe encarcelar a los niños en lugares como Karnes – así estén con sus madres. El ha presentado una moción para obligar a ICE a liberarlos. Una audiencia sobre el tema está programada para el mes entrante [17/04/15] en el Tribunal Distrital Central de los EE.UU. en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10472878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10472878 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls.jpg\" alt=\"Los muros al exterior del centro de detención de familias en Artesia, Nuevo México, descritos en “<em>Families Behind Barbed Wire</em>”, un informe escrito por abogado voluntario Steven Sady con ilustraciones de Clio Reese Sady.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1062\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-400x221.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-800x443.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-1440x797.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-1180x653.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-768x425.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-320x177.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-672x372.jpg 672w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los muros al exterior del centro de detención de familias en Artesia, Nuevo México, descritos en “\u003cem>Families Behind Barbed Wire\u003c/em>”, un informe escrito por abogado voluntario Steven Sady con ilustraciones de Clio Reese Sady.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los abogados del gobierno, mientras tanto, argumentarán a favor de una expansión de su autoridad para detener a niños. Dicen que esto lo necesitan para afrontar el influjo de centroamericanos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE recientemente ha expandido su capacidad física para la detención de familias. Ahora hay tres centros que pueden detener a 3.400 personas a la vez, un aumento de menos de 100 lechos en la primavera del 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los oficiales de la agencia sólo ofrecen una declaración por escrito sobre el tema de la detención de familias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En ella, aseveran que el recluir a los niños con sus padres es “una alternativa eficaz y humanitaria para mantener la unidad familiar en lo que proceden las familias por el sistema migratorio o esperan ser devueltas a sus países de origen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No obstante, Joanne Kelsey, del \u003ca href=\"http://blog.lirs.org/lirs-staff-member-shares-her-heartbreaking-trip-to-dilley-family-detention-center/\" target=\"_blank\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a>, afirma que no existe manera humanitaria de recluir a los niños, ya que la reclusión puede desmantelar la estructura de la familia y causar daños psicológicos duraderos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando un niño ve que su madre no toma decisiones por él, y que un celador dice, ‘En este momento pueden comer, esto es lo que pueden comer, aquí es donde pueden ir, esto es lo que pueden hacer,’ el niño pierde ese sentido de protección”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para finales de enero, ICE reportó tener detenidos aun a mil madres e hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin contar con servicios legales, tienen poca esperanza de liberación ni asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En más de siete mil casos de familias migratorias estudiados recientemente por el \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/\" target=\"_blank\">Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a> en la Syracuse University, el 99 por ciento de aquellos que no cuentan con abogado recibió orden de deportación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10475420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10475420\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-800x1188.jpg\" alt=\"Transactional Records Access Clearninghouse, Syracuse University, con expedientes obtenidos de la Executive Office of Immigration Review, Departamento de Justicia.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1188\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-800x1188.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-400x594.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-1180x1753.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-768x1141.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-320x475.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol.jpg 1242w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transactional Records Access Clearninghouse, Syracuse University, con expedientes obtenidos de la Executive Office of Immigration Review, Departamento de Justicia. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pero es un reto encontrar a abogados dispuestos a tomar los casos de las familias detenidas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estas mujeres no sólo quedan detenidas – sino que también están detenidas en un lugar aislado sin fácil acceso”, explica Lauren Connell, una abogada con la firma Akin Gump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell coordinó los abogados voluntarios dispuestos a ayudar a las familias reclusas en Karnes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell recuerda haber pensado la primera vez que hizo el viaje de una hora en auto entre San Antonio y Karnes, “¡Esto queda lejos de donde están las personas que pueden verdaderamente ayudar!”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell es abogada de Stephanie y ayudó a convencer a un juez de inmigración que la dejara en libertad mientras se decide su caso de asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie dice que cuando oyó que le iban a dejar libre, “lo primero que hice fue caerme de rodillas y darle gracias a Dios por todo lo que había hecho por mí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie ahora está empleada limpiando casas y su esposo logró un trabajo ayudando con la realización de eventos especiales. Comenta que su hijo flaquito ha podido subir un poco el peso que había perdido en el centro de detención, pero que no puede deshacerse de la memoria de las seis semanas que pasó allí.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mamá dice que José “no se ha olvidado. … Dice cosas como, ‘sí, es como cuando estábamos encerrados’. Esta frase la usa repetidamente para hacer comparaciones o referencias al tiempo ‘cuando estábamos encerrados’”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El caso de Stephanie se oirá en el tribunal migratorio en mayo.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Stephanie puso pie en el Río Grande con su hijo de seis años en brazos, sin tener idea de lo que les esperaba en la otra orilla.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the English version of this story \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/27/lawsuit-challenges-detention-of-central-american-families-seeking-asylum/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie puso pie en el Río Grande con su hijo de seis años en brazos, sin tener idea de lo que les esperaba en la otra orilla. El contrabandista que los había traído desde El Salvador los dejó abruptamente a la orilla del río.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo iba con mucho miedo porque no conocía”, explica. “No llevaba agua, no llevaba nada de comer. Y en aquello, que no conoce uno, yo sentía que mi corazón latía bien acelerado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En la orilla opuesta del río, agentes de la patrulla fronteriza en Texas los detuvieron. Stephanie cuenta que la temperatura de la celda inicial era frígida – cuanto más por lo que la ropa que llevaban seguía mojada por haber cruzado el río.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¡Es que estaba helada!” expresa con lágrimas. “Mi hijo lloraba y decía, ‘Mamá, no aguanto’”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes se negaron a devolverle un suéter que le habían obligado a tirar a la basura.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El día siguiente, enviaron a la madre y su hijo a un \u003ca href=\"http://www.ice.gov/detention-facility/karnes-county-residential-center\" target=\"_blank\">centro de detención de familias\u003c/a> en Karnes, Texas, donde el Servicio de Inmigración y Aduanas de los Estados Unidos (ICE por sus siglas en inglés) mantenía detenidos a cientos de niños y madres más.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10472874\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10472874\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Meses después de estar detenidos por ICE, Stephanie y José dicen que su hijo de 6 años habla aun de haber estado ‘encerrado’. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-768x576.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup-320x240.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/lockedup.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Meses después de estar detenidos por ICE, Stephanie y José dicen que su hijo de 6 años habla aun de haber estado ‘encerrado’. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE comenzó a detener a familias centroamericanas el verano pasado, cuando un \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/documents/BP%20Southwest%20Border%20Family%20Units%20and%20UAC%20Apps%20FY13%20-%20FY14_0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">número sin precedentes\u003c/a> comenzó a aparecer en la frontera entre los EE.UU. y México.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie y José llegaron al centro de detención en Karnes a comienzos de septiembre. Se les asignó a una sala con tres familias más – y allí quedaron confinados cada noche a partir de las 6 de la tarde hasta la mañana. Desde la ventana del segundo piso, José podía ver que pasaban autos por la carretera. Stephanie cuenta que él pensaba que una puerta en la cafetería daba paso a aquella carretera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos los días mi hijo me preguntaba, ‘¿Cuándo vamos a salir por esa puerta?””\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos de los niños y madres que Stephanie conoció habían pasado tres meses en el centro, pero le parecía muy distante tres meses, entonces le decía a José, “Luego, papá, luego, luego”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie narra su historia desde la recámara de un pequeño apartamento de segundo piso, junto a una carretera llena de autos, al sur de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un juez de inmigración le dio libertad del centro de detención en Karnes en noviembre, y se vino hacía aquí a reunirse con su esposo, José, quien había buscado asilo en los Estados Unidos el año pasado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En lo que vamos conversando, José está sentado en el piso ayudándole a su hijo a poner en fila unos carritos Matchbox, para rodarlos por una rampa roja de plástico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie y José no querían divulgar sus apellidos por lo que temen represalias de las personas de quienes huyen en El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>José fue activista político en su país. Un día, unos hombres del partido de oposición le atacaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amenazaron con matarme si no me iba del país”, explica. “Llevo todavía aquí en el labio una cicatriz de aquel ataque”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie cuenta que se vio obligada a seguirle meses más tarde cuando los mismos hombres se aparecieron, exigiendo que les diera cinco mil dólares. Después de semanas de hostigamiento, Stephanie cuenta le llamaron por teléfono una noche para decir, “que me darían un día más para conseguirles el dinero. Si no les daba el dinero, que preparara mi cajón, y otro para mi hijo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch2>Para oír la primera parte:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197809958&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197809958'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Para oír la segunda parte:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197949035&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197949035'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Stephanie explica que huía de la violencia criminal en El Salvador, pero que cuando llegó a los EE.UU. con su hijo, siente que los trataron como delincuentes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las autoridades de gobierno querían enviar un \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhs.gov/news/2014/07/10/written-testimony-dhs-secretary-jeh-johnson-senate-committee-appropriations-hearing\" target=\"_blank\">mensaje\u003c/a> para disuadir a las madres de venir aquí con sus hijos, afirma \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/authors/marc-r-rosenblum\" target=\"_blank\">Marc Rosenblum\u003c/a>, del \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/deportation-dilemma-reconciling-tough-humane-enforcement\" target=\"_blank\">Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>, en Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El interés en enviar un mensaje a Centroamérica es completamente válido de parte del gobierno”, explica Rosenblum. “El que las personas que no tengan un reclamo humanitario válido no van a poder quedarse. Y es mejor que la gente reciba ese mensaje sin darse el viaje de miles de millas a través de México, para después ser deportada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace unos seis años, ICE \u003ca href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9492\" target=\"_blank\">cerró un centro de detención\u003c/a> después que una demanda denunciara las condiciones de cárcel, que no son apropiadas para los niños. Desde entonces, los oficiales de ICE no han querido detener a familias. Pero el verano pasado, ICE \u003ca href=\"http://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ices-new-family-detention-center-dilley-texas-open-december\" target=\"_blank\">amplió\u003c/a> la política de detener a familias. Los oficiales reportan que detuvieron a casi 4 mil mujeres y sus hijos hasta finales del mes de enero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El privarles de la libertad no es aceptable”, indica la profesora Denise Gilman, directora de la \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/27/lawsuit-challenges-detention-of-central-american-families-seeking-asylum/www.utexas.edu/law/clinics/immigration/\" target=\"_blank\">clínica de inmigración\u003c/a> de la Escuela de Derecho de la Universidad de Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Explica que la política generalizada de detenciones no toma en consideración las circunstancias de cada individuo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Francamente, es una crueldad contra los niños y sus madres que vienen huyendo de una violencia terrible, en busca de ayuda aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilman y la American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU por sus siglas en inglés) han entablado un juicio contra ICE para que cese la detención de personas en busca de asilo con niños con el sólo fin de disuadir a otros. Un juez federal ha \u003ca href=\"http://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2015cv0011-33\" target=\"_blank\">prohibido temporalmente\u003c/a> esta política.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El gobierno tiene hasta el primero de abril para apelar la demanda. De lo contrario, el caso procederá.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una declaración por escrito, los oficiales de ICE han indicado que están “cumpliendo con la orden judicial, que prohíbe a ICE de considerar usar políticas para disuadir la inmigración futura al hacer determinaciones de detención con respecto a adultos y niños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes también quieren poner fin a la detención de familias con invocar una conciliación lograda hace décadas (\u003ca href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9493\" target=\"_blank\">Flores v. Reno\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace casi 20 años, las autoridades federales de inmigración concordaron en minimizar la detención de migrantes menores de edad para transferirlos al ámbito menos restrictivo tan pronto como fuera posible, como por ejemplo el hogar de un pariente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguín, del \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law \u003c/a>explica que los centros de detención para familias de ICE ofrecen completamente lo contrario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cualquier persona que haya ido a la instalación en Karnes en particular, notará que es como una institución”, comenta Holguín. “Es como una cárcel. Se pasa por una poterna después de pasar por detectores de metales – altos muros de bloques de cemento”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holguín afirma que no se debe encarcelar a los niños en lugares como Karnes – así estén con sus madres. El ha presentado una moción para obligar a ICE a liberarlos. Una audiencia sobre el tema está programada para el mes entrante [17/04/15] en el Tribunal Distrital Central de los EE.UU. en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10472878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10472878 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls.jpg\" alt=\"Los muros al exterior del centro de detención de familias en Artesia, Nuevo México, descritos en “<em>Families Behind Barbed Wire</em>”, un informe escrito por abogado voluntario Steven Sady con ilustraciones de Clio Reese Sady.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1062\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-400x221.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-800x443.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-1440x797.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-1180x653.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-768x425.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-320x177.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/outsidewalls-672x372.jpg 672w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los muros al exterior del centro de detención de familias en Artesia, Nuevo México, descritos en “\u003cem>Families Behind Barbed Wire\u003c/em>”, un informe escrito por abogado voluntario Steven Sady con ilustraciones de Clio Reese Sady.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los abogados del gobierno, mientras tanto, argumentarán a favor de una expansión de su autoridad para detener a niños. Dicen que esto lo necesitan para afrontar el influjo de centroamericanos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE recientemente ha expandido su capacidad física para la detención de familias. Ahora hay tres centros que pueden detener a 3.400 personas a la vez, un aumento de menos de 100 lechos en la primavera del 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los oficiales de la agencia sólo ofrecen una declaración por escrito sobre el tema de la detención de familias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En ella, aseveran que el recluir a los niños con sus padres es “una alternativa eficaz y humanitaria para mantener la unidad familiar en lo que proceden las familias por el sistema migratorio o esperan ser devueltas a sus países de origen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No obstante, Joanne Kelsey, del \u003ca href=\"http://blog.lirs.org/lirs-staff-member-shares-her-heartbreaking-trip-to-dilley-family-detention-center/\" target=\"_blank\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a>, afirma que no existe manera humanitaria de recluir a los niños, ya que la reclusión puede desmantelar la estructura de la familia y causar daños psicológicos duraderos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando un niño ve que su madre no toma decisiones por él, y que un celador dice, ‘En este momento pueden comer, esto es lo que pueden comer, aquí es donde pueden ir, esto es lo que pueden hacer,’ el niño pierde ese sentido de protección”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para finales de enero, ICE reportó tener detenidos aun a mil madres e hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin contar con servicios legales, tienen poca esperanza de liberación ni asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En más de siete mil casos de familias migratorias estudiados recientemente por el \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/\" target=\"_blank\">Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a> en la Syracuse University, el 99 por ciento de aquellos que no cuentan con abogado recibió orden de deportación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10475420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10475420\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-800x1188.jpg\" alt=\"Transactional Records Access Clearninghouse, Syracuse University, con expedientes obtenidos de la Executive Office of Immigration Review, Departamento de Justicia.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1188\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-800x1188.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-400x594.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-1180x1753.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-768x1141.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol-320x475.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/family-immigration-court-en-espanol.jpg 1242w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transactional Records Access Clearninghouse, Syracuse University, con expedientes obtenidos de la Executive Office of Immigration Review, Departamento de Justicia. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pero es un reto encontrar a abogados dispuestos a tomar los casos de las familias detenidas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estas mujeres no sólo quedan detenidas – sino que también están detenidas en un lugar aislado sin fácil acceso”, explica Lauren Connell, una abogada con la firma Akin Gump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell coordinó los abogados voluntarios dispuestos a ayudar a las familias reclusas en Karnes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell recuerda haber pensado la primera vez que hizo el viaje de una hora en auto entre San Antonio y Karnes, “¡Esto queda lejos de donde están las personas que pueden verdaderamente ayudar!”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell es abogada de Stephanie y ayudó a convencer a un juez de inmigración que la dejara en libertad mientras se decide su caso de asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie dice que cuando oyó que le iban a dejar libre, “lo primero que hice fue caerme de rodillas y darle gracias a Dios por todo lo que había hecho por mí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie ahora está empleada limpiando casas y su esposo logró un trabajo ayudando con la realización de eventos especiales. Comenta que su hijo flaquito ha podido subir un poco el peso que había perdido en el centro de detención, pero que no puede deshacerse de la memoria de las seis semanas que pasó allí.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mamá dice que José “no se ha olvidado. … Dice cosas como, ‘sí, es como cuando estábamos encerrados’. Esta frase la usa repetidamente para hacer comparaciones o referencias al tiempo ‘cuando estábamos encerrados’”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El caso de Stephanie se oirá en el tribunal migratorio en mayo.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Foodways: The Chinese-Mexican Cuisine You’ll Find Only Along the Border",
"title": "California Foodways: The Chinese-Mexican Cuisine You’ll Find Only Along the Border",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>If you ask people in the city of Mexicali, Mexico, about their most notable regional cuisine, they won’t say street tacos or mole. They’ll say Chinese food. There are as many as 200 Chinese restaurants in the city. North of the border, in Imperial County, the population is mostly Latino, but Chinese restaurants are packed. There are dishes in this region you won’t find anywhere else, and a history behind them that goes back more than 130 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/198036295\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Salcedo family sits in a coveted booth at the Fortune Garden restaurant in the city of El Centro. The mother and three adult sisters are almost drooling, waiting for their food to show up. They come from Yuma, Arizona -- over an hour away -- twice a month just to eat here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A huge side order arrives, light-yellow deep-fried chilies, a dish I’ve never seen. Then a salt-and-pepper fish, which the Salcedos describe as “Baja-style,” with lots of bell peppers, chilies and onions. But have you ever heard of “Baja-style” dishes in a Chinese restaurant?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468383\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-800x632.jpg\" alt=\"The Salcedo family drives over an hour to Fortune Garden restaurant from Yuma, Arizona twice a month just to eat there.\" width=\"800\" height=\"632\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468383\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-800x632.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-400x316.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-1440x1138.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-1180x932.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-768x607.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-320x253.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Salcedo family drives over an hour to Fortune Garden restaurant from Yuma, Arizona twice a month just to eat there. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayra Salcedo explains, “It’s like a fusion, Mexican ingredients with the Chinese. It’s very different than if you go to any other Chinese restaurant, Americanized Chinese restaurant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her sister, Marta, carefully mixes Chinese mustard, a little spicy Sriracha and ketchup into a special only-in-Imperial-Valley dipping sauce for barbecue pork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they order, they don’t say barbecue pork,” says Fortune Garden co-owner Jenissa Zhou. “They say carnitas, carnitas colorada.” That’s “red pork” in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhou came to the U.S. from southern China, and her husband, Carlos, from Mexicali. From the time he was a teenager, he worked in Chinese restaurants there. She says they opened their first restaurant in Imperial County in 1990. It took her awhile to get used to her customers’ taste buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'The Chinese invented undocumented immigration from Mexico.'\u003ccite>Robert Chao Romero, UCLA professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“You can see, every table they have lemon and hot sauce. In Chinese food we don’t eat lemon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those fried yellow chilies on almost every table, chile asado, are served in a lemon sauce with lots of salt, kind of a margarita flavor. If you believe the rumors, some chefs marinate pork in tequila. And they serve pato asado, roast duck, with lots of cilantro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just on the plates where cultures combine. In the Fortune Garden kitchen, the cooks speak to each other in Cantonese. The waiters speak Spanish and English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a specific reason for all of this, according to Professor Robert Chao Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restaurants you see now are remnants of the Chinese population that used to fill the U.S./Mexico borderlands in Mexicali and in Baja California,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468385\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-800x432.jpg\" alt=\"These fried yellow chilies are ubiquitous in restaurants on both sides of the border. They're served in a lemon sauce with lots of salt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"432\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468385\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-800x432.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-400x216.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-1440x777.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-1180x637.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-768x414.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-320x173.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">These fried yellow chilies are ubiquitous in restaurants on both sides of the border. They're served in a lemon sauce with lots of salt. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Romero teaches in both the Chicano Studies and Asian American Studies departments at UCLA, and wrote the book, \"The Chinese in Mexico.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese started to go to Mexico after the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed in the United States,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was in 1882. The Chinese were the first ethnic group specifically singled out and banned from entry into the U.S. So tens of thousands went to Cuba, South America and Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese invented undocumented immigration from Mexico,” says Romero, smuggling in with coyotes or guides hired to lead people across the border, “and smuggling with false papers, on boats and trains. The infrastructure for that was all invented by the Chinese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, today’s Border Patrol grew out of the Mounted Guard of Chinese Inspectors, created to keep Chinese immigrants from entering the U.S. At the same time, the Mexican government welcomed Chinese immigrants to go to the sparsely populated border region, to work on farms and in mines and canals. Many Chinese immigrants settled in Mexicali, becoming grocers, merchants and restaurant owners. Others managed to smuggle across and make lives in the U.S., including Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468438\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-800x559.jpg\" alt=\"Jenissa Zhou, co-owner of Fortune Garden restaurant in El Centro, California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468438\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-800x559.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-400x279.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-1440x1006.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-1180x824.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-768x536.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-320x224.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenissa Zhou, co-owner of Fortune Garden restaurant in El Centro, California. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All that history plays out in the family of Edmund Gee, whom I meet at his house in the town of Brawley. He’s a leader in the Imperial County Chinese-American community. Gee tells me that his great-grandfather came over with a few others from his village in southern China, and tried to cross into Texas at the Rio Grande.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, he got caught in El Paso and they sent him back,” says Gee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, in the 1930s, Gee’s father made it, probably using fake papers to come through San Francisco, and finding his way to Imperial County, where he started working at a restaurant. Edmund Gee ran a grocery store here for 43 years, and he’s co-owned a couple Chinese restaurants in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Gee’s great-grandfather first tried to cross, the border has been closed off to some groups of people. For others it feels fluid. Above and below the border, Imperial is all one valley geographically, and in some ways culturally. People joke that Mexicali is the biggest city in Imperial County -- it just happens to be in Mexico. Edmund Gee says that the Chinese communities on both sides of the border have always been pretty tight, inviting each other to special events and holiday celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468387\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-800x594.jpg\" alt=\"El Dragon Restaurante in Mexicali, Mexico serves an egg roll with shrimp, cilantro and cream cheese, a kind of Mexican-Chinese-American hybrid.\" width=\"800\" height=\"594\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468387\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-800x594.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-400x297.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-1440x1069.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-1180x876.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-768x570.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-320x238.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El Dragon Restaurante in Mexicali, Mexico serves an egg roll with shrimp, cilantro and cream cheese, a kind of Mexican-Chinese-American hybrid. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People in Imperial County told me that it’s common for groups to cross the border for office parties or family celebrations in big Mexicali Chinese restaurants. Every day, Mexican farmworkers with special passes cross the border to work in Imperial County fields. Some have the opposite commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A block from the border in Calexico, California, George Lim pulls up in a big truck and drives a few minutes, crossing the international border into Mexicali.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lim lives in the U.S., but he helps run one of the oldest and most grand Chinese restaurants in Mexicali, called El Dragon. There, he goes by Jorge Lim. I ask him: Why not run a restaurant in the U.S., where he lives? He first cites the population: Mexicali has close to a million residents, while there are only 170,000 in all of Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just doing the math going to have a lot more customers here in Mexico,” he explains, while negotiating the streets of Mexicali. “And I hate to say it, but people in Mexico are more sophisticated than in Imperial about Chinese food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sophistication may come from the decades of people eating Chinese food here, with some Mexican flavors. Seventy years ago it was a necessity: Chinese cooks used Mexican ingredients like chilies, jicama and certain cuts of meat because that was what was available. Now it’s part of a culinary legacy. Like this new dish on the menu at El Dragon: arrachera beef served with asparagus and black bean sauce. Lim says that’s the best meat for tacos, a clear Mexican influence. “Asparagus could be both Chinese and Mexican, but the sauce, the black bean, that’s Chinese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468389\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-800x503.jpg\" alt=\"A waitress in the back of the house at El Dragon restaurant in Mexicali.\" width=\"800\" height=\"503\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468389\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-800x503.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-400x251.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-1440x905.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-1180x742.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-768x483.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-320x201.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A waitress in the back of the house at El Dragon restaurant in Mexicali. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I try out a kind of Mexican/Chinese/American hybrid: an egg roll with shrimp, cilantro and cream cheese that seems like it shouldn’t be good, but is. And at El Dragon, they put avocado in the fried rice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Lim’s father, Canuto, came to Mexicali in 1954, and he has developed many of El Dragon’s inventive dishes. He tells my reporting partner, Vickie Ly: “Most people who open or work in the restaurants came to Mexicali with previous experience cooking and serving Chinese food. When these experienced chefs come here and put their heads together to share their knowledge of the trade, the Chinese cuisine gets to be really good. There’s no better Chinese food than in Mexicali.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Lim says a few restaurant employees recently arrived here from China under a “special skills” category. That skill? Cooking Chinese cuisine. Lim says sometimes these Mexicali-trained chefs move up north, to work in Chinese restaurants in Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the goals is to go to the U.S., have a better life for you and for your kids, give ’em a better education, better opportunity, maybe earning dollars instead of pesos,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are the same reasons that drew their ancestors here from southern China 130 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Vickie Ly helped report and translate for this story. Chris Hoff helped with sound design. The series \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\" target=\"_blank\">California Foodways\u003c/a> is supported in part by \u003ca href=\"http://www.calhum.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Cal Humanities\u003c/a>. Reporter Lisa Morehouse produced it during a fellowship at \u003ca href=\"http://www.hedgebrook.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Hedgebrook\u003c/a>, a residency for women writers. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\n\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "An 1882 law is the reason behind the surprising number of Chinese restaurants along Mexico-U.S. border.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you ask people in the city of Mexicali, Mexico, about their most notable regional cuisine, they won’t say street tacos or mole. They’ll say Chinese food. There are as many as 200 Chinese restaurants in the city. North of the border, in Imperial County, the population is mostly Latino, but Chinese restaurants are packed. There are dishes in this region you won’t find anywhere else, and a history behind them that goes back more than 130 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/198036295&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/198036295'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Salcedo family sits in a coveted booth at the Fortune Garden restaurant in the city of El Centro. The mother and three adult sisters are almost drooling, waiting for their food to show up. They come from Yuma, Arizona -- over an hour away -- twice a month just to eat here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A huge side order arrives, light-yellow deep-fried chilies, a dish I’ve never seen. Then a salt-and-pepper fish, which the Salcedos describe as “Baja-style,” with lots of bell peppers, chilies and onions. But have you ever heard of “Baja-style” dishes in a Chinese restaurant?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468383\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-800x632.jpg\" alt=\"The Salcedo family drives over an hour to Fortune Garden restaurant from Yuma, Arizona twice a month just to eat there.\" width=\"800\" height=\"632\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468383\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-800x632.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-400x316.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-1440x1138.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-1180x932.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-768x607.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable-320x253.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/SalcedosTable.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Salcedo family drives over an hour to Fortune Garden restaurant from Yuma, Arizona twice a month just to eat there. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayra Salcedo explains, “It’s like a fusion, Mexican ingredients with the Chinese. It’s very different than if you go to any other Chinese restaurant, Americanized Chinese restaurant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her sister, Marta, carefully mixes Chinese mustard, a little spicy Sriracha and ketchup into a special only-in-Imperial-Valley dipping sauce for barbecue pork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they order, they don’t say barbecue pork,” says Fortune Garden co-owner Jenissa Zhou. “They say carnitas, carnitas colorada.” That’s “red pork” in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhou came to the U.S. from southern China, and her husband, Carlos, from Mexicali. From the time he was a teenager, he worked in Chinese restaurants there. She says they opened their first restaurant in Imperial County in 1990. It took her awhile to get used to her customers’ taste buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'The Chinese invented undocumented immigration from Mexico.'\u003ccite>Robert Chao Romero, UCLA professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“You can see, every table they have lemon and hot sauce. In Chinese food we don’t eat lemon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those fried yellow chilies on almost every table, chile asado, are served in a lemon sauce with lots of salt, kind of a margarita flavor. If you believe the rumors, some chefs marinate pork in tequila. And they serve pato asado, roast duck, with lots of cilantro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just on the plates where cultures combine. In the Fortune Garden kitchen, the cooks speak to each other in Cantonese. The waiters speak Spanish and English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a specific reason for all of this, according to Professor Robert Chao Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restaurants you see now are remnants of the Chinese population that used to fill the U.S./Mexico borderlands in Mexicali and in Baja California,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468385\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-800x432.jpg\" alt=\"These fried yellow chilies are ubiquitous in restaurants on both sides of the border. They're served in a lemon sauce with lots of salt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"432\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468385\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-800x432.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-400x216.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-1440x777.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-1180x637.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-768x414.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles-320x173.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/FriedChiles.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">These fried yellow chilies are ubiquitous in restaurants on both sides of the border. They're served in a lemon sauce with lots of salt. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Romero teaches in both the Chicano Studies and Asian American Studies departments at UCLA, and wrote the book, \"The Chinese in Mexico.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese started to go to Mexico after the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed in the United States,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was in 1882. The Chinese were the first ethnic group specifically singled out and banned from entry into the U.S. So tens of thousands went to Cuba, South America and Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese invented undocumented immigration from Mexico,” says Romero, smuggling in with coyotes or guides hired to lead people across the border, “and smuggling with false papers, on boats and trains. The infrastructure for that was all invented by the Chinese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, today’s Border Patrol grew out of the Mounted Guard of Chinese Inspectors, created to keep Chinese immigrants from entering the U.S. At the same time, the Mexican government welcomed Chinese immigrants to go to the sparsely populated border region, to work on farms and in mines and canals. Many Chinese immigrants settled in Mexicali, becoming grocers, merchants and restaurant owners. Others managed to smuggle across and make lives in the U.S., including Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468438\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-800x559.jpg\" alt=\"Jenissa Zhou, co-owner of Fortune Garden restaurant in El Centro, California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468438\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-800x559.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-400x279.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-1440x1006.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-1180x824.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-768x536.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou-320x224.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/Zhou.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenissa Zhou, co-owner of Fortune Garden restaurant in El Centro, California. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All that history plays out in the family of Edmund Gee, whom I meet at his house in the town of Brawley. He’s a leader in the Imperial County Chinese-American community. Gee tells me that his great-grandfather came over with a few others from his village in southern China, and tried to cross into Texas at the Rio Grande.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, he got caught in El Paso and they sent him back,” says Gee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, in the 1930s, Gee’s father made it, probably using fake papers to come through San Francisco, and finding his way to Imperial County, where he started working at a restaurant. Edmund Gee ran a grocery store here for 43 years, and he’s co-owned a couple Chinese restaurants in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Gee’s great-grandfather first tried to cross, the border has been closed off to some groups of people. For others it feels fluid. Above and below the border, Imperial is all one valley geographically, and in some ways culturally. People joke that Mexicali is the biggest city in Imperial County -- it just happens to be in Mexico. Edmund Gee says that the Chinese communities on both sides of the border have always been pretty tight, inviting each other to special events and holiday celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468387\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-800x594.jpg\" alt=\"El Dragon Restaurante in Mexicali, Mexico serves an egg roll with shrimp, cilantro and cream cheese, a kind of Mexican-Chinese-American hybrid.\" width=\"800\" height=\"594\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468387\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-800x594.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-400x297.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-1440x1069.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-1180x876.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-768x570.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll-320x238.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/EggRoll.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El Dragon Restaurante in Mexicali, Mexico serves an egg roll with shrimp, cilantro and cream cheese, a kind of Mexican-Chinese-American hybrid. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People in Imperial County told me that it’s common for groups to cross the border for office parties or family celebrations in big Mexicali Chinese restaurants. Every day, Mexican farmworkers with special passes cross the border to work in Imperial County fields. Some have the opposite commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A block from the border in Calexico, California, George Lim pulls up in a big truck and drives a few minutes, crossing the international border into Mexicali.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lim lives in the U.S., but he helps run one of the oldest and most grand Chinese restaurants in Mexicali, called El Dragon. There, he goes by Jorge Lim. I ask him: Why not run a restaurant in the U.S., where he lives? He first cites the population: Mexicali has close to a million residents, while there are only 170,000 in all of Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just doing the math going to have a lot more customers here in Mexico,” he explains, while negotiating the streets of Mexicali. “And I hate to say it, but people in Mexico are more sophisticated than in Imperial about Chinese food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sophistication may come from the decades of people eating Chinese food here, with some Mexican flavors. Seventy years ago it was a necessity: Chinese cooks used Mexican ingredients like chilies, jicama and certain cuts of meat because that was what was available. Now it’s part of a culinary legacy. Like this new dish on the menu at El Dragon: arrachera beef served with asparagus and black bean sauce. Lim says that’s the best meat for tacos, a clear Mexican influence. “Asparagus could be both Chinese and Mexican, but the sauce, the black bean, that’s Chinese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10468389\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-800x503.jpg\" alt=\"A waitress in the back of the house at El Dragon restaurant in Mexicali.\" width=\"800\" height=\"503\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10468389\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-800x503.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-400x251.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-1440x905.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-1180x742.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-768x483.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress-320x201.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/DragonWaitress.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A waitress in the back of the house at El Dragon restaurant in Mexicali. \u003ccite>(Vickie Ly/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I try out a kind of Mexican/Chinese/American hybrid: an egg roll with shrimp, cilantro and cream cheese that seems like it shouldn’t be good, but is. And at El Dragon, they put avocado in the fried rice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Lim’s father, Canuto, came to Mexicali in 1954, and he has developed many of El Dragon’s inventive dishes. He tells my reporting partner, Vickie Ly: “Most people who open or work in the restaurants came to Mexicali with previous experience cooking and serving Chinese food. When these experienced chefs come here and put their heads together to share their knowledge of the trade, the Chinese cuisine gets to be really good. There’s no better Chinese food than in Mexicali.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Lim says a few restaurant employees recently arrived here from China under a “special skills” category. That skill? Cooking Chinese cuisine. Lim says sometimes these Mexicali-trained chefs move up north, to work in Chinese restaurants in Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the goals is to go to the U.S., have a better life for you and for your kids, give ’em a better education, better opportunity, maybe earning dollars instead of pesos,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are the same reasons that drew their ancestors here from southern China 130 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Vickie Ly helped report and translate for this story. Chris Hoff helped with sound design. The series \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\" target=\"_blank\">California Foodways\u003c/a> is supported in part by \u003ca href=\"http://www.calhum.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Cal Humanities\u003c/a>. Reporter Lisa Morehouse produced it during a fellowship at \u003ca href=\"http://www.hedgebrook.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Hedgebrook\u003c/a>, a residency for women writers. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/01/demandas-contra-la-detencion-de-familias-centroamericanas-que-buscan-asilo\">español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie waded into the Rio Grande clutching her 6-year-old son with no idea of what to expect on the other side. The smuggler that brought them from El Salvador left them abruptly at the river’s edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared because I didn’t know where I was,” she says. “I wasn’t carrying water or food. I didn’t know what was going to happen. My heart was racing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side of the river, Border Patrol agents in Texas took them into custody. Stephanie says the holding cell was freezing -- more so because their clothes were still wet from crossing the river.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just really cold!” she says through tears. “My son was crying and saying, 'Mama, I can’t stand it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents refused to return a sweater they had made Stephanie toss in a trashcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10466840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10466840\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Stephanie and Jose watch their son ride a bike at their new home.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Months after ICE detention, Stephanie and Jose say that their 6-year-old son still talks about being 'locked up.' \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, they sent mother and son to a \u003ca title=\"ICE family detention center, Karnes, TX\" href=\"http://www.ice.gov/detention-facility/karnes-county-residential-center\">family detention center \u003c/a>in Karnes, Texas, where U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement was holding hundreds of other women and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE started detaining Central American families last summer when an\u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/documents/BP%20Southwest%20Border%20Family%20Units%20and%20UAC%20Apps%20FY13%20-%20FY14_0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"> unprecedented number\u003c/a> began showing up at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie and Jose arrived at the Karnes family detention facility in early September. They were assigned to a room with three other families -- and confined there every night from 6 p.m. until morning. From their second-floor window, Jose could see cars passing by on the highway. Stephanie says he thought a door in the cafeteria was the way out to that road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, my son would ask me, ‘When are we going through that door?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the mothers and children Stephanie met had stayed three months, but that seemed really far off, so she’d tell Jose, “Soon baby, soon, soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie recounts her story from her bedroom in a cramped, second-floor apartment just off a busy freeway south of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An immigration judge released her from Karnes in November, and she made her way here to reunite with her husband, Jose, who sought asylum in the United States last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we talk, Jose sits on the floor helping Jose Jr. line up Matchbox cars to roll down a red plastic ramp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie and Jose didn’t want their last names disclosed because they’re afraid the people they fled in El Salvador could retaliate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose was a political activist there. One day, men from an opposing party attacked him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They threatened to kill me if I didn’t leave the country,” he says. “I still have a scar here on my lip from that attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch2>Listen to Part I:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197809958\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part II:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197949035\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Stephanie says she was forced to follow months later when those same men came after her demanding $5,000. After harassing her for weeks, they phoned her one night to say, “They would give me one more day to get them the money. And if I didn’t come up with the money, I should get my coffin ready, and one for my son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie says she was fleeing criminal violence in El Salvador, but when she and her son arrived in the U.S., she feels they were treated like criminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government officials wanted to send a \u003ca title=\"Homeland Security's message to moms\" href=\"http://www.dhs.gov/news/2014/07/10/written-testimony-dhs-secretary-jeh-johnson-senate-committee-appropriations-hearing\">message\u003c/a> to dissuade mothers from coming here with their children, according to \u003ca title=\"Marc Rosenblum bio\" href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/authors/marc-r-rosenblum\" target=\"_blank\">Marc Rosenblum\u003c/a> with the \u003ca title=\"Migration Policy Institute Deportation Dilema report \" href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/deportation-dilemma-reconciling-tough-humane-enforcement\" target=\"_blank\">Migration Policy Institute \u003c/a>in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government has a totally valid interest in sending a message to Central America,” Rosenblum says, “that people who don’t have a valid humanitarian claim are not going to be permitted to stay. And it’s better for people to get that message without traveling thousands of miles across Mexico and then getting deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half a dozen years ago, ICE \u003ca title=\"Hutto shut down\" href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9492\" target=\"_blank\">shut down a detention center\u003c/a> after a lawsuit charged that the prisonlike setting was no place for children. Since then, immigration officials have shied away from detaining families. But last summer ICE \u003ca title=\"ICE expands family detention facilities\" href=\"http://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ices-new-family-detention-center-dilley-texas-open-december\" target=\"_blank\">expanded\u003c/a> family lockups. Officials report they detained nearly 4,000 women and their children through the end of January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That deprivation of liberty is wrong,” says Professor Denise Gilman, who heads the University of Texas School of Law’s\u003ca title=\"Immigration Clinic\" href=\"http:www.utexas.edu/law/clinics/immigration/\"> immigration clinic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says ICE’s blanket detention policy doesn’t take account of individual circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, it’s cruel to these children and their mothers who are fleeing horrible violence and have come here seeking help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10466136\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10466136\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-800x443.jpg\" alt='The outside walls of the family detention center in Artesia, N.M. as depicted in \"Families Behind Barbed Wire,\" an account written by volunteer lawyer Steven Sady and illustrated by Clio Reese Sady.' width=\"800\" height=\"443\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-800x443.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-400x221.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-1440x797.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-1180x653.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-768x425.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-320x177.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-672x372.jpg 672w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-1038x576.jpg 1038w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The outside walls of the family detention center in Artesia, N.M., as depicted in \u003ca href=\"https://insidewitness.files.wordpress.com/2015/02/fbbw_english.pdf\">\"Families Behind Barbed Wire,\"\u003c/a> an account written by volunteer lawyer Steven Sady and illustrated by Clio Reese Sady.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gilman and the American Civil Liberties Union are suing to stop ICE from locking up asylum seekers with children solely to deter others. A federal judge has \u003ca title=\"Court Orders Preliminary Injunction \" href=\"http://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2015cv0011-33\" target=\"_blank\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has until April 1 to appeal. Otherwise the case proceeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, ICE officials said they are “complying with the court’s order, which precludes ICE from considering deterrence of future migration as a factor in making custody determinations with respect to adults with children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates are also trying to end family detention by invoking a decades-old settlement (\u003ca title=\"Flores v. Reno\" href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9493\">Flores v. Reno\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 20 years ago, federal immigration authorities agreed to minimize the detention of under-age migrants and move them to the least restrictive environment as soon as possible, such as the home of a relative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org/\">Center For Human Rights and Constitutional Law \u003c/a>says ICE family detention centers are the opposite of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone who’s been to the Karnes facility in particular will note that it is like an institution,” Holguin says. “It is like a jail. There’s a sally port one goes through after going through metal detection -- high block walls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"AJ2OiKPv6D0F43OydzYSC9jpxWk2K9wJ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holguin says children aren’t supposed to be locked up in places like Karnes -- even with their mothers. He has filed a motion to force ICE to release them. A hearing on the matter was scheduled for next month [4/17/15] in the U.S. Central District Court in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government attorneys, meanwhile, will argue for broader powers to detain children. They say they need that to cope with the influx of Central Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE recently expanded its capacity for families. Three centers can now hold 3,400 people at a time, up from fewer than 100 beds last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency officials would only provide a written statement on family detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In it, they asserted that housing children with their parents is “an effective and humane alternative for maintaining family unity as families go through immigration proceedings or await return to their home countries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Joanne Kelsey, with the \u003ca href=\"http://blog.lirs.org/lirs-staff-member-shares-her-heartbreaking-trip-to-dilley-family-detention-center/\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a>, says there’s no humane way to confine children, because it can break the family structure and cause lasting psychological damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a child sees their mother isn’t making decisions for them, that a guard is saying, ‘This is when you can eat, this is what you can eat, there is where you can go, this is what you can do,’ the child loses that feeling of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of January, ICE reported 1,000 mothers and kids were still in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without an attorney, they have little hope for release or asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more than 7,000 family immigration cases recently studied by the \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/\">Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a> at Syracuse University, 99 percent of those who lacked a lawyer were ordered deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10466188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10466188 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-800x1120.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1120\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-800x1120.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-400x560.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-1440x2016.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-1180x1652.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-768x1075.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-320x448.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, Syracuse University using records obtained from the Executive Office of Immigration Review, Department of Justice. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But finding attorneys to take detainees’ cases is a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These women are not only detained -- but they’re detained in a place that’s isolated and not easily accessible …,” says Lauren Connell, an attorney with Akin Gump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell coordinated volunteer attorneys to help the families at Karnes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time she made the one-hour drive down from San Antonio to Karnes, Connell remembers thinking, “Wow, this is far from where people are and can really help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell became Stephanie’s attorney and helped convince an immigration judge to free her while her asylum case is being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie says that when she heard she would be released, “The first thing I did was drop to my knees and thank God for everything he had done for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie’s now cleaning houses for work and her husband was able to get a job working special events. She says her slender son has re-gained some of the weight he lost in the detention center, but he can’t shake the memory of his six weeks there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says Jose “hasn’t forgotten. … He says things like, ‘Yeah, it’s like when we were locked up.’ He uses this phrase repeatedly to make comparisons or references back to that time ‘when we were locked up.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie has her day in immigration court in May.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Temporarily, ICE can't detain asylum seekers just to discourage others from coming to the U.S.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea este artículo en \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/01/demandas-contra-la-detencion-de-familias-centroamericanas-que-buscan-asilo\">español\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie waded into the Rio Grande clutching her 6-year-old son with no idea of what to expect on the other side. The smuggler that brought them from El Salvador left them abruptly at the river’s edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared because I didn’t know where I was,” she says. “I wasn’t carrying water or food. I didn’t know what was going to happen. My heart was racing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side of the river, Border Patrol agents in Texas took them into custody. Stephanie says the holding cell was freezing -- more so because their clothes were still wet from crossing the river.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just really cold!” she says through tears. “My son was crying and saying, 'Mama, I can’t stand it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents refused to return a sweater they had made Stephanie toss in a trashcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10466840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10466840\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Stephanie and Jose watch their son ride a bike at their new home.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-768x576.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut-320x240.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14559_RJ-4-of-4-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Months after ICE detention, Stephanie and Jose say that their 6-year-old son still talks about being 'locked up.' \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, they sent mother and son to a \u003ca title=\"ICE family detention center, Karnes, TX\" href=\"http://www.ice.gov/detention-facility/karnes-county-residential-center\">family detention center \u003c/a>in Karnes, Texas, where U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement was holding hundreds of other women and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE started detaining Central American families last summer when an\u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/documents/BP%20Southwest%20Border%20Family%20Units%20and%20UAC%20Apps%20FY13%20-%20FY14_0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"> unprecedented number\u003c/a> began showing up at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie and Jose arrived at the Karnes family detention facility in early September. They were assigned to a room with three other families -- and confined there every night from 6 p.m. until morning. From their second-floor window, Jose could see cars passing by on the highway. Stephanie says he thought a door in the cafeteria was the way out to that road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, my son would ask me, ‘When are we going through that door?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the mothers and children Stephanie met had stayed three months, but that seemed really far off, so she’d tell Jose, “Soon baby, soon, soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie recounts her story from her bedroom in a cramped, second-floor apartment just off a busy freeway south of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An immigration judge released her from Karnes in November, and she made her way here to reunite with her husband, Jose, who sought asylum in the United States last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we talk, Jose sits on the floor helping Jose Jr. line up Matchbox cars to roll down a red plastic ramp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie and Jose didn’t want their last names disclosed because they’re afraid the people they fled in El Salvador could retaliate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose was a political activist there. One day, men from an opposing party attacked him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They threatened to kill me if I didn’t leave the country,” he says. “I still have a scar here on my lip from that attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch2>Listen to Part I:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197809958&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197809958'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part II:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197949035&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/197949035'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Stephanie says she was forced to follow months later when those same men came after her demanding $5,000. After harassing her for weeks, they phoned her one night to say, “They would give me one more day to get them the money. And if I didn’t come up with the money, I should get my coffin ready, and one for my son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie says she was fleeing criminal violence in El Salvador, but when she and her son arrived in the U.S., she feels they were treated like criminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government officials wanted to send a \u003ca title=\"Homeland Security's message to moms\" href=\"http://www.dhs.gov/news/2014/07/10/written-testimony-dhs-secretary-jeh-johnson-senate-committee-appropriations-hearing\">message\u003c/a> to dissuade mothers from coming here with their children, according to \u003ca title=\"Marc Rosenblum bio\" href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/authors/marc-r-rosenblum\" target=\"_blank\">Marc Rosenblum\u003c/a> with the \u003ca title=\"Migration Policy Institute Deportation Dilema report \" href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/deportation-dilemma-reconciling-tough-humane-enforcement\" target=\"_blank\">Migration Policy Institute \u003c/a>in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government has a totally valid interest in sending a message to Central America,” Rosenblum says, “that people who don’t have a valid humanitarian claim are not going to be permitted to stay. And it’s better for people to get that message without traveling thousands of miles across Mexico and then getting deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half a dozen years ago, ICE \u003ca title=\"Hutto shut down\" href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9492\" target=\"_blank\">shut down a detention center\u003c/a> after a lawsuit charged that the prisonlike setting was no place for children. Since then, immigration officials have shied away from detaining families. But last summer ICE \u003ca title=\"ICE expands family detention facilities\" href=\"http://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ices-new-family-detention-center-dilley-texas-open-december\" target=\"_blank\">expanded\u003c/a> family lockups. Officials report they detained nearly 4,000 women and their children through the end of January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That deprivation of liberty is wrong,” says Professor Denise Gilman, who heads the University of Texas School of Law’s\u003ca title=\"Immigration Clinic\" href=\"http:www.utexas.edu/law/clinics/immigration/\"> immigration clinic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says ICE’s blanket detention policy doesn’t take account of individual circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, it’s cruel to these children and their mothers who are fleeing horrible violence and have come here seeking help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10466136\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10466136\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-800x443.jpg\" alt='The outside walls of the family detention center in Artesia, N.M. as depicted in \"Families Behind Barbed Wire,\" an account written by volunteer lawyer Steven Sady and illustrated by Clio Reese Sady.' width=\"800\" height=\"443\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-800x443.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-400x221.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-1440x797.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-1180x653.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-768x425.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-320x177.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-672x372.jpg 672w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide-1038x576.jpg 1038w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/artesia-oustide.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The outside walls of the family detention center in Artesia, N.M., as depicted in \u003ca href=\"https://insidewitness.files.wordpress.com/2015/02/fbbw_english.pdf\">\"Families Behind Barbed Wire,\"\u003c/a> an account written by volunteer lawyer Steven Sady and illustrated by Clio Reese Sady.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gilman and the American Civil Liberties Union are suing to stop ICE from locking up asylum seekers with children solely to deter others. A federal judge has \u003ca title=\"Court Orders Preliminary Injunction \" href=\"http://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2015cv0011-33\" target=\"_blank\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has until April 1 to appeal. Otherwise the case proceeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, ICE officials said they are “complying with the court’s order, which precludes ICE from considering deterrence of future migration as a factor in making custody determinations with respect to adults with children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates are also trying to end family detention by invoking a decades-old settlement (\u003ca title=\"Flores v. Reno\" href=\"http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=9493\">Flores v. Reno\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 20 years ago, federal immigration authorities agreed to minimize the detention of under-age migrants and move them to the least restrictive environment as soon as possible, such as the home of a relative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org/\">Center For Human Rights and Constitutional Law \u003c/a>says ICE family detention centers are the opposite of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone who’s been to the Karnes facility in particular will note that it is like an institution,” Holguin says. “It is like a jail. There’s a sally port one goes through after going through metal detection -- high block walls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holguin says children aren’t supposed to be locked up in places like Karnes -- even with their mothers. He has filed a motion to force ICE to release them. A hearing on the matter was scheduled for next month [4/17/15] in the U.S. Central District Court in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government attorneys, meanwhile, will argue for broader powers to detain children. They say they need that to cope with the influx of Central Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE recently expanded its capacity for families. Three centers can now hold 3,400 people at a time, up from fewer than 100 beds last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency officials would only provide a written statement on family detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In it, they asserted that housing children with their parents is “an effective and humane alternative for maintaining family unity as families go through immigration proceedings or await return to their home countries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Joanne Kelsey, with the \u003ca href=\"http://blog.lirs.org/lirs-staff-member-shares-her-heartbreaking-trip-to-dilley-family-detention-center/\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a>, says there’s no humane way to confine children, because it can break the family structure and cause lasting psychological damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a child sees their mother isn’t making decisions for them, that a guard is saying, ‘This is when you can eat, this is what you can eat, there is where you can go, this is what you can do,’ the child loses that feeling of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of January, ICE reported 1,000 mothers and kids were still in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without an attorney, they have little hope for release or asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more than 7,000 family immigration cases recently studied by the \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/\">Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a> at Syracuse University, 99 percent of those who lacked a lawyer were ordered deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10466188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10466188 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-800x1120.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1120\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-800x1120.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-400x560.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-1440x2016.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-1180x1652.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-768x1075.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011-320x448.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/family-immigration-court-011.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, Syracuse University using records obtained from the Executive Office of Immigration Review, Department of Justice. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But finding attorneys to take detainees’ cases is a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These women are not only detained -- but they’re detained in a place that’s isolated and not easily accessible …,” says Lauren Connell, an attorney with Akin Gump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell coordinated volunteer attorneys to help the families at Karnes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time she made the one-hour drive down from San Antonio to Karnes, Connell remembers thinking, “Wow, this is far from where people are and can really help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connell became Stephanie’s attorney and helped convince an immigration judge to free her while her asylum case is being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie says that when she heard she would be released, “The first thing I did was drop to my knees and thank God for everything he had done for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie’s now cleaning houses for work and her husband was able to get a job working special events. She says her slender son has re-gained some of the weight he lost in the detention center, but he can’t shake the memory of his six weeks there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says Jose “hasn’t forgotten. … He says things like, ‘Yeah, it’s like when we were locked up.’ He uses this phrase repeatedly to make comparisons or references back to that time ‘when we were locked up.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie has her day in immigration court in May.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Acknowledging a “grievous wrong” committed as part of a “discredited” state policy of discrimination against people of Chinese descent, the California Supreme Court on Monday granted posthumous permission to practice law to an immigrant lawyer who first sought it in 1890.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s unanimous, unsigned ruling (\u003ca href=\"#hongyenchang\">embedded below\u003c/a>) came in the case of \u003ca href=\"http://students.law.ucdavis.edu/apalsa/hongyenchang.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Hong Yen Chang\u003c/a>, an attorney educated at Yale College and Columbia Law School who was admitted to the New York State Bar in 1888 — reportedly the first Chinese lawyer granted permission to practice through regular channels of admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10457523\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10457523\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg\" alt=\"Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890. \" width=\"400\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-320x286.jpeg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg 583w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Chang came to San Francisco in 1890, however, the California Supreme Court rejected his application to practice law. The court ruled then that, a certificate of naturalization from New York notwithstanding, Chang was not a U.S. citizen, was barred from becoming one, and thus was ineligible to practice law here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the court said, “Understanding the significance of our two-page [1890] decision denying Chang admission to the bar requires a candid reckoning with a sordid chapter of our state and national history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reciting California’s long history of virulent anti-Chinese discrimination, the court concluded:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>… It is past time to acknowledge that the discriminatory exclusion of Chang from the State Bar of California was a grievous wrong. It denied Chang equal protection of the laws; apart from his citizenship, he was by all accounts qualified for admission to the bar. It was also a blow to countless others who, like Chang, aspired to become a lawyer only to have their dream deferred on account of their race, alienage, or nationality. And it was a loss to our communities and to society as a whole, which denied itself the full talents of its people and the important benefits of a diverse legal profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century later, Chang’s descendants and the Asian Pacific American Law Students Association at the University of California, Davis School of Law have sought to right this wrong. Even if we cannot undo history, we can acknowledge it and, in so doing, accord a full measure of recognition to Chang’s pathbreaking efforts to become the first lawyer of Chinese descent in the United States. The people and the courts of California were denied Chang’s services as a lawyer. But we need not be denied his example as a pioneer for a more inclusive legal profession. In granting Hong Yen Chang posthumous admission to the California Bar, we affirm his rightful place among the ranks of persons deemed qualified to serve as an attorney and counselor at law in the courts of California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/local/education/article2598096.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Sacramento Bee noted \u003c/a>in a story on Chang last May, he went on to a long, prosperous career despite having been sidelined as an attorney in California. He was:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>… a law professor in China, a banker in San Francisco and a diplomat for the Chinese government in Vancouver, British Columbia, and Washington, D.C., where he attended a wedding at the White House. A firm believer in Western education, Chang wrote in an 1889 article: “China’s awakening from her sleep of a thousand years must come, if it comes at all, either over the corpse of her literary hierarchy (based on Confucius) or through regeneration and its willingness to attune to the times. …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>… Chang’s great-niece, Rachelle Chong, became the first Asian-American to serve on the Federal Communications Commission and the California Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our family’s extremely fortunate to have three of us admitted to the California State Bar,” Chong said. “It would be fitting and right to have my granduncle’s exclusion reversed … to ensure that justice, albeit late, is done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"hongyenchang\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/258925353/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_85578\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Acknowledging a “grievous wrong” committed as part of a “discredited” state policy of discrimination against people of Chinese descent, the California Supreme Court on Monday granted posthumous permission to practice law to an immigrant lawyer who first sought it in 1890.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s unanimous, unsigned ruling (\u003ca href=\"#hongyenchang\">embedded below\u003c/a>) came in the case of \u003ca href=\"http://students.law.ucdavis.edu/apalsa/hongyenchang.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Hong Yen Chang\u003c/a>, an attorney educated at Yale College and Columbia Law School who was admitted to the New York State Bar in 1888 — reportedly the first Chinese lawyer granted permission to practice through regular channels of admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10457523\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10457523\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg\" alt=\"Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890. \" width=\"400\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-320x286.jpeg 320w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg 583w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Chang came to San Francisco in 1890, however, the California Supreme Court rejected his application to practice law. The court ruled then that, a certificate of naturalization from New York notwithstanding, Chang was not a U.S. citizen, was barred from becoming one, and thus was ineligible to practice law here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the court said, “Understanding the significance of our two-page [1890] decision denying Chang admission to the bar requires a candid reckoning with a sordid chapter of our state and national history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reciting California’s long history of virulent anti-Chinese discrimination, the court concluded:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>… It is past time to acknowledge that the discriminatory exclusion of Chang from the State Bar of California was a grievous wrong. It denied Chang equal protection of the laws; apart from his citizenship, he was by all accounts qualified for admission to the bar. It was also a blow to countless others who, like Chang, aspired to become a lawyer only to have their dream deferred on account of their race, alienage, or nationality. And it was a loss to our communities and to society as a whole, which denied itself the full talents of its people and the important benefits of a diverse legal profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century later, Chang’s descendants and the Asian Pacific American Law Students Association at the University of California, Davis School of Law have sought to right this wrong. Even if we cannot undo history, we can acknowledge it and, in so doing, accord a full measure of recognition to Chang’s pathbreaking efforts to become the first lawyer of Chinese descent in the United States. The people and the courts of California were denied Chang’s services as a lawyer. But we need not be denied his example as a pioneer for a more inclusive legal profession. In granting Hong Yen Chang posthumous admission to the California Bar, we affirm his rightful place among the ranks of persons deemed qualified to serve as an attorney and counselor at law in the courts of California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/local/education/article2598096.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Sacramento Bee noted \u003c/a>in a story on Chang last May, he went on to a long, prosperous career despite having been sidelined as an attorney in California. He was:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>… a law professor in China, a banker in San Francisco and a diplomat for the Chinese government in Vancouver, British Columbia, and Washington, D.C., where he attended a wedding at the White House. A firm believer in Western education, Chang wrote in an 1889 article: “China’s awakening from her sleep of a thousand years must come, if it comes at all, either over the corpse of her literary hierarchy (based on Confucius) or through regeneration and its willingness to attune to the times. …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>… Chang’s great-niece, Rachelle Chong, became the first Asian-American to serve on the Federal Communications Commission and the California Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our family’s extremely fortunate to have three of us admitted to the California State Bar,” Chong said. “It would be fitting and right to have my granduncle’s exclusion reversed … to ensure that justice, albeit late, is done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"hongyenchang\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/258925353/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_85578\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Settlement Could Allow Thousands of Mexican Deportees to Return to SoCal",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of Mexicans deported from Southern California could be eligible to return under an agreement between federal authorities and the ACLU. The civil rights group in 2013 \u003ca title=\"Lopez-Venegas lawsuit\" href=\"https://www.aclu.org/immigrants-rights/lopez-venegas-v-johnson-complaint\">sued\u003c/a> the government on behalf of nine plaintiffs who claim U.S. border agents pressured them into signing voluntary departure papers while in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those plaintiffs is Gerardo Hernandez-Contreras. He came to the U.S. illegally about 15 years ago. He settled down in San Diego, found work and eventually married a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ACLU attorney Gabriela Rivera says Hernandez-Contreras hadn’t yet adjusted his legal status when he got pulled over by police for a traffic violation. When his legal status was exposed, Rivera says he was hustled into a U.S. Border Patrol station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/194398439\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They presented him with a voluntary return form and told him that he could fix his papers from Mexico,” says Rivera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What authorities didn’t tell Hernandez-Contreras is that by taking a voluntary departure, he would face a 10-year wait to re-enter the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the settlement struck last week, immigration authorities must establish clear guidelines for the processing of potential voluntary return cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, thousands of people who took voluntary departures from Southern California to Mexico within a five-year period ending last August might be able to come back to the U.S. to argue their cases before an immigration judge. But that doesn’t guarantee they can stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not win legal status for anyone who was subjected to these voluntary return practices,” says Rivera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re back in the same position that they were in when they should have been given a meaningful opportunity to decide whether to see a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify, immigrants must show that they have some kind of legal footing on which to stand. In the case of Hernandez-Contreras, it’s the fact that he was wed to an American citizen at the time of his deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughn says it is possible that some immigrants were misled by border agents. But that doesn’t mean the deportees who agreed to deportation should be allowed to come back, she says. Vaughn is a policy analyst with the \u003ca title=\"CIS House Committe testimony\" href=\"http://cis.org/Testimony/Vaughan-DHS-Immigration-Enforcement-Oversight\">Center for Immigration Studies\u003c/a>, based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would have been possible to retrain agents and officers or investigate individual cases if it looks like they might have been coerced,” says Vaughn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This so-called cure is going to be more painful for the system than the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaughn worries that a spike in new cases will further burden already overwhelmed immigration courts in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 200,000 immigrants accepted voluntary departures between June 2009 and August 2014, the period covered by the lawsuit. It’s unclear how many of those people would qualify to seek redress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ACLU says it’s already fielded dozens of calls from deportees in Mexico and their relatives seeking advice on how to apply for a return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of Mexicans deported from Southern California could be eligible to return under an agreement between federal authorities and the ACLU. The civil rights group in 2013 \u003ca title=\"Lopez-Venegas lawsuit\" href=\"https://www.aclu.org/immigrants-rights/lopez-venegas-v-johnson-complaint\">sued\u003c/a> the government on behalf of nine plaintiffs who claim U.S. border agents pressured them into signing voluntary departure papers while in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those plaintiffs is Gerardo Hernandez-Contreras. He came to the U.S. illegally about 15 years ago. He settled down in San Diego, found work and eventually married a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ACLU attorney Gabriela Rivera says Hernandez-Contreras hadn’t yet adjusted his legal status when he got pulled over by police for a traffic violation. When his legal status was exposed, Rivera says he was hustled into a U.S. Border Patrol station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/194398439&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/194398439'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They presented him with a voluntary return form and told him that he could fix his papers from Mexico,” says Rivera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What authorities didn’t tell Hernandez-Contreras is that by taking a voluntary departure, he would face a 10-year wait to re-enter the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the settlement struck last week, immigration authorities must establish clear guidelines for the processing of potential voluntary return cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, thousands of people who took voluntary departures from Southern California to Mexico within a five-year period ending last August might be able to come back to the U.S. to argue their cases before an immigration judge. But that doesn’t guarantee they can stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not win legal status for anyone who was subjected to these voluntary return practices,” says Rivera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re back in the same position that they were in when they should have been given a meaningful opportunity to decide whether to see a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify, immigrants must show that they have some kind of legal footing on which to stand. In the case of Hernandez-Contreras, it’s the fact that he was wed to an American citizen at the time of his deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughn says it is possible that some immigrants were misled by border agents. But that doesn’t mean the deportees who agreed to deportation should be allowed to come back, she says. Vaughn is a policy analyst with the \u003ca title=\"CIS House Committe testimony\" href=\"http://cis.org/Testimony/Vaughan-DHS-Immigration-Enforcement-Oversight\">Center for Immigration Studies\u003c/a>, based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would have been possible to retrain agents and officers or investigate individual cases if it looks like they might have been coerced,” says Vaughn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This so-called cure is going to be more painful for the system than the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaughn worries that a spike in new cases will further burden already overwhelmed immigration courts in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 200,000 immigrants accepted voluntary departures between June 2009 and August 2014, the period covered by the lawsuit. It’s unclear how many of those people would qualify to seek redress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ACLU says it’s already fielded dozens of calls from deportees in Mexico and their relatives seeking advice on how to apply for a return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Incubating a New Wave of Immigrants in Silicon Valley",
"title": "Incubating a New Wave of Immigrants in Silicon Valley",
"headTitle": "Boomtown | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The newest immigrants in Silicon Valley are coming from countries where technology is just getting started -- countries in the Middle East and Latin America. They're young and hungry for success, and they've left their home countries to be entrepreneurs, with no guarantees they'll make it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/192652727\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Actually, it was a bit of a chance,\" says Yousef ElSammaa, one of the co-founders of ElWafeyat, an online alternative to paid newspaper obituaries in Cairo, Egypt. \"We didn't think they would consider people from our market.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, ElSammaa was selected to bring his project to the Mountain View campus of the \u003ca href=\"http://500.co/\" target=\"_blank\">500 Startups\u003c/a> incubator. He's only the second entrepreneur from the Middle East to be accepted at the incubator. He's learning to pitch his company to investors, and plans to expand his business in the Arab world from Jordan to Dubai, and eventually the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cairo doesn't have a strong startup economy, so when ElSammaa quit a stable corporate job to launch a tech business, he says he disappointed family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not socially acceptable, and definitely you get a lot of peer pressure from your friends and your family. And it took a lot to get my family to accept what I'm doing,\" ElSammaa says. \"Eventually, you have to block all that out and focus on what you want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 25-year-old is one of the entrepreneurs who is bringing Egypt into the digital age. He runs a website where family members can save digital memories of people who have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Culturally in the Middle East, it is very important to honor that person who has passed away,\" ElSammaa says, noting that the tradition of honoring the dead goes all the way back to the Pyramids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://http://youtu.be/TGoIrYR_TNg\">http://http://youtu.be/TGoIrYR_TNg\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Middle East, an average newspaper obituary announcement costs $1,500. But ElSammaa's app is free to download, and it's just $50 to post pictures and tributes on the website. So far, he says 200,000 customers have used it and he hasn't had trouble raising big money from investors in Cairo and the United States. That includes $100,000 in seed money from 500 Startups founding partner Dave McClure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We try to help them figure out their business model, work on product design and eventually try to help them raise capital,\" McClure says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10438035\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10438035\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Dave McClure, founding partner of the tech incubator 500 Startups talks with staff members after a new batch of entrepreneurs arrive in his San Francisco office. 500 Startups has offices in Mountain View, San Francisco and Mexico City.\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dave McClure, founding partner of the tech incubator 500 Startups, talks with staff members after a new batch of entrepreneurs arrives in his San Francisco office. 500 Startups has offices in Mountain View, San Francisco and Mexico City. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>McClure brings in new foreign-tech talent to the Bay Area every four months. He looks for successful entrepreneurs in countries where Internet technology is still emerging. These new tech businesses need Silicon Valley's smarts to expand, and investors like McClure want the booming population of consumers in these countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Those are the places that have young populations that are growing rapidly,\" McClure says. \"Many of them now have smartphones and Internet devices. But there's not as much business creation or not as much content and application creation as happens in the U.S.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norway is one of those places. That's why 20-year-old Sebastian Almnes was selected by 500 Startups. His software company, Techpear, helps businesses find top job applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past four months Almnes has exhausted himself talking to potential investors and customers. So far, he's banked $300,000, and he's working to perfect his pitch because he plans to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're actually going to focus on the U.S. market, ignore the Norwegian market and go directly to the Bay area,\" Almnes says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10438074\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10438074\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Techpear CEO Sebastian Almnes of Norway works on his pitch to investors with a 500 Startups mentor\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Techpear CEO Sebastian Almnes of Norway works on his pitch to investors with a mentor, Marvin Liao, a 500 Startups partner. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That's what San Jose startup investors like Rick Rasmussen want to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As an investor, I like to touch and feel and work with the companies that I invest in,\" Rasmussen says. \"At a minimum, they have to have some kind of presence here, whether it's a sales office or actually move headquarters to the Silicon Valley.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ElSammaa plans to open an office in Silicon Valley in two years and will tailor his digital memory product to fit this market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"First of all, we have a lot of Middle Eastern people living in the U.S. market who would use the same service,\" ElSammaa says. \"And then you have other people who don't have the same culture or habits, yet they still have the same needs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many new immigrant entrepreneurs, ElSammaa says the key to his success will be to operate simultaneously in America and his home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The newest immigrants in Silicon Valley are coming from countries where technology is just getting started -- countries in the Middle East and Latin America. They're young and hungry for success, and they've left their home countries to be entrepreneurs, with no guarantees they'll make it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/192652727&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/192652727'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Actually, it was a bit of a chance,\" says Yousef ElSammaa, one of the co-founders of ElWafeyat, an online alternative to paid newspaper obituaries in Cairo, Egypt. \"We didn't think they would consider people from our market.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, ElSammaa was selected to bring his project to the Mountain View campus of the \u003ca href=\"http://500.co/\" target=\"_blank\">500 Startups\u003c/a> incubator. He's only the second entrepreneur from the Middle East to be accepted at the incubator. He's learning to pitch his company to investors, and plans to expand his business in the Arab world from Jordan to Dubai, and eventually the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cairo doesn't have a strong startup economy, so when ElSammaa quit a stable corporate job to launch a tech business, he says he disappointed family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not socially acceptable, and definitely you get a lot of peer pressure from your friends and your family. And it took a lot to get my family to accept what I'm doing,\" ElSammaa says. \"Eventually, you have to block all that out and focus on what you want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 25-year-old is one of the entrepreneurs who is bringing Egypt into the digital age. He runs a website where family members can save digital memories of people who have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Culturally in the Middle East, it is very important to honor that person who has passed away,\" ElSammaa says, noting that the tradition of honoring the dead goes all the way back to the Pyramids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://http://youtu.be/TGoIrYR_TNg\">http://http://youtu.be/TGoIrYR_TNg\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Middle East, an average newspaper obituary announcement costs $1,500. But ElSammaa's app is free to download, and it's just $50 to post pictures and tributes on the website. So far, he says 200,000 customers have used it and he hasn't had trouble raising big money from investors in Cairo and the United States. That includes $100,000 in seed money from 500 Startups founding partner Dave McClure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We try to help them figure out their business model, work on product design and eventually try to help them raise capital,\" McClure says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10438035\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10438035\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Dave McClure, founding partner of the tech incubator 500 Startups talks with staff members after a new batch of entrepreneurs arrive in his San Francisco office. 500 Startups has offices in Mountain View, San Francisco and Mexico City.\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14307_IMG_1491-qut.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dave McClure, founding partner of the tech incubator 500 Startups, talks with staff members after a new batch of entrepreneurs arrives in his San Francisco office. 500 Startups has offices in Mountain View, San Francisco and Mexico City. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>McClure brings in new foreign-tech talent to the Bay Area every four months. He looks for successful entrepreneurs in countries where Internet technology is still emerging. These new tech businesses need Silicon Valley's smarts to expand, and investors like McClure want the booming population of consumers in these countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Those are the places that have young populations that are growing rapidly,\" McClure says. \"Many of them now have smartphones and Internet devices. But there's not as much business creation or not as much content and application creation as happens in the U.S.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norway is one of those places. That's why 20-year-old Sebastian Almnes was selected by 500 Startups. His software company, Techpear, helps businesses find top job applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past four months Almnes has exhausted himself talking to potential investors and customers. So far, he's banked $300,000, and he's working to perfect his pitch because he plans to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're actually going to focus on the U.S. market, ignore the Norwegian market and go directly to the Bay area,\" Almnes says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10438074\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10438074\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Techpear CEO Sebastian Almnes of Norway works on his pitch to investors with a 500 Startups mentor\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14325_IMG_1509-qut1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Techpear CEO Sebastian Almnes of Norway works on his pitch to investors with a mentor, Marvin Liao, a 500 Startups partner. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That's what San Jose startup investors like Rick Rasmussen want to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As an investor, I like to touch and feel and work with the companies that I invest in,\" Rasmussen says. \"At a minimum, they have to have some kind of presence here, whether it's a sales office or actually move headquarters to the Silicon Valley.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ElSammaa plans to open an office in Silicon Valley in two years and will tailor his digital memory product to fit this market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"First of all, we have a lot of Middle Eastern people living in the U.S. market who would use the same service,\" ElSammaa says. \"And then you have other people who don't have the same culture or habits, yet they still have the same needs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many new immigrant entrepreneurs, ElSammaa says the key to his success will be to operate simultaneously in America and his home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Have you ever gone to Chinatown in San Francisco for some dim sum, looked around and thought to yourself: Look at all this authentic Chinese-style architecture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, not exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architecture is actually an American idea of what Chinese buildings should look like, built in a way that would attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco’s director of education and engagement, Darin Ow-Wing, offers tours of the neighborhood that highlight historical facts like this. His tours help paint a richer history of the Chinese in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took a walking tour with Ow-Wing as the neighborhood got ready to celebrate this year’s Lunar New Year, which started Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, back to the architecture. The story goes that after the 1906 earthquake, city leaders wanted to move the Chinese to the city’s outskirts and claim the valuable real estate for something else. After negotiations, it was settled that the Chinese would get to stay but would relinquish the right to design and build Chinatown. Instead, it was built to attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This backstory is why one historian has described Chinatown as an “Oriental Disneyland.” Or, as Ow-Wing says, Chinatown is permanently wearing the equivalent of a “clown outfit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.c-c-c.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco\u003c/a> gives tours to about 4,000 students and tourists a year. Public tours start at the Hilton San Francisco Financial District, 750 Kearny St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently tours are at Tuesdays and Thursdays at 1 p.m., and Saturdays at 10 a.m. There are three tour programs: Dynasty to Democracy, Chinatown Art Walk and a Tale of Two Chinatowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few stops on Ow-Wing’s Dynasty to Democracy walking tour:\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/portsmouthsq.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/outdoors/urbanoutings/article/Portsmouth-Square-in-San-Francisco-3682940.php\" target=\"_blank\">Portsmouth Square\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Bounded by Clay, Washington and Kearny streets, and Walter U. Lum Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on Portsmouth Square: “This was the power center of old San Francisco. This was where all the rich people, the politicians, anyone who had to do with anything in San Francisco hung out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/tinhowtemple.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chinatownology.com/tin_how_temple.html\" target=\"_blank\">Tin How Temple\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>125 Waverly Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the Tin How Temple, one of the oldest temples in the state: “How it works is this: It is a legitimate temple. People do come here to do their thing. But they’re really open, they’re very friendly, they’re fine with visitors coming in as well. We just have to be really, really, really quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/waverly.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>Waverly Place\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Two-block street between Washington and Sacramento streets; Home to many family, or benevolent, associations\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the family associations: “Chinatown had to kind of manage itself for about 100 years. … So 100 years ago, you’re a young man, by yourself, over here. You’re coming to America to work. You land here, you don’t know anyone, but your name is Yee. You’ve got this little piece of paper that says go find your family association. So you’d actually come here. You’d be able to stay here a couple nights. They’d find out where you’re supposed to be working. You’d make some friends here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Have you ever gone to Chinatown in San Francisco for some dim sum, looked around and thought to yourself: Look at all this authentic Chinese-style architecture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, not exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architecture is actually an American idea of what Chinese buildings should look like, built in a way that would attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco’s director of education and engagement, Darin Ow-Wing, offers tours of the neighborhood that highlight historical facts like this. His tours help paint a richer history of the Chinese in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took a walking tour with Ow-Wing as the neighborhood got ready to celebrate this year’s Lunar New Year, which started Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, back to the architecture. The story goes that after the 1906 earthquake, city leaders wanted to move the Chinese to the city’s outskirts and claim the valuable real estate for something else. After negotiations, it was settled that the Chinese would get to stay but would relinquish the right to design and build Chinatown. Instead, it was built to attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This backstory is why one historian has described Chinatown as an “Oriental Disneyland.” Or, as Ow-Wing says, Chinatown is permanently wearing the equivalent of a “clown outfit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.c-c-c.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco\u003c/a> gives tours to about 4,000 students and tourists a year. Public tours start at the Hilton San Francisco Financial District, 750 Kearny St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently tours are at Tuesdays and Thursdays at 1 p.m., and Saturdays at 10 a.m. There are three tour programs: Dynasty to Democracy, Chinatown Art Walk and a Tale of Two Chinatowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few stops on Ow-Wing’s Dynasty to Democracy walking tour:\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/portsmouthsq.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/outdoors/urbanoutings/article/Portsmouth-Square-in-San-Francisco-3682940.php\" target=\"_blank\">Portsmouth Square\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Bounded by Clay, Washington and Kearny streets, and Walter U. Lum Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on Portsmouth Square: “This was the power center of old San Francisco. This was where all the rich people, the politicians, anyone who had to do with anything in San Francisco hung out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/tinhowtemple.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chinatownology.com/tin_how_temple.html\" target=\"_blank\">Tin How Temple\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>125 Waverly Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the Tin How Temple, one of the oldest temples in the state: “How it works is this: It is a legitimate temple. People do come here to do their thing. But they’re really open, they’re very friendly, they’re fine with visitors coming in as well. We just have to be really, really, really quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/waverly.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>Waverly Place\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Two-block street between Washington and Sacramento streets; Home to many family, or benevolent, associations\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the family associations: “Chinatown had to kind of manage itself for about 100 years. … So 100 years ago, you’re a young man, by yourself, over here. You’re coming to America to work. You land here, you don’t know anyone, but your name is Yee. You’ve got this little piece of paper that says go find your family association. So you’d actually come here. You’d be able to stay here a couple nights. They’d find out where you’re supposed to be working. You’d make some friends here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Federal Judge Blocks Deferred Action Expansion: 'Speed Bump' or Signpost?",
"title": "Federal Judge Blocks Deferred Action Expansion: 'Speed Bump' or Signpost?",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge's order Monday delaying, and possibly halting, the Obama administration's plan to expand deportation protections for some 4 to 5 million people illegally in the U.S. received condemnation from Bay Area immigrant advocacy groups and many California leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Andrew S. Hanen, of Federal District Court for the Southern District of Texas in Brownsville, granted a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/256075869/Texas-Et-Al-v-U-S-Et-Al-Memorandum-Opinion-and-Order-2-16-2015\" target=\"_blank\">preliminary injunction\u003c/a> to 22 plaintiff states (and leaders of others) suing the U.S. government to stop the expansion of the 2012 \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/consideration-deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-daca\" target=\"_blank\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a> program. DACA allows some children brought to the country illegally to apply for a temporary quasi-legal status. They can legally work and live in the U.S. for two years, any deportation actions against them \"deferred\" -- not as a change to the law, the Department of Justice argues, but as an exercise of law enforcement discretion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DACA program in its original form isn't subject to yesterday's order, and so it will continue. Nearly 700,000 people have formalized their status through the program to date, according to Hanen's order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge blocked an \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/immigrationaction\" target=\"_blank\">expansion to DACA\u003c/a> that would extend the deferred period from two to three years and remove an age cap requiring the applicant to be born after 1981. It was scheduled to roll out Wednesday. Hanen's order also stopped a similar program that would allow the parents of U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents to apply for three years of deferred action slated to start in mid-May. For \"Dreamers,\" young people able to take advantage of DACA and work legally after college graduation, a way to formalize the immigration status of their parents was the logical next step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on who's talking, yesterday's preliminary injunction is either just a temporary legal hurdle that will be overturned or a solid prediction of how courts will rule on Obama's attempt to use executive authority to allow some undocumented immigrants relief from fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED's Beth Willon reports that immigrant advocacy groups gathered at San Jose’s Sacred Heart Church Tuesday morning called the preliminary injunction a \"speed bump\" and told families to stay positive despite the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My story in the United States has been one of dedication, discipline, hope and a lot of patience,\" Microsoft software engineer Felipe Salazar said. \"And true to the American Dream, it began to pay off when DACA was enacted. The actions in immigration that ultimately became DACA were possibly the greatest thing that happened to me and my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar said he moved with his parents to the U.S. from Colombia in 2001. He graduated from high school in 2008 and finished a master's degree by the end of 2011, about six months before the first version of DACA took effect. He applied, was accepted and can legally work today because of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is always an ongoing fight.\" he said. \"This is just temporary, so I encourage everyone to still gather their documents and get ready to enroll as soon as it becomes available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar's parents don't have access to the same kind of relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These programs didn’t originally deal with some of the family reunification issues that are so important to immigration law,\" said Kevin Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law. He said expanding the program for parents was the next logical step and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/ExecutiveActions/EAFlier_DAPA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Deferred Action for Parents of Americans\u003c/a> (yep, DAPA) would have done that, at least temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the ruling would make it more difficult for millions of people in the country illegally to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The promise that something good was going to happen with immigration status has been delayed once again,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Muñoz, director of the White House Domestic Policy Council, said Tuesday that the Department of Justice plans to appeal the order to the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It won't stop there, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whoever loses is going to take it to the Supreme Court,\" he said. \"The stakes are so high and the public attention is so focused, it’s hard to see a final resolution in this case until it gets to the high court.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another legal expert, Chapman University law Professor John Eastman, agreed the case would eventually end up before the Supreme Court, but not on this appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The judge's ruling that there is a very good likelihood of success on the merits ... that what the president is doing is illegal -- I think that’s where we’re going have the ongoing fight, and that’s ultimately what will be resolved by the Supreme Court, but not at this stage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eastman said he agrees with Hanen's order, which while not final, indicates the plaintiffs are likely to succeed in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The president, in choosing not just not to enforce the immigration laws -- that’s bad enough, the judge said -- but to give a lawful status that the law does not allow for, that’s where the president clearly exceeds his statutory authority,\" Eastman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose) said a similar suit was previously dismissed by a different federal judge, a point the White House echoed Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a lot of sense that the Republican governors did a little forum shopping and found the judge they thought might best rule their way,\" she told KQED's Ted Goldberg. \"Obviously, this is not the end of the matter. An appeal will be made, and I am hopeful that this is just a temporary setback.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown and California Attorney General Kamala Harris were among other state leaders expressing disappointment in the order.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge's order Monday delaying, and possibly halting, the Obama administration's plan to expand deportation protections for some 4 to 5 million people illegally in the U.S. received condemnation from Bay Area immigrant advocacy groups and many California leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Andrew S. Hanen, of Federal District Court for the Southern District of Texas in Brownsville, granted a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/256075869/Texas-Et-Al-v-U-S-Et-Al-Memorandum-Opinion-and-Order-2-16-2015\" target=\"_blank\">preliminary injunction\u003c/a> to 22 plaintiff states (and leaders of others) suing the U.S. government to stop the expansion of the 2012 \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/consideration-deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-daca\" target=\"_blank\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a> program. DACA allows some children brought to the country illegally to apply for a temporary quasi-legal status. They can legally work and live in the U.S. for two years, any deportation actions against them \"deferred\" -- not as a change to the law, the Department of Justice argues, but as an exercise of law enforcement discretion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DACA program in its original form isn't subject to yesterday's order, and so it will continue. Nearly 700,000 people have formalized their status through the program to date, according to Hanen's order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge blocked an \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/immigrationaction\" target=\"_blank\">expansion to DACA\u003c/a> that would extend the deferred period from two to three years and remove an age cap requiring the applicant to be born after 1981. It was scheduled to roll out Wednesday. Hanen's order also stopped a similar program that would allow the parents of U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents to apply for three years of deferred action slated to start in mid-May. For \"Dreamers,\" young people able to take advantage of DACA and work legally after college graduation, a way to formalize the immigration status of their parents was the logical next step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on who's talking, yesterday's preliminary injunction is either just a temporary legal hurdle that will be overturned or a solid prediction of how courts will rule on Obama's attempt to use executive authority to allow some undocumented immigrants relief from fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED's Beth Willon reports that immigrant advocacy groups gathered at San Jose’s Sacred Heart Church Tuesday morning called the preliminary injunction a \"speed bump\" and told families to stay positive despite the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My story in the United States has been one of dedication, discipline, hope and a lot of patience,\" Microsoft software engineer Felipe Salazar said. \"And true to the American Dream, it began to pay off when DACA was enacted. The actions in immigration that ultimately became DACA were possibly the greatest thing that happened to me and my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar said he moved with his parents to the U.S. from Colombia in 2001. He graduated from high school in 2008 and finished a master's degree by the end of 2011, about six months before the first version of DACA took effect. He applied, was accepted and can legally work today because of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is always an ongoing fight.\" he said. \"This is just temporary, so I encourage everyone to still gather their documents and get ready to enroll as soon as it becomes available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar's parents don't have access to the same kind of relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These programs didn’t originally deal with some of the family reunification issues that are so important to immigration law,\" said Kevin Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law. He said expanding the program for parents was the next logical step and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/ExecutiveActions/EAFlier_DAPA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Deferred Action for Parents of Americans\u003c/a> (yep, DAPA) would have done that, at least temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the ruling would make it more difficult for millions of people in the country illegally to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The promise that something good was going to happen with immigration status has been delayed once again,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Muñoz, director of the White House Domestic Policy Council, said Tuesday that the Department of Justice plans to appeal the order to the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It won't stop there, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whoever loses is going to take it to the Supreme Court,\" he said. \"The stakes are so high and the public attention is so focused, it’s hard to see a final resolution in this case until it gets to the high court.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another legal expert, Chapman University law Professor John Eastman, agreed the case would eventually end up before the Supreme Court, but not on this appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The judge's ruling that there is a very good likelihood of success on the merits ... that what the president is doing is illegal -- I think that’s where we’re going have the ongoing fight, and that’s ultimately what will be resolved by the Supreme Court, but not at this stage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eastman said he agrees with Hanen's order, which while not final, indicates the plaintiffs are likely to succeed in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The president, in choosing not just not to enforce the immigration laws -- that’s bad enough, the judge said -- but to give a lawful status that the law does not allow for, that’s where the president clearly exceeds his statutory authority,\" Eastman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose) said a similar suit was previously dismissed by a different federal judge, a point the White House echoed Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a lot of sense that the Republican governors did a little forum shopping and found the judge they thought might best rule their way,\" she told KQED's Ted Goldberg. \"Obviously, this is not the end of the matter. An appeal will be made, and I am hopeful that this is just a temporary setback.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown and California Attorney General Kamala Harris were among other state leaders expressing disappointment in the order.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-cities-among-most-diverse-in-u-s",
"title": "Hey, Bay Area: You Really \u003cem>Are\u003c/em> Diverse",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"//d2e70e9yced57e.cloudfront.net/wallethub/embed/10379/geochart-diversity.html\" width=\"778\" height=\"486\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">C\u003c/span>alifornia has been a famously diverse place ever since its doors swung open to the world at the beginning of the Gold Rush. In addition to the flood of Americans from the Eastern states, crowds flocked here from China, Hawaii, Chile, Peru, Mexico, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Ireland, England, Germany, France and Italy. Among other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notwithstanding the fact that California — white California, anyway — \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hasn’t always been so happy\u003c/a> about that diversity, the state’s population continues to be what historian Sucheng Chan has termed “a truly variegated mosaic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s certainly the impression one gets in a place that has absorbed wave after wave of immigration since the arrival of Spanish colonists in the 18th century, and where counties offer voting materials in as many as 10 languages (in 2012, \u003ca href=\"http://www.voanews.com/content/article/1540732.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles County printed ballots\u003c/a> in English, Spanish, Chinese, Tagalog, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, Khmer, Thai and Hindi).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest snapshot of diversity comes from the consumer financial education and information service WalletHub, which crunched Census Bureau data to rank the 350 most populous U.S. communities on “ethno-racial and linguistic diversity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does the ranking mean exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WalletHub looked at census numbers for three categories — a community’s reported racial and ethnic diversity, primary household languages used in a community, and where community residents were born (in the United States or abroad). The index was created by running the raw numbers for each category through the \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/atr/public/guidelines/hhi.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Herfindahl-Hirschman Index\u003c/a>, a tool usually used to analyze market concentration, then adding up the weighted scores for each community in each category to come up with the city ranking. (If that’s not clear, check out \u003ca href=\"http://wallethub.com/edu/cities-with-the-most-and-least-ethno-racial-and-linguistic-diversity/10264/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">WalletHub’s explanation\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s the company’s list of most and least diverse communities based on analysis of Census Bureau data. The Bay Area and Northern California are well represented in the “most diverse” group:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Cities with the Most Ethno-Racial and Linguistic Diversity\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>1. Jersey City, New Jersey\u003cbr>\n2. Germantown, Maryland\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>3. Hayward\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n4. New York City\u003cbr>\n5. Carson (Los Angeles County)\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>6. San Jose\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n7. Irving, Texas\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>8. Richmond\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>9. Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>10. Stockton \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area cities were just outside the Top 10: Sunnyvale ranked 11th, San Francisco 13th, Oakland 14th, Vallejo 17th (tied with Kent, Washington) and San Mateo 20th.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also attention-getting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In the racial and ethnic diversity ranking, Vallejo was No. 1 nationwide and Oakland was second.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In language diversity, Glendale, a suburb of Los Angeles, was No. 1, followed by Fremont and Sunnyvale. San Jose ranked fifth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In diversity of place of birth, the Los Angeles suburb of El Monte was No. 1, followed by Daly City. Sunnyvale ranked fifth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Daly City recorded the highest percentage of residents of Asian descent nationwide, with 57.28 pecent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Santa Rosa was the Bay Area’s least diverse city, ranking No. 158 nationwide. Vacaville, at No. 150, was second-least diverse, and Berkeley was third-least diverse at No. 112.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Now, here are some less diverse places:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Cities with the Least Ethno-Racial and Linguistic Diversity\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>341. Arvada, Colorado\u003cbr>\n342. Livonia, Michigan\u003cbr>\n343. Fargo, North Dakota\u003cbr>\n344. Spokane Valley, Washington\u003cbr>\n345. Lee’s Summit, Missouri\u003cbr>\n346. Evansville, Indiana\u003cbr>\n347. Springfield, Missouri\u003cbr>\n348. Jackson, Mississippi\u003cbr>\n349. Cedar Rapids, Iowa\u003cbr>\n350. Billings, Montana\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does the ranking mean exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WalletHub looked at census numbers for three categories — a community’s reported racial and ethnic diversity, primary household languages used in a community, and where community residents were born (in the United States or abroad). The index was created by running the raw numbers for each category through the \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/atr/public/guidelines/hhi.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Herfindahl-Hirschman Index\u003c/a>, a tool usually used to analyze market concentration, then adding up the weighted scores for each community in each category to come up with the city ranking. (If that’s not clear, check out \u003ca href=\"http://wallethub.com/edu/cities-with-the-most-and-least-ethno-racial-and-linguistic-diversity/10264/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">WalletHub’s explanation\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s the company’s list of most and least diverse communities based on analysis of Census Bureau data. The Bay Area and Northern California are well represented in the “most diverse” group:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Cities with the Most Ethno-Racial and Linguistic Diversity\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>1. Jersey City, New Jersey\u003cbr>\n2. Germantown, Maryland\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>3. Hayward\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n4. New York City\u003cbr>\n5. Carson (Los Angeles County)\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>6. San Jose\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n7. Irving, Texas\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>8. Richmond\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>9. Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>10. Stockton \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area cities were just outside the Top 10: Sunnyvale ranked 11th, San Francisco 13th, Oakland 14th, Vallejo 17th (tied with Kent, Washington) and San Mateo 20th.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also attention-getting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In the racial and ethnic diversity ranking, Vallejo was No. 1 nationwide and Oakland was second.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In language diversity, Glendale, a suburb of Los Angeles, was No. 1, followed by Fremont and Sunnyvale. San Jose ranked fifth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In diversity of place of birth, the Los Angeles suburb of El Monte was No. 1, followed by Daly City. Sunnyvale ranked fifth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Daly City recorded the highest percentage of residents of Asian descent nationwide, with 57.28 pecent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Santa Rosa was the Bay Area’s least diverse city, ranking No. 158 nationwide. Vacaville, at No. 150, was second-least diverse, and Berkeley was third-least diverse at No. 112.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Now, here are some less diverse places:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Cities with the Least Ethno-Racial and Linguistic Diversity\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>341. Arvada, Colorado\u003cbr>\n342. Livonia, Michigan\u003cbr>\n343. Fargo, North Dakota\u003cbr>\n344. Spokane Valley, Washington\u003cbr>\n345. Lee’s Summit, Missouri\u003cbr>\n346. Evansville, Indiana\u003cbr>\n347. Springfield, Missouri\u003cbr>\n348. Jackson, Mississippi\u003cbr>\n349. Cedar Rapids, Iowa\u003cbr>\n350. Billings, Montana\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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