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"slug": "newsom-signs-laws-to-resist-trumps-immigration-crackdown-including-ban-on-masks-for-ice-agents",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> today signed a set of bills meant to check the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration crackdown in California, including a first-in-the nation measure to prohibit officers from wearing masks and others that limit their access to schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws echo the “resistance” measures California adopted during the first administration, when it passed a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/01/california-sanctuary-state/\">so-called sanctuary law\u003c/a> to limit local law enforcement from cooperating with immigration agents, among other policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrants have rights and we have the right to stand up and push back,” Newsom said at an event in Los Angeles where he signed the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/donald-trump/\">President Trump\u003c/a> promised a historic deportation effort and assault on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/sanctuary-cities-san-diego-letter/\">sanctuary-style policies\u003c/a> when he took office for the second time. His administration criticized the state’s new immigration laws even before Newsom signed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security earlier this week \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/09/16/dhs-calls-governor-newsom-veto-californias-no-secret-police-act#:~:text=WASHINGTON%20%E2%80%94%20The%20Department%20of%20Homeland,coverings%20to%20conceal%20their%20identities.\">called on Newsom to veto the mask bill\u003c/a> — one of the more contentious pieces of immigration legislation — calling it “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once again sanctuary politicians are trying to outlaw officers wearing masks to protect themselves from being doxed and targeted by known and suspected terrorist sympathizers,” said Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin in a Sept. 16 press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101911301 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/09/Cali-vs-Florida.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California may struggle to enforce the new laws, some of which have already raised constitutional questions around the state’s role in federal operations, but lawmakers maintain that they are legally defensible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California political consultant Mike Madrid said in signing the laws Newsom is showing that he can stand up and fight, whether or not he has a chance of winning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this moment, when there are very few cards to play for state governments and state legislatures, California has done what no other state has done: establish itself as the tip of the spear on resisting a lot of these efforts that are an affront to its values,” said Madrid, a longtime Republican consultant who co-founded the anti-Trump Lincoln Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“99% of this is the purview of the federal government. So a lot of it is just symbolic, but symbolism matters. It’s both politically astute but also morally right,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The package of bills Newsom signed included:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab49\">Assembly Bill 49\u003c/a> prohibits schools from allowing immigration enforcement officers on campus without a warrant.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb627\">Senate Bill 627\u003c/a> widely prohibits federal and local law enforcement officers from wearing face masks while conducting their duties.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb805\">Senate Bill 805\u003c/a> requires that law enforcement officers identify themselves while conducting their duties, with some exceptions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb81\">Senate Bill 81\u003c/a> prohibits immigration enforcement from entering restricted areas of a health facility without a judicial warrant or court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb98\">Senate Bill 98\u003c/a> requires schools and higher education institutions to send community notifications when immigration enforcement is on campus, and prohibits immigration enforcement from entering certain areas without a judicial warrant or court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>California Democrats began drafting immigration-related bills almost as soon Trump took office in January. Those efforts accelerated after the Trump administration launched \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/taken-la-immigration-raids/\">aggressive immigration sweeps\u003c/a> throughout Los Angeles, which led to weeks of protests and a subsequent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/trump-national-guard-posse-comitatus/\">National Guard deployment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this legislative resistance is to protect Angelenos from their own federal government. That is profound,” Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass said at a news conference with Newsom and other Democratic leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the laws make a difference?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kevin Johnson, an immigration law professor and former dean of the UC Davis School of Law, said the legislation may have a marginal impact on federal immigration enforcement operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, for instance, California passed a law to restrict \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB668\">immigration arrests at superior court buildings\u003c/a>. That hasn’t stopped the Trump administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailyjournal.com/articles/386953-california-chief-justice-condemns-immigration-enforcement-at-courthouses\">detaining people at those courts\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government is going to continue doing what it’s doing, in one form or another,” he said. “I do think the legislation gives some hope and optimism to communities that feel under fire, vulnerable and basically hated by the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiu-Ming Cheer, deputy director at California Immigrant Policy Center, remains hopeful that the package of bills will ensure safety for people attending school and accessing health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With most laws, there has to be really vigorous monitoring, both by the state as well as by advocates to ensure that it’s truly being implemented and followed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California police opposed mask ban\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most controversial bill in the package was Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener’s proposal to widely ban federal and local law enforcement officers from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">wearing face masks while conducting their duties\u003c/a>. The law, also known as the “No Secret Police Act,” does not apply to certain forms of face coverings, such as face shields, and it exempts some officers, including those who are undercover. Officers who violate the law will face an infraction or misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and Democratic Sens. Jesse Arreguín, Sasha Pérez and Aisha Wahab championed the legislation after seeing footage of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">masked and unidentifiable agents\u003c/a> carrying out operations.[aside postID=news_12055416 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed.jpg']“ICE’s recklessness creates chaos as agents run around with what are effectively ski masks and no identification, grabbing people, throwing them in unmarked vehicles, and disappearing them,” Wiener of San Francisco said at a legislative hearing in August. “When law enforcement officers hide their identities, it destroys community trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s law enforcement groups widely opposed the bill, arguing it will largely apply to local police, rather than federal agents, because the federal government is likely to sue on constitutional grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s using an emotionally charged issue on a federal level to pass a bill that will only affect local peace officers,” said Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, an umbrella labor organization that lobbies on behalf of police unions. “You’re upset with the feds, but you’re going to punish us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other law enforcement experts echoed those concerns, arguing that it’s illegal to interfere with federal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California cops are not going to enforce this law,” said Ed Obayashi, a longtime California police officer who now is a special prosecutor and policy adviser to the Modoc County Sheriff’s Office. “You cannot regulate lawful federal conduct, whether the Legislature likes it or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allows officers to be sued personally for “tortious conduct,” including if they assault or falsely arrest someone while masked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Private enforcement could be the avenue where enforcement is the likeliest,” said Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill caused hours of contentious debate on the Senate and Assembly floors, with many Republicans calling it misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My immigrant family is not afraid” of ramped-up immigration enforcement, Fresno Republican Assemblymember David Tangipa said, “because we did not break the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats were animated because just days before, the U.S. Supreme Court had sided with the Trump administration and ICE for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">conducting roving sweeps through Los Angeles\u003c/a>, apparently catching bystander day laborers or anyone who appeared Latino in their dragnet. The bill, they said, was their way of pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need a full front defense for the violence that is coming from this regime,” said Hector Pereyra, policy manager for the nonprofit Inland Coalition for Immigrant Justice, which co-sponsored the mask bill and another bill \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb635\">to protect the private data of street vendors\u003c/a>. “We have to respond with a united front of strength and aggressiveness, not of passiveness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/newsom-new-immigration-laws/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> today signed a set of bills meant to check the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration crackdown in California, including a first-in-the nation measure to prohibit officers from wearing masks and others that limit their access to schools and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws echo the “resistance” measures California adopted during the first administration, when it passed a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/01/california-sanctuary-state/\">so-called sanctuary law\u003c/a> to limit local law enforcement from cooperating with immigration agents, among other policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrants have rights and we have the right to stand up and push back,” Newsom said at an event in Los Angeles where he signed the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/donald-trump/\">President Trump\u003c/a> promised a historic deportation effort and assault on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/sanctuary-cities-san-diego-letter/\">sanctuary-style policies\u003c/a> when he took office for the second time. His administration criticized the state’s new immigration laws even before Newsom signed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security earlier this week \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/09/16/dhs-calls-governor-newsom-veto-californias-no-secret-police-act#:~:text=WASHINGTON%20%E2%80%94%20The%20Department%20of%20Homeland,coverings%20to%20conceal%20their%20identities.\">called on Newsom to veto the mask bill\u003c/a> — one of the more contentious pieces of immigration legislation — calling it “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once again sanctuary politicians are trying to outlaw officers wearing masks to protect themselves from being doxed and targeted by known and suspected terrorist sympathizers,” said Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin in a Sept. 16 press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California may struggle to enforce the new laws, some of which have already raised constitutional questions around the state’s role in federal operations, but lawmakers maintain that they are legally defensible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California political consultant Mike Madrid said in signing the laws Newsom is showing that he can stand up and fight, whether or not he has a chance of winning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this moment, when there are very few cards to play for state governments and state legislatures, California has done what no other state has done: establish itself as the tip of the spear on resisting a lot of these efforts that are an affront to its values,” said Madrid, a longtime Republican consultant who co-founded the anti-Trump Lincoln Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“99% of this is the purview of the federal government. So a lot of it is just symbolic, but symbolism matters. It’s both politically astute but also morally right,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The package of bills Newsom signed included:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab49\">Assembly Bill 49\u003c/a> prohibits schools from allowing immigration enforcement officers on campus without a warrant.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb627\">Senate Bill 627\u003c/a> widely prohibits federal and local law enforcement officers from wearing face masks while conducting their duties.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb805\">Senate Bill 805\u003c/a> requires that law enforcement officers identify themselves while conducting their duties, with some exceptions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb81\">Senate Bill 81\u003c/a> prohibits immigration enforcement from entering restricted areas of a health facility without a judicial warrant or court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb98\">Senate Bill 98\u003c/a> requires schools and higher education institutions to send community notifications when immigration enforcement is on campus, and prohibits immigration enforcement from entering certain areas without a judicial warrant or court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>California Democrats began drafting immigration-related bills almost as soon Trump took office in January. Those efforts accelerated after the Trump administration launched \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/taken-la-immigration-raids/\">aggressive immigration sweeps\u003c/a> throughout Los Angeles, which led to weeks of protests and a subsequent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/trump-national-guard-posse-comitatus/\">National Guard deployment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this legislative resistance is to protect Angelenos from their own federal government. That is profound,” Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass said at a news conference with Newsom and other Democratic leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the laws make a difference?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kevin Johnson, an immigration law professor and former dean of the UC Davis School of Law, said the legislation may have a marginal impact on federal immigration enforcement operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, for instance, California passed a law to restrict \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB668\">immigration arrests at superior court buildings\u003c/a>. That hasn’t stopped the Trump administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailyjournal.com/articles/386953-california-chief-justice-condemns-immigration-enforcement-at-courthouses\">detaining people at those courts\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government is going to continue doing what it’s doing, in one form or another,” he said. “I do think the legislation gives some hope and optimism to communities that feel under fire, vulnerable and basically hated by the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiu-Ming Cheer, deputy director at California Immigrant Policy Center, remains hopeful that the package of bills will ensure safety for people attending school and accessing health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With most laws, there has to be really vigorous monitoring, both by the state as well as by advocates to ensure that it’s truly being implemented and followed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California police opposed mask ban\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most controversial bill in the package was Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener’s proposal to widely ban federal and local law enforcement officers from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">wearing face masks while conducting their duties\u003c/a>. The law, also known as the “No Secret Police Act,” does not apply to certain forms of face coverings, such as face shields, and it exempts some officers, including those who are undercover. Officers who violate the law will face an infraction or misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and Democratic Sens. Jesse Arreguín, Sasha Pérez and Aisha Wahab championed the legislation after seeing footage of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">masked and unidentifiable agents\u003c/a> carrying out operations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“ICE’s recklessness creates chaos as agents run around with what are effectively ski masks and no identification, grabbing people, throwing them in unmarked vehicles, and disappearing them,” Wiener of San Francisco said at a legislative hearing in August. “When law enforcement officers hide their identities, it destroys community trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s law enforcement groups widely opposed the bill, arguing it will largely apply to local police, rather than federal agents, because the federal government is likely to sue on constitutional grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s using an emotionally charged issue on a federal level to pass a bill that will only affect local peace officers,” said Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, an umbrella labor organization that lobbies on behalf of police unions. “You’re upset with the feds, but you’re going to punish us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other law enforcement experts echoed those concerns, arguing that it’s illegal to interfere with federal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California cops are not going to enforce this law,” said Ed Obayashi, a longtime California police officer who now is a special prosecutor and policy adviser to the Modoc County Sheriff’s Office. “You cannot regulate lawful federal conduct, whether the Legislature likes it or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allows officers to be sued personally for “tortious conduct,” including if they assault or falsely arrest someone while masked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Private enforcement could be the avenue where enforcement is the likeliest,” said Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill caused hours of contentious debate on the Senate and Assembly floors, with many Republicans calling it misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My immigrant family is not afraid” of ramped-up immigration enforcement, Fresno Republican Assemblymember David Tangipa said, “because we did not break the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats were animated because just days before, the U.S. Supreme Court had sided with the Trump administration and ICE for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">conducting roving sweeps through Los Angeles\u003c/a>, apparently catching bystander day laborers or anyone who appeared Latino in their dragnet. The bill, they said, was their way of pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need a full front defense for the violence that is coming from this regime,” said Hector Pereyra, policy manager for the nonprofit Inland Coalition for Immigrant Justice, which co-sponsored the mask bill and another bill \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb635\">to protect the private data of street vendors\u003c/a>. “We have to respond with a united front of strength and aggressiveness, not of passiveness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/newsom-new-immigration-laws/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant rights advocates have filed a federal lawsuit against the Trump administration to end its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">controversial immigration courthouse arrests\u003c/a> and stop federal officers from detaining people for days in a San Francisco holding facility not meant for overnight use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since late May, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers have been arresting asylum seekers and others in the halls of immigration courts in San Francisco, Concord and Sacramento. Lawyers say at least 85 people have been detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These arrests are often traumatic and needlessly violent,” the complaint said. “Immigrants leaving court are shackled and thrown to the floor while their families watch helplessly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unprecedented tactic has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">triggered heated protests\u003c/a>, with some activists attempting to block arrests and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052975/federal-officers-detain-protester-after-clash-outside-san-francisco-ice-office\">getting into clashes\u003c/a> with ICE officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class action \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/32.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, filed late Thursday, challenges ICE and the Executive Office of Immigration Review, which runs the courts, for abruptly reversing longstanding policies that had protected immigration hearings to ensure people fighting to stay in the U.S. got their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really turned our immigration courts into a trap,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, one of the groups suing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044758\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044758\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Susan Solomon, with the Labor Council, rallies outside the California State Building in San Francisco on June 9, 2025, calling for the release of SEIU California President David Huerta. Huerta was arrested by federal agents on June 6 in Los Angeles while serving as a community observer during a workplace Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raid. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If they miss court, they automatically receive an \u003cem>in absentia \u003c/em>order ordering their deportation,” she said. “On the other hand, folks who do come to court are now at risk of being arrested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashyap said the arrests are taking place in other cities, including New York, “but San Francisco, which has one of the busiest immigration courts in the country, is one of the places where the pattern has been most pronounced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also calls out ICE for holding detained immigrants for days at a time in a short-term processing center at ICE’s field office at 630 Sansome St. — a federal government office building in San Francisco. In January, ICE rescinded a policy that said people must not be kept in such temporary “hold rooms” for longer than 12 hours.[aside postID=news_12055651 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1020x603.jpg']Now, people arrested at immigration court, at ICE check-in appointments and elsewhere are locked up overnight — some as long as six days — without bedding, hygiene products or access to prescribed medication, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a single, shared toilet in the room that everyone has to use in front of each other,” Kashyap said. “The rooms are often very cold and so people who are kept there overnight are forced to try and sleep in a freezing cold metal box with no bed, where the lights are on all the time. The conditions are really punitive and punishing in a way that our lawsuit contends is unconstitutional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with ICE and the Executive Office of Immigration Review said their agencies do not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was filed on behalf of two asylum seekers arrested at immigration court, a third asylum seeker who narrowly avoided arrest at court because she was with her 9-month-old baby, and a man who’s lived in the U.S. for three decades and was arrested at a scheduled interview with an asylum officer — as well as others who’ve faced similar treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit alleges that the courthouse arrests and the extended use of the short-term holding cells are a consequence of the Trump administration’s sweeping mass deportation campaign and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/video/6373591405112\">stated goal\u003c/a> of arresting at least 3,000 immigrants a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant rights advocates have filed a federal lawsuit against the Trump administration to end its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">controversial immigration courthouse arrests\u003c/a> and stop federal officers from detaining people for days in a San Francisco holding facility not meant for overnight use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since late May, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers have been arresting asylum seekers and others in the halls of immigration courts in San Francisco, Concord and Sacramento. Lawyers say at least 85 people have been detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These arrests are often traumatic and needlessly violent,” the complaint said. “Immigrants leaving court are shackled and thrown to the floor while their families watch helplessly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unprecedented tactic has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">triggered heated protests\u003c/a>, with some activists attempting to block arrests and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052975/federal-officers-detain-protester-after-clash-outside-san-francisco-ice-office\">getting into clashes\u003c/a> with ICE officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class action \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/32.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, filed late Thursday, challenges ICE and the Executive Office of Immigration Review, which runs the courts, for abruptly reversing longstanding policies that had protected immigration hearings to ensure people fighting to stay in the U.S. got their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really turned our immigration courts into a trap,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, one of the groups suing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044758\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044758\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SEIUProtests-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Susan Solomon, with the Labor Council, rallies outside the California State Building in San Francisco on June 9, 2025, calling for the release of SEIU California President David Huerta. Huerta was arrested by federal agents on June 6 in Los Angeles while serving as a community observer during a workplace Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raid. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If they miss court, they automatically receive an \u003cem>in absentia \u003c/em>order ordering their deportation,” she said. “On the other hand, folks who do come to court are now at risk of being arrested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashyap said the arrests are taking place in other cities, including New York, “but San Francisco, which has one of the busiest immigration courts in the country, is one of the places where the pattern has been most pronounced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also calls out ICE for holding detained immigrants for days at a time in a short-term processing center at ICE’s field office at 630 Sansome St. — a federal government office building in San Francisco. In January, ICE rescinded a policy that said people must not be kept in such temporary “hold rooms” for longer than 12 hours.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, people arrested at immigration court, at ICE check-in appointments and elsewhere are locked up overnight — some as long as six days — without bedding, hygiene products or access to prescribed medication, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a single, shared toilet in the room that everyone has to use in front of each other,” Kashyap said. “The rooms are often very cold and so people who are kept there overnight are forced to try and sleep in a freezing cold metal box with no bed, where the lights are on all the time. The conditions are really punitive and punishing in a way that our lawsuit contends is unconstitutional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with ICE and the Executive Office of Immigration Review said their agencies do not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was filed on behalf of two asylum seekers arrested at immigration court, a third asylum seeker who narrowly avoided arrest at court because she was with her 9-month-old baby, and a man who’s lived in the U.S. for three decades and was arrested at a scheduled interview with an asylum officer — as well as others who’ve faced similar treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit alleges that the courthouse arrests and the extended use of the short-term holding cells are a consequence of the Trump administration’s sweeping mass deportation campaign and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/video/6373591405112\">stated goal\u003c/a> of arresting at least 3,000 immigrants a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump Administration’s Plans for ICE Detention on Bay Area Military Base Are On Hold",
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"content": "\u003cp>While the Trump administration aggressively expands immigration detention nationwide, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054544/californias-newest-immigration-facility-is-also-its-biggest-is-it-operating-legally\">2,500-bed private prison\u003c/a> just opened in California’s Mojave Desert, a controversial plan to build an immigration jail at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield is now on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mike Thompson, whose district surrounds the base on three sides, said he was relieved to get a letter last month from the Department of Defense confirming the proposal has been taken off the table, following strenuous opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m pleased, as is Travis, that they decided not to move forward with the detention center on the base. Nobody wanted it,” the North Bay Democrat said. “The base was against it, the community was against it, two members of Congress from there were against it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to build a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center on the air base \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037889/trump-administration-considers-immigration-detention-bay-area-military-base-records-show\">came to light\u003c/a> in April through internal federal emails obtained by KQED. The emails showed significant coordination among Department of Defense and Homeland Security officials to expedite the plans and tee them up for approval by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan came as a shock to Thompson and Rep. John Garamendi, another Democrat whose district includes the base. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039137/bay-area-democrats-decry-trump-administrations-outrageous-plan-to-use-military-base-for-immigration-detention\">expressed outrage\u003c/a> that the Trump administration had not informed them of the plan and concern that using military resources for civilian law enforcement could violate the Posse Comitatus Act and divert from missions such as supplying weapons to Ukraine and allies in the Pacific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1181\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-800x472.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1020x602.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1536x907.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1920x1134.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield on Sept. 15, 2023. Rep. John Garamendi said he has “serious opposition” to using Travis Air Force base to lock up immigrants for deportation, a move he says would compromise military readiness and national security. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 5, the pair fired off a \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/reps-garamendi-thompson-demand-answers-pentagon-over-plans-use-travis-afb#:~:text=Additionally%2C%20military%20personnel's%20involvement%20in,and%20maintain%20this%20detention%20center?\">letter\u003c/a> to Hegseth saying: “The decision to use Travis AFB as a migrant detention center would both constitute a dangerous militarization of immigration enforcement and unnecessarily degrade military readiness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For weeks, opposition mounted, with protests outside the base, constituents calling the congressmen and many local elected officials speaking out, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qjSHHfObknQ\">including the mayor\u003c/a> of Fairfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a May 29 meeting of the Travis Community Consortium, Travis’ commanding officer, then-Col. Jay Johnson, reported that there had been talks about establishing an ICE facility on the base, but he said that plan had been taken off the table, at least for the time being, according to Garamendi staff who attended the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, on Aug. 6, the congressmen received an official reply from Assistant Secretary of Defense M. Roosevelt Ditlevson that read, in part: “While DoD remains committed to supporting the Department of Homeland Security within the framework of applicable legal authorities and through approved requests for assistance, Travis AFB will not be designated for migrant detention-related activities at this time.”[aside postID=news_12039137 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1020x680.jpg']Garamendi and Thompson spoke about the shift in plans to KQED this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that Mike Thompson and I made carried the day. Travis is a critical element in our national security,” Garamendi said. “The role that Travis has as an international distribution center for military supplies, equipment, and personnel is critical to everything the military must do. And a detention facility would degrade that mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi and Thompson called it a win but said they would remain vigilant, as defense officials have approved immigration jails on military bases in other states, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/07/21/nx-s1-5475109/immigrant-detention-military-bases\">including New Jersey and Indiana\u003c/a> and a 5,000-bed installation \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/dod-detention-facility-fort-bliss\">at Fort Bliss\u003c/a> in El Paso, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this administration, you don’t really have a clear understanding of what is going to change from one moment to the next,” Thompson said. “So we’re watching it. We’re in constant communication with the base personnel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Situating ICE jails on military bases can facilitate the swift removal of immigrants from the country. Although most deportation flights are conducted with ICE Air charter planes, the administration has also conducted at least 85 removal flights on military cargo planes, a \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/ice-flight-monitor-august-2025-report/\">new report\u003c/a> from Human Rights First found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year in California, ICE has held an average of roughly 3,600 people a day across six facilities, all of them private prison operations in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/ice-detention-center-plan-northern-california/\">have been seeking\u003c/a> a detention center in Northern California, which has a major ICE field office and three immigration courts — in San Francisco, Concord and Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is exploring all options in California to meet its current and future detention requirements, which include new detention facilities and possible support from partner agencies,” an ICE official \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037889/trump-administration-considers-immigration-detention-bay-area-military-base-records-show\">told KQED\u003c/a> in a written statement in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Two Bay Area congressmen who opposed the plans to build an immigration jail at Travis Air Force Base said the Department of Defense confirmed the proposal is off the table for now.",
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"title": "Trump Administration’s Plans for ICE Detention on Bay Area Military Base Are On Hold | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>While the Trump administration aggressively expands immigration detention nationwide, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054544/californias-newest-immigration-facility-is-also-its-biggest-is-it-operating-legally\">2,500-bed private prison\u003c/a> just opened in California’s Mojave Desert, a controversial plan to build an immigration jail at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield is now on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mike Thompson, whose district surrounds the base on three sides, said he was relieved to get a letter last month from the Department of Defense confirming the proposal has been taken off the table, following strenuous opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m pleased, as is Travis, that they decided not to move forward with the detention center on the base. Nobody wanted it,” the North Bay Democrat said. “The base was against it, the community was against it, two members of Congress from there were against it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to build a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center on the air base \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037889/trump-administration-considers-immigration-detention-bay-area-military-base-records-show\">came to light\u003c/a> in April through internal federal emails obtained by KQED. The emails showed significant coordination among Department of Defense and Homeland Security officials to expedite the plans and tee them up for approval by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan came as a shock to Thompson and Rep. John Garamendi, another Democrat whose district includes the base. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039137/bay-area-democrats-decry-trump-administrations-outrageous-plan-to-use-military-base-for-immigration-detention\">expressed outrage\u003c/a> that the Trump administration had not informed them of the plan and concern that using military resources for civilian law enforcement could violate the Posse Comitatus Act and divert from missions such as supplying weapons to Ukraine and allies in the Pacific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1181\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-800x472.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1020x602.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1536x907.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1920x1134.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield on Sept. 15, 2023. Rep. John Garamendi said he has “serious opposition” to using Travis Air Force base to lock up immigrants for deportation, a move he says would compromise military readiness and national security. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 5, the pair fired off a \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/reps-garamendi-thompson-demand-answers-pentagon-over-plans-use-travis-afb#:~:text=Additionally%2C%20military%20personnel's%20involvement%20in,and%20maintain%20this%20detention%20center?\">letter\u003c/a> to Hegseth saying: “The decision to use Travis AFB as a migrant detention center would both constitute a dangerous militarization of immigration enforcement and unnecessarily degrade military readiness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For weeks, opposition mounted, with protests outside the base, constituents calling the congressmen and many local elected officials speaking out, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qjSHHfObknQ\">including the mayor\u003c/a> of Fairfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a May 29 meeting of the Travis Community Consortium, Travis’ commanding officer, then-Col. Jay Johnson, reported that there had been talks about establishing an ICE facility on the base, but he said that plan had been taken off the table, at least for the time being, according to Garamendi staff who attended the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, on Aug. 6, the congressmen received an official reply from Assistant Secretary of Defense M. Roosevelt Ditlevson that read, in part: “While DoD remains committed to supporting the Department of Homeland Security within the framework of applicable legal authorities and through approved requests for assistance, Travis AFB will not be designated for migrant detention-related activities at this time.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Garamendi and Thompson spoke about the shift in plans to KQED this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument that Mike Thompson and I made carried the day. Travis is a critical element in our national security,” Garamendi said. “The role that Travis has as an international distribution center for military supplies, equipment, and personnel is critical to everything the military must do. And a detention facility would degrade that mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi and Thompson called it a win but said they would remain vigilant, as defense officials have approved immigration jails on military bases in other states, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/07/21/nx-s1-5475109/immigrant-detention-military-bases\">including New Jersey and Indiana\u003c/a> and a 5,000-bed installation \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/dod-detention-facility-fort-bliss\">at Fort Bliss\u003c/a> in El Paso, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this administration, you don’t really have a clear understanding of what is going to change from one moment to the next,” Thompson said. “So we’re watching it. We’re in constant communication with the base personnel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Situating ICE jails on military bases can facilitate the swift removal of immigrants from the country. Although most deportation flights are conducted with ICE Air charter planes, the administration has also conducted at least 85 removal flights on military cargo planes, a \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/ice-flight-monitor-august-2025-report/\">new report\u003c/a> from Human Rights First found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year in California, ICE has held an average of roughly 3,600 people a day across six facilities, all of them private prison operations in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/ice-detention-center-plan-northern-california/\">have been seeking\u003c/a> a detention center in Northern California, which has a major ICE field office and three immigration courts — in San Francisco, Concord and Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is exploring all options in California to meet its current and future detention requirements, which include new detention facilities and possible support from partner agencies,” an ICE official \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037889/trump-administration-considers-immigration-detention-bay-area-military-base-records-show\">told KQED\u003c/a> in a written statement in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-ice-is-using-your-data-and-what-you-can-do-about-it",
"title": "How ICE Is Using Your Data — and What You Can Do About It",
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"content": "\u003cp>Halfway through the first year of\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\"> President Donald Trump’s second administration\u003c/a>, an expansion in operations by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents has led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 in immigrant arrests in California alone. According to the same June numbers from a UC Berkeley law professor’s study called the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/index.html\">Deportation Data Project, \u003c/a>there have been over 94,000 arrests nationwide since the inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for many immigrants, anxiety about in-person and online surveillance by ICE will have been stoked by several new developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2025/09/08/sfpd-flock-alpr-ice-data-sharing/\">\u003cem>SF Standard\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> found that in San Francisco, law enforcement allowed out-of-state police officers to search through the city’s license-plate reader data on behalf of ICE — a move that is likely illegal. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/sep/02/trump-immigration-ice-israeli-spyware\">\u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em> reported \u003c/a>that ICE also now has access to tools made by Paragon Solutions: an Israeli developer of spyware which can hack into any mobile phone — including encrypted apps — and look at messages, photos and location data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Extremely troubling’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paragon’s software, called Graphite, uses a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ronanfarrow/status/1963734651408728092?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">“zero clicks exploit”\u003c/a> — meaning that someone could use Graphite to access another person’s phone simply by sending it a message, even if that person does not click or download anything contained within.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an incredibly powerful tool,” said Turner Willman, a Bay Area resident who leads digital security workshops for the national progressive Asian American organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.18millionrising.org/\">18 Million Rising\u003c/a>. “In the hands of ICE, I have serious concerns about what the impacts would be on not only immigrants but advocates for immigrant rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/ronanfarrow/status/1963734651408728092?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration put ICE’s original contract with Paragon — reported to be worth $2 million according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/sep/02/trump-immigration-ice-israeli-spyware?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other\">\u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em> —\u003c/a> under review, to make sure the partnership complied with an executive order that essentially prevents government agencies from using spyware that infringes on \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2023/03/30/2023-06730/prohibition-on-use-by-the-united-states-government-of-commercial-spyware-that-poses-risks-to\">“forms of human rights abuses or suppression of civil liberties.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration lifted that pause, in a move that the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Cooper Quintin described as \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2025/09/eff-statement-ice-use-paragon-solutions-malware\">“extremely troubling”\u003c/a> — citing \u003ca href=\"https://citizenlab.ca/2025/06/first-forensic-confirmation-of-paragons-ios-mercenary-spyware-finds-journalists-targeted/\">research\u003c/a> that found that the hacking software was used in Italy to spy on journalists and humanitarian workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s access to the software — and to San Francisco’s license plate data — comes at a time when the agency’s budget has \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/press-release/congress-approves-unprecedented-funding-mass-detention-deportation-2025/\">expanded significantly\u003c/a>, as part of the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">immigration enforcement agenda\u003c/a>. KQED spoke to Quintin and other Bay Area technologists focused on public privacy about what people, especially immigrants, should know about the access ICE potentially has to your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What \u003cem>are \u003c/em>the digital tools ICE is using?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As you might expect, your online activity generates multiple sources of information that immigration officials can use, like social media accounts, which the Trump administration now requires that \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2025/06/announcement-of-expanded-screening-and-vetting-for-visa-applicants\">people seeking a U.S. visa make public.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all of the data ICE uses is collected through your phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Those license plate readers can track your movements\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around the Bay Area, including San Francisco and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983813/san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns\">San José\u003c/a>, have installed numerous automated license plate readers: devices that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989977/san-franciscos-new-license-plate-readers-are-leading-to-arrests-and-concerns-about-privacy\">placed at traffic intersections\u003c/a>, which take pictures of every passing car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, “every single entrance and exit in the city of Piedmont” has an automated license plate reader, said Sam Smith, a Bay Area co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://convocation.design/\">Convocation Research and Design\u003c/a>, a think-tank that focuses on cybersecurity and human rights. This means, Smith said, that “no one can come or go in a car in Piedmont without it being logged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984097\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984097\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a fluorescent yellow coat holds a black machine.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Flock Safety worker holds up a new Automated License Plate Reader that was being installed in East San José on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Afterwards, the license plate numbers are run against a database of reported stolen vehicles or vehicles linked to suspected crimes. But using a license plate reader is also a simple way to establish someone’s patterns, like where they live, where they go to work and where they like to eat, Quintin said. This could make it easier to predict where someone will be at a certain time of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.flocksafety.com/\">Flock\u003c/a>, a major license plate reader software used in local government, \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/ice-taps-into-nationwide-ai-enabled-camera-network-data-shows/\">does not\u003c/a> have a formal contract with ICE. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/ice-taps-into-nationwide-ai-enabled-camera-network-data-shows/\">a May investigation\u003c/a> by tech outlet 404 Media found instances where local law enforcement in places like \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/flock-removes-states-from-national-lookup-tool-after-ice-and-abortion-searches-revealed/\">Illinois\u003c/a> had looked up individuals in the company’s automated license plate reader system — to then pass on to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California law barring local law enforcement from cooperating with ICE investigations except in cases of serious crimes, CalMatters reported that local authorities in Southern California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/california-police-sharing-license-plate-reader-data/\">shared license plate information\u003c/a> with ICE more than 100 times. According to the \u003cem>SF Standard\u003c/em>, San Francisco officers have allowed out-of-state law enforcement to run more than 1.6 million searches of the city’s license plate reader database — and at least 19 of those searches were related to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock \u003ca href=\"https://www.flocksafety.com/blog/statement-network-sharing-use-cases-federal-cooperation?ref=404media.co\">disabled their national search tool\u003c/a>, with the CEO Garrett Langley noting that “Some states, like California, do not allow any sharing across state borders,” and that for those states, Flock has disabled National Lookup “to make compliance easier.” The company is also currently \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/post/flock-safety-license-plate-camera-company-halts-cooperation-federal-agencies-among-investigation-concerns-including-il/17653876/\">facing scrutiny\u003c/a> from Illinois’ state attorney general and has paused its cooperation with federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Partnerships with federal agencies that already hold your data\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Trump administration took steps to remove what it calls “unnecessary barriers” to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/03/stopping-waste-fraud-and-abuse-by-eliminating-information-silos/\">inter-agency data sharing\u003c/a> and expand the use of \u003ca href=\"https://one.npr.org/?sharedMediaId=nx-s1-5372776:nx-s1-5443914-1\">Palantir\u003c/a>, a data analysis technology company, across the government.[aside postID=news_12038914 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg']In May, an \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/irs-ice-immigration-data-sharing-agreement-explainer/\">agreement\u003c/a> between the Internal Revenue Service and ICE was officialized, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035735/what-we-now-know-about-the-irs-ice-tax-data-deal\">allowing immigration officials to receive sensitive information\u003c/a> like names, addresses and tax data that can aid deportation efforts. Advocates like the National Immigration Forum called the agreement \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/irs-ice-immigration-data-sharing-agreement-explainer/\">“unprecedented”\u003c/a> and said that it threatened the IRS’s “longstanding commitment to taxpayer privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are seeing is a huge increase of different federal agencies willfully sharing data, even when they’re not supposed to,” Quintin said. “Even if you personally are not concerned about ICE, I think it should be concerning to anybody. This is going to be used to further \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/book/33466/chapter-abstract/287744917?redirectedFrom=fulltext\">dragnet surveillance\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has several explainers sharing guidance for undocumented immigrants and mixed-status students filling out government forms like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035735/what-we-now-know-about-the-irs-ice-tax-data-deal\">tax filings\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033573/fafsa-2025-california-priority-deadline-student-aid-department-of-education\">student loan\u003c/a> applications. Experts have stressed that people should always consult with an attorney who is familiar with their situation and immigration status before applying or filing for anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Data brokers who collect and sell your personal details\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data brokers collect your data, sell it and even create an individual profile of you that includes information that comes from public records, like marriage licenses, home purchases, even travelers’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2025/07/data-brokers-are-selling-your-flight-information-cbp-and-ice\">domestic flight records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turner Willman’s digital security workshop demonstrates how even interacting with a weather app can lead to your information being stored with Venntel, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/cbp-dhs-location-data-venntel-apps/\">a company that sold data to U.S. government\u003c/a> agencies for \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/federal-agencies-use-cellphone-location-data-for-immigration-enforcement-11581078600\">immigration enforcement\u003c/a> during the first Trump administration. (In 2024, Venntel was under investigation by the \u003ca href=\"https://jackpoulson.substack.com/p/ftc-opened-investigation-into-commercial\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a> under President Joe Biden.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11671250\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11671250 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/gettyimages-482560856_slide-0eb858cc20a7268075b700f441db64e8eadc3fce-e1527620398586.jpg\" alt=\"In California, an initiative expected on November's ballot would be one of the broadest online privacy regulations in the U.S.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under current U.S. privacy laws, people’s sensitive data, such as marriage licenses, home purchases and even travelers’ domestic flight records, are not as protected as one might think. \u003ccite>(traffic_analyzer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[ICE has] \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/documents/how-data-brokers-harm-immigrants/\">contracts\u003c/a> with data brokers and with tech companies to gain access to our personal data,” Willman said. “Some of that is more obvious stuff, like our contact info, our addresses. But it’s also our social media accounts and our online activity. It’s our location data that’s coming from our cell phones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Typically, we’re supposed to have constitutional protections around our privacy. There are legal steps to gain access to us, to search us, to surveil us,” Willman said. But through what they call the U.S.’s “unregulated and weak”\u003ca href=\"https://www.security.org/resources/digital-privacy-legislation-by-state/\"> data privacy laws\u003c/a>, “we don’t have those same kind of protections,” Willman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Facial recognition software that can recognize and track you \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition software, which often scrapes information from public sources like social media accounts, is also a commonly used tool by local law enforcement to \u003ca href=\"https://contracosta.news/2025/02/15/el-cerrito-police-announces-use-of-facial-recognition-software/\">identify possible suspects\u003c/a>. Software like Clearview AI is used by hundreds of police departments across the country, like \u003ca href=\"https://contracosta.news/2025/02/15/el-cerrito-police-announces-use-of-facial-recognition-software/#google_vignette\">the El Cerrito Police Department\u003c/a> in Contra Costa County. Clearview AI is expected to engage in \u003ca href=\"https://www.biometricupdate.com/202508/ice-prepares-sole-source-facial-recognition-deal-with-clearview-ai\">a deeper collaboration with ICE\u003c/a> in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have long expressed concerns about the use of facial recognition by law enforcement, citing privacy concerns and the documented inaccuracies this technology generates when \u003ca href=\"https://amnesty.ca/features/racial-bias-in-facial-recognition-algorithms/\">identifying people with darker skin\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/news/aclu-comment-ice-and-california-law-enforcement-use-clearview-ai-s-face-surveillance-system\">women\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has more robust legal protections around this technology than other states. Police officers in the state are \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/news/privacy-technology/california-just-blocked-police-body-cam-use-face\">prohibited from pairing footage\u003c/a> from their body cameras with facial recognition technology, and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11747249/san-francisco-bans-municipal-agencies-from-using-facial-recognition-technology\"> cities like San Francisco\u003c/a>, Oakland and Berkeley have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/san-francisco-bans-use-facial-recognition-tech/\">banned\u003c/a> the use of facial recognition technology by city agencies. San Francisco’s police department has nonetheless attempted to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2024/05/18/facial-recognition-law-enforcement-austin-san-francisco/\">circumvent the ban\u003c/a>, according to an investigation by \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>404 Media has also reported that ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/ice-is-using-a-new-facial-recognition-app-to-identify-people-leaked-emails-show/\">is using\u003c/a> a mobile app called Mobile Fortify, which can identify someone by pointing a camera at their face — similar to the type of technology used at airports and borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s very dangerous for people who are maybe out in the street or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">bystanders\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054798/san-jose-joins-the-growing-call-to-unmask-ice-agents\">ICE kidnapping\u003c/a>s,” Willman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So what steps can you take for better privacy?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Willman admits that even digital security experts like them are overwhelmed by news like ICE’s partnership with the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why it’s important to focus on guidance that can feel achievable and within someone’s grasp, Willman said — while acknowledging that “there’s no such thing as being 100% secure or safe.” Rather, “when we use digital security, we are reducing harm and risk,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11746095\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS8886_facebook-whatsapp-e1557416960993.jpg\" alt=\"The Facebook and WhatsApp applications' icons. Facebook purchase WhatsApp in 2014.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Facebook and WhatsApp applications’ icons. Facebook purchased WhatsApp in 2014. \u003ccite>(Gabriel BouysAFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Start with small steps\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example Willman gave: People could move their conversations from WhatsApp — a messaging platform that “is very popular in diasporic communities and immigrant communities,” but may be vulnerable to spyware — to Signal, “which has a much better track record and collects way, way less data on us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also worth noting that each person’s situation is different — and avoiding technology is almost impossible for daily life, Quintin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willman’s workshop, attendees are asked to pose a series of questions to themselves to assess their own risks and figure out how best to perceive with their own digital hygiene practices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“What or who do I want to protect?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“Who do I want to protect it from? Who are my adversaries?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“How motivated and capable are they to get it?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What happens if they do get it?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What am I willing to do to prevent that?”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consider removing your information from data brokers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/data-broker-registry/\">a guide on deleting your information\u003c/a> from data broker websites or “opting out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A data broker’s opt-out link tends to be at the bottom of the page, and the process can look something like filling out a form or emailing the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to even find this opt-out information, though, and many data brokers are \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2025/08/18/data-brokers-face-new-pressure-for-hiding-opt-out-pages-from-google\">facing criticism\u003c/a> from elected officials for hiding their opt-out pages from Google search to purposely make it harder for users to find them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11744516\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/ap_17049076292456-98ef10b0a38140d3e3616319050b387595d13762-e1556823156400.jpg\" alt=\"In this 2016 photo, a man holds up his iPhone during a rally in support of data privacy outside the Apple store in San Francisco. Watchdog groups that keep tabs on digital privacy rights are concerned that U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents are searching the phones and other digital devices of international travelers at border checkpoints in U.S. airports.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this 2016 photo, a man holds up his iPhone during a rally in support of data privacy outside the Apple store in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Eric Risberg/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can also use a third-party app such as \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">Permission Slip\u003c/a> to help you or paid services like \u003ca href=\"https://joindeleteme.com/\">DeleteMe\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/wirecutter/reviews/best-data-removal-services/\">EasyOptOuts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While opting out can also be a lengthy process, the broker must respond within \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/data-broker-registry/\">90 days\u003c/a> according to California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For preventive measures, both Quintin and Willman said you should visit your phone’s settings to see which apps you’re already allowing to access your data, under “Permissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quintin said that it can also be helpful to outright minimize the number of apps on your phone, including restaurant apps. “Deleting a lot of those will help reduce your \u003ca href=\"https://www.fortinet.com/resources/cyberglossary/attack-surface\">attack surface\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/privacy/ccpa\">California Consumer Privacy Act\u003c/a> will allow you to request a report of all your data that any company has and delete it, Quintin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I definitely recommend that people exercise their California consumer privacy rights,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Keep your phone’s software up to date \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the\u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2025/09/eff-statement-ice-use-paragon-solutions-malware\"> EFF statement\u003c/a> regarding Paragon, Quintin states that the company’s spyware “isn’t magical — it’s still just malware.”[aside postID=news_12044323 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-AI-IN-POLICING-MD-13_qed-1020x680.jpg']“The best thing you can do to protect yourself against Graphite is to keep your phone up to date,” he said, meaning allowing software updates whenever they’re offered. You can also turn on \u003ca href=\"https://faq.whatsapp.com/673193694148537\">“disappearing messages”\u003c/a> on apps like WhatsApp so that their last few texts are not saved. On \u003ca href=\"https://support.apple.com/guide/iphone/delete-messages-and-attachments-iph2c9c4bfcb/ios\">an iPhone\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.samsung.com/us/support/answer/ANS10001923/\">Android\u003c/a>, you can go to your settings and automatically delete old messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you suspect you are being targeted in a cyberattack, you can enable \u003ca href=\"https://support.apple.com/en-us/105120\">Lockdown Mode\u003c/a> (on an iPhone) or \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/accounts/answer/9764949?hl=en\">Advanced Protection Mode\u003c/a> (on an Android), limiting some functionality of your phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advocate for better protections\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual action can only go so far when faced with a systematic issue, Quintin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it’s why people also need to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">work with their community\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">call their elected representative\u003c/a> to advocate for better laws around surveillance tech like Flock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any one of these things individually isn’t going to do anything,” he said. “When we do all of these things together, that’s really how we protect our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Start using apps and browsers that offer higher degrees of privacy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://signal.org/\">Signal\u003c/a> (an encrypted messaging app)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://brave.com/\">Brave\u003c/a> (a browser)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.firefox.com/en-US/landing/get/?gad_source=1&gad_campaignid=21953014515&gbraid=0AAAAAD-k1GoU5cx3InnRFVnrEWj-o_BBZ&gclid=CjwKCAjwlOrFBhBaEiwAw4bYDXtvyTTZsS7iPAQI-hYp092tbIUPuooqx_4TaQCunanjFqmDhRl9vxoCIb0QAvD_BwE&utm_campaign=SET_DEFAULT_BROWSER\">Firefox\u003c/a> (a browser)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mullvad.net/en\">Mullvad\u003c/a> (a VPN)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://privacybadger.org/\">Privacy Badger\u003c/a> (an ad and trackers blocker)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ublockorigin.com/\">uBlock Origin\u003c/a> (an ad blocker)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://duckduckgo.com/\">Duck Duck Go\u003c/a> (a search engine)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More resources to better your digital privacy:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ssd.eff.org/\">Surveillance Self-Defense\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More tools from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/pages/tools\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.privacyguides.org/en/\">Privacy Guides\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://libguides.rutgers.edu/digitalprivacy\">Rutgers University\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/gentle-january/2024/01/31/overwhelmed-by-digital-privacy-reset-with-these-practical-tips\">The Markup\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/a-former-hackers-guide-to-boosting-your-online-security\">ProPublica\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldefensefund.org/\">Digital Defense Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "ICE’s reach may get even wider due to a new partnership with a spyware company. But there have always been tools at the immigration agency’s disposal. KQED speaks to privacy advocates on what people should know about ICE’s access to their personal data.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Halfway through the first year of\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\"> President Donald Trump’s second administration\u003c/a>, an expansion in operations by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents has led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 in immigrant arrests in California alone. According to the same June numbers from a UC Berkeley law professor’s study called the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/index.html\">Deportation Data Project, \u003c/a>there have been over 94,000 arrests nationwide since the inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for many immigrants, anxiety about in-person and online surveillance by ICE will have been stoked by several new developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2025/09/08/sfpd-flock-alpr-ice-data-sharing/\">\u003cem>SF Standard\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> found that in San Francisco, law enforcement allowed out-of-state police officers to search through the city’s license-plate reader data on behalf of ICE — a move that is likely illegal. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/sep/02/trump-immigration-ice-israeli-spyware\">\u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em> reported \u003c/a>that ICE also now has access to tools made by Paragon Solutions: an Israeli developer of spyware which can hack into any mobile phone — including encrypted apps — and look at messages, photos and location data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Extremely troubling’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paragon’s software, called Graphite, uses a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ronanfarrow/status/1963734651408728092?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">“zero clicks exploit”\u003c/a> — meaning that someone could use Graphite to access another person’s phone simply by sending it a message, even if that person does not click or download anything contained within.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an incredibly powerful tool,” said Turner Willman, a Bay Area resident who leads digital security workshops for the national progressive Asian American organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.18millionrising.org/\">18 Million Rising\u003c/a>. “In the hands of ICE, I have serious concerns about what the impacts would be on not only immigrants but advocates for immigrant rights.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration put ICE’s original contract with Paragon — reported to be worth $2 million according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/sep/02/trump-immigration-ice-israeli-spyware?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other\">\u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em> —\u003c/a> under review, to make sure the partnership complied with an executive order that essentially prevents government agencies from using spyware that infringes on \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2023/03/30/2023-06730/prohibition-on-use-by-the-united-states-government-of-commercial-spyware-that-poses-risks-to\">“forms of human rights abuses or suppression of civil liberties.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration lifted that pause, in a move that the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Cooper Quintin described as \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2025/09/eff-statement-ice-use-paragon-solutions-malware\">“extremely troubling”\u003c/a> — citing \u003ca href=\"https://citizenlab.ca/2025/06/first-forensic-confirmation-of-paragons-ios-mercenary-spyware-finds-journalists-targeted/\">research\u003c/a> that found that the hacking software was used in Italy to spy on journalists and humanitarian workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s access to the software — and to San Francisco’s license plate data — comes at a time when the agency’s budget has \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/press-release/congress-approves-unprecedented-funding-mass-detention-deportation-2025/\">expanded significantly\u003c/a>, as part of the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">immigration enforcement agenda\u003c/a>. KQED spoke to Quintin and other Bay Area technologists focused on public privacy about what people, especially immigrants, should know about the access ICE potentially has to your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What \u003cem>are \u003c/em>the digital tools ICE is using?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As you might expect, your online activity generates multiple sources of information that immigration officials can use, like social media accounts, which the Trump administration now requires that \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2025/06/announcement-of-expanded-screening-and-vetting-for-visa-applicants\">people seeking a U.S. visa make public.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all of the data ICE uses is collected through your phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Those license plate readers can track your movements\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around the Bay Area, including San Francisco and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983813/san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns\">San José\u003c/a>, have installed numerous automated license plate readers: devices that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989977/san-franciscos-new-license-plate-readers-are-leading-to-arrests-and-concerns-about-privacy\">placed at traffic intersections\u003c/a>, which take pictures of every passing car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, “every single entrance and exit in the city of Piedmont” has an automated license plate reader, said Sam Smith, a Bay Area co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://convocation.design/\">Convocation Research and Design\u003c/a>, a think-tank that focuses on cybersecurity and human rights. This means, Smith said, that “no one can come or go in a car in Piedmont without it being logged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984097\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984097\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a fluorescent yellow coat holds a black machine.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/SAN-JOSE-LICENSE-PLATE-READERS-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Flock Safety worker holds up a new Automated License Plate Reader that was being installed in East San José on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Afterwards, the license plate numbers are run against a database of reported stolen vehicles or vehicles linked to suspected crimes. But using a license plate reader is also a simple way to establish someone’s patterns, like where they live, where they go to work and where they like to eat, Quintin said. This could make it easier to predict where someone will be at a certain time of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.flocksafety.com/\">Flock\u003c/a>, a major license plate reader software used in local government, \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/ice-taps-into-nationwide-ai-enabled-camera-network-data-shows/\">does not\u003c/a> have a formal contract with ICE. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/ice-taps-into-nationwide-ai-enabled-camera-network-data-shows/\">a May investigation\u003c/a> by tech outlet 404 Media found instances where local law enforcement in places like \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/flock-removes-states-from-national-lookup-tool-after-ice-and-abortion-searches-revealed/\">Illinois\u003c/a> had looked up individuals in the company’s automated license plate reader system — to then pass on to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California law barring local law enforcement from cooperating with ICE investigations except in cases of serious crimes, CalMatters reported that local authorities in Southern California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/california-police-sharing-license-plate-reader-data/\">shared license plate information\u003c/a> with ICE more than 100 times. According to the \u003cem>SF Standard\u003c/em>, San Francisco officers have allowed out-of-state law enforcement to run more than 1.6 million searches of the city’s license plate reader database — and at least 19 of those searches were related to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock \u003ca href=\"https://www.flocksafety.com/blog/statement-network-sharing-use-cases-federal-cooperation?ref=404media.co\">disabled their national search tool\u003c/a>, with the CEO Garrett Langley noting that “Some states, like California, do not allow any sharing across state borders,” and that for those states, Flock has disabled National Lookup “to make compliance easier.” The company is also currently \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/post/flock-safety-license-plate-camera-company-halts-cooperation-federal-agencies-among-investigation-concerns-including-il/17653876/\">facing scrutiny\u003c/a> from Illinois’ state attorney general and has paused its cooperation with federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Partnerships with federal agencies that already hold your data\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Trump administration took steps to remove what it calls “unnecessary barriers” to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/03/stopping-waste-fraud-and-abuse-by-eliminating-information-silos/\">inter-agency data sharing\u003c/a> and expand the use of \u003ca href=\"https://one.npr.org/?sharedMediaId=nx-s1-5372776:nx-s1-5443914-1\">Palantir\u003c/a>, a data analysis technology company, across the government.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In May, an \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/irs-ice-immigration-data-sharing-agreement-explainer/\">agreement\u003c/a> between the Internal Revenue Service and ICE was officialized, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035735/what-we-now-know-about-the-irs-ice-tax-data-deal\">allowing immigration officials to receive sensitive information\u003c/a> like names, addresses and tax data that can aid deportation efforts. Advocates like the National Immigration Forum called the agreement \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/irs-ice-immigration-data-sharing-agreement-explainer/\">“unprecedented”\u003c/a> and said that it threatened the IRS’s “longstanding commitment to taxpayer privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are seeing is a huge increase of different federal agencies willfully sharing data, even when they’re not supposed to,” Quintin said. “Even if you personally are not concerned about ICE, I think it should be concerning to anybody. This is going to be used to further \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/book/33466/chapter-abstract/287744917?redirectedFrom=fulltext\">dragnet surveillance\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has several explainers sharing guidance for undocumented immigrants and mixed-status students filling out government forms like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035735/what-we-now-know-about-the-irs-ice-tax-data-deal\">tax filings\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033573/fafsa-2025-california-priority-deadline-student-aid-department-of-education\">student loan\u003c/a> applications. Experts have stressed that people should always consult with an attorney who is familiar with their situation and immigration status before applying or filing for anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Data brokers who collect and sell your personal details\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data brokers collect your data, sell it and even create an individual profile of you that includes information that comes from public records, like marriage licenses, home purchases, even travelers’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2025/07/data-brokers-are-selling-your-flight-information-cbp-and-ice\">domestic flight records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turner Willman’s digital security workshop demonstrates how even interacting with a weather app can lead to your information being stored with Venntel, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/cbp-dhs-location-data-venntel-apps/\">a company that sold data to U.S. government\u003c/a> agencies for \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/federal-agencies-use-cellphone-location-data-for-immigration-enforcement-11581078600\">immigration enforcement\u003c/a> during the first Trump administration. (In 2024, Venntel was under investigation by the \u003ca href=\"https://jackpoulson.substack.com/p/ftc-opened-investigation-into-commercial\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a> under President Joe Biden.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11671250\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11671250 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/gettyimages-482560856_slide-0eb858cc20a7268075b700f441db64e8eadc3fce-e1527620398586.jpg\" alt=\"In California, an initiative expected on November's ballot would be one of the broadest online privacy regulations in the U.S.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under current U.S. privacy laws, people’s sensitive data, such as marriage licenses, home purchases and even travelers’ domestic flight records, are not as protected as one might think. \u003ccite>(traffic_analyzer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[ICE has] \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/documents/how-data-brokers-harm-immigrants/\">contracts\u003c/a> with data brokers and with tech companies to gain access to our personal data,” Willman said. “Some of that is more obvious stuff, like our contact info, our addresses. But it’s also our social media accounts and our online activity. It’s our location data that’s coming from our cell phones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Typically, we’re supposed to have constitutional protections around our privacy. There are legal steps to gain access to us, to search us, to surveil us,” Willman said. But through what they call the U.S.’s “unregulated and weak”\u003ca href=\"https://www.security.org/resources/digital-privacy-legislation-by-state/\"> data privacy laws\u003c/a>, “we don’t have those same kind of protections,” Willman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Facial recognition software that can recognize and track you \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition software, which often scrapes information from public sources like social media accounts, is also a commonly used tool by local law enforcement to \u003ca href=\"https://contracosta.news/2025/02/15/el-cerrito-police-announces-use-of-facial-recognition-software/\">identify possible suspects\u003c/a>. Software like Clearview AI is used by hundreds of police departments across the country, like \u003ca href=\"https://contracosta.news/2025/02/15/el-cerrito-police-announces-use-of-facial-recognition-software/#google_vignette\">the El Cerrito Police Department\u003c/a> in Contra Costa County. Clearview AI is expected to engage in \u003ca href=\"https://www.biometricupdate.com/202508/ice-prepares-sole-source-facial-recognition-deal-with-clearview-ai\">a deeper collaboration with ICE\u003c/a> in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have long expressed concerns about the use of facial recognition by law enforcement, citing privacy concerns and the documented inaccuracies this technology generates when \u003ca href=\"https://amnesty.ca/features/racial-bias-in-facial-recognition-algorithms/\">identifying people with darker skin\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/news/aclu-comment-ice-and-california-law-enforcement-use-clearview-ai-s-face-surveillance-system\">women\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has more robust legal protections around this technology than other states. Police officers in the state are \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/news/privacy-technology/california-just-blocked-police-body-cam-use-face\">prohibited from pairing footage\u003c/a> from their body cameras with facial recognition technology, and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11747249/san-francisco-bans-municipal-agencies-from-using-facial-recognition-technology\"> cities like San Francisco\u003c/a>, Oakland and Berkeley have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/san-francisco-bans-use-facial-recognition-tech/\">banned\u003c/a> the use of facial recognition technology by city agencies. San Francisco’s police department has nonetheless attempted to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2024/05/18/facial-recognition-law-enforcement-austin-san-francisco/\">circumvent the ban\u003c/a>, according to an investigation by \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>404 Media has also reported that ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.404media.co/ice-is-using-a-new-facial-recognition-app-to-identify-people-leaked-emails-show/\">is using\u003c/a> a mobile app called Mobile Fortify, which can identify someone by pointing a camera at their face — similar to the type of technology used at airports and borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s very dangerous for people who are maybe out in the street or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">bystanders\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054798/san-jose-joins-the-growing-call-to-unmask-ice-agents\">ICE kidnapping\u003c/a>s,” Willman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So what steps can you take for better privacy?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Willman admits that even digital security experts like them are overwhelmed by news like ICE’s partnership with the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why it’s important to focus on guidance that can feel achievable and within someone’s grasp, Willman said — while acknowledging that “there’s no such thing as being 100% secure or safe.” Rather, “when we use digital security, we are reducing harm and risk,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11746095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11746095\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS8886_facebook-whatsapp-e1557416960993.jpg\" alt=\"The Facebook and WhatsApp applications' icons. Facebook purchase WhatsApp in 2014.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Facebook and WhatsApp applications’ icons. Facebook purchased WhatsApp in 2014. \u003ccite>(Gabriel BouysAFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Start with small steps\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example Willman gave: People could move their conversations from WhatsApp — a messaging platform that “is very popular in diasporic communities and immigrant communities,” but may be vulnerable to spyware — to Signal, “which has a much better track record and collects way, way less data on us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also worth noting that each person’s situation is different — and avoiding technology is almost impossible for daily life, Quintin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willman’s workshop, attendees are asked to pose a series of questions to themselves to assess their own risks and figure out how best to perceive with their own digital hygiene practices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“What or who do I want to protect?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“Who do I want to protect it from? Who are my adversaries?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“How motivated and capable are they to get it?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What happens if they do get it?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What am I willing to do to prevent that?”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consider removing your information from data brokers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/data-broker-registry/\">a guide on deleting your information\u003c/a> from data broker websites or “opting out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A data broker’s opt-out link tends to be at the bottom of the page, and the process can look something like filling out a form or emailing the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to even find this opt-out information, though, and many data brokers are \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2025/08/18/data-brokers-face-new-pressure-for-hiding-opt-out-pages-from-google\">facing criticism\u003c/a> from elected officials for hiding their opt-out pages from Google search to purposely make it harder for users to find them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11744516\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/ap_17049076292456-98ef10b0a38140d3e3616319050b387595d13762-e1556823156400.jpg\" alt=\"In this 2016 photo, a man holds up his iPhone during a rally in support of data privacy outside the Apple store in San Francisco. Watchdog groups that keep tabs on digital privacy rights are concerned that U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents are searching the phones and other digital devices of international travelers at border checkpoints in U.S. airports.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this 2016 photo, a man holds up his iPhone during a rally in support of data privacy outside the Apple store in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Eric Risberg/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can also use a third-party app such as \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">Permission Slip\u003c/a> to help you or paid services like \u003ca href=\"https://joindeleteme.com/\">DeleteMe\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/wirecutter/reviews/best-data-removal-services/\">EasyOptOuts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While opting out can also be a lengthy process, the broker must respond within \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/data-broker-registry/\">90 days\u003c/a> according to California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For preventive measures, both Quintin and Willman said you should visit your phone’s settings to see which apps you’re already allowing to access your data, under “Permissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quintin said that it can also be helpful to outright minimize the number of apps on your phone, including restaurant apps. “Deleting a lot of those will help reduce your \u003ca href=\"https://www.fortinet.com/resources/cyberglossary/attack-surface\">attack surface\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/privacy/ccpa\">California Consumer Privacy Act\u003c/a> will allow you to request a report of all your data that any company has and delete it, Quintin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I definitely recommend that people exercise their California consumer privacy rights,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Keep your phone’s software up to date \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the\u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2025/09/eff-statement-ice-use-paragon-solutions-malware\"> EFF statement\u003c/a> regarding Paragon, Quintin states that the company’s spyware “isn’t magical — it’s still just malware.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The best thing you can do to protect yourself against Graphite is to keep your phone up to date,” he said, meaning allowing software updates whenever they’re offered. You can also turn on \u003ca href=\"https://faq.whatsapp.com/673193694148537\">“disappearing messages”\u003c/a> on apps like WhatsApp so that their last few texts are not saved. On \u003ca href=\"https://support.apple.com/guide/iphone/delete-messages-and-attachments-iph2c9c4bfcb/ios\">an iPhone\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.samsung.com/us/support/answer/ANS10001923/\">Android\u003c/a>, you can go to your settings and automatically delete old messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you suspect you are being targeted in a cyberattack, you can enable \u003ca href=\"https://support.apple.com/en-us/105120\">Lockdown Mode\u003c/a> (on an iPhone) or \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/accounts/answer/9764949?hl=en\">Advanced Protection Mode\u003c/a> (on an Android), limiting some functionality of your phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advocate for better protections\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual action can only go so far when faced with a systematic issue, Quintin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it’s why people also need to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">work with their community\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">call their elected representative\u003c/a> to advocate for better laws around surveillance tech like Flock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any one of these things individually isn’t going to do anything,” he said. “When we do all of these things together, that’s really how we protect our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Start using apps and browsers that offer higher degrees of privacy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://signal.org/\">Signal\u003c/a> (an encrypted messaging app)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://brave.com/\">Brave\u003c/a> (a browser)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.firefox.com/en-US/landing/get/?gad_source=1&gad_campaignid=21953014515&gbraid=0AAAAAD-k1GoU5cx3InnRFVnrEWj-o_BBZ&gclid=CjwKCAjwlOrFBhBaEiwAw4bYDXtvyTTZsS7iPAQI-hYp092tbIUPuooqx_4TaQCunanjFqmDhRl9vxoCIb0QAvD_BwE&utm_campaign=SET_DEFAULT_BROWSER\">Firefox\u003c/a> (a browser)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mullvad.net/en\">Mullvad\u003c/a> (a VPN)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://privacybadger.org/\">Privacy Badger\u003c/a> (an ad and trackers blocker)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ublockorigin.com/\">uBlock Origin\u003c/a> (an ad blocker)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://duckduckgo.com/\">Duck Duck Go\u003c/a> (a search engine)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More resources to better your digital privacy:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ssd.eff.org/\">Surveillance Self-Defense\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More tools from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/pages/tools\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.privacyguides.org/en/\">Privacy Guides\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://libguides.rutgers.edu/digitalprivacy\">Rutgers University\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/gentle-january/2024/01/31/overwhelmed-by-digital-privacy-reset-with-these-practical-tips\">The Markup\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/a-former-hackers-guide-to-boosting-your-online-security\">ProPublica\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldefensefund.org/\">Digital Defense Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Judge Halts Trump Policy Denying Schools, Shelters to Certain Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s soup kitchens, homeless shelters and preschools can continue to serve those without legal status, at least temporarily, according to a decision on Wednesday by a U.S. district court judge in Rhode Island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, four federal departments — Education, Justice, Health and Human Services and Labor — directed California to deny many immigrants access to federally funded public services, including health care, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/education\">education\u003c/a> and job training. The new policies apply to certain classes of immigrants, including those without legal status as well as those who have it, such as asylum seekers or those with student visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California quickly joined 20 other states and the District of Columbia in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70869382/state-of-new-york-v-us-department-of-justice/\">a lawsuit\u003c/a>, arguing that the policy changes were illegal. The ruling today, which is a preliminary injunction, means that the federal government can’t enforce the new policies in these states until the lawsuit is decided, which could take months or years to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four federal departments said in July that the new policies were an effort to fulfill one of Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/ending-taxpayer-subsidization-of-open-borders/\">executive orders\u003c/a>, which claims that public benefits fuel “illegal immigration.” The executive order asks federal departments to ensure that “no taxpayer-funded benefits go to unqualified aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for the Justice Department, Sean Skedzielewski, said the new policies also reflect the proper interpretation of federal law, despite the fact that the Justice Department has used a different interpretation for nearly 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/c8da6d92-c0d0-4a14-a4a1-6c6c94d48b8b.pdf\">her written decision\u003c/a> issuing the preliminary injunction, U.S. District Judge Mary McElroy said she’s skeptical of Skedzielewski’s legal argument. “The [federal] Government argues that it has somehow interpreted this statute incorrectly for the nearly thirty years that it has been the law. In its view, everyone [from every past administration] has misunderstood it from the start — at least until last month, when the right way to read it became clear to the [federal] Government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElroy wrote that the new policies, which are now paused, would mean that “fewer people will get critical antipoverty resources due to immigrant communities avoiding services but also because, generally, people living in poverty at times lack government identification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who qualifies for public benefits?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1996, Congress passed a law restricting most federally funded public benefits to U.S. citizens or those with certain legal statuses, such as a green card. Later, when clarifying the law, the federal government carved out certain exceptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any person, regardless of their legal status, can access a crisis call center and any neglected or abused child can receive public assistance because these services are “necessary for the protection of life and safety,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-1996-08-30/pdf/96-22233.pdf\">federal guidance from 1996\u003c/a>, which clarified the meaning of that year’s law. Homeless and domestic violence shelters, public hospitals and programs that support mental health or substance use recovery are also available to all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11707712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11707712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers pass trays down the cafeteria line at St. Anthony’s. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a result of a 1982 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/08/immigrants-california/\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a>, the federal government allows all students under 18 years old, regardless of legal status, to attend public school. Immigrants without legal status are also able to access Head Start and to enroll in adult education classes, which include English as a second language and high school equivalency programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara County, which encompasses San Jose, roughly 40% of residents are foreign-born and more than half of all children in the county have a foreign-born parent. The county receives about $3.7 billion in federal funding each year, most of which supports its public hospital system, according to a court declaration by Greta Hanson, the chief operating officer of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verifying patients’ legal status isn’t feasible, she said, but even if it were, it would “have extremely detrimental impacts and deter individuals from seeking much-needed care.” If an individual has a contagious disease but avoids seeking care, for example, they could jeopardize the health of their entire community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the new policies went into effect in July, the health system has yet to turn away any patients. The states in the lawsuit and the four federal departments came to an agreement that they would delay enforcing the new policies until Sept. 11. Because of today’s preliminary injunction, it will now take months or years before the policies are enacted, and if the judge ultimately rules in favor of California, the policies may never take effect at all.[aside postID=news_12055279 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01023_TV-KQED.jpg']It’s just one of many lawsuits California has filed against the Trump administration regarding the treatment of immigrants. In an attempt to implement a different presidential executive order, which asked federal departments to stop “\u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/03/25/2025-05214/stopping-waste-fraud-and-abuse-by-eliminating-information-silos\">waste, fraud and abuse\u003c/a>,” the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) asked California to share private data about people who receive food stamps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Democratic attorneys general, including California Attorney General Rob Bonta, sued the USDA, saying it’s an attempt to target \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052815/oakland-attorneys-say-immigrant-children-are-being-held-in-prison-like-conditions\">mixed-status families\u003c/a>, where U.S. citizens may have a non-citizen relative. California has also sued the Trump Administration over its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054700/newsom-trump-troop-stunt-cost-taxpayers-nearly-120-million\">deployment of the National Guard\u003c/a> after federal immigration raids led to protests in Los Angeles this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, California has sued or joined other states in suing the federal government \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047925/california-sues-trump-administration-again-this-time-over-withheld-school-funds\">roughly 40 times\u003c/a> since the president’s inauguration. During the first Trump administration, California sued the president 123 times and won about two-thirds of those cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the lawsuits filed this year have already led to preliminary injunctions, temporarily halting the Trump administration’s new policies, but advocates for immigrants say the president’s actions have had an impact nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Californians, including those with legal status, are shying away from public services out of fear. Some are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/08/la-immigration-raids-empty-spaces/\">afraid to leave their house\u003c/a> at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an adult school in Huntington Beach, principal Steve Curiel said few immigrants are showing up for English-language classes this summer. He said he’s heard that other schools across the state are seeing the same trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Education reporter Carolyn Jones contributed to this story\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/09/public-benefits-california/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s soup kitchens, homeless shelters and preschools can continue to serve those without legal status, at least temporarily, according to a decision on Wednesday by a U.S. district court judge in Rhode Island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, four federal departments — Education, Justice, Health and Human Services and Labor — directed California to deny many immigrants access to federally funded public services, including health care, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/education\">education\u003c/a> and job training. The new policies apply to certain classes of immigrants, including those without legal status as well as those who have it, such as asylum seekers or those with student visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California quickly joined 20 other states and the District of Columbia in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70869382/state-of-new-york-v-us-department-of-justice/\">a lawsuit\u003c/a>, arguing that the policy changes were illegal. The ruling today, which is a preliminary injunction, means that the federal government can’t enforce the new policies in these states until the lawsuit is decided, which could take months or years to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four federal departments said in July that the new policies were an effort to fulfill one of Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/ending-taxpayer-subsidization-of-open-borders/\">executive orders\u003c/a>, which claims that public benefits fuel “illegal immigration.” The executive order asks federal departments to ensure that “no taxpayer-funded benefits go to unqualified aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for the Justice Department, Sean Skedzielewski, said the new policies also reflect the proper interpretation of federal law, despite the fact that the Justice Department has used a different interpretation for nearly 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/c8da6d92-c0d0-4a14-a4a1-6c6c94d48b8b.pdf\">her written decision\u003c/a> issuing the preliminary injunction, U.S. District Judge Mary McElroy said she’s skeptical of Skedzielewski’s legal argument. “The [federal] Government argues that it has somehow interpreted this statute incorrectly for the nearly thirty years that it has been the law. In its view, everyone [from every past administration] has misunderstood it from the start — at least until last month, when the right way to read it became clear to the [federal] Government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElroy wrote that the new policies, which are now paused, would mean that “fewer people will get critical antipoverty resources due to immigrant communities avoiding services but also because, generally, people living in poverty at times lack government identification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who qualifies for public benefits?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1996, Congress passed a law restricting most federally funded public benefits to U.S. citizens or those with certain legal statuses, such as a green card. Later, when clarifying the law, the federal government carved out certain exceptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any person, regardless of their legal status, can access a crisis call center and any neglected or abused child can receive public assistance because these services are “necessary for the protection of life and safety,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-1996-08-30/pdf/96-22233.pdf\">federal guidance from 1996\u003c/a>, which clarified the meaning of that year’s law. Homeless and domestic violence shelters, public hospitals and programs that support mental health or substance use recovery are also available to all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11707712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11707712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33989_111918_AW_SoupKitchen_03-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers pass trays down the cafeteria line at St. Anthony’s. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a result of a 1982 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/08/immigrants-california/\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a>, the federal government allows all students under 18 years old, regardless of legal status, to attend public school. Immigrants without legal status are also able to access Head Start and to enroll in adult education classes, which include English as a second language and high school equivalency programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara County, which encompasses San Jose, roughly 40% of residents are foreign-born and more than half of all children in the county have a foreign-born parent. The county receives about $3.7 billion in federal funding each year, most of which supports its public hospital system, according to a court declaration by Greta Hanson, the chief operating officer of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Verifying patients’ legal status isn’t feasible, she said, but even if it were, it would “have extremely detrimental impacts and deter individuals from seeking much-needed care.” If an individual has a contagious disease but avoids seeking care, for example, they could jeopardize the health of their entire community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the new policies went into effect in July, the health system has yet to turn away any patients. The states in the lawsuit and the four federal departments came to an agreement that they would delay enforcing the new policies until Sept. 11. Because of today’s preliminary injunction, it will now take months or years before the policies are enacted, and if the judge ultimately rules in favor of California, the policies may never take effect at all.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s just one of many lawsuits California has filed against the Trump administration regarding the treatment of immigrants. In an attempt to implement a different presidential executive order, which asked federal departments to stop “\u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/03/25/2025-05214/stopping-waste-fraud-and-abuse-by-eliminating-information-silos\">waste, fraud and abuse\u003c/a>,” the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) asked California to share private data about people who receive food stamps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Democratic attorneys general, including California Attorney General Rob Bonta, sued the USDA, saying it’s an attempt to target \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052815/oakland-attorneys-say-immigrant-children-are-being-held-in-prison-like-conditions\">mixed-status families\u003c/a>, where U.S. citizens may have a non-citizen relative. California has also sued the Trump Administration over its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054700/newsom-trump-troop-stunt-cost-taxpayers-nearly-120-million\">deployment of the National Guard\u003c/a> after federal immigration raids led to protests in Los Angeles this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, California has sued or joined other states in suing the federal government \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047925/california-sues-trump-administration-again-this-time-over-withheld-school-funds\">roughly 40 times\u003c/a> since the president’s inauguration. During the first Trump administration, California sued the president 123 times and won about two-thirds of those cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the lawsuits filed this year have already led to preliminary injunctions, temporarily halting the Trump administration’s new policies, but advocates for immigrants say the president’s actions have had an impact nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Californians, including those with legal status, are shying away from public services out of fear. Some are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/08/la-immigration-raids-empty-spaces/\">afraid to leave their house\u003c/a> at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an adult school in Huntington Beach, principal Steve Curiel said few immigrants are showing up for English-language classes this summer. He said he’s heard that other schools across the state are seeing the same trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Education reporter Carolyn Jones contributed to this story\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/09/public-benefits-california/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For months, Ledy Ordoñez worried about what she would do if immigration officers arrived at her store in the heart of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s premier Latino neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other local business owners with a largely immigrant clientele, she felt a responsibility to her customers but was also hampered by unanswered questions. Must she allow Immigration and Customs Enforcement into her business? Could neighboring restaurants close their doors to agents? Did customers have to answer questions if stopped?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me and other merchants here need to get informed, so that we know how to act if ICE comes,” Ordoñez said in Spanish after helping a mother and daughter select braided bracelets from a glass display at her shop, Ecuador Imports. “We have to support our people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As immigration authorities increasingly target worksites for arrests, hundreds of managers and business owners like Ordoñez have flocked to “Know Your Rights” training events in the Bay Area specifically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">tailored to the workplace\u003c/a>, according to legal aid groups and worker advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers in California must navigate additional responsibilities under state \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2025/2025-52.html\">labor laws\u003c/a> when it comes to immigration worksite inspections or raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055070 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ledy Ordoñez poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Employers would be breaking California law if they voluntarily allow ICE to access employee records or private areas,” said Marisa Almor, a trainer with the nonprofit East Bay Sanctuary Covenant, referring to a state\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/AB_450_QA.pdf\"> law\u003c/a> known as the Immigrant Worker Protection Act. “So we are informing employers of what their rights are and what they should also not do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several merchants in the Fruitvale neighborhood said the more aggressive immigration crackdown they’ve watched unfold in Southern California gave them a sense of urgency to attend a recent training at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, organized by a local business association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many attendees said they worry about the use of ethnic profiling to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">arrest noncriminal workers\u003c/a> from warehouses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">Home Depot parking lots\u003c/a> and bus stops.[aside postID=news_12025647 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-1243312873-1020x680.jpg']“What we see happening in LA is going to come up here. We have to get organized,” said Jose Antonio Dorado, who owns a bookkeeping and tax services business. “It’s only a matter of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26085902-25a169-order/\">temporarily allowed\u003c/a> the Trump administration to continue using broad factors such as apparent ethnicity, language and occupation to conduct ICE raids in the LA area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the justices’ 6–3 decision will likely embolden federal authorities to use similar tactics in other cities and could lead to Latino U.S. citizens being erroneously targeted because of the color of their skin, Spanish language, or type of work at car washes or as day laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At La Gran Chiquita, stacks of flyers and handouts, including an employer preparedness checklist, greeted local merchants as they walked in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tables and chairs were moved aside to make way for couches, a projector and a white hanging sheet that functioned as a screen. At least one confused customer expecting tacos backed away after realizing the restaurant had been transformed into a classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055069 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisa Almor (left) answers Enrique Soriano’s (right) question about community rights in relation to ICE enforcement at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, in Oakland, on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Almor, who taught the training, advised merchants to plan ahead on how to respond if ICE visited their businesses. The Constitution guarantees that all people on U.S. soil — regardless of their immigration status — have the right to remain silent and request a lawyer if detained, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You must establish a response protocol,” Almor said as attendees took photos of presentation slides and scribbled notes. “Talk with your employees in advance and designate who is authorized to make decisions, who should interact with law enforcement in the name of the business and coworkers and who can document the interaction at a safe distance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almor said brick-and-mortar business owners — especially in predominantly Latino areas — should identify which areas of their stores or offices are considered public versus private.[aside postID=news_12049326 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']The distinction is important because California employers don’t have to allow ICE into private spaces unless they present a valid judicial warrant, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rare for immigration agents to carry a judicial warrant,” Almor said, pointing out the differences between that document and the administrative orders more commonly carried by immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erick Olivares, who hosted the training at his taqueria, said learning about his legal rights as a business owner made him feel more confident. He planned to meet with employees at his two restaurants in the Fruitvale and Richmond, as well as fellow merchants, to ensure they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">know their rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all this information, I got more ideas about the things that I can do. First of all, for me is to prepare my business,” said Olivares, 44.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naturalized U.S. citizen, who first arrived in the Fruitvale as an undocumented teen, said his life experience motivates him to protect his community from any immigration-related abuses. Olivares said he doesn’t want to interfere with ICE’s work but will stand up for his mostly Latino employees and customers if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055071\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Erick Olivares poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Now that I have the opportunity to protect my people, that’s what I want to do,” he said. “I want to help my community. I want to protect the businesses because these things that the federal government is doing to us; we cannot just let it be. We need to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorado, who co-leads the Comunidad y Comerciantes de Fruitvale business association with Olivares, said he wants members to become trainers themselves and involve other merchants. The 77-year-old lifelong Fruitvale resident said that, as unsettling as recent immigration sweeps in other regions may be, he sees an opportunity in the Bay Area for employers to unite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can talk to them about the importance of our coming together, and it’s not just the education,” said Dorado, a former police commissioner. “It’s also the multiplying force of our coming together as merchants and Latino merchants, especially here in the Fruitvale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As immigration authorities increasingly target worksites for arrests, hundreds of managers and business owners like Ordoñez have flocked to “Know Your Rights” training events in the Bay Area specifically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">tailored to the workplace\u003c/a>, according to legal aid groups and worker advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers in California must navigate additional responsibilities under state \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2025/2025-52.html\">labor laws\u003c/a> when it comes to immigration worksite inspections or raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055070 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ledy Ordoñez poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Employers would be breaking California law if they voluntarily allow ICE to access employee records or private areas,” said Marisa Almor, a trainer with the nonprofit East Bay Sanctuary Covenant, referring to a state\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/AB_450_QA.pdf\"> law\u003c/a> known as the Immigrant Worker Protection Act. “So we are informing employers of what their rights are and what they should also not do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several merchants in the Fruitvale neighborhood said the more aggressive immigration crackdown they’ve watched unfold in Southern California gave them a sense of urgency to attend a recent training at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, organized by a local business association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many attendees said they worry about the use of ethnic profiling to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">arrest noncriminal workers\u003c/a> from warehouses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">Home Depot parking lots\u003c/a> and bus stops.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we see happening in LA is going to come up here. We have to get organized,” said Jose Antonio Dorado, who owns a bookkeeping and tax services business. “It’s only a matter of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26085902-25a169-order/\">temporarily allowed\u003c/a> the Trump administration to continue using broad factors such as apparent ethnicity, language and occupation to conduct ICE raids in the LA area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the justices’ 6–3 decision will likely embolden federal authorities to use similar tactics in other cities and could lead to Latino U.S. citizens being erroneously targeted because of the color of their skin, Spanish language, or type of work at car washes or as day laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At La Gran Chiquita, stacks of flyers and handouts, including an employer preparedness checklist, greeted local merchants as they walked in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tables and chairs were moved aside to make way for couches, a projector and a white hanging sheet that functioned as a screen. At least one confused customer expecting tacos backed away after realizing the restaurant had been transformed into a classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055069 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisa Almor (left) answers Enrique Soriano’s (right) question about community rights in relation to ICE enforcement at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, in Oakland, on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Almor, who taught the training, advised merchants to plan ahead on how to respond if ICE visited their businesses. The Constitution guarantees that all people on U.S. soil — regardless of their immigration status — have the right to remain silent and request a lawyer if detained, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You must establish a response protocol,” Almor said as attendees took photos of presentation slides and scribbled notes. “Talk with your employees in advance and designate who is authorized to make decisions, who should interact with law enforcement in the name of the business and coworkers and who can document the interaction at a safe distance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almor said brick-and-mortar business owners — especially in predominantly Latino areas — should identify which areas of their stores or offices are considered public versus private.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The distinction is important because California employers don’t have to allow ICE into private spaces unless they present a valid judicial warrant, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rare for immigration agents to carry a judicial warrant,” Almor said, pointing out the differences between that document and the administrative orders more commonly carried by immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erick Olivares, who hosted the training at his taqueria, said learning about his legal rights as a business owner made him feel more confident. He planned to meet with employees at his two restaurants in the Fruitvale and Richmond, as well as fellow merchants, to ensure they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">know their rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all this information, I got more ideas about the things that I can do. First of all, for me is to prepare my business,” said Olivares, 44.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naturalized U.S. citizen, who first arrived in the Fruitvale as an undocumented teen, said his life experience motivates him to protect his community from any immigration-related abuses. Olivares said he doesn’t want to interfere with ICE’s work but will stand up for his mostly Latino employees and customers if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055071\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Erick Olivares poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Now that I have the opportunity to protect my people, that’s what I want to do,” he said. “I want to help my community. I want to protect the businesses because these things that the federal government is doing to us; we cannot just let it be. We need to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorado, who co-leads the Comunidad y Comerciantes de Fruitvale business association with Olivares, said he wants members to become trainers themselves and involve other merchants. The 77-year-old lifelong Fruitvale resident said that, as unsettling as recent immigration sweeps in other regions may be, he sees an opportunity in the Bay Area for employers to unite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can talk to them about the importance of our coming together, and it’s not just the education,” said Dorado, a former police commissioner. “It’s also the multiplying force of our coming together as merchants and Latino merchants, especially here in the Fruitvale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration fired San Francisco’s top immigration judge on Tuesday, marking the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054620/despite-a-growing-case-backlog-trump-fires-6th-san-francisco-immigration-judge\">seventh firing in the office\u003c/a> since January and adding to concerns that the White House is targeting judges who are unwilling to bend to its desires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loi McCleskey, who has served as the court’s assistant chief immigration judge for just over a year, was terminated by the Department of Justice’s Executive Office for Immigration Review — the body that adjudicates immigration cases and administers national law — according to an internal email shared with the office’s staff and viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move follows a national trend, as more than 100 immigration judges have been fired since Trump took office, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/aila-executive-director-trump-administration-furthers-erodes-immigration-courts\">American Immigration Lawyers Association.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to let you know that my employment with EOIR has been terminated effective today,” McCleskey told the office team via email. “It has been an honor to serve as your ACIJ and to work alongside such a dedicated and talented group of professionals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her role, McCleskey supervised all of the judges in San Francisco’s office, which has a record of granting asylum at a higher rate than the national average, according to data collected by \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/asylum/\">Transaction Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys told KQED that the discrepancy between San Francisco’s and rates in other jurisdictions is likely due to a multitude of factors, including that asylum seekers in San Francisco are more likely to have representation and required to meet different standards than in some other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her firing, and those of six other judges in the office, have prompted local attorneys and former staff in recent weeks to suspect that the federal government is targeting adjudicators who are more likely to grant asylum or have spent their careers defending immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears to be completely ideologically based,” former San Francisco immigration judge Dana Leigh Marks said of the firings last week. “It appears to be very results-oriented, targeted towards individuals who think more independently and are willing to listen to both sides when a case is presented to them rather than just accepting the government assertions.”\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=news_12055084 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00645_TV-KQED.jpg']McCleskey granted asylum to just more than 72% of the asylum seekers whose cases she heard, according to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judge2024/00867SFR/index.html\">TRAC data\u003c/a>. That figure is significantly higher than the countrywide average, which has hovered below 50% in most recent years, but about the norm within the Bay Area court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three San Francisco judges with the highest asylum-granting rates have all been terminated in recent months, including Judge Shira Levine, who was fired last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said that McCleskey was well respected and had navigated the difficult role of heading an immigration court in recent months with “competence and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She truly was the glue holding the San Francisco court together as political appointees and ideologues in Washington were doing their best to dismantle and tear apart the court,” Levine told KQED on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said she’s worried that the administration is trying to create chaos in immigration courts and get rid of people who “play by the rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the DOJ lowered the prerequisites to qualify for temporary judge positions, removing the requirement that candidates have prior immigration experience, and the following week, the federal government authorized 600 military lawyers to serve in those roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration, in terminating ACIJ McCleskey, is seeking to replace upstanding, experienced, knowledgeable, fair judges with people who possess none of those skills but people who may come from the military and will follow orders,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to let you know that my employment with EOIR has been terminated effective today,” McCleskey told the office team via email. “It has been an honor to serve as your ACIJ and to work alongside such a dedicated and talented group of professionals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her role, McCleskey supervised all of the judges in San Francisco’s office, which has a record of granting asylum at a higher rate than the national average, according to data collected by \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/asylum/\">Transaction Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys told KQED that the discrepancy between San Francisco’s and rates in other jurisdictions is likely due to a multitude of factors, including that asylum seekers in San Francisco are more likely to have representation and required to meet different standards than in some other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her firing, and those of six other judges in the office, have prompted local attorneys and former staff in recent weeks to suspect that the federal government is targeting adjudicators who are more likely to grant asylum or have spent their careers defending immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears to be completely ideologically based,” former San Francisco immigration judge Dana Leigh Marks said of the firings last week. “It appears to be very results-oriented, targeted towards individuals who think more independently and are willing to listen to both sides when a case is presented to them rather than just accepting the government assertions.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>McCleskey granted asylum to just more than 72% of the asylum seekers whose cases she heard, according to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judge2024/00867SFR/index.html\">TRAC data\u003c/a>. That figure is significantly higher than the countrywide average, which has hovered below 50% in most recent years, but about the norm within the Bay Area court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three San Francisco judges with the highest asylum-granting rates have all been terminated in recent months, including Judge Shira Levine, who was fired last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said that McCleskey was well respected and had navigated the difficult role of heading an immigration court in recent months with “competence and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She truly was the glue holding the San Francisco court together as political appointees and ideologues in Washington were doing their best to dismantle and tear apart the court,” Levine told KQED on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said she’s worried that the administration is trying to create chaos in immigration courts and get rid of people who “play by the rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the DOJ lowered the prerequisites to qualify for temporary judge positions, removing the requirement that candidates have prior immigration experience, and the following week, the federal government authorized 600 military lawyers to serve in those roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration, in terminating ACIJ McCleskey, is seeking to replace upstanding, experienced, knowledgeable, fair judges with people who possess none of those skills but people who may come from the military and will follow orders,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-empanada-makers-honor-chilean-argentine-and-filipino-traditions",
"title": "Bay Area Empanada Makers Celebrate Chilean, Argentine Traditions",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">\u003cstrong>Click here to subscribe\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1995, Paula Tejeda left her native New York for San Francisco. She and her then-husband found themselves unemployed and scraping by selling sandwiches out of a basket in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then she received a call that changed her life. An acquaintance told her she needed to buy Chile Lindo, a Chilean restaurant that had operated for decades at the corner of Capp and 16th Streets. Despite knowing nothing about the restaurant business or having any money, she negotiated a price of $10,000 and crossed her fingers she could secure a loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing I knew from day one is that I wanted to build a brand, something that represented Chile, Chilean artists, the food and South America,” said Tejeda, whose parents had immigrated from Chile to New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to have a much broader menu, but what stuck were the empanadas,” Tejeda said. “The empanada became my brand. I became known as La Empanada, and then I became known as The Empanada Lady, and now as The Girl from Empanada.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chile Lindo has survived in different iterations for more than 40 years — remarkable for a Chilean eatery in the Mission, home to a robust Mexican and Central American community but not a sizable Chilean population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But empanadas have a universal appeal. I explored the history and cultural significance of empanadas while co-hosting an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/v0rs6xy4rsU?si=5IJNYyQFbA6pXQF3\">event for KQED called Empanada Showdown\u003c/a>, which celebrated three Bay Area empanada makers: Tejeda; Grace Lontoc, owner of Harinas, a Livermore-based Filipino panaderya; and Joseph Ahearne, owner of El Porteño Empanadas, an Argentine-style eatery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides rice and beans, empanadas may be one of few dishes you’ll find in almost all of Latin America, in savory or sweet versions, baked or fried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paula Tejeda, center, owns Chile Lindo, a Mission District restaurant known for its Chilean-style empanadas. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The word empanada roughly translates to “covered in bread” in Spanish. The concept of a filled pastry or bread pocket shows up worldwide: turnovers in the United States, pasties in Ireland, samosas in India.[aside postID=news_12043304 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025BURITTOSHOWDOWN_PHOTOS_ESTEFANYGONZALEZ049-KQED.jpg']The empanadas I grew up with were sweet, fruit-filled pastries common in Mexican panaderias — still my go-to pan dulce. I always ask panaderos if they have any de calabasa, or pumpkin, a flavor I can’t resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Tejeda took over Chile Lindo, some Chileans told her, “Nobody even knows where Chile is, and nobody knows empanadas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her response: “They’re never going to know it unless we introduce it.” She also expanded her menu to reflect the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to have something that represented the Mexican community,” Tejeda said. “I had a cheese jalapeño, cheddar mozzarella jalapeño and a ham and cheese cheddar mozzarella jalapeño. You have to navigate where you stick with the culture, but you’re also part of the neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chile Lindo was recently named a San Francisco Legacy Business, a designation for businesses that have existed for more than 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been able to prove to the Chileans that Chile Lindo had a place in San Francisco,” Tejeda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055093\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055093\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joseph Ahearne owns El Porteño Empanadas, an Argentine-style eatery with locations in San Francisco and Napa. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ahearne grew up in Napa, where his mother, an immigrant from Argentina, ran a restaurant while raising five kids alone after her husband passed away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom would make empanadas for any special occasion. It’s not an easy process. It takes a couple days,” Ahearne said. “When she would make them, she would never let us taste any of the fillings, taste them before whatever the occasion was. The anticipation was just torture. It was just waiting and waiting. So, I really associate empanadas with that big reward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the mid-2000s, Ahearne and his wife, Teresa, were raising young children and thinking of starting a food business to have flexible schedules. They landed on empanadas, and El Porteño was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was in 2008, the financial crisis was a great time to leave everything and start a business — it was crazy,” he said. “The Twitter street food movement was happening. We kind of caught on a little bit because of that, and we kind of rode Paula’s coattails, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055090\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Argentine-style empanada from El Porteño Empanadas, which has locations in San Francisco and Napa. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>El Porteño — meaning someone from the port, a reference to the Argentine capital Buenos Aires — started at farmers markets and food festivals, promoted on Twitter when food vendors advertised their locations in real time. Then came wholesale orders from Whole Foods. In 2010, the team secured a spot in the Ferry Building. Now El Porteño has a second San Francisco location and one in Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The menu has expanded to more than a dozen varieties, including the traditional Argentine empanada, similar to the Chilean version with beef, onions, raisins, olives and hard-boiled egg. Other options include chicken, spinach, chard, ham and cheese and sweet varieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Empanadas sell well because they are self-contained, portable and easy to reheat, Ahearne said. They are best made in large batches, he said, because of the labor-intensive process: making the dough, preparing the fillings, assembling and baking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running El Porteño “is about sustenance, but it’s also about a way of life,” Ahearne said. “It’s about family and celebration for me and definitely my mom’s heritage, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Paula Tejeda’s Chile Lindo and Joseph Ahearne’s El Porteño Empanadas highlight the rich tradition of empanadas in San Francisco, blending Chilean and Argentine flavors for locals and visitors alike.",
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"title": "Bay Area Empanada Makers Celebrate Chilean, Argentine Traditions | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">\u003cstrong>Click here to subscribe\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1995, Paula Tejeda left her native New York for San Francisco. She and her then-husband found themselves unemployed and scraping by selling sandwiches out of a basket in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then she received a call that changed her life. An acquaintance told her she needed to buy Chile Lindo, a Chilean restaurant that had operated for decades at the corner of Capp and 16th Streets. Despite knowing nothing about the restaurant business or having any money, she negotiated a price of $10,000 and crossed her fingers she could secure a loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing I knew from day one is that I wanted to build a brand, something that represented Chile, Chilean artists, the food and South America,” said Tejeda, whose parents had immigrated from Chile to New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to have a much broader menu, but what stuck were the empanadas,” Tejeda said. “The empanada became my brand. I became known as La Empanada, and then I became known as The Empanada Lady, and now as The Girl from Empanada.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chile Lindo has survived in different iterations for more than 40 years — remarkable for a Chilean eatery in the Mission, home to a robust Mexican and Central American community but not a sizable Chilean population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But empanadas have a universal appeal. I explored the history and cultural significance of empanadas while co-hosting an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/v0rs6xy4rsU?si=5IJNYyQFbA6pXQF3\">event for KQED called Empanada Showdown\u003c/a>, which celebrated three Bay Area empanada makers: Tejeda; Grace Lontoc, owner of Harinas, a Livermore-based Filipino panaderya; and Joseph Ahearne, owner of El Porteño Empanadas, an Argentine-style eatery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides rice and beans, empanadas may be one of few dishes you’ll find in almost all of Latin America, in savory or sweet versions, baked or fried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_046-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paula Tejeda, center, owns Chile Lindo, a Mission District restaurant known for its Chilean-style empanadas. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The word empanada roughly translates to “covered in bread” in Spanish. The concept of a filled pastry or bread pocket shows up worldwide: turnovers in the United States, pasties in Ireland, samosas in India.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The empanadas I grew up with were sweet, fruit-filled pastries common in Mexican panaderias — still my go-to pan dulce. I always ask panaderos if they have any de calabasa, or pumpkin, a flavor I can’t resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Tejeda took over Chile Lindo, some Chileans told her, “Nobody even knows where Chile is, and nobody knows empanadas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her response: “They’re never going to know it unless we introduce it.” She also expanded her menu to reflect the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to have something that represented the Mexican community,” Tejeda said. “I had a cheese jalapeño, cheddar mozzarella jalapeño and a ham and cheese cheddar mozzarella jalapeño. You have to navigate where you stick with the culture, but you’re also part of the neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chile Lindo was recently named a San Francisco Legacy Business, a designation for businesses that have existed for more than 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been able to prove to the Chileans that Chile Lindo had a place in San Francisco,” Tejeda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055093\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055093\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_047-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joseph Ahearne owns El Porteño Empanadas, an Argentine-style eatery with locations in San Francisco and Napa. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ahearne grew up in Napa, where his mother, an immigrant from Argentina, ran a restaurant while raising five kids alone after her husband passed away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom would make empanadas for any special occasion. It’s not an easy process. It takes a couple days,” Ahearne said. “When she would make them, she would never let us taste any of the fillings, taste them before whatever the occasion was. The anticipation was just torture. It was just waiting and waiting. So, I really associate empanadas with that big reward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the mid-2000s, Ahearne and his wife, Teresa, were raising young children and thinking of starting a food business to have flexible schedules. They landed on empanadas, and El Porteño was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was in 2008, the financial crisis was a great time to leave everything and start a business — it was crazy,” he said. “The Twitter street food movement was happening. We kind of caught on a little bit because of that, and we kind of rode Paula’s coattails, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055090\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/EMPANADA-SHOWDOWN_EG_039-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Argentine-style empanada from El Porteño Empanadas, which has locations in San Francisco and Napa. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>El Porteño — meaning someone from the port, a reference to the Argentine capital Buenos Aires — started at farmers markets and food festivals, promoted on Twitter when food vendors advertised their locations in real time. Then came wholesale orders from Whole Foods. In 2010, the team secured a spot in the Ferry Building. Now El Porteño has a second San Francisco location and one in Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The menu has expanded to more than a dozen varieties, including the traditional Argentine empanada, similar to the Chilean version with beef, onions, raisins, olives and hard-boiled egg. Other options include chicken, spinach, chard, ham and cheese and sweet varieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Empanadas sell well because they are self-contained, portable and easy to reheat, Ahearne said. They are best made in large batches, he said, because of the labor-intensive process: making the dough, preparing the fillings, assembling and baking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running El Porteño “is about sustenance, but it’s also about a way of life,” Ahearne said. “It’s about family and celebration for me and definitely my mom’s heritage, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "whats-in-your-tequila-california-lawsuit-claims-some-labels-mislead-consumers",
"title": "What’s In Your Tequila? California Lawsuit Claims Some Labels Misled Consumers",
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"headTitle": "What’s In Your Tequila? California Lawsuit Claims Some Labels Misled Consumers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tequila has become the darling of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/california\">California’s\u003c/a> cocktail culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.thespiritsbusiness.com/issue/brand-champions-2024/\">According to industry data\u003c/a>, more than 50 million cases of tequila were sold in the United States in 2023, a 7.6% increase from the previous year. And California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.thespiritsbusiness.com/2023/04/tequila-sales-grew-by-17-in-california/\">the biggest market for the spirit\u003c/a> produced from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.academiapatron.com/making-tequila/agave-growth-and-harvesting/planting-selection-harvesting\">blue Weber agave\u003c/a> plant grown exclusively in a handful of states in Mexico — a demand \u003ca href=\"https://just-drinks.nridigital.com/just_drinks_magazine_nov22/tequila_us_market_forecast\">boosted by the state’s sizable Latino population\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handle of tequila can range up to $100 and beyond, depending on the brand, with many premium labels promoting that their liquor is made up of “100% agave.” This kind of tequila usually costs more because it “takes more agave to make,” said Mike Morales, Los Angeles-based executive editor and tasting director of the industry magazine \u003cem>Tequila Aficionado\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big status symbol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a series of legal battles has begun this summer that could shake up the entire industry — one of them in the very state that has embraced tequila the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Diageo-Class-Action-072025-1.pdf\">A San Francisco resident\u003c/a> has filed a class action suit in federal court against spirits giant Diageo — parent company of well-known tequila brands Don Julio and Casamigos — alleging the company intentionally misled consumers about the agave content in its tequila products labeled “100% agave” in order to profit from this deception.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘An earthquake in the industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The class action — filed in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California — claims to represent anyone “who purchased Diageo Premium Tequila Products” with the goal of recovering “financial losses sustained by consumers who were misled by [Diageo’s] false and misleading advertising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is actually the third lawsuit that Diageo faces from consumers regarding the agave content in their Don Julio and Casamigos brands, with one class action filed by consumers in New York in May and another in Florida shortly after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Moose” arranges bottles along the towering tequila wall inside San Francisco Tequila Shop in Bernal Heights on Aug. 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of all three states where Diageo is being sued, California has some of the strongest consumer protection laws — and the beverage company has recently requested that this particular lawsuit be moved to the same New York court overseeing the first case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs joining the San Francisco resident in the lawsuit are represented by Baron & Budd and Hagens Berman, two consumer rights firms with extensive records of \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Business/ny-man-sues-volkswagen-emissions-scandal-reason-bought/story?id=33951902\">wrestling with major corporations in court\u003c/a>. Neither firm returned KQED’s requests for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Diageo told KQED that “claims of adulteration are outrageous and categorically false,” and that the company will defend the quality and integrity of its tequilas in court “and against anyone who is spreading misinformation and lies about our products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for both Diageo and the California plaintiffs will meet in San Francisco’s courthouse on Oct. 3. Regardless of what the courts decide, said David Suro Piñera, a Philadelphia-based tequila entrepreneur and historian, the lawsuits “are an earthquake in the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why \u003cem>is \u003c/em>the agave content inside a tequila bottle so crucial when it comes to selling this liquor that’s only becoming more popular? And what does this lawsuit say about how U.S. consumers shape an industry that started thousands of miles away in Mexico?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evolution in the public eye\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Covered floor to ceiling with colorful and intricately decorated bottles, the San Francisco Tequila Shop on the steep streets of Bernal Heights is an oasis for lovers of spirits derived from the agave plant. It was here in the backroom one August afternoon that owner Moose Malhi hosted Suro Piñera for a tasting event featuring some blanco, some reposado and plenty of conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suro Piñera told the assembled tequila enthusiasts about how, back in 1986, he opened a restaurant called Tequilas in downtown Philadelphia with the goal of bringing high-end Mexican cuisine to that city. But other local restaurateurs were confused about the name, he said.[aside postID=news_11999014 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240628-Junk-Fees-Law-MD-02_qed-1020x680.jpg']“They would hear ‘tequila’ and imagine something else — not high quality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the following decades, the way American consumers think about this liquor has changed significantly, Suro Piñera said. “To see right now the passion, the commitment, the interest in tequila, is a dream come true,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families have been producing tequila primarily in the Mexican state of Jalisco for centuries, blending European distillation techniques with Indigenous agricultural knowledge. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/en/about-us/\">Tequila Regulatory Council\u003c/a> is the independent body that establishes the rules for the industry, which includes where tequila can be produced, who can sell it and \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/NOM-006-SCFI-2012%20-%20INGLES.pdf\">defining what goes into it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anything marked as “tequila” must include at least 51% alcohol derived from blue agave. The other 49% \u003cem>can \u003c/em>come from other sources, like caña (sugar cane) or grain alcohol, which are typically cheaper. This type of tequila, that’s a mixture of alcohols from different sources, is called “mixto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Diageo lawsuit said that 100% agave “is a powerful marketing tool that shapes consumer expectations” and then accuses the company of tricking consumers into buying tequila that actually has “cheaper, non-agave alcohol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mislabeling their tequila products is a violation of consumer protection law, the lawsuit claims. “For dominant players like Diageo, this is not just deceptive — it is a calculated, strategic misuse of market power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A pleasant burn’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Regulatory details aside, how does being 100% agave affect the way your tequila actually tastes? If you rarely drink tequila because of its strong flavor, don’t expect 100% agave tequila to be any easier on you, the San Francisco Tequila Shop’s Malhi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People drink tequila that’s been sweetened by additives, and they think it’s smooth,” he said. “If all you drink is tequila that’s been sweetened, and then you try something with no additives, that’s such a big jump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053056\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053056\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view inside San Francisco Tequila Shop in Bernal Heights on Aug. 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A good tequila is going to give you a pleasant burn,” said Marcos Higareda, a tequila entrepreneur based out of Riverside County. “This comes from the ground. The soil nurtured that agave for the last seven, eight years. Then it went through a process to convert it into tequila.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also a lot of variation between the distilleries that provide tequila labels with their product. Some are run by the same families that first opened them decades ago, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/06/nx-s1-5188663/author-ted-genoways-new-book-tequila-wars\">long-held distillation traditions becoming industry secrets\u003c/a>. And while some of these factors are dependent on humans, others — like rain and drought — are ultimately out of our control, Higareda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with 100% agave tequila, it’s normal for there to be slight variations in color, taste or aroma in the same batch. “Not all tequilas are going to be the same,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Agave under strain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/en/2025/03/27/2025-begins-with-an-increase-in-tequila-exports/\">world’s thirst for tequila grows\u003c/a>, Higareda said that big brands are responding with a product that seeks to smell, taste and look the same regardless of where you go. One way to do that: adding sweeteners and colorants to achieve this uniformity, as permitted by the Tequila Regulatory Council’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/NOM-006-SCFI-2012%20-%20INGLES.pdf\">rulebook for tequila production, \u003c/a>also known as the “Normas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to go to the shelf and you want to see that your product has the same consistent color every single time and the same flavor every single time,” a Jose Cuervo executive \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnkell/2025/03/24/jose-cuervo-says-the-additive-free--movement-is-damaging-to-tequila/\">recently told Forbes Magazine\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12054153 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/BrownEggsGetty.jpg']And globalization is being felt all the way through the supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time that Morales of \u003cem>Tequila Aficionado\u003c/em> visited Jalisco, almost two decades ago, he remembers how bright the fields of agave were in the sunlight: “I had to look at them with my sunglasses on because they were so blue and bright against the red soil,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On recent trips, however, he’s seen: “it’s not like that anymore,” he said. “The plants aren’t big enough. They don’t let them grow long enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the tequila industry has followed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ft.com/content/be3f48a5-d5d7-40af-a9e7-3ebff98741b3\">a cycle of boom and bust\u003c/a>. When the price of tequila goes up, growers rush to grow and harvest agave as fast as possible, and when the price goes down, “everybody leaves their plants to rot,” Morales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry data shows that U.S. tequila sales \u003ca href=\"https://www.thespiritsbusiness.com/issue/brand-champions-2024/\">are growing faster\u003c/a> than vodka, whisky and all other spirits combined — and the giants of the beverage industry have noticed this surge. In the past decade, multinational corporations have snatched up some of the most famous tequila brands: London-based Diageo bought Don Julio in 2015 and then Casamigos in 2017; Sauza was taken over by Suntory, a Japanese company, in 2014; and rum giant Bacardi purchased Patrón in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These brands are well-funded and want a return on their investment,” Morales said. That could mean depending more on non-agave sources for alcohol content, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any tequila that’s being mass-marketed and charging a lot of money is probably lawyering up,” Morales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What now for the industry — and in court?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back at the San Francisco Tequila Shop, after Suro Piñera’s tasting event, Malhi rang up his customers — and pointed to a photo behind the register of his grandfather, Nirmal Singh Malhi, standing next to family friend Ernie Sánchez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1993, Malhi’s family opened a liquor store in Modesto, next to the Sánchez family. Over the years, they all developed a strong bond and learned about each other’s culture: the Sánchezes hailing from Jalisco, Mexico and the Malhi from Punjab, India.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amandip Singh Malhi, known as “Moose,” proprietor of San Francisco Tequila Shop, stands in the back of his Bernal Heights store on Aug. 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Sánchez family would frequently travel to Jalisco and bring back tequila brands that weren’t available in the U.S. yet. It was the Sánchez family that taught him, Malhi said, “that in each bottle, there’s a lot of tears, sweat and hard work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you really understand all the work and tradition that goes into making a quality spirit … that’s when you will appreciate more of what you taste when you drink tequila,” Malhi said. And he — like so many who’ve made tequila their lives — will be paying close attention to the case against Diageo as it unfolds at San Francisco’s federal courthouse, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What most likely will decide the outcome of this legal battle is the evidence that each camp presents, said Deborah Hensler, professor of dispute resolution at Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict could also hinge on emerging technology. The defendants include data from two types of chemical tests — nuclear magnetic resonance and isotope testing — designed to measure the composition of alcohol derived from tequila. According to several industry experts that KQED spoke to for this story, these tests are fairly new in the world of tequila and have not yet been universally adopted by tequila producers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The defendant would have to bring in their \u003cem>own \u003c/em>experts that counter [this data],” Hensler said — so that the judge can adequately consider whether the plaintiff’s evidence is credible and scientifically valid.[aside postID=news_12047129 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/55950722_qed.jpg']If the case stays in California — and is not transferred to New York as Diageo has requested — the Golden State’s robust consumer protection laws could also come into play. The lawsuit claims the beverage company is in violation of the state’s Consumer Legal Remedies Act, which prohibits companies from misrepresenting the source of the goods they are selling, said Ted Mermin, consumer law professor at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t advertise something if you know — or should know — that what you are saying isn’t true,” he said. “You do not need a law that’s called ‘the tequila purity law.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And say the court finds that Diageo \u003cem>did \u003c/em>mislead consumers about the agave content in its products? It would be the smaller players in the supply chain that pay the consequences, Suro Piñera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, farmworkers and environmental activists \u003ca href=\"https://elpais.com/mexico/2023-07-13/la-sobreproduccion-de-agave-en-mexico-genera-una-alerta-climatica.html\">have warned that greater demand for agave\u003c/a> could have \u003ca href=\"https://daily.sevenfifty.com/americans-love-of-tequila-and-beer-is-deepening-mexicos-water-crisis/\">serious long-term consequences on the drinking water\u003c/a> and agricultural land used by the very families that make this liquor possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this [spirits] category collapses and the external corporate interests just go to the next country — the next trending liquor — they’ll be leaving us with a damaged ecosystem and greater inequality,” he said. “It’s a cultural and ecological expropriation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with that, Suro Piñera added, wiping away “the reputation and recognition that we have worked so hard to build.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "What does \"100% agave\" tequila mean? A new California lawsuit could reveal industry secrets with consequences on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border.",
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"title": "What’s In Your Tequila? California Lawsuit Claims Some Labels Misled Consumers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tequila has become the darling of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/california\">California’s\u003c/a> cocktail culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.thespiritsbusiness.com/issue/brand-champions-2024/\">According to industry data\u003c/a>, more than 50 million cases of tequila were sold in the United States in 2023, a 7.6% increase from the previous year. And California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.thespiritsbusiness.com/2023/04/tequila-sales-grew-by-17-in-california/\">the biggest market for the spirit\u003c/a> produced from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.academiapatron.com/making-tequila/agave-growth-and-harvesting/planting-selection-harvesting\">blue Weber agave\u003c/a> plant grown exclusively in a handful of states in Mexico — a demand \u003ca href=\"https://just-drinks.nridigital.com/just_drinks_magazine_nov22/tequila_us_market_forecast\">boosted by the state’s sizable Latino population\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handle of tequila can range up to $100 and beyond, depending on the brand, with many premium labels promoting that their liquor is made up of “100% agave.” This kind of tequila usually costs more because it “takes more agave to make,” said Mike Morales, Los Angeles-based executive editor and tasting director of the industry magazine \u003cem>Tequila Aficionado\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big status symbol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a series of legal battles has begun this summer that could shake up the entire industry — one of them in the very state that has embraced tequila the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Diageo-Class-Action-072025-1.pdf\">A San Francisco resident\u003c/a> has filed a class action suit in federal court against spirits giant Diageo — parent company of well-known tequila brands Don Julio and Casamigos — alleging the company intentionally misled consumers about the agave content in its tequila products labeled “100% agave” in order to profit from this deception.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘An earthquake in the industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The class action — filed in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California — claims to represent anyone “who purchased Diageo Premium Tequila Products” with the goal of recovering “financial losses sustained by consumers who were misled by [Diageo’s] false and misleading advertising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is actually the third lawsuit that Diageo faces from consumers regarding the agave content in their Don Julio and Casamigos brands, with one class action filed by consumers in New York in May and another in Florida shortly after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Moose” arranges bottles along the towering tequila wall inside San Francisco Tequila Shop in Bernal Heights on Aug. 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of all three states where Diageo is being sued, California has some of the strongest consumer protection laws — and the beverage company has recently requested that this particular lawsuit be moved to the same New York court overseeing the first case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs joining the San Francisco resident in the lawsuit are represented by Baron & Budd and Hagens Berman, two consumer rights firms with extensive records of \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Business/ny-man-sues-volkswagen-emissions-scandal-reason-bought/story?id=33951902\">wrestling with major corporations in court\u003c/a>. Neither firm returned KQED’s requests for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Diageo told KQED that “claims of adulteration are outrageous and categorically false,” and that the company will defend the quality and integrity of its tequilas in court “and against anyone who is spreading misinformation and lies about our products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for both Diageo and the California plaintiffs will meet in San Francisco’s courthouse on Oct. 3. Regardless of what the courts decide, said David Suro Piñera, a Philadelphia-based tequila entrepreneur and historian, the lawsuits “are an earthquake in the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why \u003cem>is \u003c/em>the agave content inside a tequila bottle so crucial when it comes to selling this liquor that’s only becoming more popular? And what does this lawsuit say about how U.S. consumers shape an industry that started thousands of miles away in Mexico?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evolution in the public eye\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Covered floor to ceiling with colorful and intricately decorated bottles, the San Francisco Tequila Shop on the steep streets of Bernal Heights is an oasis for lovers of spirits derived from the agave plant. It was here in the backroom one August afternoon that owner Moose Malhi hosted Suro Piñera for a tasting event featuring some blanco, some reposado and plenty of conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suro Piñera told the assembled tequila enthusiasts about how, back in 1986, he opened a restaurant called Tequilas in downtown Philadelphia with the goal of bringing high-end Mexican cuisine to that city. But other local restaurateurs were confused about the name, he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“They would hear ‘tequila’ and imagine something else — not high quality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the following decades, the way American consumers think about this liquor has changed significantly, Suro Piñera said. “To see right now the passion, the commitment, the interest in tequila, is a dream come true,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families have been producing tequila primarily in the Mexican state of Jalisco for centuries, blending European distillation techniques with Indigenous agricultural knowledge. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/en/about-us/\">Tequila Regulatory Council\u003c/a> is the independent body that establishes the rules for the industry, which includes where tequila can be produced, who can sell it and \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/NOM-006-SCFI-2012%20-%20INGLES.pdf\">defining what goes into it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anything marked as “tequila” must include at least 51% alcohol derived from blue agave. The other 49% \u003cem>can \u003c/em>come from other sources, like caña (sugar cane) or grain alcohol, which are typically cheaper. This type of tequila, that’s a mixture of alcohols from different sources, is called “mixto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Diageo lawsuit said that 100% agave “is a powerful marketing tool that shapes consumer expectations” and then accuses the company of tricking consumers into buying tequila that actually has “cheaper, non-agave alcohol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mislabeling their tequila products is a violation of consumer protection law, the lawsuit claims. “For dominant players like Diageo, this is not just deceptive — it is a calculated, strategic misuse of market power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A pleasant burn’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Regulatory details aside, how does being 100% agave affect the way your tequila actually tastes? If you rarely drink tequila because of its strong flavor, don’t expect 100% agave tequila to be any easier on you, the San Francisco Tequila Shop’s Malhi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People drink tequila that’s been sweetened by additives, and they think it’s smooth,” he said. “If all you drink is tequila that’s been sweetened, and then you try something with no additives, that’s such a big jump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053056\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053056\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view inside San Francisco Tequila Shop in Bernal Heights on Aug. 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A good tequila is going to give you a pleasant burn,” said Marcos Higareda, a tequila entrepreneur based out of Riverside County. “This comes from the ground. The soil nurtured that agave for the last seven, eight years. Then it went through a process to convert it into tequila.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also a lot of variation between the distilleries that provide tequila labels with their product. Some are run by the same families that first opened them decades ago, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/06/nx-s1-5188663/author-ted-genoways-new-book-tequila-wars\">long-held distillation traditions becoming industry secrets\u003c/a>. And while some of these factors are dependent on humans, others — like rain and drought — are ultimately out of our control, Higareda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with 100% agave tequila, it’s normal for there to be slight variations in color, taste or aroma in the same batch. “Not all tequilas are going to be the same,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Agave under strain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/en/2025/03/27/2025-begins-with-an-increase-in-tequila-exports/\">world’s thirst for tequila grows\u003c/a>, Higareda said that big brands are responding with a product that seeks to smell, taste and look the same regardless of where you go. One way to do that: adding sweeteners and colorants to achieve this uniformity, as permitted by the Tequila Regulatory Council’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.crt.org.mx/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/NOM-006-SCFI-2012%20-%20INGLES.pdf\">rulebook for tequila production, \u003c/a>also known as the “Normas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to go to the shelf and you want to see that your product has the same consistent color every single time and the same flavor every single time,” a Jose Cuervo executive \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnkell/2025/03/24/jose-cuervo-says-the-additive-free--movement-is-damaging-to-tequila/\">recently told Forbes Magazine\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And globalization is being felt all the way through the supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time that Morales of \u003cem>Tequila Aficionado\u003c/em> visited Jalisco, almost two decades ago, he remembers how bright the fields of agave were in the sunlight: “I had to look at them with my sunglasses on because they were so blue and bright against the red soil,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On recent trips, however, he’s seen: “it’s not like that anymore,” he said. “The plants aren’t big enough. They don’t let them grow long enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the tequila industry has followed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ft.com/content/be3f48a5-d5d7-40af-a9e7-3ebff98741b3\">a cycle of boom and bust\u003c/a>. When the price of tequila goes up, growers rush to grow and harvest agave as fast as possible, and when the price goes down, “everybody leaves their plants to rot,” Morales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry data shows that U.S. tequila sales \u003ca href=\"https://www.thespiritsbusiness.com/issue/brand-champions-2024/\">are growing faster\u003c/a> than vodka, whisky and all other spirits combined — and the giants of the beverage industry have noticed this surge. In the past decade, multinational corporations have snatched up some of the most famous tequila brands: London-based Diageo bought Don Julio in 2015 and then Casamigos in 2017; Sauza was taken over by Suntory, a Japanese company, in 2014; and rum giant Bacardi purchased Patrón in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These brands are well-funded and want a return on their investment,” Morales said. That could mean depending more on non-agave sources for alcohol content, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any tequila that’s being mass-marketed and charging a lot of money is probably lawyering up,” Morales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What now for the industry — and in court?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back at the San Francisco Tequila Shop, after Suro Piñera’s tasting event, Malhi rang up his customers — and pointed to a photo behind the register of his grandfather, Nirmal Singh Malhi, standing next to family friend Ernie Sánchez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1993, Malhi’s family opened a liquor store in Modesto, next to the Sánchez family. Over the years, they all developed a strong bond and learned about each other’s culture: the Sánchezes hailing from Jalisco, Mexico and the Malhi from Punjab, India.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250819_TEQUILA101_GH-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amandip Singh Malhi, known as “Moose,” proprietor of San Francisco Tequila Shop, stands in the back of his Bernal Heights store on Aug. 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Sánchez family would frequently travel to Jalisco and bring back tequila brands that weren’t available in the U.S. yet. It was the Sánchez family that taught him, Malhi said, “that in each bottle, there’s a lot of tears, sweat and hard work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you really understand all the work and tradition that goes into making a quality spirit … that’s when you will appreciate more of what you taste when you drink tequila,” Malhi said. And he — like so many who’ve made tequila their lives — will be paying close attention to the case against Diageo as it unfolds at San Francisco’s federal courthouse, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What most likely will decide the outcome of this legal battle is the evidence that each camp presents, said Deborah Hensler, professor of dispute resolution at Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict could also hinge on emerging technology. The defendants include data from two types of chemical tests — nuclear magnetic resonance and isotope testing — designed to measure the composition of alcohol derived from tequila. According to several industry experts that KQED spoke to for this story, these tests are fairly new in the world of tequila and have not yet been universally adopted by tequila producers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The defendant would have to bring in their \u003cem>own \u003c/em>experts that counter [this data],” Hensler said — so that the judge can adequately consider whether the plaintiff’s evidence is credible and scientifically valid.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If the case stays in California — and is not transferred to New York as Diageo has requested — the Golden State’s robust consumer protection laws could also come into play. The lawsuit claims the beverage company is in violation of the state’s Consumer Legal Remedies Act, which prohibits companies from misrepresenting the source of the goods they are selling, said Ted Mermin, consumer law professor at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t advertise something if you know — or should know — that what you are saying isn’t true,” he said. “You do not need a law that’s called ‘the tequila purity law.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And say the court finds that Diageo \u003cem>did \u003c/em>mislead consumers about the agave content in its products? It would be the smaller players in the supply chain that pay the consequences, Suro Piñera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, farmworkers and environmental activists \u003ca href=\"https://elpais.com/mexico/2023-07-13/la-sobreproduccion-de-agave-en-mexico-genera-una-alerta-climatica.html\">have warned that greater demand for agave\u003c/a> could have \u003ca href=\"https://daily.sevenfifty.com/americans-love-of-tequila-and-beer-is-deepening-mexicos-water-crisis/\">serious long-term consequences on the drinking water\u003c/a> and agricultural land used by the very families that make this liquor possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this [spirits] category collapses and the external corporate interests just go to the next country — the next trending liquor — they’ll be leaving us with a damaged ecosystem and greater inequality,” he said. “It’s a cultural and ecological expropriation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with that, Suro Piñera added, wiping away “the reputation and recognition that we have worked so hard to build.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "supreme-court-allows-immigration-agents-to-resume-roving-patrols-in-la-siding-with-trump",
"title": "Supreme Court Allows Immigration Agents to Resume ‘Roving Patrols’ in LA, Siding With Trump",
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"headTitle": "Supreme Court Allows Immigration Agents to Resume ‘Roving Patrols’ in LA, Siding With Trump | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court today granted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/trump-administration\">Trump administration\u003c/a>’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26044229-25a169/\">emergency request\u003c/a> to lift a temporary restraining order barring federal immigration officials from conducting “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051954/judge-to-rule-whether-trumps-use-of-troops-in-la-violated-federal-law\">roving patrols\u003c/a>” and profiling people based on their appearance in Los Angeles and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case is likely to have an enormous impact, not just for Los Angeles but across the country, several experts told CalMatters. It means \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054771/what-ice-agents-can-and-cannot-legally-do-during-arrests\">immigration agents can legally\u003c/a> resume aggressive street sweeps that began in early June in Los Angeles, the epicenter for President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, by a 6-3 majority, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/25a169_5h25.pdf\">agreed with the Trump administration\u003c/a> that federal immigration officers can briefly detain and interrogate individuals about whether they are lawfully in the United States and that they can rely on a “totality of circumstances” standard for reasonable suspicion. That means everything the officer knew and observed at the time of the stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court took the case through its emergency docket, also known as the shadow docket, which is used for cases that are handled speedily with limited briefing and typically no oral argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices do not have to publish an opinion when they act from the emergency docket. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, nonetheless, wrote a concurring opinion explaining his reasoning in lifting restrictions on Los Angeles immigration sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts, Justice Elena Kagan, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, and retired Justice Anthony Kennedy attend U.S. President Donald Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress at the U.S. Capitol on March 04, 2025 in Washington, D.C. President Trump was expected to address Congress on his early achievements of his presidency and his upcoming legislative agenda. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Here, those circumstances include: that there is an extremely high number and percentage of illegal immigrants in the Los Angeles area; that those individuals tend to gather in certain locations to seek daily work; that those individuals often work in certain kinds of jobs, such as day labor, landscaping, agriculture, and construction, that do not require paperwork and are therefore especially attractive to illegal immigrants; and that many of those illegally in the Los Angeles area come from Mexico or Central America and do not speak much English,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be clear,” he continued, “ethnicity alone cannot furnish reasonable suspicion; under this Court’s case law regarding immigration stops, however, it can be a ‘relevant factor’ when considered with other salient factors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three justices appointed by Democratic presidents dissented from the majority, stressing that they objected to the court lifting limitations on immigration sweeps without oral argument and through the emergency docket, which the Trump administration used extensively this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court has sided with Trump in at least 17 cases in a row now.[aside postID=news_12055084 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00645_TV-KQED.jpg']“That decision is yet another grave misuse of our emergency docket,” Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in the dissent. “We should not have to live in a country where the Government can seize anyone who looks Latino, speaks Spanish, and appears to work a low-wage job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles and dozens of other Southern California municipalities wrote in an amicus brief supporting the restraining order that, because of the population makeup that “half the population” of the region meets the federal government’s criteria for being stopped and questioned about their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom, in a written statement, condemned the decision and said the state would “continue fighting these abhorrent attacks on Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s hand-picked Supreme Court majority just became the Grand Marshal for a parade of racial terror in Los Angeles. This isn’t about enforcing immigration laws — it’s about targeting Latinos and anyone who doesn’t look or sound like Stephen Miller’s idea of an American, including U.S. citizens and children, to deliberately harm California’s families and small businesses,” Newsom said, referring to Trump’s deputy chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Accompanied by California and Texas lawmakers, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, center, discusses the push to schedule a special election to redraw California’s Congressional voting districts, during a news conference in Sacramento, California, on Friday, Aug. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ruling means the Border Patrol can \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/taken-la-immigration-raids/\">resume the aggressive tactics\u003c/a> a district federal judge said violated people’s Fourth Amendment constitutional rights against unreasonable search and seizure. It means officers can rely on little more than a person being in the parking lot of a Home Depot and speaking Spanish to question someone about their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a brief asking justices to remove restrictions on immigration stops, Trump’s Department of Homeland Security wrote that the lower-court injunction interfered with agents’ efforts to remove unauthorized immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The injunction raises the specter of contempt for every stop in the district, threatening agents with sanctions if the court disbelieves that they relied on additional factors in making any particular stop. It chills the exercise of Executive authority and usurps the President’s Article II powers to enforce our immigration laws,” attorneys for the Trump administration wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why courts paused ‘roving patrols’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The district court found, based on a “mountain of evidence,” that the government engaged in a pattern of conducting stops without reasonable suspicion—relying solely on traits like race or ethnicity, speaking Spanish or accented English, the location a person is in, and the type of work a person does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals had upheld the lower court’s ruling, chiding the Trump administration for misrepresenting the restraining order in their appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/DSC02098-scaled-e1755897157954.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California National Guard patrol downtown Los Angeles on June 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aisha Wallace-Palomares/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If, as the Defendants suggest, they are not conducting stops that lack reasonable suspicion, they can hardly claim to be irreparably harmed by an injunction aimed at preventing … stops not supported by reasonable suspicion,” the three-judge panel from the 9th Circuit wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of civil rights, immigrant rights, and local government agencies, including the American Civil Liberties Union and the United Farm Workers, sought the order, arguing the LA-area raids have violated people’s rights by allowing federal immigration agents to stop people who simply appear to be Latino, including U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government is seeking to detain individuals solely because they are not white, speak Spanish or speak accented English. That idea is anathema to everything the United States stands for, and it should be rejected,” a group of cities in Los Angeles County wrote in an amicus brief supporting restrictions on immigration agents. They wrote that this summer’s raids had “sown terror” in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>L.A. immigration sweeps continued\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the previous order barring profiling, agents have continued an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">aggressive enforcement blitz \u003c/a>in the nation’s second-largest city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 40 agents hit a Westlake Home Depot on Aug. 28, using tear gas and pepper pellets to disperse a crowd before detaining eight people, a Border Patrol official confirmed Friday. That’s the same location where agents previously \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/CMDROpAtLargeCA/status/1953616253270327491\">made a hype video set to rap music\u003c/a> of themselves hiding in a Penske rental truck before bursting out to detain day laborers in a raid dubbed Operation Trojan Horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1708\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day laborer waits on the parking lot of a Home Depot as federal immigration conducts raids in Los Angeles, California on June 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Operation-At-Large Chief \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/los-angeles-border-patrol-chief/\">Gregory Bovino\u003c/a>, the Border Patrol has detained Latino daylaborers, swarming Home Depots and carwashes across the nation’s second-largest city. Bovino has vowed to bring similar tactics to cities across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin R. Johnson, the director of Aoki Center on Critical Race and Nation Studies at UC Davis School of Law, said the federal government’s racial profiling has consequences beyond immigration enforcement. He wrote to CalMatters and also in a paper for the SMU Law Review that “race-based immigration enforcement undermines Latina/o sense of belonging in the national community for generations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Importantly, the Trump administration’s campaign against people of color goes well beyond immigration law and immigrants. As exemplified by the administration’s war on diversity, equity, and inclusion, the President has sought to eliminate programs that seek to promote the full integration of racial and other minorities into U.S. society,” Johnson wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Supreme Court Allows Immigration Agents to Resume ‘Roving Patrols’ in LA, Siding With Trump | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court today granted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/trump-administration\">Trump administration\u003c/a>’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26044229-25a169/\">emergency request\u003c/a> to lift a temporary restraining order barring federal immigration officials from conducting “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051954/judge-to-rule-whether-trumps-use-of-troops-in-la-violated-federal-law\">roving patrols\u003c/a>” and profiling people based on their appearance in Los Angeles and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case is likely to have an enormous impact, not just for Los Angeles but across the country, several experts told CalMatters. It means \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054771/what-ice-agents-can-and-cannot-legally-do-during-arrests\">immigration agents can legally\u003c/a> resume aggressive street sweeps that began in early June in Los Angeles, the epicenter for President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, by a 6-3 majority, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/25a169_5h25.pdf\">agreed with the Trump administration\u003c/a> that federal immigration officers can briefly detain and interrogate individuals about whether they are lawfully in the United States and that they can rely on a “totality of circumstances” standard for reasonable suspicion. That means everything the officer knew and observed at the time of the stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court took the case through its emergency docket, also known as the shadow docket, which is used for cases that are handled speedily with limited briefing and typically no oral argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices do not have to publish an opinion when they act from the emergency docket. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, nonetheless, wrote a concurring opinion explaining his reasoning in lifting restrictions on Los Angeles immigration sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts, Justice Elena Kagan, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, and retired Justice Anthony Kennedy attend U.S. President Donald Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress at the U.S. Capitol on March 04, 2025 in Washington, D.C. President Trump was expected to address Congress on his early achievements of his presidency and his upcoming legislative agenda. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Here, those circumstances include: that there is an extremely high number and percentage of illegal immigrants in the Los Angeles area; that those individuals tend to gather in certain locations to seek daily work; that those individuals often work in certain kinds of jobs, such as day labor, landscaping, agriculture, and construction, that do not require paperwork and are therefore especially attractive to illegal immigrants; and that many of those illegally in the Los Angeles area come from Mexico or Central America and do not speak much English,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be clear,” he continued, “ethnicity alone cannot furnish reasonable suspicion; under this Court’s case law regarding immigration stops, however, it can be a ‘relevant factor’ when considered with other salient factors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three justices appointed by Democratic presidents dissented from the majority, stressing that they objected to the court lifting limitations on immigration sweeps without oral argument and through the emergency docket, which the Trump administration used extensively this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court has sided with Trump in at least 17 cases in a row now.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“That decision is yet another grave misuse of our emergency docket,” Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in the dissent. “We should not have to live in a country where the Government can seize anyone who looks Latino, speaks Spanish, and appears to work a low-wage job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles and dozens of other Southern California municipalities wrote in an amicus brief supporting the restraining order that, because of the population makeup that “half the population” of the region meets the federal government’s criteria for being stopped and questioned about their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom, in a written statement, condemned the decision and said the state would “continue fighting these abhorrent attacks on Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s hand-picked Supreme Court majority just became the Grand Marshal for a parade of racial terror in Los Angeles. This isn’t about enforcing immigration laws — it’s about targeting Latinos and anyone who doesn’t look or sound like Stephen Miller’s idea of an American, including U.S. citizens and children, to deliberately harm California’s families and small businesses,” Newsom said, referring to Trump’s deputy chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomTexasDemsAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Accompanied by California and Texas lawmakers, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, center, discusses the push to schedule a special election to redraw California’s Congressional voting districts, during a news conference in Sacramento, California, on Friday, Aug. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ruling means the Border Patrol can \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/taken-la-immigration-raids/\">resume the aggressive tactics\u003c/a> a district federal judge said violated people’s Fourth Amendment constitutional rights against unreasonable search and seizure. It means officers can rely on little more than a person being in the parking lot of a Home Depot and speaking Spanish to question someone about their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a brief asking justices to remove restrictions on immigration stops, Trump’s Department of Homeland Security wrote that the lower-court injunction interfered with agents’ efforts to remove unauthorized immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The injunction raises the specter of contempt for every stop in the district, threatening agents with sanctions if the court disbelieves that they relied on additional factors in making any particular stop. It chills the exercise of Executive authority and usurps the President’s Article II powers to enforce our immigration laws,” attorneys for the Trump administration wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why courts paused ‘roving patrols’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The district court found, based on a “mountain of evidence,” that the government engaged in a pattern of conducting stops without reasonable suspicion—relying solely on traits like race or ethnicity, speaking Spanish or accented English, the location a person is in, and the type of work a person does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals had upheld the lower court’s ruling, chiding the Trump administration for misrepresenting the restraining order in their appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/DSC02098-scaled-e1755897157954.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California National Guard patrol downtown Los Angeles on June 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aisha Wallace-Palomares/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If, as the Defendants suggest, they are not conducting stops that lack reasonable suspicion, they can hardly claim to be irreparably harmed by an injunction aimed at preventing … stops not supported by reasonable suspicion,” the three-judge panel from the 9th Circuit wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of civil rights, immigrant rights, and local government agencies, including the American Civil Liberties Union and the United Farm Workers, sought the order, arguing the LA-area raids have violated people’s rights by allowing federal immigration agents to stop people who simply appear to be Latino, including U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government is seeking to detain individuals solely because they are not white, speak Spanish or speak accented English. That idea is anathema to everything the United States stands for, and it should be rejected,” a group of cities in Los Angeles County wrote in an amicus brief supporting restrictions on immigration agents. They wrote that this summer’s raids had “sown terror” in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>L.A. immigration sweeps continued\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the previous order barring profiling, agents have continued an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">aggressive enforcement blitz \u003c/a>in the nation’s second-largest city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 40 agents hit a Westlake Home Depot on Aug. 28, using tear gas and pepper pellets to disperse a crowd before detaining eight people, a Border Patrol official confirmed Friday. That’s the same location where agents previously \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/CMDROpAtLargeCA/status/1953616253270327491\">made a hype video set to rap music\u003c/a> of themselves hiding in a Penske rental truck before bursting out to detain day laborers in a raid dubbed Operation Trojan Horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1708\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day laborer waits on the parking lot of a Home Depot as federal immigration conducts raids in Los Angeles, California on June 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Operation-At-Large Chief \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/los-angeles-border-patrol-chief/\">Gregory Bovino\u003c/a>, the Border Patrol has detained Latino daylaborers, swarming Home Depots and carwashes across the nation’s second-largest city. Bovino has vowed to bring similar tactics to cities across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin R. Johnson, the director of Aoki Center on Critical Race and Nation Studies at UC Davis School of Law, said the federal government’s racial profiling has consequences beyond immigration enforcement. He wrote to CalMatters and also in a paper for the SMU Law Review that “race-based immigration enforcement undermines Latina/o sense of belonging in the national community for generations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Importantly, the Trump administration’s campaign against people of color goes well beyond immigration law and immigrants. As exemplified by the administration’s war on diversity, equity, and inclusion, the President has sought to eliminate programs that seek to promote the full integration of racial and other minorities into U.S. society,” Johnson wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When a Bay Area woman watched recent bystander videos of agents in military-style gear arresting day laborers, vendors and gardeners in Southern California — sometimes violently — she was appalled. The freelance interpreter couldn’t shake the images of masked immigration officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">pushing Latino workers\u003c/a> to the ground or even punching them before loading them into vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Watching what was going on in LA just broke my heart,” said the woman, an Alameda resident who asked to be identified only as Christy because she fears reprisals. “I believe in social justice, I believe in right and wrong, and I can’t sit on my hands and say that’s wrong without doing something about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 60-year-old doomscrolled at home until she spotted a social media post offering a way to turn her distress into action. The solidarity call asked sympathetic Americans to choose a local spot where day laborers gather as they wait for work and commit to showing up regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christy is now one of hundreds of Californians volunteering to accompany workers at highly visible intersections and monitor for immigration sweeps, according to the National Day Laborer Organizing Network. The Pasadena-based nonprofit launched the “\u003ca href=\"https://ndlon.org/adopt-a-day-labor-corner/\">Adopt a Day Laborer Corner\u003c/a>” program in response to expanded Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations in Southern California, including at Home Depot parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided this seems like something I can do,” said Christy, clutching her sweater one breezy morning near a U-Haul location in East Oakland, where about 10 day laborers lingered. “More active than marching. This is definitely a better way to be present for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055074\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055074\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendy, a volunteer who monitors ICE activity on busy streets near day laborer corners, wears a volunteer pin in Oakland on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 2, a federal judge in San Francisco ruled that President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">violated federal law\u003c/a> when he deployed military troops to Los Angeles and barred their use for law enforcement, though the order does not go into effect until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate case, the U.S. Supreme Court handed the administration a win Monday by \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26085902-25a169-order/\">temporarily lifting\u003c/a> a lower court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/sites/default/files/vasquez-perdomo-v-noem-tro-granting.pdf\">order\u003c/a> that had restricted immigration authorities from using factors such as apparent ethnicity, occupation and language as reasonable suspicion for “roving” immigration stops in LA. Two of the plaintiffs in the case, Jorge Hernandez Viramontes and Jason Brian Gavidia, are U.S. citizens.[aside postID=news_12054668 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-2000x1334.jpg']Agents briefly drove Hernandez Viramontes away from his longtime carwash job in Orange County and pushed Gavidia against a metal fence, twisting his arm near a Los Angeles County tow yard, even though both men said they were Americans and offered an ID, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each morning in California, tens of thousands of mostly Latino men gather at busy intersections and retail store parking lots to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">await short-term jobs\u003c/a> in construction, painting, landscaping and other projects. Day laborers, often low-income undocumented immigrants, are particularly exposed to ICE at the open-air hiring sites, said Palmira Figueroa, NDLON’s communication director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the organization encouraged employers, neighbors and others to get to know the workers, bring them coffee and establish relationships. But the summer sweeps in LA galvanized about 2,500 people nationwide to take NDLON’s training to adopt a corner, she said. Now, volunteers are monitoring dozens of corners in the state, Figueroa added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Christy’s first morning with fellow volunteer Wendy at the U-Haul parking lot, a trainer explained their main responsibilities over the roar of traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055077\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055077\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Day laborers wait for work on International Boulevard at a U-Haul in Oakland on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Your position is more as a watch out. We want you to be very aware of your surroundings and very vigilant,” Steve Robles, with the local nonprofit Street Level Health Project, told them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christy and Wendy looked around at the busy intersection. At 7:45 a.m., parents hurried by with children in tow and people hopped onto buses to work. In the Bay Area, most recent immigration arrests have taken place at courthouses and ICE offices, according to immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, if immigration agents showed up in this heavily Latino area, Robles said, the volunteers should quickly call a number that connects them to a network of advocates to sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day laborer waits for work on International Boulevard at a U-Haul in Oakland on Sept. 5, 2025. A nonprofit called “Adopt a Day Laborer Corner” has inspired Californians to volunteer their time to accompany day laborers, who are at risk of deportation, at highly visible intersections and monitor for immigration sweeps. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The women should also be ready to whip out their phones and document what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These raids are happening in maybe five minutes,” Robles said. “This is why this kind of project was needed, because by the time that the news would come around and our team would come out … they would be gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julio, a day laborer originally from Honduras who declined to use his full name because of his immigration status, kept a watchful eye on approaching vehicles, trying to assess whether they held potential employers or immigration agents. He said he feels at greater risk of deportation and likes having the volunteers around.[aside postID=news_12052452 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_OAKLANDDAYLABORERS_GC-3-KQED.jpg']“It’s good that they are here, because one feels more supported, less alone,” said Julio, 44, who has frequented the corner on and off for years to supplement longer-term jobs in construction and landscaping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He chatted with Wendy, who has been stopping by the corner for an hour or longer several times each week, often with a hot cup of coffee on hand and apples from her backyard to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public health professional sometimes works on her knitting for an hour before driving to work. On a weekend, she stays longer, from about 7 a.m. to noon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wendy is not keen on writing letters or calling government officials to complain about things she disagrees with. But adopting the corner — and introducing herself to the workers there — has helped her deal with feelings of despair by doing something she believes can help a broader community, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can make time for it. It’s important,” Wendy, who lives in the neighborhood, said. “Using my privilege, of course. I’m white, middle-aged. I’m not going to intimidate anybody, and I’m also not going to be much of a target for immigration enforcement. So, yeah, I can be out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When a Bay Area woman watched recent bystander videos of agents in military-style gear arresting day laborers, vendors and gardeners in Southern California — sometimes violently — she was appalled. The freelance interpreter couldn’t shake the images of masked immigration officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">pushing Latino workers\u003c/a> to the ground or even punching them before loading them into vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Watching what was going on in LA just broke my heart,” said the woman, an Alameda resident who asked to be identified only as Christy because she fears reprisals. “I believe in social justice, I believe in right and wrong, and I can’t sit on my hands and say that’s wrong without doing something about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 60-year-old doomscrolled at home until she spotted a social media post offering a way to turn her distress into action. The solidarity call asked sympathetic Americans to choose a local spot where day laborers gather as they wait for work and commit to showing up regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christy is now one of hundreds of Californians volunteering to accompany workers at highly visible intersections and monitor for immigration sweeps, according to the National Day Laborer Organizing Network. The Pasadena-based nonprofit launched the “\u003ca href=\"https://ndlon.org/adopt-a-day-labor-corner/\">Adopt a Day Laborer Corner\u003c/a>” program in response to expanded Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations in Southern California, including at Home Depot parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided this seems like something I can do,” said Christy, clutching her sweater one breezy morning near a U-Haul location in East Oakland, where about 10 day laborers lingered. “More active than marching. This is definitely a better way to be present for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055074\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055074\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00602_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendy, a volunteer who monitors ICE activity on busy streets near day laborer corners, wears a volunteer pin in Oakland on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 2, a federal judge in San Francisco ruled that President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054322/judge-rules-trump-violated-law-by-sending-troops-to-los-angeles\">violated federal law\u003c/a> when he deployed military troops to Los Angeles and barred their use for law enforcement, though the order does not go into effect until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate case, the U.S. Supreme Court handed the administration a win Monday by \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26085902-25a169-order/\">temporarily lifting\u003c/a> a lower court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/sites/default/files/vasquez-perdomo-v-noem-tro-granting.pdf\">order\u003c/a> that had restricted immigration authorities from using factors such as apparent ethnicity, occupation and language as reasonable suspicion for “roving” immigration stops in LA. Two of the plaintiffs in the case, Jorge Hernandez Viramontes and Jason Brian Gavidia, are U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Agents briefly drove Hernandez Viramontes away from his longtime carwash job in Orange County and pushed Gavidia against a metal fence, twisting his arm near a Los Angeles County tow yard, even though both men said they were Americans and offered an ID, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each morning in California, tens of thousands of mostly Latino men gather at busy intersections and retail store parking lots to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">await short-term jobs\u003c/a> in construction, painting, landscaping and other projects. Day laborers, often low-income undocumented immigrants, are particularly exposed to ICE at the open-air hiring sites, said Palmira Figueroa, NDLON’s communication director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the organization encouraged employers, neighbors and others to get to know the workers, bring them coffee and establish relationships. But the summer sweeps in LA galvanized about 2,500 people nationwide to take NDLON’s training to adopt a corner, she said. Now, volunteers are monitoring dozens of corners in the state, Figueroa added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Christy’s first morning with fellow volunteer Wendy at the U-Haul parking lot, a trainer explained their main responsibilities over the roar of traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055077\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055077\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00805_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Day laborers wait for work on International Boulevard at a U-Haul in Oakland on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Your position is more as a watch out. We want you to be very aware of your surroundings and very vigilant,” Steve Robles, with the local nonprofit Street Level Health Project, told them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christy and Wendy looked around at the busy intersection. At 7:45 a.m., parents hurried by with children in tow and people hopped onto buses to work. In the Bay Area, most recent immigration arrests have taken place at courthouses and ICE offices, according to immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, if immigration agents showed up in this heavily Latino area, Robles said, the volunteers should quickly call a number that connects them to a network of advocates to sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00840_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day laborer waits for work on International Boulevard at a U-Haul in Oakland on Sept. 5, 2025. A nonprofit called “Adopt a Day Laborer Corner” has inspired Californians to volunteer their time to accompany day laborers, who are at risk of deportation, at highly visible intersections and monitor for immigration sweeps. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The women should also be ready to whip out their phones and document what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These raids are happening in maybe five minutes,” Robles said. “This is why this kind of project was needed, because by the time that the news would come around and our team would come out … they would be gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julio, a day laborer originally from Honduras who declined to use his full name because of his immigration status, kept a watchful eye on approaching vehicles, trying to assess whether they held potential employers or immigration agents. He said he feels at greater risk of deportation and likes having the volunteers around.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s good that they are here, because one feels more supported, less alone,” said Julio, 44, who has frequented the corner on and off for years to supplement longer-term jobs in construction and landscaping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He chatted with Wendy, who has been stopping by the corner for an hour or longer several times each week, often with a hot cup of coffee on hand and apples from her backyard to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public health professional sometimes works on her knitting for an hour before driving to work. On a weekend, she stays longer, from about 7 a.m. to noon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wendy is not keen on writing letters or calling government officials to complain about things she disagrees with. But adopting the corner — and introducing herself to the workers there — has helped her deal with feelings of despair by doing something she believes can help a broader community, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can make time for it. It’s important,” Wendy, who lives in the neighborhood, said. “Using my privilege, of course. I’m white, middle-aged. I’m not going to intimidate anybody, and I’m also not going to be much of a target for immigration enforcement. So, yeah, I can be out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s a cool morning in the small farm town of Caruthers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> County. The sun hasn’t risen yet, but Carmen, a mayordoma, or crew supervisor, hops out of her truck and begins prepping the tools her workers will need to harvest grapes: knives, containers, sheets of parchment paper. She’s expecting at least six people to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already a fraction of the crews she used to lead. After two decades in the fields herself, Carmen has spent the last four years as a supervisor. And lately, finding help is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people don’t want to work in the fields anymore,” she said in Spanish. “And those who used to work here don’t have the strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, just three workers showed up — all of them over 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carmen, 35, knows the work is tough and the Central Valley heat can be unforgiving. Like many parents who work in the field, she’s brought her kids to the fields so they can gain an appreciation for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And as an example of the kind of future they’ll have if they don’t pursue their education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054922\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carmen, a field supervisor, picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there’s the contradiction. Even as she pushes her own children toward college, she knows that’s part of the reason her crews keep shrinking. What feels like a triumph for her family only deepens the challenge she faces each day as a supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience reflects a larger shift: California’s farm labor force is aging, and few younger workers are stepping in to replace them. Meanwhile, the workforce is also under strain from the Trump Administration’s immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, the average California farmworker was 30 years old. Today it’s 40, with many still laboring well into their 60s and 70s, according to Edward Flores, faculty director of the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, who has studied these changes.[aside postID=news_12052452 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_OAKLANDDAYLABORERS_GC-3-KQED.jpg']Beginning in the 1970s, the U.S. experienced one of the largest migration waves in modern history: hundreds of thousands of young men and women came from Mexico to California, filling farm jobs that fueled the state’s agricultural boom. In 1969, the largest group of farmworkers was between 16 and 25. By the 1990s, it had shifted to 25 to 34, and the average age has only continued to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If their parents have chronic health issues, struggle to make ends meet, and tell their kids to get an education instead, many children listen,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Merced Community and Labor Center documents this trend in its report\u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/g/files/ufvvjh626/f/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\"> \u003cem>A Golden Age: California’s Aging Immigrant Workforce and its Implications for Safety Net Policy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The research shows that California’s noncitizen workforce, especially in agriculture, is aging rapidly while being largely excluded from Social Security and unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores, who co-authored the report, warns that this leaves many longtime farmworkers with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They harvest the food that we eat, but they cannot even afford to put food on their own table,” he said. “How do we care for those who have spent an entire lifetime in the fields and have no retirement?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers pick grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If California wants to attract new workers into agriculture, Flores argues, farm jobs need to pay enough to cover basic needs, come with stronger health and safety protections, and offer an economic safety net for workers as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But demographics aren’t the only factor shaping who shows up to work. Recently, immigration enforcement has also kept crews thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has often sent mixed signals on immigration policy. Federal agents have carried out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/more-than-300-arrested-immigration-raids-southern-california-farms-feds/\">raids on farms\u003c/a> in California, even as Trump has publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/06/20/trump-immigration-raids-farms\">suggested\u003c/a> that farmworkers could be spared. Those contradictions have left growers scrambling and many crews living with uncertainty.[aside postID=science_1998136 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/07/250730-COMMUNITYFARM-08-KQED.jpg']Bryan Little of the California Farm Bureau said even the rumors of immigration enforcement have an impact on turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had scattered reports of people not showing up to complete harvesting operations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear, layered on top of an already aging workforce, only deepens the shortage. And with fewer reliable hands, growers are already reshaping agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little points to nut orchards, where once 20 workers harvested almonds with long poles, now a handful of people can run machines that shake trees and sweep nuts off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five people can do in half the time what 16 used to do all day,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some growers are experimenting with “assistive technologies,” like robotic carts that follow strawberry pickers down the rows. But Little cautions that without immigration reform and a more accessible guest worker program, those tools won’t be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054919 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grapes hang on a vine in a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmers and advocates have been calling for that kind of change for decades, with little to show for it. The H2A program has long been criticized for being cumbersome and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-03-12/california-farm-groups-look-to-stabilize-workforce-amid-crackdown-illegal-immigration\">reintroduced\u003c/a> the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, a bipartisan bill that would amend the guest worker program and create a path to legal status for longtime agricultural workers. But even after passing Congress in previous years, it remains stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges are also stepping in to address the gap. At Coalinga College, Dean Bobby Mahfoud said students often come in with outdated views of farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a perception among young people that ag is just low-tech manual labor,” she said. “In reality, modern ag careers involve technology, sustainability, robotics, and data science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school offers programs in plant science, irrigation systems, and precision agriculture. Dual enrollment lets high school students sample the coursework early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054923\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A field of grapes in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to combat the perception,” Mahfoud said. “It looks a lot different than it used to look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she admits that agriculture competes with other stable local employers, like state prisons and hospitals, which can offer clear benefits and retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the few young people embracing agriculture is 27-year-old Francisco Marin. His parents harvested table grapes in Bakersfield, and he joined them during his high school summers. It was grueling work, long days in 100-degree heat for $9 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of turning away, Francisco leaned in. He’s now training to become a licensed pest control advisor, a job that could pay upwards of $80,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom wanted me to hate the work so I’d stay in school,” he said. “But I fell in love with farming. Now she understands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Francisco said he’s often the youngest in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I look around, and yeah, I’m one of the youngest guys there,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Carmen, stories like Francisco’s are rare. In her crew, she only sees workers her age or older. Recruiting anyone under 30 feels impossible. She worries about what that means for the future of agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without people, we are nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s a cool morning in the small farm town of Caruthers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fresno\">Fresno\u003c/a> County. The sun hasn’t risen yet, but Carmen, a mayordoma, or crew supervisor, hops out of her truck and begins prepping the tools her workers will need to harvest grapes: knives, containers, sheets of parchment paper. She’s expecting at least six people to show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already a fraction of the crews she used to lead. After two decades in the fields herself, Carmen has spent the last four years as a supervisor. And lately, finding help is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people don’t want to work in the fields anymore,” she said in Spanish. “And those who used to work here don’t have the strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, just three workers showed up — all of them over 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carmen, 35, knows the work is tough and the Central Valley heat can be unforgiving. Like many parents who work in the field, she’s brought her kids to the fields so they can gain an appreciation for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And as an example of the kind of future they’ll have if they don’t pursue their education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054922\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carmen, a field supervisor, picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there’s the contradiction. Even as she pushes her own children toward college, she knows that’s part of the reason her crews keep shrinking. What feels like a triumph for her family only deepens the challenge she faces each day as a supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her experience reflects a larger shift: California’s farm labor force is aging, and few younger workers are stepping in to replace them. Meanwhile, the workforce is also under strain from the Trump Administration’s immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, the average California farmworker was 30 years old. Today it’s 40, with many still laboring well into their 60s and 70s, according to Edward Flores, faculty director of the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, who has studied these changes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Beginning in the 1970s, the U.S. experienced one of the largest migration waves in modern history: hundreds of thousands of young men and women came from Mexico to California, filling farm jobs that fueled the state’s agricultural boom. In 1969, the largest group of farmworkers was between 16 and 25. By the 1990s, it had shifted to 25 to 34, and the average age has only continued to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If their parents have chronic health issues, struggle to make ends meet, and tell their kids to get an education instead, many children listen,” Flores said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Merced Community and Labor Center documents this trend in its report\u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/g/files/ufvvjh626/f/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\"> \u003cem>A Golden Age: California’s Aging Immigrant Workforce and its Implications for Safety Net Policy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The research shows that California’s noncitizen workforce, especially in agriculture, is aging rapidly while being largely excluded from Social Security and unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores, who co-authored the report, warns that this leaves many longtime farmworkers with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They harvest the food that we eat, but they cannot even afford to put food on their own table,” he said. “How do we care for those who have spent an entire lifetime in the fields and have no retirement?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers pick grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If California wants to attract new workers into agriculture, Flores argues, farm jobs need to pay enough to cover basic needs, come with stronger health and safety protections, and offer an economic safety net for workers as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But demographics aren’t the only factor shaping who shows up to work. Recently, immigration enforcement has also kept crews thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has often sent mixed signals on immigration policy. Federal agents have carried out \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/more-than-300-arrested-immigration-raids-southern-california-farms-feds/\">raids on farms\u003c/a> in California, even as Trump has publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/06/20/trump-immigration-raids-farms\">suggested\u003c/a> that farmworkers could be spared. Those contradictions have left growers scrambling and many crews living with uncertainty.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bryan Little of the California Farm Bureau said even the rumors of immigration enforcement have an impact on turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had scattered reports of people not showing up to complete harvesting operations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear, layered on top of an already aging workforce, only deepens the shortage. And with fewer reliable hands, growers are already reshaping agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Little points to nut orchards, where once 20 workers harvested almonds with long poles, now a handful of people can run machines that shake trees and sweep nuts off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five people can do in half the time what 16 used to do all day,” Little said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some growers are experimenting with “assistive technologies,” like robotic carts that follow strawberry pickers down the rows. But Little cautions that without immigration reform and a more accessible guest worker program, those tools won’t be enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054919 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grapes hang on a vine in a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmers and advocates have been calling for that kind of change for decades, with little to show for it. The H2A program has long been criticized for being cumbersome and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-03-12/california-farm-groups-look-to-stabilize-workforce-amid-crackdown-illegal-immigration\">reintroduced\u003c/a> the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, a bipartisan bill that would amend the guest worker program and create a path to legal status for longtime agricultural workers. But even after passing Congress in previous years, it remains stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges are also stepping in to address the gap. At Coalinga College, Dean Bobby Mahfoud said students often come in with outdated views of farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a perception among young people that ag is just low-tech manual labor,” she said. “In reality, modern ag careers involve technology, sustainability, robotics, and data science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school offers programs in plant science, irrigation systems, and precision agriculture. Dual enrollment lets high school students sample the coursework early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054923\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250903_FARMLABORCRISIS_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A field of grapes in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to combat the perception,” Mahfoud said. “It looks a lot different than it used to look.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she admits that agriculture competes with other stable local employers, like state prisons and hospitals, which can offer clear benefits and retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the few young people embracing agriculture is 27-year-old Francisco Marin. His parents harvested table grapes in Bakersfield, and he joined them during his high school summers. It was grueling work, long days in 100-degree heat for $9 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of turning away, Francisco leaned in. He’s now training to become a licensed pest control advisor, a job that could pay upwards of $80,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom wanted me to hate the work so I’d stay in school,” he said. “But I fell in love with farming. Now she understands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Francisco said he’s often the youngest in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I look around, and yeah, I’m one of the youngest guys there,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Carmen, stories like Francisco’s are rare. In her crew, she only sees workers her age or older. Recruiting anyone under 30 feels impossible. She worries about what that means for the future of agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without people, we are nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
"airtime": "SAT 1pm-2pm, 9pm-10pm",
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},
"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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