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"content": "\u003cp>As the growing season wraps up in the Salinas Valley, some workers are facing an age-old decision: move with the seasons or stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The annual trek following harvests up and down the West Coast is called \u003cem>la corrida\u003c/em>. And although it has gone on for generations, it’s especially hard on families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Myra Gomez and Maricela Herrera are two farmworkers whose children attend classes in the same school district. The choices they must make to give their kids a decent education can be wrenching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still dark outside King City as Myra Gomez huddles in her gray sweatshirt, pulling the hood up over her hair as she gets ready to go into the fields to cut row upon row of red peppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon the work will dry up and so will the money. Gomez has thought about following the harvest to Arizona. But she decided it is not worth the paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to move my kids,” she says. “I don’t want to move them because they are used to their school here, and all of my family is here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/233466207″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Gomez is a citizen, she has a fallback option. Like seasonal workers in fishing or construction, she can collect unemployment during the fallow time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a smaller check, so it requires some belt-tightening, but it offers other perks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good,” she says. “I mean because my kid gets this vacation off school, too. So we just go out to places like the park. Places they can have fun in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staying put provides her 6-year-old son and preschool-age daughter with stability. But putting the kids first isn’t an option for the majority of farmworker families in the state. Most are undocumented and a handful are here on visas. They don’t qualify for unemployment and must keep moving, says law professor Maria Ontiveros, who specializes in labor law and immigration at the University of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not uncommon for a child of a migrant family to go to two or three different schools in a school year,” says Ontiveros. “And it makes it incredibly difficult for the child to graduate on time or even to graduate with a high school diploma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are the challenges facing farmworker Maricela Herrera’s family. They trek up and down the state, from Orange County to Monterey County. Sometimes the jobs last only a month. Once it was just 15 days. The work provides money the family needs, but not stability for Herrera’s 9-year-old daughter, Lilibeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s one of nearly 140,000 young people whom California identifies as migrant youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s traumatic for them to meet new classmates, new teachers,” says Herrera in Spanish. “They fall behind academically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and her husband came to the United States to work in the fields about a decade ago, and they’ve been on the move ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that we decide. It has to be done,” says Herrera. “My husband’s job finishes here, and he has to continue and move on. His boss tells him, ‘You have a job; you need to continue in Yuma.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year Herrera has found an afterschool program that Lilibeth adores. So Herrera and her husband have decided that when he moves on to Yuma later this month, she will stay behind in King City. That way Lilibeth can at least finish the semester before she has to move again and start over in a new school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of strategy is encouraged by the migrant education program here in Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the program, Lilibeth gets the afterschool classes she loves and Herrera has found her voice as a mentor to other migrant parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a portable classroom at Lilibeth’s elementary school, Herrera and some other moms practice a presentation they’ll give to farmworker parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her message? Small sacrifices — like staying behind while a spouse moves on so kids can finish up school — won’t create a perfectly stable life for their children, but they can help buffer youngsters from the upheavals of migration.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to move my kids,” she says. “I don’t want to move them because they are used to their school here, and all of my family is here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/233466207″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/233466207″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Gomez is a citizen, she has a fallback option. Like seasonal workers in fishing or construction, she can collect unemployment during the fallow time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a smaller check, so it requires some belt-tightening, but it offers other perks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good,” she says. “I mean because my kid gets this vacation off school, too. So we just go out to places like the park. Places they can have fun in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staying put provides her 6-year-old son and preschool-age daughter with stability. But putting the kids first isn’t an option for the majority of farmworker families in the state. Most are undocumented and a handful are here on visas. They don’t qualify for unemployment and must keep moving, says law professor Maria Ontiveros, who specializes in labor law and immigration at the University of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not uncommon for a child of a migrant family to go to two or three different schools in a school year,” says Ontiveros. “And it makes it incredibly difficult for the child to graduate on time or even to graduate with a high school diploma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are the challenges facing farmworker Maricela Herrera’s family. They trek up and down the state, from Orange County to Monterey County. Sometimes the jobs last only a month. Once it was just 15 days. The work provides money the family needs, but not stability for Herrera’s 9-year-old daughter, Lilibeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s one of nearly 140,000 young people whom California identifies as migrant youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s traumatic for them to meet new classmates, new teachers,” says Herrera in Spanish. “They fall behind academically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and her husband came to the United States to work in the fields about a decade ago, and they’ve been on the move ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that we decide. It has to be done,” says Herrera. “My husband’s job finishes here, and he has to continue and move on. His boss tells him, ‘You have a job; you need to continue in Yuma.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year Herrera has found an afterschool program that Lilibeth adores. So Herrera and her husband have decided that when he moves on to Yuma later this month, she will stay behind in King City. That way Lilibeth can at least finish the semester before she has to move again and start over in a new school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of strategy is encouraged by the migrant education program here in Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the program, Lilibeth gets the afterschool classes she loves and Herrera has found her voice as a mentor to other migrant parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a portable classroom at Lilibeth’s elementary school, Herrera and some other moms practice a presentation they’ll give to farmworker parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her message? Small sacrifices — like staying behind while a spouse moves on so kids can finish up school — won’t create a perfectly stable life for their children, but they can help buffer youngsters from the upheavals of migration.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was another round of Cruz vs. Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican presidential candidate Ted Cruz and five-term Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein engaged in a heated exchange on the Senate floor on Wednesday over \"sanctuary cities\" that shield residents from federal immigration authorities and over human rights in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate ended with the Texas freshman senator all but calling Feinstein a Communist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Naming a Street After Chinese Activist\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It saddens me that in the face of unspeakable brutality and evil, that the Democratic senator chooses to align herself with the Communist Party dictators rather than a Nobel peace laureate,\" Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is legislation that Cruz has been trying to pass that would name the street in front of the Chinese Embassy in Washington \"Liu Xiaobo Plaza.\" Liu Xiaobo is a Chinese activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner imprisoned on charges of inciting state subversion. Cruz, like most of his Republican rivals, has been critical of China's role in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz tried to pass the bill by voice vote Wednesday. Feinstein objected, saying that such a move could be detrimental to U.S. efforts to negotiate with the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unlike the senator from Texas, I've had a long experience with the Chinese, going back more than 30 years,\" Feinstein said. \"And I know what can convince them to move toward a goal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sanctuary Cities\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two also tussled over so-called sanctuary cities. Last month, Senate Democrats blocked a bill that would crack down on cities that have adopted policies of disregarding federal immigration requests, or \"detainers,\" which advocates say can unfairly target innocent immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Respectfully, senator, I do not believe you know much about San Francisco.'\u003ccite>Dianne Feinstein\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Republicans have pushed the legislation since the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/06/kate-steinle-shooting-opens-can-of-worms-on-san-francisco-immigration-policy\" target=\"_blank\">July 1 shooting of Kathryn Steinle\u003c/a> in San Francisco. The man charged in the killing had a long criminal record and was in the country illegally. He had been released by San Francisco authorities despite a request from federal immigration authorities to keep him detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz tried to pass that bill, too, by voice vote. Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid objected, prompting Cruz to say that Reid was choosing \"to stand with violent criminal illegal aliens instead of the American citizens.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein again took issue with Cruz, noting that he had mentioned the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/11/04/mirkarimi-gets-swamped-by-vicki-hennessy\" target=\"_blank\">defeat of San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi\u003c/a> in Tuesday's elections. Mirkarimi's office had released Steinle's killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein said the sheriff's defeat was \"multifaceted\" and was not for just one reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Respectfully, senator, I do not believe you know much about San Francisco,\" said Feinstein, a city native who served as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 44-year-old Cruz and 82-year-old Feinstein have a history of facing off. Twice earlier this year, Feinstein blocked Cruz from passing the street-naming bill. In 2013, the two exchanged harsh words over gun control legislation during a committee vote on an assault weapons ban sponsored by Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm not a sixth-grader,\" Feinstein snapped when Cruz challenged her with a legal comparison between the proposed assault weapons ban and the First Amendment only hypothetically applying to certain books.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's fine you want to lecture me on the Constitution,\" Feinstein told Cruz. \"I appreciate it. Just know I've been here for a long time.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal appeals court in California ruled Wednesday that more immigrants in detention should get bond hearings and those held more than a year should get additional hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals expanded the number of immigrants in nine Western states who should get bond hearings after six months in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel also said immigrants held more than a year should get bond hearings every six months where the federal government must show why they should remain locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"5THlYbFZuIPnSrOcTSTigWqgTME7q6oI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It substantially decreases the likelihood people will get lost in the system for years on end because there will be some examination of why the person is still incarcerated,\" said Ahilan Arulanantham, deputy legal director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California, which represented plaintiffs in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government is reviewing the court's decision, said Nicole Navas, a spokeswoman for the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling came after years of litigation over whether immigrants unable to make bond or not initially granted bond are entitled to additional bond hearings. The ACLU in Southern California filed the lawsuit in 2007 on behalf of Mexican immigrant Alejandro Rodriguez, who was detained for several years without a bond hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several years now, the hearings have been taking place but the ruling expands which immigrants should get them. Arulanantham said the appellate decision could increase the number of immigrants who get the hearings by roughly a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ACLU study released last year found that 69 percent of 1,680 detained immigrants in Southern California who got the bond hearings over an 18-month period were granted bond.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal appeals court in California ruled Wednesday that more immigrants in detention should get bond hearings and those held more than a year should get additional hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals expanded the number of immigrants in nine Western states who should get bond hearings after six months in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel also said immigrants held more than a year should get bond hearings every six months where the federal government must show why they should remain locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It substantially decreases the likelihood people will get lost in the system for years on end because there will be some examination of why the person is still incarcerated,\" said Ahilan Arulanantham, deputy legal director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California, which represented plaintiffs in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government is reviewing the court's decision, said Nicole Navas, a spokeswoman for the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling came after years of litigation over whether immigrants unable to make bond or not initially granted bond are entitled to additional bond hearings. The ACLU in Southern California filed the lawsuit in 2007 on behalf of Mexican immigrant Alejandro Rodriguez, who was detained for several years without a bond hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several years now, the hearings have been taking place but the ruling expands which immigrants should get them. Arulanantham said the appellate decision could increase the number of immigrants who get the hearings by roughly a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ACLU study released last year found that 69 percent of 1,680 detained immigrants in Southern California who got the bond hearings over an 18-month period were granted bond.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Drought Survey: Jobs Drying Up for Indigenous Farmworkers",
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"content": "\u003cp>I first met Zenaida Ventura 11 years ago, when she was just a teenager. She was wielding giant clippers, pruning gnarled grapevines in a field south of Fresno one cold morning. She was working alongside her father, Rufino, and I showed up with my microphone to ask them how they protected themselves from pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Rufino Ventura on protecting farmworkers from pesticide, 2004\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009\" params=\"color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"20\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Venturas were recent immigrants then, who spoke Mixteco, an indigenous language from Oaxaca. The term “indigenous” means their language and culture predate the Spanish conquest of Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ran into Zenaida again a few weeks ago. Now she’s 29 and trilingual -- she speaks Spanish, Mixteco and English. She has become a community leader, and is helping to conduct a unique survey of other \u003ca href=\"http://www.indigenousfarmworkers.org/index.shtml\">indigenous farmworkers\u003c/a> through the \u003ca href=\"http://centrobinacional.org/en/about-us/\">Binational Center for the Development of Oaxacan Indigenous Communities\u003c/a> (CBDIO), a nonprofit that works in both Mexico and the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s standing at a booth at a farmers market in Madera County, home to one of the highest concentrations of Mexican indigenous immigrants in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing surveys, especially to the farmworkers that are indigenous from Oaxaca, or Guerrero, Pueblo,” she explains. “Have they worked in the fields? Have they been affected because of the drought?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman pushing her kids in a stroller approaches Ventura’s booth and agrees to answer the survey questions. She says her husband went to Washington state this year for the first time to pick blueberries. It was just too hard to piece together enough hours of work in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have tried to quantify the economic impact of the drought on workers. One recent \u003ca href=\"https://watershed.ucdavis.edu/files/biblio/Final_Drought%20Report_08182015_Full_Report_WithAppendices.pdf\">UC Davis forecast\u003c/a>, for example, estimates more than 10,000 California farmworkers will have lost their jobs this year due to farms having less water. What those studies don’t show is that indigenous farmworkers are more likely to be undocumented and among the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727448\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many people do not realize, but there is a pecking order, a hierarchy, in the labor force in agriculture,” says Professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/gaspar-rivera-salgado/\">Gaspar Rivera-Salgado\u003c/a>. He studies Mexican migration at the UCLA Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only hierarchy in terms of when you migrated,\" he explains, \"but also this ethnic hierarchy, because these indigenous migrants that come from Mexico also tend to be very discriminated against, not only in Mexico, but also here in the United States.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re less likely to get more stable jobs as tractor drivers or supervisors. Those jobs usually go to mestizos, Mexicans who have mixed Spanish and indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado says this new grass-roots survey of more than 350 farmworkers -- a collaboration between several nonprofit organizations in Fresno and Madera County, including CBDIO, \u003ca href=\"http://centralcallegal.org\" target=\"_blank\">Central California Legal Services\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"http://www.crlaf.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> CRLA Foundation\u003c/a> -- is taking an important pulse of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve been really picking up a lot of details about how tough it has been for families to make ends meet,\" says Rivera-Salgado. \"A lot of these families, they’re really at a crossroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727449\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, 92 percent of the indigenous farmworkers surveyed in this project say they’ve had less work or no work because of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Maura Lukas, a Mixteca woman who lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. She’s chopping some onions she got at a food bank on a table set up in a patch of dirt in front of her apartment, next to where she hangs laundry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"5GjcnjOHzCAbIoB2R0KlLWzNmzzC9R2i\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rent is $600, and the truth is, we could only pay half, $300,” she tells me. “Our electricity was $119. I have to pay that in payments, too. There just isn’t money for everything. We don’t have enough to eat. That’s what we really need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas says this year has been the hardest since they came to the U.S. from Oaxaca. They’ve scrambled to get enough hours picking grapes, raisins and cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s trying to make meals stretch as best she can, especially as winter approaches. Normally, that’s the time when farmworkers try to live off the savings they’ve scraped together from the harvest season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, she says, there aren’t any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zenaida Ventura says the workers she’s surveyed who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have jobs say working conditions have gotten worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727450\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Because of the lack of jobs, you have to do whatever it takes to stay there, no matter if they don’t give you shade or water or your rights. Your working rights. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura isn’t surprised that 81 percent of those surveyed have no knowledge of any programs to help farmworkers affected by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if they knew about them, Ventura says, they’re not necessarily eligible. Some \u003ca href=\"http://fresnocitycollege.edu/index.aspx?page=3158\">drought-related job retraining programs \u003c/a>for farmworkers require a Social Security number, GED or high school diploma. Farmworkers can’t get unemployment benefits if they’re undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The documented farmworkers, they can go and apply for unemployment,” says Ventura, “or they can look for another job, if there’s an opening for a restaurant to do dishes. But for the undocumented farmworker, there’s nothing. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit groups conducting the surveys plan to present their results at a legislative briefing in Sacramento next week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I first met Zenaida Ventura 11 years ago, when she was just a teenager. She was wielding giant clippers, pruning gnarled grapevines in a field south of Fresno one cold morning. She was working alongside her father, Rufino, and I showed up with my microphone to ask them how they protected themselves from pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Rufino Ventura on protecting farmworkers from pesticide, 2004\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='20'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009&visual=true&color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229813009'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Venturas were recent immigrants then, who spoke Mixteco, an indigenous language from Oaxaca. The term “indigenous” means their language and culture predate the Spanish conquest of Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ran into Zenaida again a few weeks ago. Now she’s 29 and trilingual -- she speaks Spanish, Mixteco and English. She has become a community leader, and is helping to conduct a unique survey of other \u003ca href=\"http://www.indigenousfarmworkers.org/index.shtml\">indigenous farmworkers\u003c/a> through the \u003ca href=\"http://centrobinacional.org/en/about-us/\">Binational Center for the Development of Oaxacan Indigenous Communities\u003c/a> (CBDIO), a nonprofit that works in both Mexico and the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s standing at a booth at a farmers market in Madera County, home to one of the highest concentrations of Mexican indigenous immigrants in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229804366'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing surveys, especially to the farmworkers that are indigenous from Oaxaca, or Guerrero, Pueblo,” she explains. “Have they worked in the fields? Have they been affected because of the drought?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A woman pushing her kids in a stroller approaches Ventura’s booth and agrees to answer the survey questions. She says her husband went to Washington state this year for the first time to pick blueberries. It was just too hard to piece together enough hours of work in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have tried to quantify the economic impact of the drought on workers. One recent \u003ca href=\"https://watershed.ucdavis.edu/files/biblio/Final_Drought%20Report_08182015_Full_Report_WithAppendices.pdf\">UC Davis forecast\u003c/a>, for example, estimates more than 10,000 California farmworkers will have lost their jobs this year due to farms having less water. What those studies don’t show is that indigenous farmworkers are more likely to be undocumented and among the first to lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727448\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727448\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17133_Dona-Maura-2.JPG-qut1-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas is Mixteca, part of an indigenous group from Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. She says with the drought, this year has been the hardest to make ends in the fields since she came to the U.S. a dozen years ago. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many people do not realize, but there is a pecking order, a hierarchy, in the labor force in agriculture,” says Professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.labor.ucla.edu/gaspar-rivera-salgado/\">Gaspar Rivera-Salgado\u003c/a>. He studies Mexican migration at the UCLA Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only hierarchy in terms of when you migrated,\" he explains, \"but also this ethnic hierarchy, because these indigenous migrants that come from Mexico also tend to be very discriminated against, not only in Mexico, but also here in the United States.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re less likely to get more stable jobs as tractor drivers or supervisors. Those jobs usually go to mestizos, Mexicans who have mixed Spanish and indigenous heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivera-Salgado says this new grass-roots survey of more than 350 farmworkers -- a collaboration between several nonprofit organizations in Fresno and Madera County, including CBDIO, \u003ca href=\"http://centralcallegal.org\" target=\"_blank\">Central California Legal Services\u003c/a> and the\u003ca href=\"http://www.crlaf.org/\" target=\"_blank\"> CRLA Foundation\u003c/a> -- is taking an important pulse of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve been really picking up a lot of details about how tough it has been for families to make ends meet,\" says Rivera-Salgado. \"A lot of these families, they’re really at a crossroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727449\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17136_Dona-Maura-w-garden-3.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maura Lukas and her husband have only been able to pay the landlord half the rent for months, and are struggling to make meals stretch to feed her family. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, 92 percent of the indigenous farmworkers surveyed in this project say they’ve had less work or no work because of the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Maura Lukas, a Mixteca woman who lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. She’s chopping some onions she got at a food bank on a table set up in a patch of dirt in front of her apartment, next to where she hangs laundry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rent is $600, and the truth is, we could only pay half, $300,” she tells me. “Our electricity was $119. I have to pay that in payments, too. There just isn’t money for everything. We don’t have enough to eat. That’s what we really need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas says this year has been the hardest since they came to the U.S. from Oaxaca. They’ve scrambled to get enough hours picking grapes, raisins and cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s trying to make meals stretch as best she can, especially as winter approaches. Normally, that’s the time when farmworkers try to live off the savings they’ve scraped together from the harvest season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, she says, there aren’t any savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zenaida Ventura says the workers she’s surveyed who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have jobs say working conditions have gotten worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10727450\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10727450\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/RS17137_Dona-Mauras-apartment-bldg-1.JPG-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Maura Lukas lives in a cramped two-bedroom apartment with her husband and four children near downtown Fresno. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Because of the lack of jobs, you have to do whatever it takes to stay there, no matter if they don’t give you shade or water or your rights. Your working rights. \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura isn’t surprised that 81 percent of those surveyed have no knowledge of any programs to help farmworkers affected by the drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if they knew about them, Ventura says, they’re not necessarily eligible. Some \u003ca href=\"http://fresnocitycollege.edu/index.aspx?page=3158\">drought-related job retraining programs \u003c/a>for farmworkers require a Social Security number, GED or high school diploma. Farmworkers can’t get unemployment benefits if they’re undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The documented farmworkers, they can go and apply for unemployment,” says Ventura, “or they can look for another job, if there’s an opening for a restaurant to do dishes. But for the undocumented farmworker, there’s nothing. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit groups conducting the surveys plan to present their results at a legislative briefing in Sacramento next week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "love-in-the-digital-age-gomathi-prashanth",
"title": "Love in the Digital Age: Gomathi & Prashanth",
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"headTitle": "Love in the Digital Age: Gomathi & Prashanth | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In India, middle-class couples used to find each other and marry through family connections, a marriage broker or by way of a newspaper ad. Today, they — and their counterparts around the world — are just as likely to use any one of an explosion of matrimonial websites, some with apps for your smartphone. Two of the largest sites are \u003ca href=\"http://www.shaadi.com/\">\u003cu>Shaadi.com\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.bharatmatrimony.com/\">\u003cu>Bharatmatrimony.com\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10689918\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 200px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10689918\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1-400x710.jpg\" alt=\"Screen shot from the iPhone app.\" width=\"200\" height=\"355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1-400x710.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Screen shot from the iPhone app. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of BharatMatrimony)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A growing number of the profiles on these sites are written by the hopeful wedding seekers themselves, but those with a more traditional mindset will allow their parents to write them. That was the case for Gomathi Ramakrishnan and her husband, Prashanth Vishnumangalam Narayanan:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Gomathi: She’s intelligent…pursing her Master’s in Canada…she’s homely and traditional…plays Badminton…she’s cute. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Prashanth: He’s an Iyer Brahmin…he doesn’t eat meat…he doesn’t drink. He’s a good boy. He’s done his bachelor’s, he’s done his master’s, and he’s based out of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gomathi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About three years ago, Gomathi was 22 years old and working to complete a master’s degree in neuroscience at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Canada. One day her father called from her hometown of Chennai in southern India. “We’re going to put up a profile for you on Bharatmatrimony.com,” he said matter-of-factly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout alignright\">\n\u003cp>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://u.s.kqed.net/2015/09/14/LITDApodcastlogo.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/love-in-the-digital-age/id1037051180?mt=2\">Subscribe in iTunes\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Don’t miss an episode of ‘Love in the Digital Age’\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Gomathi delights in sharing what happened next. “He started entering \u003cem>his\u003c/em> profile information. He typed his name, he typed his age, and he typed all stuff about him.” In retrospect, she figures he probably thought he was registering, as opposed to creating a profile. But the error became apparent when the first bite of interest came from an older woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad was like, ‘Why is someone who is 50 years old giving information for my daughter?’ ” Gomathi giggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A tech-savvy cousin soon came to the rescue — and now Gomathi was on the hot seat. “Within two weeks, he [her father] came back with a list of 15 guys. I was really overwhelmed!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She demurred, but her dad insisted, and then begged her to at least call his favorite: Prashanth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prashanth\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth Vishnumangalam Narayanan was 27, a Fremont resident and established consultant on supply chain management for PricewaterhouseCoopers in San Jose, when he started getting curious calls from his mother in Chennai.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10694743\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 361px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10694743\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GomathiPrashanthVERT.jpg\" alt=\"Gomathi and Prashanth\" width=\"361\" height=\"554\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gomathi and Prashanth\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She told him women were expressing interest in getting to know him better, which made no sense, until she admitted she’d posted a profile of him online. Soon after, she sent him a list of 25 matches. And she hardly let the matter rest there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my mom’s sister call me and say, ‘This is the right time to talk.’ Then I had my grandma call me and say, ‘This is the right time to talk.’ Then my dad, then everybody, decided to take turns calling me, and say, ‘This is the right time to talk,’ ” says Prashanth. It was obvious he had to talk to somebody, soon. He had to name at least one candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth chose Gomathi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Semi-Arranged Marriage\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though their parents wrote the profiles, picked the candidates and met each other before giving the go-ahead to Gomathi and Prashanth, they call the process that led to their wedding \u003cem>semi-arranged. \u003c/em>That’s because they did get to pick who to talk to, and they got to talk for nine months before settling on each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth explains, “I got introduced to the person I was getting married to through family relations and connections, and they established the connection through a digital website. But then we talked, and we really understood each other, and we got married. I had my freedom, and she had her freedom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, even with the freedom to choose over time, they still felt pressure to come to a decision eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”SkD29tNEiyVCEFchT7DTtN443eU0BTSA”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had Gomathi and Prashanth not liked each other, they would have worked through match No. 2, No. 3 — and so on — until they agreed to somebody their parents found suitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gomathi says the two sets of parents got along really well. “Based on their hard work, they were able to come up in life,” she says. “That was something, that both of them have mutual respect for each other. That was something that I also wanted in the person that I was going to marry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the first phone call. “I remember Gomathi being the one who asked a lot more questions than me asking her,” says Prashanth, laughing. “She was like, ‘Who’s your favorite actress? Who’s your favorite actor? What movies do you like?’ I found her to be very full of energy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple began phoning, texting and talking on FaceTime regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a few months, Prashanth and Gomathi decided to meet in Canada. The gravity of it all hit Prashanth as he went through the airport in Edmonton. When the visa officer asked him the purpose of his visit, he said he was going to see “a friend.” A friend he had never met, perhaps his future wife. Prashanth had seen Gomathi only virtually, and he scanned the airport for her. “She seemed small. And I was like, “I’ve seen her before.’ Then I realized: That’s Gomathi!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10689853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10689853 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Gomathi and Prashanth at home in Fremont, California\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gomathi and Prashanth at home in Fremont, California \u003ccite>(Polly Stryker/KQED )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gomathi remembers, “It felt really odd, because you have spoken to this person over the phone, but you haven’t met the other person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a long weekend getting to know each other: going out to eat, taking walks, watching the movie “Brave.” When Gomathi cried during the film, Prashanth felt touched by her empathy with the characters. But by the time he left Canada, Gomathi had not made a decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt kind of sad,” Prashanth says. “I thought, initially, I wasn’t emotionally invested, but I learned that I’d been \u003cem>heavily\u003c/em> emotionally invested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to understand the person really well before getting married,” Gomathi says, “because it’s a one-time thing, and you just don’t want to screw it up. You just don’t want to make a decision until you know, ‘Yes, this is it!’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth’s mother urged him to talk to other matches from Bharat Matrimony. He told her he wasn’t interested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple talked for several more months. Gomathi says her love for Prashanth “deepened more when I realized who Prashanth was and what sort of a guy he was. When I was able to trust him, I really fell for him. I know in my heart that he has high moral standards. That was the point that I came to when I decided, ‘Yes, I should get engaged to Prashanth.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t hurt that Prashanth plays a mean game of badminton, Gomathi’s favorite sport. The wedding was on. Their families organized a lavish three-day event that took place in Chennai on June 28, 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Fremont, Capital of Indian California\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Gomathi and Prashanth live in Fremont, home to a large and growing population of immigrants from India, filled with bustling Indian restaurants and stores. \u003ca href=\"http://politicalscience.ucr.edu/people/faculty/ramakrishnan/\">\u003cu>Karthick Ramakrishnan\u003c/u>\u003c/a> (no relation to Gomathi), professor of Public Policy at UC Riverside, says that Indian immigration more than doubled in Silicon Valley between 2000-2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10689913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10689913 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-800x667.jpg\" alt='Indian population size and growth in Alameda and Santa Clara counties from 2000-2014, according to the U.S. Census, as distinct from the \"Other Asian\" category.' width=\"800\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-800x667.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-400x333.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-1440x1200.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-1180x983.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-960x800.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indian population size and growth in Alameda and Santa Clara counties from 2000-2014, according to the U.S. Census, as distinct from the “Other Asian” category. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Professor Karthick Ramakrishnan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That shift is reflected in the number of Californians on Indian matrimonial websites. Shaadi’s chief marketing officer, \u003ca href=\"http://brandequity.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/the-people-report/aditya-save-is-shaadi-coms-new-cmo-anupam-mittal-steps-down-as-ceo/48013510\">\u003cu>\u003cspan style=\"color: #0000ff\">Aditya Save\u003c/span>\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, says approximately 200,000 accounts are registered to people living in the state. He adds that the platform is used mostly by South Asians — and not just first-generation immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of our platform is used by people of Indian origin, born in the U.S., the UK and Australia. A larger percentage of that 200,000 (in California) would be people who are American citizens, born in America, but of Indian descent,” he says. For those spouse seekers, Save says it’s more likely they’ll set up their own profiles, as opposed to letting their parents do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Gomathi Ramakrishnan co-manages a neuroscience lab at UC San Francisco. Prashanth still works at PricewaterhouseCoopers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their lives as newlyweds are filled with pleasures they enjoy together: playing badminton, watching TV shows like “\u003ca href=\"http://www.hbo.com/game-of-thrones\">\u003cu>Game of Thrones\u003c/u>\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://www.hbo.com/game-of-thrones\">”\u003c/a> and eating ice cream at \u003ca href=\"mailto:https://www.coldstonecreamery.com\">\u003cu>Cold Stone Creamery\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. Gomathi isn’t shy when she explains how she and Prashanth found compatibility first, allowing love to follow after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Love doesn’t happen one sudden day,” she says. “It takes a really long time. I feel like we are still falling in love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000;font-family: Calibri\">\u003cem>This podcast features music by Karthick Iyer (“Brovabarama” and “Manavyalakim”).\u003c/em> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In India, middle-class couples used to find each other and marry through family connections, a marriage broker or by way of a newspaper ad. Today, they — and their counterparts around the world — are just as likely to use any one of an explosion of matrimonial websites, some with apps for your smartphone. Two of the largest sites are \u003ca href=\"http://www.shaadi.com/\">\u003cu>Shaadi.com\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.bharatmatrimony.com/\">\u003cu>Bharatmatrimony.com\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10689918\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 200px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10689918\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1-400x710.jpg\" alt=\"Screen shot from the iPhone app.\" width=\"200\" height=\"355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1-400x710.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16723_BharatMatrimony.com_.PNG-qut1.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Screen shot from the iPhone app. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of BharatMatrimony)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A growing number of the profiles on these sites are written by the hopeful wedding seekers themselves, but those with a more traditional mindset will allow their parents to write them. That was the case for Gomathi Ramakrishnan and her husband, Prashanth Vishnumangalam Narayanan:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Gomathi: She’s intelligent…pursing her Master’s in Canada…she’s homely and traditional…plays Badminton…she’s cute. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Prashanth: He’s an Iyer Brahmin…he doesn’t eat meat…he doesn’t drink. He’s a good boy. He’s done his bachelor’s, he’s done his master’s, and he’s based out of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gomathi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About three years ago, Gomathi was 22 years old and working to complete a master’s degree in neuroscience at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Canada. One day her father called from her hometown of Chennai in southern India. “We’re going to put up a profile for you on Bharatmatrimony.com,” he said matter-of-factly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout alignright\">\n\u003cp>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://u.s.kqed.net/2015/09/14/LITDApodcastlogo.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/love-in-the-digital-age/id1037051180?mt=2\">Subscribe in iTunes\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Don’t miss an episode of ‘Love in the Digital Age’\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Gomathi delights in sharing what happened next. “He started entering \u003cem>his\u003c/em> profile information. He typed his name, he typed his age, and he typed all stuff about him.” In retrospect, she figures he probably thought he was registering, as opposed to creating a profile. But the error became apparent when the first bite of interest came from an older woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad was like, ‘Why is someone who is 50 years old giving information for my daughter?’ ” Gomathi giggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A tech-savvy cousin soon came to the rescue — and now Gomathi was on the hot seat. “Within two weeks, he [her father] came back with a list of 15 guys. I was really overwhelmed!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She demurred, but her dad insisted, and then begged her to at least call his favorite: Prashanth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prashanth\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth Vishnumangalam Narayanan was 27, a Fremont resident and established consultant on supply chain management for PricewaterhouseCoopers in San Jose, when he started getting curious calls from his mother in Chennai.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10694743\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 361px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10694743\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GomathiPrashanthVERT.jpg\" alt=\"Gomathi and Prashanth\" width=\"361\" height=\"554\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gomathi and Prashanth\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She told him women were expressing interest in getting to know him better, which made no sense, until she admitted she’d posted a profile of him online. Soon after, she sent him a list of 25 matches. And she hardly let the matter rest there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my mom’s sister call me and say, ‘This is the right time to talk.’ Then I had my grandma call me and say, ‘This is the right time to talk.’ Then my dad, then everybody, decided to take turns calling me, and say, ‘This is the right time to talk,’ ” says Prashanth. It was obvious he had to talk to somebody, soon. He had to name at least one candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth chose Gomathi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Semi-Arranged Marriage\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though their parents wrote the profiles, picked the candidates and met each other before giving the go-ahead to Gomathi and Prashanth, they call the process that led to their wedding \u003cem>semi-arranged. \u003c/em>That’s because they did get to pick who to talk to, and they got to talk for nine months before settling on each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth explains, “I got introduced to the person I was getting married to through family relations and connections, and they established the connection through a digital website. But then we talked, and we really understood each other, and we got married. I had my freedom, and she had her freedom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, even with the freedom to choose over time, they still felt pressure to come to a decision eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had Gomathi and Prashanth not liked each other, they would have worked through match No. 2, No. 3 — and so on — until they agreed to somebody their parents found suitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gomathi says the two sets of parents got along really well. “Based on their hard work, they were able to come up in life,” she says. “That was something, that both of them have mutual respect for each other. That was something that I also wanted in the person that I was going to marry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came the first phone call. “I remember Gomathi being the one who asked a lot more questions than me asking her,” says Prashanth, laughing. “She was like, ‘Who’s your favorite actress? Who’s your favorite actor? What movies do you like?’ I found her to be very full of energy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple began phoning, texting and talking on FaceTime regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a few months, Prashanth and Gomathi decided to meet in Canada. The gravity of it all hit Prashanth as he went through the airport in Edmonton. When the visa officer asked him the purpose of his visit, he said he was going to see “a friend.” A friend he had never met, perhaps his future wife. Prashanth had seen Gomathi only virtually, and he scanned the airport for her. “She seemed small. And I was like, “I’ve seen her before.’ Then I realized: That’s Gomathi!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10689853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10689853 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Gomathi and Prashanth at home in Fremont, California\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Gomathi-Prashanth-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gomathi and Prashanth at home in Fremont, California \u003ccite>(Polly Stryker/KQED )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gomathi remembers, “It felt really odd, because you have spoken to this person over the phone, but you haven’t met the other person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a long weekend getting to know each other: going out to eat, taking walks, watching the movie “Brave.” When Gomathi cried during the film, Prashanth felt touched by her empathy with the characters. But by the time he left Canada, Gomathi had not made a decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt kind of sad,” Prashanth says. “I thought, initially, I wasn’t emotionally invested, but I learned that I’d been \u003cem>heavily\u003c/em> emotionally invested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to understand the person really well before getting married,” Gomathi says, “because it’s a one-time thing, and you just don’t want to screw it up. You just don’t want to make a decision until you know, ‘Yes, this is it!’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prashanth’s mother urged him to talk to other matches from Bharat Matrimony. He told her he wasn’t interested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple talked for several more months. Gomathi says her love for Prashanth “deepened more when I realized who Prashanth was and what sort of a guy he was. When I was able to trust him, I really fell for him. I know in my heart that he has high moral standards. That was the point that I came to when I decided, ‘Yes, I should get engaged to Prashanth.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t hurt that Prashanth plays a mean game of badminton, Gomathi’s favorite sport. The wedding was on. Their families organized a lavish three-day event that took place in Chennai on June 28, 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Fremont, Capital of Indian California\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Gomathi and Prashanth live in Fremont, home to a large and growing population of immigrants from India, filled with bustling Indian restaurants and stores. \u003ca href=\"http://politicalscience.ucr.edu/people/faculty/ramakrishnan/\">\u003cu>Karthick Ramakrishnan\u003c/u>\u003c/a> (no relation to Gomathi), professor of Public Policy at UC Riverside, says that Indian immigration more than doubled in Silicon Valley between 2000-2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10689913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10689913 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-800x667.jpg\" alt='Indian population size and growth in Alameda and Santa Clara counties from 2000-2014, according to the U.S. Census, as distinct from the \"Other Asian\" category.' width=\"800\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-800x667.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-400x333.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-1440x1200.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-1180x983.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/RS16712_aapidata-kqed-infog-southbay-qut-960x800.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indian population size and growth in Alameda and Santa Clara counties from 2000-2014, according to the U.S. Census, as distinct from the “Other Asian” category. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Professor Karthick Ramakrishnan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That shift is reflected in the number of Californians on Indian matrimonial websites. Shaadi’s chief marketing officer, \u003ca href=\"http://brandequity.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/the-people-report/aditya-save-is-shaadi-coms-new-cmo-anupam-mittal-steps-down-as-ceo/48013510\">\u003cu>\u003cspan style=\"color: #0000ff\">Aditya Save\u003c/span>\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, says approximately 200,000 accounts are registered to people living in the state. He adds that the platform is used mostly by South Asians — and not just first-generation immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of our platform is used by people of Indian origin, born in the U.S., the UK and Australia. A larger percentage of that 200,000 (in California) would be people who are American citizens, born in America, but of Indian descent,” he says. For those spouse seekers, Save says it’s more likely they’ll set up their own profiles, as opposed to letting their parents do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Gomathi Ramakrishnan co-manages a neuroscience lab at UC San Francisco. Prashanth still works at PricewaterhouseCoopers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their lives as newlyweds are filled with pleasures they enjoy together: playing badminton, watching TV shows like “\u003ca href=\"http://www.hbo.com/game-of-thrones\">\u003cu>Game of Thrones\u003c/u>\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://www.hbo.com/game-of-thrones\">”\u003c/a> and eating ice cream at \u003ca href=\"mailto:https://www.coldstonecreamery.com\">\u003cu>Cold Stone Creamery\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. Gomathi isn’t shy when she explains how she and Prashanth found compatibility first, allowing love to follow after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Love doesn’t happen one sudden day,” she says. “It takes a really long time. I feel like we are still falling in love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "indian-prime-minister-will-visit-silicon-valley-hoping-expats-can-reconnect-with-homeland",
"title": "Modi Coming to Silicon Valley, Asking Entrepreneurs to Reconnect to India",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Deepak Aatresh was a teenager in\u003ca href=\"https://www.techinasia.com/uber-carpool-opens-pandoras-box/\"> Bangalore, India\u003c/a>, he watched his father — a research engineer — help build an electric car. That was long before Elon Musk and Tesla came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was 1983. Aatresh remembers accompanying his dad on test drives, with news reporters trailing along asking how it worked. The battery-operated car dazzled Aatresh, but it also opened his eyes to how limited India was at the time. His father’s electric car never got past the testing stage because, Aatresh said, no one would fund the ambitious project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/225369408″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is something crucial about this: There was no confidence in the system in India that someone there could build something that’s useful,” said Aatresh, who is the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aditazz.com/home\">founder of Aditazz,\u003c/a> an architectural software startup in Brisbane. “My father constantly lamented that India makes these things, and eventually they just import them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeing such disappointment weigh on his father struck a nerve with Aatresh because he wanted to follow in his footsteps as an electrical engineer. So, four years later, Aatresh left India for the United States to launch his career on his own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He got a master’s degree in electrical and computer engineering from Arizona State University. In 1989, Intel recruited him to Santa Clara and into the world of cutting-edge technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was afflicted with Silicon Valley fever within about 24 hours,” said Aatresh. “Everyone rallied around technology with such enthusiasm and an attitude of wanting to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was during a time when waves of graduates from India’s top engineering schools were flocking to Silicon Valley, feeling that the social and political climate in their country stifled innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10695037\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10695037\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Silicon Valley this weekend.\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-400x274.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-1440x987.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-1920x1316.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-1180x809.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-960x658.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Silicon Valley this weekend. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fast forward to 2015: Aatresh is watching a technology sea change in India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has launched initiatives called “Digital India” to increase electronics manufacturing, expand Internet access and use apps to improve government services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley-India connection — and venture capital investments — are critical if Modi’s initiative is to succeed, especially since several of the CEOs of major tech companies are from India and 16 percent of Silicon Valley startups are run by Indian-Americans, said Venkatesan Ashok, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cgisf.org/\">consul general of India in San Francisco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley has a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship,” said Ashok. “And I hope it is a culture that we in India can also imbibe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s why \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/world/asia/la-fg-california-india-tech-modi-20150913-story.html\">Modi will come to Silicon Valley this weekend \u003c/a>— the first time in 33 years a prime minister of India has visited California. Silicon Valley’s Indian immigrants have played a key role in the U.S. tech economy for decades. Now Modi believes they’re key to building up manufacturing in places like Bangalore, an Indian tech hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is high time that the Indian prime minister did visit and meet this exceedingly successful community, which increasingly is wanting to reconnect back with the motherland,” said Ashok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aatresh is an example of what Ashok is talking about. His 5-year-old company, Aditazz, has been doing projects in various parts of the world, including China and Singapore. Just two months ago, Aatresh opened an office in India and he’s working on winning his first contract there — to design a state-of-the-art, energy-efficient hospital in the southern part of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10695034\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10695034\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"Aditazz startup founder Deepak Aatresh (standing) opened an office in India two months ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-400x274.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-1440x986.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-1920x1315.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-1180x808.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-960x658.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aditazz startup founder Deepak Aatresh (standing) opened an office in India two months ago. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He believes Indian expatriates are uniquely positioned to do business in their native country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how to navigate through the opportunities because we know the people, we know the lay of the land, we know the language, if we need to speak it,” said Aatresh. “In the end, it’s home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because he grew up there, Aatresh knows doing business in India won’t be easy — with its difficult infrastructure, transportation, tax codes and court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it’s a bureaucratic mess,” said Aatresh. “If we ever get into any trouble, we’re going to have a lot of challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivek Wadhwa, a fellow at Stanford Law School who has studied Indian-American entrepreneurs who have returned to their native country, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“India is a very difficult place to work because of corruption, bureaucracy, pollution, noise, you name it,” said Wadhwa. “But somehow Indian entrepreneurs have been able to rise above it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ashok, the consul general, said innovative thinking is still not encouraged in many parts of India, as it is in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Successful entrepreneurs have learned from failure,” said Ashok. “In many ways that’s the opposite of what we see in India, because there we have a rather traditional mindset where we’re told, ‘Don’t think outside the box, don’t get out of the system, don’t do something disruptive.’ Here disruptive technology is the keyword.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While startup failures may be accepted in Silicon Valley, that’s still not an option for entrepreneurs in India, Ashok said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”ZZApQAIhfL24dapeiEYuZiKK77d5Rhm4″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You fail in India, you’re seen as a failure and people say, ‘This guy is useless,’ ” said Ashok. “In Silicon Valley, on the other hand, they encourage you to pick yourself up and do better, learn from your mistakes, and rise on to your success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Modi is hoping to tap into that mindset this weekend — and court potential investors — when he’s due to visit Facebook in Menlo Park, Mountain View-based Google and Tesla in Fremont. He will also have dinners and lunches with Indian-American startup founders and \u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/elon-musk-always-depended-government-money-up-front-about-it-2015-6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">community leaders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/indias-modi-wants-to-woo-silicon-valley-but-censorship-and-privacy-fears-grow-at-home/2015/09/23/2ab28f86-6174-11e5-8475-781cc9851652_story.html\">Modi’s trip to Silicon Valley will not be without controversy. \u003c/a>A variety of groups want to use the prime minister’s visit to highlight concerns about his politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 professors signed an open letter protesting India’s recent crackdown on groups like Greenpeace. Others want Modi held accountable for his alleged complicity in anti-Muslim riots more than a decade ago. Protests are expected online and in person as he makes the rounds of the major tech campuses and speaks before 19,000 people at the SAP Center in San Jose on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aatresh will be at the SAP Center event and he may even get to meet Modi. He’s glad to hear the prime minister will tour Tesla, see all the battery-operated cars and meet CEO Elon Musk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s bittersweet. Could Aatresh’s father have given Musk a run for his money, had he been given the chance to develop his battery-operated car in India decades ago?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he’d gotten the kind of tax breaks that Elon Musk got and the kind of support\u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/elon-musk-always-depended-government-money-up-front-about-it-2015-6\"> from [the Department of Energy],\u003c/a> it would have been a great product by now,” said Aatresh. “I’m certain of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Deepak Aatresh was a teenager in\u003ca href=\"https://www.techinasia.com/uber-carpool-opens-pandoras-box/\"> Bangalore, India\u003c/a>, he watched his father — a research engineer — help build an electric car. That was long before Elon Musk and Tesla came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was 1983. Aatresh remembers accompanying his dad on test drives, with news reporters trailing along asking how it worked. The battery-operated car dazzled Aatresh, but it also opened his eyes to how limited India was at the time. His father’s electric car never got past the testing stage because, Aatresh said, no one would fund the ambitious project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/225369408″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/225369408″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is something crucial about this: There was no confidence in the system in India that someone there could build something that’s useful,” said Aatresh, who is the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aditazz.com/home\">founder of Aditazz,\u003c/a> an architectural software startup in Brisbane. “My father constantly lamented that India makes these things, and eventually they just import them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeing such disappointment weigh on his father struck a nerve with Aatresh because he wanted to follow in his footsteps as an electrical engineer. So, four years later, Aatresh left India for the United States to launch his career on his own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He got a master’s degree in electrical and computer engineering from Arizona State University. In 1989, Intel recruited him to Santa Clara and into the world of cutting-edge technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was afflicted with Silicon Valley fever within about 24 hours,” said Aatresh. “Everyone rallied around technology with such enthusiasm and an attitude of wanting to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was during a time when waves of graduates from India’s top engineering schools were flocking to Silicon Valley, feeling that the social and political climate in their country stifled innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10695037\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10695037\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Silicon Valley this weekend.\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-400x274.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-1440x987.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-1920x1316.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-1180x809.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Modi-960x658.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Silicon Valley this weekend. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fast forward to 2015: Aatresh is watching a technology sea change in India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has launched initiatives called “Digital India” to increase electronics manufacturing, expand Internet access and use apps to improve government services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley-India connection — and venture capital investments — are critical if Modi’s initiative is to succeed, especially since several of the CEOs of major tech companies are from India and 16 percent of Silicon Valley startups are run by Indian-Americans, said Venkatesan Ashok, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cgisf.org/\">consul general of India in San Francisco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley has a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship,” said Ashok. “And I hope it is a culture that we in India can also imbibe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s why \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/world/asia/la-fg-california-india-tech-modi-20150913-story.html\">Modi will come to Silicon Valley this weekend \u003c/a>— the first time in 33 years a prime minister of India has visited California. Silicon Valley’s Indian immigrants have played a key role in the U.S. tech economy for decades. Now Modi believes they’re key to building up manufacturing in places like Bangalore, an Indian tech hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is high time that the Indian prime minister did visit and meet this exceedingly successful community, which increasingly is wanting to reconnect back with the motherland,” said Ashok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aatresh is an example of what Ashok is talking about. His 5-year-old company, Aditazz, has been doing projects in various parts of the world, including China and Singapore. Just two months ago, Aatresh opened an office in India and he’s working on winning his first contract there — to design a state-of-the-art, energy-efficient hospital in the southern part of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10695034\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10695034\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"Aditazz startup founder Deepak Aatresh (standing) opened an office in India two months ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-400x274.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-1440x986.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-1920x1315.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-1180x808.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Aditazz-960x658.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aditazz startup founder Deepak Aatresh (standing) opened an office in India two months ago. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He believes Indian expatriates are uniquely positioned to do business in their native country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how to navigate through the opportunities because we know the people, we know the lay of the land, we know the language, if we need to speak it,” said Aatresh. “In the end, it’s home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because he grew up there, Aatresh knows doing business in India won’t be easy — with its difficult infrastructure, transportation, tax codes and court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it’s a bureaucratic mess,” said Aatresh. “If we ever get into any trouble, we’re going to have a lot of challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivek Wadhwa, a fellow at Stanford Law School who has studied Indian-American entrepreneurs who have returned to their native country, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“India is a very difficult place to work because of corruption, bureaucracy, pollution, noise, you name it,” said Wadhwa. “But somehow Indian entrepreneurs have been able to rise above it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ashok, the consul general, said innovative thinking is still not encouraged in many parts of India, as it is in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Successful entrepreneurs have learned from failure,” said Ashok. “In many ways that’s the opposite of what we see in India, because there we have a rather traditional mindset where we’re told, ‘Don’t think outside the box, don’t get out of the system, don’t do something disruptive.’ Here disruptive technology is the keyword.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While startup failures may be accepted in Silicon Valley, that’s still not an option for entrepreneurs in India, Ashok said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You fail in India, you’re seen as a failure and people say, ‘This guy is useless,’ ” said Ashok. “In Silicon Valley, on the other hand, they encourage you to pick yourself up and do better, learn from your mistakes, and rise on to your success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Modi is hoping to tap into that mindset this weekend — and court potential investors — when he’s due to visit Facebook in Menlo Park, Mountain View-based Google and Tesla in Fremont. He will also have dinners and lunches with Indian-American startup founders and \u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/elon-musk-always-depended-government-money-up-front-about-it-2015-6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">community leaders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/indias-modi-wants-to-woo-silicon-valley-but-censorship-and-privacy-fears-grow-at-home/2015/09/23/2ab28f86-6174-11e5-8475-781cc9851652_story.html\">Modi’s trip to Silicon Valley will not be without controversy. \u003c/a>A variety of groups want to use the prime minister’s visit to highlight concerns about his politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 professors signed an open letter protesting India’s recent crackdown on groups like Greenpeace. Others want Modi held accountable for his alleged complicity in anti-Muslim riots more than a decade ago. Protests are expected online and in person as he makes the rounds of the major tech campuses and speaks before 19,000 people at the SAP Center in San Jose on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aatresh will be at the SAP Center event and he may even get to meet Modi. He’s glad to hear the prime minister will tour Tesla, see all the battery-operated cars and meet CEO Elon Musk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s bittersweet. Could Aatresh’s father have given Musk a run for his money, had he been given the chance to develop his battery-operated car in India decades ago?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he’d gotten the kind of tax breaks that Elon Musk got and the kind of support\u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/elon-musk-always-depended-government-money-up-front-about-it-2015-6\"> from [the Department of Energy],\u003c/a> it would have been a great product by now,” said Aatresh. “I’m certain of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>California has the seventh-largest economy in the world, and immigrants have a long history in building that prosperity. Today one out of every three working people in California is an immigrant — a share that has grown in recent decades. Our state is shaped by these workers and entrepreneurs — 6 million people who’ve found a job in the Golden State. In our series “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/california-immigrants-at-work\">Immigrant Shift\u003c/a>,” KQED and The California Report explore the impact they have, the challenges they face and the policies that affect them.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor David Campos plans to introduce a package of legislation today that he says is meant to address policy flaws exposed in the aftermath of the Pier 14 shooting. The Mission District supervisor will also introduce a resolution calling on the sheriff to not cooperate with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement's Priority Enforcement Program (PEP).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fatal shooting of Kate Steinle on San Francisco’s Pier 14 on July 1 touched off a national controversy over the city’s long-established policies of limiting local law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan Francisco Lopez-Sanchez, who was deported from the U.S. five times prior to being transferred to San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/09/04/accused-pier-14-shooter-to-face-murder-charges-at-trial\">faces murder charges\u003c/a> in the shooting. Steinle’s family is pursuing \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/09/01/family-of-kate-steinle-files-legal-claims-against-s-f-sheriff-feds\">legal claims\u003c/a> against local and federal agencies for negligence that contributed to her death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think ... we need a well-thought-out policy that actually tries to address what happened, but also ensures that we remain safe and also that whatever we do is consistent with the values that San Francisco had,\" Campos said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sheriff Urged to Not Cooperate with ICE\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first piece of Campos' three-part proposal is a resolution asking the sheriff to not cooperate with PEP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"PEP ... is essentially the so-called S-Comm, Secure Communities program, with a different branding,\" said Campos, who is working in tandem with a coalition of immigrant rights activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the federal government having basically put lipstick on a pig that is still a pig. PEP, like Secure Communities, is a dragnet program that essentially tries to entangle local law enforcement into immigration enforcement,\" he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PEP was rolled out last year to replace the controversial, now-defunct Secure Communities program, which the San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted not to adhere to. Under PEP, federal immigration authorities call upon local agencies to notify ICE prior to releasing certain individuals from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos isn’t alone in calling for the city not to adhere to PEP -- the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee endorsed a resolution last week urging the city not to participate in the new federal program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe that if the Democratic Party can take that position in San Francisco, then the city and county of San Francisco should follow,\" Campos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Stolen Guns\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another piece of the three-part proposal would require off-duty public safety officers to secure their department-issued firearms in a trunk or lock box, as a theft-prevention measure. The gun allegedly used in the Pier 14 shooting had been taken from a federal agent's parked car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a lawsuit filed by Steinle’s family, a Bureau of Land Management agent left his a fully loaded Sig Sauer handgun in his vehicle “unattended in a backpack that was in plain sight” prior to the theft, in contradiction of “mandatory regulations and procedures” requiring the weapon to be secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’ legislative aide, Hillary Ronen, explained in an interview that the city attorney’s office had confirmed that for San Francisco law enforcement agencies, “this policy does not already exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Center for Investigative Reporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/san-francisco-killing-highlights-issue-of-stolen-government-owned-guns/\">has noted\u003c/a>, a 2010 audit by the Office of the Inspector General of the Department of Homeland Security highlighted a pervasive problem stemming from stolen government-owned firearms. A total of 289 guns were lost or stolen from the Department of Homeland Security over the course of two years, and auditors found the trend represented “serious risks to the public and law enforcement officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New Policy on Inmate Transfers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate resolution proposed by Campos, created in tandem with the San Francisco District Attorney's Office, would establish new criteria for the transfer of inmates to city custody from outside jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez-Sanchez, the Mexican national accused of killing Steinle, was transferred from a federal prison to city custody after a bench warrant surfaced on a 20-year marijuana charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went to court on March 27, and the court dismissed the charges,\" Freya Horne, chief legal counsel for the Sheriff's Department, told KQED in an email earlier this year. From there he was released from custody and essentially left to wander the streets, penniless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed resolution, the district attorney would be required to communicate with local law enforcement agencies prior to an inmate transfer from an outside jurisdiction. Before agreeing to it, departments would have to determine that such a transfer “serves the interest of public safety and the efficient use of local resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls to the district attorney's office were not returned by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the sheriff had called the DA,\" Campos said, \"the DA would have said to the sheriff, we’re not interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sanctuary City Questioned\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/SF-Democrats-set-to-vote-on-endorsing-sanctuary-6509196.php\">visit to San Francisco on Wednesday\u003c/a>, U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson criticized the city’s policies of not cooperating with ICE. During an appearance at the Commonwealth Club, he labeled the practice “counterproductive” and “not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of politicians have criticized San Francisco’s sanctuary city policies following the Pier 14 shooting. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump tweeted that Steinle was “viciously killed because we can’t secure our border,” a statement that was retweeted almost 1,500 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dianne Feinstein, meanwhile, pointed a finger at San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi in the wake of the shooting, blaming him for releasing an undocumented immigrant with a record of felony convictions. Mirkarimi has defended his actions as being in accordance with the city’s Due Process For All Ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee also condemned Mirkarimi’s actions, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201507080900\">saying on KQED's \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, “I do happen to agree with Sen. Feinstein that you look at who had that last responsibility. It was our sheriff. … And when the feds released this person to us, there could have been a notification that we’re about to release a repeat serious felony offender, who is not legally here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Requests for comment from Lee were not returned by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an internal memo circulated March 13, Mirkarimi stated that the department’s policy was to limit “contact and communication with ICE representatives absent a court issued warrant, a signed court order, or other legal requirement authorizing ICE access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Supervisor Mark Farrell proposed a resolution calling on the sheriff to rescind that memo, which he believes goes beyond the parameters of the Sanctuary City and Due Process for All ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have no issue with the idea that the memo would be rescinded,\" Campos said. Farrell's proposal may come up for a vote later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell is also working with the city attorney on a policy that would “disallow city dollars from being expended by the sheriff's department to transfer an inmate from outside city borders\" when it's believed that the DA will not prosecute an outstanding warrant, according to Farrell’s legislative aide, Jess Montejano. As things stand, Montejano added, Farrell “remains opposed to the whole sell of PEP at this time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Crime Victims\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos argued that the city's existing immigration policies contribute to public safety. If undocumented residents \"are victims of a crime or are witnesses to a crime, you want them to come forward and report that crime to the police department, to law enforcement,\" he said. \"They're not going to do that, though, if they fear that law enforcement will deport them or report them to immigration.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates point to the case of Norma Ortiz, a San Francisco resident who dialed 911 in 2010 after suffering from a long pattern of domestic violence and was sent to deportation proceedings after being taken into police custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The worst thing that I ever could have imagined was that they would take me, too,” she said. That’s just what happened, since the father of her son told police that she had started their altercation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz was sent to an ICE facility in San Francisco, where chains were placed on her hands and feet. Then she was made to wear an ankle bracelet with a tracking device while deportation proceedings continued. In February of 2012, a federal immigration judge terminated the deportation proceeding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be able to tell domestic violence victims, you can safely cooperate with police,” said Frances Kreimer, an immigration attorney with Dolores Street Community Services, but that won’t happen unless “people understand that local law enforcement is separate from federal immigration enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor David Campos plans to introduce a package of legislation today that he says is meant to address policy flaws exposed in the aftermath of the Pier 14 shooting. The Mission District supervisor will also introduce a resolution calling on the sheriff to not cooperate with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement's Priority Enforcement Program (PEP).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fatal shooting of Kate Steinle on San Francisco’s Pier 14 on July 1 touched off a national controversy over the city’s long-established policies of limiting local law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan Francisco Lopez-Sanchez, who was deported from the U.S. five times prior to being transferred to San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/09/04/accused-pier-14-shooter-to-face-murder-charges-at-trial\">faces murder charges\u003c/a> in the shooting. Steinle’s family is pursuing \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/09/01/family-of-kate-steinle-files-legal-claims-against-s-f-sheriff-feds\">legal claims\u003c/a> against local and federal agencies for negligence that contributed to her death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think ... we need a well-thought-out policy that actually tries to address what happened, but also ensures that we remain safe and also that whatever we do is consistent with the values that San Francisco had,\" Campos said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sheriff Urged to Not Cooperate with ICE\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first piece of Campos' three-part proposal is a resolution asking the sheriff to not cooperate with PEP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"PEP ... is essentially the so-called S-Comm, Secure Communities program, with a different branding,\" said Campos, who is working in tandem with a coalition of immigrant rights activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the federal government having basically put lipstick on a pig that is still a pig. PEP, like Secure Communities, is a dragnet program that essentially tries to entangle local law enforcement into immigration enforcement,\" he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PEP was rolled out last year to replace the controversial, now-defunct Secure Communities program, which the San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted not to adhere to. Under PEP, federal immigration authorities call upon local agencies to notify ICE prior to releasing certain individuals from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos isn’t alone in calling for the city not to adhere to PEP -- the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee endorsed a resolution last week urging the city not to participate in the new federal program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe that if the Democratic Party can take that position in San Francisco, then the city and county of San Francisco should follow,\" Campos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Stolen Guns\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another piece of the three-part proposal would require off-duty public safety officers to secure their department-issued firearms in a trunk or lock box, as a theft-prevention measure. The gun allegedly used in the Pier 14 shooting had been taken from a federal agent's parked car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a lawsuit filed by Steinle’s family, a Bureau of Land Management agent left his a fully loaded Sig Sauer handgun in his vehicle “unattended in a backpack that was in plain sight” prior to the theft, in contradiction of “mandatory regulations and procedures” requiring the weapon to be secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’ legislative aide, Hillary Ronen, explained in an interview that the city attorney’s office had confirmed that for San Francisco law enforcement agencies, “this policy does not already exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Center for Investigative Reporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/san-francisco-killing-highlights-issue-of-stolen-government-owned-guns/\">has noted\u003c/a>, a 2010 audit by the Office of the Inspector General of the Department of Homeland Security highlighted a pervasive problem stemming from stolen government-owned firearms. A total of 289 guns were lost or stolen from the Department of Homeland Security over the course of two years, and auditors found the trend represented “serious risks to the public and law enforcement officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New Policy on Inmate Transfers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate resolution proposed by Campos, created in tandem with the San Francisco District Attorney's Office, would establish new criteria for the transfer of inmates to city custody from outside jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez-Sanchez, the Mexican national accused of killing Steinle, was transferred from a federal prison to city custody after a bench warrant surfaced on a 20-year marijuana charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went to court on March 27, and the court dismissed the charges,\" Freya Horne, chief legal counsel for the Sheriff's Department, told KQED in an email earlier this year. From there he was released from custody and essentially left to wander the streets, penniless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed resolution, the district attorney would be required to communicate with local law enforcement agencies prior to an inmate transfer from an outside jurisdiction. Before agreeing to it, departments would have to determine that such a transfer “serves the interest of public safety and the efficient use of local resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls to the district attorney's office were not returned by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the sheriff had called the DA,\" Campos said, \"the DA would have said to the sheriff, we’re not interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sanctuary City Questioned\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/SF-Democrats-set-to-vote-on-endorsing-sanctuary-6509196.php\">visit to San Francisco on Wednesday\u003c/a>, U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson criticized the city’s policies of not cooperating with ICE. During an appearance at the Commonwealth Club, he labeled the practice “counterproductive” and “not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of politicians have criticized San Francisco’s sanctuary city policies following the Pier 14 shooting. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump tweeted that Steinle was “viciously killed because we can’t secure our border,” a statement that was retweeted almost 1,500 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dianne Feinstein, meanwhile, pointed a finger at San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi in the wake of the shooting, blaming him for releasing an undocumented immigrant with a record of felony convictions. Mirkarimi has defended his actions as being in accordance with the city’s Due Process For All Ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee also condemned Mirkarimi’s actions, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201507080900\">saying on KQED's \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, “I do happen to agree with Sen. Feinstein that you look at who had that last responsibility. It was our sheriff. … And when the feds released this person to us, there could have been a notification that we’re about to release a repeat serious felony offender, who is not legally here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Requests for comment from Lee were not returned by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an internal memo circulated March 13, Mirkarimi stated that the department’s policy was to limit “contact and communication with ICE representatives absent a court issued warrant, a signed court order, or other legal requirement authorizing ICE access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Supervisor Mark Farrell proposed a resolution calling on the sheriff to rescind that memo, which he believes goes beyond the parameters of the Sanctuary City and Due Process for All ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have no issue with the idea that the memo would be rescinded,\" Campos said. Farrell's proposal may come up for a vote later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell is also working with the city attorney on a policy that would “disallow city dollars from being expended by the sheriff's department to transfer an inmate from outside city borders\" when it's believed that the DA will not prosecute an outstanding warrant, according to Farrell’s legislative aide, Jess Montejano. As things stand, Montejano added, Farrell “remains opposed to the whole sell of PEP at this time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Crime Victims\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos argued that the city's existing immigration policies contribute to public safety. If undocumented residents \"are victims of a crime or are witnesses to a crime, you want them to come forward and report that crime to the police department, to law enforcement,\" he said. \"They're not going to do that, though, if they fear that law enforcement will deport them or report them to immigration.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates point to the case of Norma Ortiz, a San Francisco resident who dialed 911 in 2010 after suffering from a long pattern of domestic violence and was sent to deportation proceedings after being taken into police custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The worst thing that I ever could have imagined was that they would take me, too,” she said. That’s just what happened, since the father of her son told police that she had started their altercation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz was sent to an ICE facility in San Francisco, where chains were placed on her hands and feet. Then she was made to wear an ankle bracelet with a tracking device while deportation proceedings continued. In February of 2012, a federal immigration judge terminated the deportation proceeding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be able to tell domestic violence victims, you can safely cooperate with police,” said Frances Kreimer, an immigration attorney with Dolores Street Community Services, but that won’t happen unless “people understand that local law enforcement is separate from federal immigration enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Shouted Down at UC Berkeley",
"title": "U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Shouted Down at UC Berkeley",
"headTitle": "News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson's talk at UC Berkeley Tuesday night included a heated verbal exchange that lasted several minutes, after an immigrant rights activist interrupted him at high volume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ciyja/videos/967753513283631/\">a video posted to social media\u003c/a>, Sandy Valenciano, an organizer with the California Immigrant Youth Justice Alliance, can be seen standing across the room as she loudly pressures Johnson on U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s deportation policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Titled “Threats to Homeland,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uX0fZ2HBTH8\" target=\"_blank\">Johnson’s talk\u003c/a> was organized by the Berkeley Forum, a student-led organization created in 2012. The event drew around 300 attendees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few weeks ago, ICE did a raid in Southern California of 240 people -- that was under your jurisdiction,” Valenciano can be heard telling Johnson in the video, referring to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-240-immigrants-arrested-ice-20150831-story.html\">a four-day sweep in late August that was covered by the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>. “Why do you continue to violate the Fourth Amendment rights of immigrants?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you done?” Johnson asks in response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not done,” Valenciano shoots back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was joined by several others affiliated with her group, a statewide coalition of immigrant youth organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later said in an interview that the coalition had repeatedly contacted the Department of Homeland Security to seek clarity on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/pep\" target=\"_blank\">Priority Enforcement Program\u003c/a> -- a new system for local and state law enforcement to partner with federal immigration officials. The program, sometimes referred to as PEP-Comm, was announced last November to replace the controversial Secure Communities Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to her comments, Johnson said the Secure Communities Program \"created a lot of legal and political controversy, because that program was rounding up people based on mere warrants, and not convictions. It was also creating litigation. ... So, we’ve ended the Secure Communities Program ...”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Valenciano interrupted him again, saying, “No, you have recreated it through the PEP-Comm program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I disagree,” Johnson replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valenciano continued venting loudly about deportation policies until she was escorted out by campus guards. “Don’t do that,” Johnson told them initially. “Let her stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disruption continued, though, and she was ultimately removed from the venue while protesters outside the forum banged on doors, chanting, “Shut down ICE! Shut Down ICE!” Valenciano later said the purpose was to let the DHS chief know that “the community is going to push back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secure Communities began in 2008 as a collaboration between ICE and local law enforcement agencies, to facilitate deportation of individuals arrested for crimes. In November, President Barack Obama issued a directive \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/immigration-2/obamas-immigration-plan-includes-end-to-secure-communities/\">to end the controversial program\u003c/a>. Activists have stressed that deportations can separate families and cause upheaval in individuals' lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under ICE's PEP program, fingerprints of individuals booked for criminal violations are automatically sent to the FBI for criminal history and warrant checks; that biometric data is simultaneously sent to ICE. If ICE deems the individual to be a “priority for removal” based on these records, they can ask the local law enforcement agency to notify them before releasing the individual from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant rights organizations say PEP contains similar pitfalls to Secure Communities. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.caimmigrant.org/groups-celebrate-s-comm-end/\" target=\"_blank\">statement \u003c/a>issued just after the new program was announced, the California Immigrant Policy Center said that under the new system, “some immigrants will be transferred into ICE custody after contact with local police, and therefore many immigrant communities will still fear reporting crime to local police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of police cooperation with immigration authorities has been a topic of debate in recent months, following the July 1 \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/07/mirkarimi-immigration-authorities-trade-blame-in-pier-14-shooting\" target=\"_blank\">shooting death of Kate Steinle\u003c/a> on San Francisco’s Pier 14. In that case, controversy centered on how the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department handles ICE requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergey Mann, a junior economics major at UC Berkeley who serves as public relations manager for the \u003ca href=\"http://forum.berkeley.edu/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeley Forum\u003c/a>, said his organization seeks to encourage student dialogue with influential figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a large group of people gathered outside, protesting. The secretary tried to engage with them,” Mann said in a phone interview. “They basically said, 'We won’t talk to you until you agree to end all deportations.' ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the Berkeley Forum has hosted big names, including Sen. Rand Paul, (R-Kentucky) and venture capitalist Peter Thiel, whose appearance was cut short last December when protesters stormed the stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For events such as Johnson’s talk, which drew a large crowd, he said the typical format is to ask members of the audience to submit their questions on cards at the start of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no intentional filtering of topics, Mann said, but “we just want to make sure that they are good questions.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson's talk at UC Berkeley Tuesday night included a heated verbal exchange that lasted several minutes, after an immigrant rights activist interrupted him at high volume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ciyja/videos/967753513283631/\">a video posted to social media\u003c/a>, Sandy Valenciano, an organizer with the California Immigrant Youth Justice Alliance, can be seen standing across the room as she loudly pressures Johnson on U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s deportation policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Titled “Threats to Homeland,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uX0fZ2HBTH8\" target=\"_blank\">Johnson’s talk\u003c/a> was organized by the Berkeley Forum, a student-led organization created in 2012. The event drew around 300 attendees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few weeks ago, ICE did a raid in Southern California of 240 people -- that was under your jurisdiction,” Valenciano can be heard telling Johnson in the video, referring to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-240-immigrants-arrested-ice-20150831-story.html\">a four-day sweep in late August that was covered by the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>. “Why do you continue to violate the Fourth Amendment rights of immigrants?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you done?” Johnson asks in response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not done,” Valenciano shoots back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was joined by several others affiliated with her group, a statewide coalition of immigrant youth organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later said in an interview that the coalition had repeatedly contacted the Department of Homeland Security to seek clarity on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/pep\" target=\"_blank\">Priority Enforcement Program\u003c/a> -- a new system for local and state law enforcement to partner with federal immigration officials. The program, sometimes referred to as PEP-Comm, was announced last November to replace the controversial Secure Communities Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to her comments, Johnson said the Secure Communities Program \"created a lot of legal and political controversy, because that program was rounding up people based on mere warrants, and not convictions. It was also creating litigation. ... So, we’ve ended the Secure Communities Program ...”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Valenciano interrupted him again, saying, “No, you have recreated it through the PEP-Comm program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I disagree,” Johnson replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valenciano continued venting loudly about deportation policies until she was escorted out by campus guards. “Don’t do that,” Johnson told them initially. “Let her stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disruption continued, though, and she was ultimately removed from the venue while protesters outside the forum banged on doors, chanting, “Shut down ICE! Shut Down ICE!” Valenciano later said the purpose was to let the DHS chief know that “the community is going to push back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secure Communities began in 2008 as a collaboration between ICE and local law enforcement agencies, to facilitate deportation of individuals arrested for crimes. In November, President Barack Obama issued a directive \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/immigration-2/obamas-immigration-plan-includes-end-to-secure-communities/\">to end the controversial program\u003c/a>. Activists have stressed that deportations can separate families and cause upheaval in individuals' lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under ICE's PEP program, fingerprints of individuals booked for criminal violations are automatically sent to the FBI for criminal history and warrant checks; that biometric data is simultaneously sent to ICE. If ICE deems the individual to be a “priority for removal” based on these records, they can ask the local law enforcement agency to notify them before releasing the individual from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant rights organizations say PEP contains similar pitfalls to Secure Communities. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.caimmigrant.org/groups-celebrate-s-comm-end/\" target=\"_blank\">statement \u003c/a>issued just after the new program was announced, the California Immigrant Policy Center said that under the new system, “some immigrants will be transferred into ICE custody after contact with local police, and therefore many immigrant communities will still fear reporting crime to local police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of police cooperation with immigration authorities has been a topic of debate in recent months, following the July 1 \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/07/07/mirkarimi-immigration-authorities-trade-blame-in-pier-14-shooting\" target=\"_blank\">shooting death of Kate Steinle\u003c/a> on San Francisco’s Pier 14. In that case, controversy centered on how the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department handles ICE requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergey Mann, a junior economics major at UC Berkeley who serves as public relations manager for the \u003ca href=\"http://forum.berkeley.edu/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeley Forum\u003c/a>, said his organization seeks to encourage student dialogue with influential figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a large group of people gathered outside, protesting. The secretary tried to engage with them,” Mann said in a phone interview. “They basically said, 'We won’t talk to you until you agree to end all deportations.' ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the Berkeley Forum has hosted big names, including Sen. Rand Paul, (R-Kentucky) and venture capitalist Peter Thiel, whose appearance was cut short last December when protesters stormed the stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For events such as Johnson’s talk, which drew a large crowd, he said the typical format is to ask members of the audience to submit their questions on cards at the start of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no intentional filtering of topics, Mann said, but “we just want to make sure that they are good questions.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Huntington Park Still Roiling Over Appointment of Undocumented Immigrants",
"title": "Huntington Park Still Roiling Over Appointment of Undocumented Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/\">Huntington Park’s \u003c/a>main drag, Pacific Boulevard, was once a magnet for people from across South L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locals like Laura Herrera like to talk about how it once rivaled Rodeo Drive in Beverly Hills when it comes to glitzy storefronts and upscale shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days it caters to a largely working-class Latino clientele. Mexican bakeries and q\u003cem>uinceañera\u003c/em> shops sit alongside storefronts with window shingles offering legal services for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a popular local coffeehouse, morning commuters share space with retirees, students and wandering street musicians singing old Mexican ballads for spare change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cafe's name is Tierra Mia, or \"my land\" -- a fitting name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a white enclave just a handful of streetcar stops from downtown Los Angeles, Huntington Park is now around 97 percent Latino. About half of the city’s 59,000 residents were born outside the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/223382935\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a daughter of an immigrant and I know how important it is to have a voice in government,” says Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She used to be one of those voices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera had just begun a second term as a city planning commissioner two months ago when the newly elected City Council decided to disband all active\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/index.aspx?nid=60\"> city commissions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council also took the controversial action of opening commission seats to people who live outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and other commissioners were informed they could reapply, but she says the writing was on the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were removed,” says Herrera, who now intends to run for City Council in 2017. “(They said) there was a lack of good appointees, and that was very offensive to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676607\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676607\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park city council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park City Council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among the new commissioners handpicked by a trio of young new council members were people who helped get them elected, including a campaign consultant who lives in another city and, most controversial of all, two young undocumented immigrants; 21-year-old Julian Zatarain and 28-year-old Francisco Medina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I catch up with Medina by phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says it’s hard to meet up in person because his schedule is so unpredictable. He's got to take work whenever it comes up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever I can get, I can be working construction, tutoring for kids, cleaning,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina’s newest job is a seat on the Huntington Park Health and Education commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to be focusing just on undocumented students,” says Medina, who crossed into the U.S. without papers around 10 years ago. “We’re going to representing all the residents of Huntington Park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina is no stranger to civic participation. He interned for former state Assemblyman Gil Cedillo and also helped out on Cedillo’s campaign for L.A. City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if he knew that Medina was in the country illegally when he hired him, Cedillo says he does not verify the status of unpaid staffers. But he says he supports Medina’s appointment in Huntington Park, and he hopes it sets an example for other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s a young man who has a lot to contribute,” says Cedillo. “He’s bilingual, and he’s reflective of his community, and so there’s no reason why we would not want him to continue his public service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fresh-faced councilman who made the Huntington Park appointments, Jhonny Pineda, did not respond to numerous interview requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.jhonnypineda.com/pr2.html\">press release, \u003c/a>he said the appointments were a way to get undocumented residents more involved in city politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more participation, the more engagement, the more eyes and ears you have paying attention to city politics,” says Loyola Marymount University political science professor Fernando Guerra. “That will create much more transparency, much more responsiveness to the residents, including undocumented immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the patchwork of predominantly Latino communities in and around South L.A., voter turnout is dismally low, public meetings sparsely attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New immigrants may arrive without papers, from places where speaking out can be risky. They keep their heads down. It’s a good recipe for municipal corruption\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bordering city of Bell drew big headlines a few years ago when top officials were caught up in a salary corruption scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just next door in Huntington Park, public officials have also come under scrutiny for alleged, though much less serious, misconduct in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former councilwoman Linda Caraballo worries this new council is cut from the same cloth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve only been on the job less than six months and you have all this ruckus, you have all these people protesting,” says Caraballo, sitting beneath shade trees outside Huntington Park’s stately Mission-style City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676669\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676669\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \u003ccite>(Youtube )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caraballo is talking about the carloads of anti-illegal immigration activists from out of town who have been crowding council chambers to protest the appointment of Medina and Zatarain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the decision to appoint Medina and Zatarain is final, recent public council sessions have devolved into heated, hours-long forums on the pros and cons of illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Opponents are) saying these appointments are unjust. I agree with that,” says Caraballo. “You have many documented people that are very well qualified that could have easily done those jobs. But they immediately went to their friends.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina says he’s heard the allegations of political favoritism and worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably there’s a lot of corruption with Francisco Medina. I wonder how much money he’s going to get out of it,” he says, referring to the kinds of rumors apparently coursing through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help dampen the controversy, Medina and Zatarain agreed to do their jobs without pay, even though they’re eligible for a small stipend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That way there’s not an excuse to say, 'Oh, they’re taking resources from the city,' ” says Medina. “We’re just giving back to our own people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After several weeks of delay, Huntington Park’s newest city commissioners are set to be sworn in sometime next month.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/\">Huntington Park’s \u003c/a>main drag, Pacific Boulevard, was once a magnet for people from across South L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locals like Laura Herrera like to talk about how it once rivaled Rodeo Drive in Beverly Hills when it comes to glitzy storefronts and upscale shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days it caters to a largely working-class Latino clientele. Mexican bakeries and q\u003cem>uinceañera\u003c/em> shops sit alongside storefronts with window shingles offering legal services for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a popular local coffeehouse, morning commuters share space with retirees, students and wandering street musicians singing old Mexican ballads for spare change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cafe's name is Tierra Mia, or \"my land\" -- a fitting name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a white enclave just a handful of streetcar stops from downtown Los Angeles, Huntington Park is now around 97 percent Latino. About half of the city’s 59,000 residents were born outside the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/223382935&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/223382935'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a daughter of an immigrant and I know how important it is to have a voice in government,” says Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She used to be one of those voices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera had just begun a second term as a city planning commissioner two months ago when the newly elected City Council decided to disband all active\u003ca href=\"http://www.hpca.gov/index.aspx?nid=60\"> city commissions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council also took the controversial action of opening commission seats to people who live outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera and other commissioners were informed they could reapply, but she says the writing was on the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were removed,” says Herrera, who now intends to run for City Council in 2017. “(They said) there was a lack of good appointees, and that was very offensive to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676607\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676607\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park city council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/HP-signs-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protest signs hoisted during a recent Huntington Park City Council meeting illustrate the divide over the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. Organized opposition is supported in large part by activists from outside L.A. County. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among the new commissioners handpicked by a trio of young new council members were people who helped get them elected, including a campaign consultant who lives in another city and, most controversial of all, two young undocumented immigrants; 21-year-old Julian Zatarain and 28-year-old Francisco Medina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I catch up with Medina by phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says it’s hard to meet up in person because his schedule is so unpredictable. He's got to take work whenever it comes up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever I can get, I can be working construction, tutoring for kids, cleaning,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina’s newest job is a seat on the Huntington Park Health and Education commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to be focusing just on undocumented students,” says Medina, who crossed into the U.S. without papers around 10 years ago. “We’re going to representing all the residents of Huntington Park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina is no stranger to civic participation. He interned for former state Assemblyman Gil Cedillo and also helped out on Cedillo’s campaign for L.A. City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if he knew that Medina was in the country illegally when he hired him, Cedillo says he does not verify the status of unpaid staffers. But he says he supports Medina’s appointment in Huntington Park, and he hopes it sets an example for other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s a young man who has a lot to contribute,” says Cedillo. “He’s bilingual, and he’s reflective of his community, and so there’s no reason why we would not want him to continue his public service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fresh-faced councilman who made the Huntington Park appointments, Jhonny Pineda, did not respond to numerous interview requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.jhonnypineda.com/pr2.html\">press release, \u003c/a>he said the appointments were a way to get undocumented residents more involved in city politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more participation, the more engagement, the more eyes and ears you have paying attention to city politics,” says Loyola Marymount University political science professor Fernando Guerra. “That will create much more transparency, much more responsiveness to the residents, including undocumented immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the patchwork of predominantly Latino communities in and around South L.A., voter turnout is dismally low, public meetings sparsely attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New immigrants may arrive without papers, from places where speaking out can be risky. They keep their heads down. It’s a good recipe for municipal corruption\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bordering city of Bell drew big headlines a few years ago when top officials were caught up in a salary corruption scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just next door in Huntington Park, public officials have also come under scrutiny for alleged, though much less serious, misconduct in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former councilwoman Linda Caraballo worries this new council is cut from the same cloth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve only been on the job less than six months and you have all this ruckus, you have all these people protesting,” says Caraballo, sitting beneath shade trees outside Huntington Park’s stately Mission-style City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10676669\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10676669\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/IMG_5972.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-illegal immigration activists from outside Huntington Park have become regular fixtures at public meetings since the appointment of two undocumented immigrants to city commissions. \u003ccite>(Youtube )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caraballo is talking about the carloads of anti-illegal immigration activists from out of town who have been crowding council chambers to protest the appointment of Medina and Zatarain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the decision to appoint Medina and Zatarain is final, recent public council sessions have devolved into heated, hours-long forums on the pros and cons of illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Opponents are) saying these appointments are unjust. I agree with that,” says Caraballo. “You have many documented people that are very well qualified that could have easily done those jobs. But they immediately went to their friends.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina says he’s heard the allegations of political favoritism and worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably there’s a lot of corruption with Francisco Medina. I wonder how much money he’s going to get out of it,” he says, referring to the kinds of rumors apparently coursing through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help dampen the controversy, Medina and Zatarain agreed to do their jobs without pay, even though they’re eligible for a small stipend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That way there’s not an excuse to say, 'Oh, they’re taking resources from the city,' ” says Medina. “We’re just giving back to our own people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After several weeks of delay, Huntington Park’s newest city commissioners are set to be sworn in sometime next month.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Presidential candidate Donald Trump's proposal to deport all 11 million immigrants living in the country illegally, along with their U.S.-born children, sounds far-fetched. But something similar happened before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s and into the 1940s, up to 2 million Mexicans and Mexican-Americans were deported or expelled from cities and towns across the U.S. and shipped to Mexico. According to some estimates, more than half of these people were U.S. citizens, born in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a largely forgotten chapter in history that Francisco Balderrama, a California State University historian, documented in \"\u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=1A6iBy_0qacC&source=gbs_book_other_versions\">Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.\u003c/a>\" He co-wrote that book with the late historian Raymond Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a perception in the United States that Mexicans are Mexicans,\" Balderrama said. \"Whether they were American citizens, or whether they were Mexican nationals, in the American mind — that is, in the mind of government officials, in the mind of industry leaders — they're all Mexicans. So ship them home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the Great Depression, when up to a quarter of Americans were unemployed and many believed that Mexicans were taking scarce jobs. In response, federal, state and local officials launched so-called \"repatriation\" campaigns. They held raids in workplaces and in public places, rounded up Mexicans and Mexican-Americans alike, and deported them. The most famous of these was in downtown Los Angeles' Placita Olvera in 1931.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these raids were intended to spread fear throughout Mexican barrios and pressure Mexicans and Mexican-Americans to leave on their own. In many cases, they succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where they didn't, government officials often used coercion to get rid of Mexican-Americans who were U.S. citizens. In Los Angeles, it was standard practice for county social workers to tell those receiving public assistance that they would lose it, and that they would be better off in Mexico. Those social workers would then get tickets for families to travel to Mexico. According to Balderrama's research, one-third of L.A.'s Mexican population was expelled between 1929 and 1944 as a result of these practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what happened to Emilia Castañeda and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was born in Los Angeles in 1926 to immigrant parents. Her mother died while she was growing up, and her father struggled to get work during the Depression. When Castañeda was 9, Los Angeles County paid to put the family on a southbound train to Mexico. They lived with relatives, but often had to sleep outdoors for lack of space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The oldest of the boys, he used to call me a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>,\" Castañeda remembered in a 1971 interview, using the Spanish word for a repatriate. \"And I don't think I felt that I was a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>, because I was an American citizen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda didn't return to the U.S. until she was 17, by which point she had lost much of her English. Her father never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these family separations remain a lasting legacy of the mass deportations of that era. Despite claims by officials at the time that deporting U.S.-born children — along with their immigrant parents — would keep families together, many families were destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esteban Torres was a toddler when his father, a Mexican immigrant, was caught up in a workplace roundup at an Arizona copper mine in the mid-1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My mother, like other wives, waited for the husbands to come home from the mine. But he didn't come home,\" Torres recalled in a recent interview. He now lives east of Los Angeles. \"I was 3 years old. My brother was 2 years old. And we never saw my father again.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres' mother suspected that his father had been targeted because of his efforts to organize miners. That led Esteban Torres to a lifelong involvement with organized labor. He was eventually elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and served there from 1983 to 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Torres serves on the board of \u003ca href=\"http://lapca.org/\">La Plaza de Cultura y Artes\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, a Mexican-American cultural center. In front of it stands a memorial that the state of California dedicated in 2012, apologizing to the hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens who were illegally deported or expelled during the Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was a sorrowful step that this country took,\" Torres said. \"It was a mistake. And for Trump to suggest that we should do it again is ludicrous, stupid and incomprehensible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2015 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Mass+Deportation+May+Sound+Unlikely%2C+But+It%27s+Happened+Before&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Presidential candidate Donald Trump's proposal to deport all 11 million immigrants living in the country illegally, along with their U.S.-born children, sounds far-fetched. But something similar happened before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s and into the 1940s, up to 2 million Mexicans and Mexican-Americans were deported or expelled from cities and towns across the U.S. and shipped to Mexico. According to some estimates, more than half of these people were U.S. citizens, born in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a largely forgotten chapter in history that Francisco Balderrama, a California State University historian, documented in \"\u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=1A6iBy_0qacC&source=gbs_book_other_versions\">Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.\u003c/a>\" He co-wrote that book with the late historian Raymond Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a perception in the United States that Mexicans are Mexicans,\" Balderrama said. \"Whether they were American citizens, or whether they were Mexican nationals, in the American mind — that is, in the mind of government officials, in the mind of industry leaders — they're all Mexicans. So ship them home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the Great Depression, when up to a quarter of Americans were unemployed and many believed that Mexicans were taking scarce jobs. In response, federal, state and local officials launched so-called \"repatriation\" campaigns. They held raids in workplaces and in public places, rounded up Mexicans and Mexican-Americans alike, and deported them. The most famous of these was in downtown Los Angeles' Placita Olvera in 1931.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these raids were intended to spread fear throughout Mexican barrios and pressure Mexicans and Mexican-Americans to leave on their own. In many cases, they succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where they didn't, government officials often used coercion to get rid of Mexican-Americans who were U.S. citizens. In Los Angeles, it was standard practice for county social workers to tell those receiving public assistance that they would lose it, and that they would be better off in Mexico. Those social workers would then get tickets for families to travel to Mexico. According to Balderrama's research, one-third of L.A.'s Mexican population was expelled between 1929 and 1944 as a result of these practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what happened to Emilia Castañeda and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was born in Los Angeles in 1926 to immigrant parents. Her mother died while she was growing up, and her father struggled to get work during the Depression. When Castañeda was 9, Los Angeles County paid to put the family on a southbound train to Mexico. They lived with relatives, but often had to sleep outdoors for lack of space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The oldest of the boys, he used to call me a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>,\" Castañeda remembered in a 1971 interview, using the Spanish word for a repatriate. \"And I don't think I felt that I was a \u003cem>repatriada\u003c/em>, because I was an American citizen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda didn't return to the U.S. until she was 17, by which point she had lost much of her English. Her father never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balderrama says these family separations remain a lasting legacy of the mass deportations of that era. Despite claims by officials at the time that deporting U.S.-born children — along with their immigrant parents — would keep families together, many families were destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esteban Torres was a toddler when his father, a Mexican immigrant, was caught up in a workplace roundup at an Arizona copper mine in the mid-1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My mother, like other wives, waited for the husbands to come home from the mine. But he didn't come home,\" Torres recalled in a recent interview. He now lives east of Los Angeles. \"I was 3 years old. My brother was 2 years old. And we never saw my father again.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres' mother suspected that his father had been targeted because of his efforts to organize miners. That led Esteban Torres to a lifelong involvement with organized labor. He was eventually elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and served there from 1983 to 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Torres serves on the board of \u003ca href=\"http://lapca.org/\">La Plaza de Cultura y Artes\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, a Mexican-American cultural center. In front of it stands a memorial that the state of California dedicated in 2012, apologizing to the hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens who were illegally deported or expelled during the Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was a sorrowful step that this country took,\" Torres said. \"It was a mistake. And for Trump to suggest that we should do it again is ludicrous, stupid and incomprehensible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2015 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Mass+Deportation+May+Sound+Unlikely%2C+But+It%27s+Happened+Before&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Forgotten Filipino-Americans Who Led the ’65 Delano Grape Strike",
"title": "The Forgotten Filipino-Americans Who Led the ’65 Delano Grape Strike",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Today, grapes in the grocery store don’t seem that controversial. But 50 years ago, a historic strike in California’s Central Valley vineyards set in motion the most significant campaign in modern labor history: the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> and Cesar Chavez are widely known for running the Delano Grape Strike and prompting an international boycott of table grapes, the origins of that movement are rarely discussed. Some people in the town of Delano and across the state are determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be easy to drive through Delano and have no idea that history was made here. It’s a dry, hot Central Valley town, and places of historical importance -- such as a retirement home, a church, and acres and acres of farmland -- look ordinary on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667541\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1440x958.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many people, though, these places are sacred ground: the vineyards, picketed for years by farmworkers and their supporters; the high school auditorium where Sen. Bobby Kennedy spoke; a white stucco building on the edge of town where Cesar Chavez carried out a hunger strike and became a national symbol of farmworker rights; and a utilitarian community center known as Filipino Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To resident Roger Gadiano, Filipino Hall is a shrine. “This is our Mecca,” he says. “I guess it’s our Selma. This is it!” Because in this building, on the night of Sept. 7, 1965, farmworkers voted to go on strike the next day. They were almost all Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t know who in the heck walked in here … but I do.” Gadiano says. “It tickles me. We’re a part of a big history. We took a step that was bold and that no one else would take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those voting -- and striking -- were elders called Manongs, the mostly migrant, bachelor Filipino farmworkers whose names and stories few people know, even in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667678\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg\" alt=\"Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-400x271.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1440x975.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1180x799.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-960x650.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Philippine Weekend, a cultural celebration and kind of family reunion, a group of young women say they never learned about the farmworker movement in school. Anhelica Perez says her Latina grandmother and other relatives actually participated in the strike and ensuing boycott, “So it was active family history, but it was not taught -- or talked about -- at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she’s in her late 20s, Melanie Retuda says she learned about the Filipino origins of the strike only last year. “I’d known of Cesar Chavez and Hispanics being involved,” she says. “Being Filipino, it’s like, ‘Wow.’ Filipinos actually made an impact in the process. It makes me proud that they were involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is outraged that this history is not known because the actions those Filipinos took improved her family’s lives. “I mean, I’m extremely proud that Cesar Chavez was the right face at the right time, but a lot of the dirty work was already done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667728\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-800x1010.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1010\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-400x505.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In many ways, Filipino farmworkers and labor organizers had prepared for the Delano Grape Strike for decades. Dawn Mabalon, professor of history at San Francisco State University, says they’d been fighting for better working conditions since the 1920s, and had a key win in 1939 in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five to seven thousand Filipinos in asparagus fields all walk out at the height of the season, on Good Friday,” threatening the availability of asparagus on Easter dinner tables, Mabalon says. “Growers capitulated in a day. So Filipinos know that if they all walk out, in absolute unity, with absolute militancy, they’re probably going to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the ’60s, though, conditions for farmworkers across the state were still dismal. Mabalon describes conducting oral histories in which she heard stories of field crews sharing just one tin cup of water. “You still had no bathrooms in the fields, poor wages, no workers' comp, no unemployment, no Social Security,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the summer of 1965, when growers cut the pay of Filipinos picking grapes in the Coachella Valley, they were prepared to act. These workers, members of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, were “led by this really charismatic, seasoned, militant labor leader, Larry Itliong,” Mabalon says, “and they make a stand against the farmers in Coachella and they win: $1.40 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Xotg4AWAehe1ZfO0noGLK1OdPcrHAvPQ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they migrated north to Delano, organizers like Itliong, Philip Vera Cruz and Pete Velasco urged local families to join them in asking for improved conditions (the same raise to $1.40 an hour). Growers balked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired journalist Alex Edillor was only 11 years old, but he remembers his farmworker parents coming back from heated meetings, and talking about a potential strike over the kitchen table. “There were people with mortgages, with families to feed, considering a strike action,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667730\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667730\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-400x290.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-960x697.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the evening of Sept. 7, workers gathered at Filipino Hall and voted to strike. The next morning they went out to the vineyards, as they always did, but made a dramatic stand. Edillor remembers: \u003ci>“\u003c/i>It was the first day of school, I was all prepared to come home, watch a little TV,” but when he came home, his parents were there. Like the Manongs, and other locals, they’d worked a full day, then left the harvested crop on the ground and walked off the vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano, who had family members join the strike, adds, “Just imagine over 1,500 old Filipino men at different labor camps, different vineyards, all walking out at same time. How awesome is that!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Gadiano’s first day of his senior year of high school. He remembers walking into his Spanish II class, and being approached by a grower’s son. “‘Hey Rog, your Uncle Max just went on strike.’ I went, ‘He did? They just want a raise.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers got kicked out of labor camps. Gadiano says, “The farmers were going to use the Mexicans to break the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Chavez and others, like Dolores Huerta and Gil Padilla, had been organizing Mexican workers around Delano for a few years through the National Farm Workers Association, but a strike wasn’t in their immediate plans. So Larry Itliong appealed to Chavez, and two weeks later, the much more sizable group of Mexican workers joined the strike. Soon, the two unions came together to form what would become United Farm Workers, with Larry Itliong assistant director under Chavez. It was a historic interracial union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667734\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-400x261.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These two groups that had been kept apart for so long, coming together, that is the power in the Delano Grape Strike,” says historian Mabalon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexicans and Filipinos gathered at Filipino Hall, eating fishhead soup and preparing strikers’ meals, organizing, even sleeping there. Gadiano passed by every day on his way to high school and saw the steps filled with picket signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d eat breakfast and pick up their signs and go to a field location and picket,” he remembers. It took five years of striking, plus an international boycott of table grapes, before growers signed contracts with the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those years weren’t easy on strikers, families or Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano shows me around the grocery store his dad once owned. As the only supplier of Filipino goods in the region, it was popular with townspeople and labor camps, where the family delivered fish, meat and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A common order was a 100-pound sack of Calrose rice, sticky rice,” Gadiano remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667737\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667737\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg\" alt=\"Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-400x338.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1440x1216.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1180x996.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-960x811.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His dad also helped out families of striking workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were giving them credit to pay us back when work started. We carried hundreds of families. We were stuck in the middle because we had the store.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families were like Alex Edillor’s: his parents walked off the fields initially, but after a few weeks they felt they had to return to work. He remembers the tension, even in places like church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of split down the middle of the church: This is where the strikers went, this is where the people who went back to work went,” he says. “There was a strange division among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, though, people who sat on either side of the aisle join in wanting to share this history. “We came back together because, looking back on it, we were very proud of that moment,\" Edillor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mabalon says, growing up not knowing this history, she and her peers feel the hurt of a generation. “It’s our story, and it demands our love and attention and respect, and we need to tell this story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667732\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Angelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently-completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-400x292.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1440x1052.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1180x862.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-960x702.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anhelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s happening more and more. Mabalon is writing a biography of Larry Itliong; Edillor and Gadiano have organized a \u003ca href=\"https://roundtown.com/event/10151147/Bold-Step-Celebration-the-50th-Anniversary-the-Delano-Grape-Strike-Delano-CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">celebration\u003c/a> in Delano over Labor Day weekend; and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanomanongs.com/\">documentary\u003c/a> on the Manongs came out last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Gov. Jerry Brown signed two pieces of legislation, one recognizing \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2015/07/06/california-to-recognize-filipino-american-larry-itliong-on-oct-25\">Larry Itliong Day\u003c/a>, the other \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB123\">requiring public schools\u003c/a> to teach this history. Rob Bonta, the state’s only Filipino-American Assembly member, introduced those bills. Although his parents were farm labor organizers and he grew up in UFW headquarters, he says, “When I cracked the history books in high school and college, I didn’t see those stories being told.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, Gadiano ends a tour of the town at one last, ordinary place: Larry Itliong’s simple gravesite. The headstone says only, “Beloved husband and father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He gave our people some dignity,\" Gadiano says. \"He gave his guts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This piece was reported for \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways,\u003c/a> in collaboration with the\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music by Susie Ibarra and Los Lobos.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Today, grapes in the grocery store don’t seem that controversial. But 50 years ago, a historic strike in California’s Central Valley vineyards set in motion the most significant campaign in modern labor history: the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ufw.org/\">United Farm Workers\u003c/a> and Cesar Chavez are widely known for running the Delano Grape Strike and prompting an international boycott of table grapes, the origins of that movement are rarely discussed. Some people in the town of Delano and across the state are determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/222406205'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be easy to drive through Delano and have no idea that history was made here. It’s a dry, hot Central Valley town, and places of historical importance -- such as a retirement home, a church, and acres and acres of farmland -- look ordinary on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667541\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1440x958.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/StrikingWorkersPicket-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Filipino farmworkers were the first to walk out of vineyards in 1965, prompting the Delano Grape Strike and, ultimately, the formation of the United Farm Workers along with Mexican farmworkers led by Cesar Chavez. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many people, though, these places are sacred ground: the vineyards, picketed for years by farmworkers and their supporters; the high school auditorium where Sen. Bobby Kennedy spoke; a white stucco building on the edge of town where Cesar Chavez carried out a hunger strike and became a national symbol of farmworker rights; and a utilitarian community center known as Filipino Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To resident Roger Gadiano, Filipino Hall is a shrine. “This is our Mecca,” he says. “I guess it’s our Selma. This is it!” Because in this building, on the night of Sept. 7, 1965, farmworkers voted to go on strike the next day. They were almost all Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t know who in the heck walked in here … but I do.” Gadiano says. “It tickles me. We’re a part of a big history. We took a step that was bold and that no one else would take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those voting -- and striking -- were elders called Manongs, the mostly migrant, bachelor Filipino farmworkers whose names and stories few people know, even in Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667678\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg\" alt=\"Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-800x542.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-400x271.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1440x975.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-1180x799.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/CommunityCenter-960x650.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alex Edillor was an elementary school student when the 1965 grape strike started. The Filipino Hall became the center of activity as Mexicans joined forces with Filipino grape pickers. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Philippine Weekend, a cultural celebration and kind of family reunion, a group of young women say they never learned about the farmworker movement in school. Anhelica Perez says her Latina grandmother and other relatives actually participated in the strike and ensuing boycott, “So it was active family history, but it was not taught -- or talked about -- at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she’s in her late 20s, Melanie Retuda says she learned about the Filipino origins of the strike only last year. “I’d known of Cesar Chavez and Hispanics being involved,” she says. “Being Filipino, it’s like, ‘Wow.’ Filipinos actually made an impact in the process. It makes me proud that they were involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is outraged that this history is not known because the actions those Filipinos took improved her family’s lives. “I mean, I’m extremely proud that Cesar Chavez was the right face at the right time, but a lot of the dirty work was already done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667728\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-800x1010.jpg\" alt=\"Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1010\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/Larry800-400x505.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Larry Itliong, key organizer of the Filipino farmworkers who started the Delano Grape Strike. Legislation was recently passed to recognize Larry Itliong Day in California. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In many ways, Filipino farmworkers and labor organizers had prepared for the Delano Grape Strike for decades. Dawn Mabalon, professor of history at San Francisco State University, says they’d been fighting for better working conditions since the 1920s, and had a key win in 1939 in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five to seven thousand Filipinos in asparagus fields all walk out at the height of the season, on Good Friday,” threatening the availability of asparagus on Easter dinner tables, Mabalon says. “Growers capitulated in a day. So Filipinos know that if they all walk out, in absolute unity, with absolute militancy, they’re probably going to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the ’60s, though, conditions for farmworkers across the state were still dismal. Mabalon describes conducting oral histories in which she heard stories of field crews sharing just one tin cup of water. “You still had no bathrooms in the fields, poor wages, no workers' comp, no unemployment, no Social Security,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the summer of 1965, when growers cut the pay of Filipinos picking grapes in the Coachella Valley, they were prepared to act. These workers, members of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, were “led by this really charismatic, seasoned, militant labor leader, Larry Itliong,” Mabalon says, “and they make a stand against the farmers in Coachella and they win: $1.40 an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they migrated north to Delano, organizers like Itliong, Philip Vera Cruz and Pete Velasco urged local families to join them in asking for improved conditions (the same raise to $1.40 an hour). Growers balked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired journalist Alex Edillor was only 11 years old, but he remembers his farmworker parents coming back from heated meetings, and talking about a potential strike over the kitchen table. “There were people with mortgages, with families to feed, considering a strike action,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667730\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667730\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-800x581.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-400x290.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1440x1046.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-1180x857.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ManongPlaque-960x697.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the Agbayani Village, a retirement home built for the Manongs, Roger Gadiano stands next to a plaque honoring the Manong Filipino workers who started the 1965 grape strike. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the evening of Sept. 7, workers gathered at Filipino Hall and voted to strike. The next morning they went out to the vineyards, as they always did, but made a dramatic stand. Edillor remembers: \u003ci>“\u003c/i>It was the first day of school, I was all prepared to come home, watch a little TV,” but when he came home, his parents were there. Like the Manongs, and other locals, they’d worked a full day, then left the harvested crop on the ground and walked off the vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano, who had family members join the strike, adds, “Just imagine over 1,500 old Filipino men at different labor camps, different vineyards, all walking out at same time. How awesome is that!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Gadiano’s first day of his senior year of high school. He remembers walking into his Spanish II class, and being approached by a grower’s son. “‘Hey Rog, your Uncle Max just went on strike.’ I went, ‘He did? They just want a raise.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers got kicked out of labor camps. Gadiano says, “The farmers were going to use the Mexicans to break the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Chavez and others, like Dolores Huerta and Gil Padilla, had been organizing Mexican workers around Delano for a few years through the National Farm Workers Association, but a strike wasn’t in their immediate plans. So Larry Itliong appealed to Chavez, and two weeks later, the much more sizable group of Mexican workers joined the strike. Soon, the two unions came together to form what would become United Farm Workers, with Larry Itliong assistant director under Chavez. It was a historic interracial union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667734\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/PicketCigar-400x261.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picketing Filipino farmworker in 1965. \u003ccite>(Farmworker Movement Documentation Project/UC San Diego Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These two groups that had been kept apart for so long, coming together, that is the power in the Delano Grape Strike,” says historian Mabalon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexicans and Filipinos gathered at Filipino Hall, eating fishhead soup and preparing strikers’ meals, organizing, even sleeping there. Gadiano passed by every day on his way to high school and saw the steps filled with picket signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d eat breakfast and pick up their signs and go to a field location and picket,” he remembers. It took five years of striking, plus an international boycott of table grapes, before growers signed contracts with the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those years weren’t easy on strikers, families or Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadiano shows me around the grocery store his dad once owned. As the only supplier of Filipino goods in the region, it was popular with townspeople and labor camps, where the family delivered fish, meat and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A common order was a 100-pound sack of Calrose rice, sticky rice,” Gadiano remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667737\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667737\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg\" alt=\"Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County.\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-800x675.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-400x338.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1440x1216.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-1180x996.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/ExaminingGrapes-960x811.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under a shade from the hot August sun, Josefina Zarate packs grapes in a vineyard southeast of Delano. Grapes are still a top commodity in Kern County. \u003ccite>(Henry A. Barrios/FERN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His dad also helped out families of striking workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were giving them credit to pay us back when work started. We carried hundreds of families. We were stuck in the middle because we had the store.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families were like Alex Edillor’s: his parents walked off the fields initially, but after a few weeks they felt they had to return to work. He remembers the tension, even in places like church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of split down the middle of the church: This is where the strikers went, this is where the people who went back to work went,” he says. “There was a strange division among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, though, people who sat on either side of the aisle join in wanting to share this history. “We came back together because, looking back on it, we were very proud of that moment,\" Edillor says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mabalon says, growing up not knowing this history, she and her peers feel the hurt of a generation. “It’s our story, and it demands our love and attention and respect, and we need to tell this story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10667732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10667732\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Angelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently-completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-400x292.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1440x1052.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-1180x862.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/09/GirlsMural-960x702.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anhelica Perez, Melanie Retuda and Larissa Portillo (L-R) in front of a recently completed mural in downtown Delano featuring Philip Vera Cruz, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itliong. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s happening more and more. Mabalon is writing a biography of Larry Itliong; Edillor and Gadiano have organized a \u003ca href=\"https://roundtown.com/event/10151147/Bold-Step-Celebration-the-50th-Anniversary-the-Delano-Grape-Strike-Delano-CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">celebration\u003c/a> in Delano over Labor Day weekend; and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanomanongs.com/\">documentary\u003c/a> on the Manongs came out last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Gov. Jerry Brown signed two pieces of legislation, one recognizing \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2015/07/06/california-to-recognize-filipino-american-larry-itliong-on-oct-25\">Larry Itliong Day\u003c/a>, the other \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB123\">requiring public schools\u003c/a> to teach this history. Rob Bonta, the state’s only Filipino-American Assembly member, introduced those bills. Although his parents were farm labor organizers and he grew up in UFW headquarters, he says, “When I cracked the history books in high school and college, I didn’t see those stories being told.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, Gadiano ends a tour of the town at one last, ordinary place: Larry Itliong’s simple gravesite. The headstone says only, “Beloved husband and father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He gave our people some dignity,\" Gadiano says. \"He gave his guts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This piece was reported for \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways,\u003c/a> in collaboration with the\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, investigative news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Love in the Digital Age: Jorge & Magda",
"title": "Love in the Digital Age: Jorge & Magda",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Imagine you can’t be near the person you love. It could be a long-distance relationship or a military deployment. Jorge Arreola and his wife, Maria Magdalena Ortega Delgado, are three years into a 10-year separation. Magda -- everyone calls her Magda -- overstayed a tourist visa, and U.S. immigration law requires her to stay out of the country for a decade before she can apply to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout alignright\">\n\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://u.s.kqed.net/2015/09/14/LITDApodcastlogo.jpg\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/love-in-the-digital-age/id1037051180?mt=2\">Subscribe in iTunes\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Don't miss an episode of 'Love in the Digital Age'\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Jorge is a U.S. citizen, who lives in San Jose and works as an equipment engineer at \u003ca href=\"http://amphenol-sensors.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Amphenol Sensors\u003c/a> in Fremont. He tries to present a brave face, but he grieves.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Half of myself is over there with her, and half of herself is over here with me.'\u003ccite> Jorge Arreola \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sitting in his home office, surrounded by books and photos of Magda, he says, \"I try to keep myself busy. That way, we don’t think about this situation, but it’s hard. You can get to a depression, by just thinking over and over and over, about the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge and Magda live much of their marriage in a third place they have created online, using their phone, Facebook Messenger and FaceTime. When I visited him, we connected with Magda on FaceTime so we could all talk together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magda, who is 44, went back to a village called \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/maps/place/Margaritas,+Jal.,+Mexico/@20.4543837,-102.4739238,9z/data=!4m2!3m1!1s0x842ec879bc58e2d1:0x647cb0a4b9a7cef4\">Margaritas\u003c/a>, population 3,000, about 80 miles east of Guadalajara . She grew up there, and she still has relatives there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge, 47, does come to visit, every two or three months. Magda often meets him in Tijuana, where Jorge was born, or he flies to Guadalajara, a 3½- to four-hour journey from San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How Magda Got in Trouble With Immigration Authorities\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magda's father immigrated to the United States legally from Mexico in 1992. Over the years, she visited periodically. When Magda was around 20, she visited and overstayed her tourist visa. Then she left the U.S. for Mexico and returned “without inspection,” which means what you think it means: She crossed the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"EDO6NohJ1kzPsKQ6PSmwGxVSpn71Ednz\"]\u003cbr>\nDespite all that, Magda expected to gain papers under her family’s application for green cards, which they eventually acquired. What Magda didn’t realize was that her cross-border travel put her in a precarious situation following \u003ca href=\"http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/fiance-marriage-visa-book/chapter2-4.html\">a 1996 change in immigration law\u003c/a>, designed to penalize people who spent time in the U.S. illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She unwittingly further complicated her status with the U.S. government when she married Jorge in 1994\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> after meeting him at a church in San Jose. She was no longer her father's child in the eyes of immigration authorities, and no longer qualified to be included in her father's immigration package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10648551\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10648551 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut-800x538.jpg\" alt=\"Jorge and Magda's wedding, 21 years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"538\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut-800x538.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut-400x269.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jorge and Magda's wedding, 21 years ago.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Given that Jorge has been a U.S. citizen since 2008, Jorge and Magda figured they could adjust her immigration status. But after years of attempting to do just that, Magda lost her appeal. Here’s an excerpt from the 2011 Board of Immigration Appeals decision against her:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“The respondent is ineligible for a grant of adjustment of status. … The Immigration Judge additionally concluded that the respondent did not satisfy the 10-year continuous physical presence requirement for cancellation of removal.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spelled big trouble for the couple. Magda would have to leave the U.S. for 10 years before she could reapply for entry legally as Jorge’s wife. Magda left voluntarily in April 2012, rather than be arrested and deported by the authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, when she was in the U.S., Magda worked as the associate producer on an independent film called \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/arts/2015/05/02/an-undocumented-student-finds-unlikely-support-in-sin-visa/\">\"Sin Visa.\"\u003c/a> It showcases life in California as an undocumented person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Margaritas, Jalisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10651125\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10651125\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Street view of Margaritas, Jalisco, with Our Lady of the Assumption Church at the end.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Street view of Margaritas, Jalisco, with Our Lady of the Assumption Church at the end. \u003ccite>(Fernando Aguila Navarro)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a small village,\" Magda explains . \"Very simple people, but with a very warm and big heart. You are welcome to come anytime you want to!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge thought about moving to Mexico to be with Magda, but he makes good money in his career here. If he left, he figured he’d be fixing computers at a corner store in Mexico, earning peanuts. Jorge needs the money: The couple has incurred legal debt over the years, trying to adjust Magda's immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's another reason. Jorge and Magda don't have children, but their two young goddaughters live in the Bay Area. He and Magda are very close to the girls, who sometimes travel with him to see her in Mexico. He says it would be very hard on the girls if both he and Magda left. Her forced departure is already hard on both of their families. Their former home in Milpitas was the social center where relatives gathered for major holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Staying connected\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our house, it was like a grandma’s house. Because all my family, all my sisters and brothers, we get together for the feasts, for everything, for the holy days,\" Magda says. \"Now that I’m here, it’s kind of hard. So, last year, I was in charge to do the blessing during the Thanksgiving and Christmas. Well, since I was not with them, I used the iPad and I was able to see each other and the food and I sent my bless[ing] for the food.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She adds: \"I love pumpkin pie.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many ways, the iPad allows Magda to reconnect her family with their roots in Margaritas. Magda gives walking tours around the village, especially during festivals like the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mexconnect.com/articles/1103-posadas-pastorelas-and-nacimientos\">Christmas Posadas\u003c/a>. But even the day-to-day seems more present than it might otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like, right now, some of the trees are blooming, and they have a little fruits. And I just told [Jorge], ‘Look, look at what I’m eating.’ Or, the people is passing by, I say, ‘Look. Say ‘hi’ to my husband.’ They say, ‘This is your husband? -- 'Hi, how you doing?' ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magda and Jorge attend Mass together sometimes at the local church in Margaritas, \"Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion,\" or \"Our Lady of the Assumption.\" Magda got permission from the priest to have Jorge join her, via her iPad, when the church Wi-Fi is working.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'During the day, I can smile, I can talk to people, I can dance and everything. But when the darkness come and I have to go to my room, this is the hardest part, because there is nobody … nobody there.'\u003ccite> Maria Magdalena Ortega Delgado\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jorge is in a \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rondalla\">rondallas\u003c/a> group, a Spanish guitar group. He plays for Magda and records songs for her birthday. I asked him to play something for her, and he chose a piece from a song called \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sct0-7rs2zY\">“Yolanda,” \u003c/a>famously sung by Cuban singer-songwriter \u003ca href=\"http://www.milanespablo.com/\">Pablo Milanes\u003c/a>. Musicians performed this song at Jorge and Magda's wedding 21 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Jorge strummed the guitar and sang, \u003cem>“Te amo, te amo, eternamente te amo,”\u003c/em> Magda joined him, singing in unison through cyberspace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our souls are together,\" she tells him. \"I know when you are sick; I can feel that. I know when you are sad; I can feel that, too. And I know that you do the same thing. And I just want to tell you that. It is not easy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then they sign off, like they do every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge: “I love you, Mama.”\u003cbr>\nMagda: “I love you too, Papa. Bye, have a nice day.”\u003cbr>\nJorge: “You, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then they disconnect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This podcast features music by Explosions in the Sky: \"Hello!\" with David Wingo, and \"Be Comfortable, Creature\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Imagine you can’t be near the person you love. It could be a long-distance relationship or a military deployment. Jorge Arreola and his wife, Maria Magdalena Ortega Delgado, are three years into a 10-year separation. Magda -- everyone calls her Magda -- overstayed a tourist visa, and U.S. immigration law requires her to stay out of the country for a decade before she can apply to return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout alignright\">\n\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://u.s.kqed.net/2015/09/14/LITDApodcastlogo.jpg\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/love-in-the-digital-age/id1037051180?mt=2\">Subscribe in iTunes\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Don't miss an episode of 'Love in the Digital Age'\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Jorge is a U.S. citizen, who lives in San Jose and works as an equipment engineer at \u003ca href=\"http://amphenol-sensors.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Amphenol Sensors\u003c/a> in Fremont. He tries to present a brave face, but he grieves.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Half of myself is over there with her, and half of herself is over here with me.'\u003ccite> Jorge Arreola \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sitting in his home office, surrounded by books and photos of Magda, he says, \"I try to keep myself busy. That way, we don’t think about this situation, but it’s hard. You can get to a depression, by just thinking over and over and over, about the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge and Magda live much of their marriage in a third place they have created online, using their phone, Facebook Messenger and FaceTime. When I visited him, we connected with Magda on FaceTime so we could all talk together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magda, who is 44, went back to a village called \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/maps/place/Margaritas,+Jal.,+Mexico/@20.4543837,-102.4739238,9z/data=!4m2!3m1!1s0x842ec879bc58e2d1:0x647cb0a4b9a7cef4\">Margaritas\u003c/a>, population 3,000, about 80 miles east of Guadalajara . She grew up there, and she still has relatives there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge, 47, does come to visit, every two or three months. Magda often meets him in Tijuana, where Jorge was born, or he flies to Guadalajara, a 3½- to four-hour journey from San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How Magda Got in Trouble With Immigration Authorities\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magda's father immigrated to the United States legally from Mexico in 1992. Over the years, she visited periodically. When Magda was around 20, she visited and overstayed her tourist visa. Then she left the U.S. for Mexico and returned “without inspection,” which means what you think it means: She crossed the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nDespite all that, Magda expected to gain papers under her family’s application for green cards, which they eventually acquired. What Magda didn’t realize was that her cross-border travel put her in a precarious situation following \u003ca href=\"http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/fiance-marriage-visa-book/chapter2-4.html\">a 1996 change in immigration law\u003c/a>, designed to penalize people who spent time in the U.S. illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She unwittingly further complicated her status with the U.S. government when she married Jorge in 1994\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> after meeting him at a church in San Jose. She was no longer her father's child in the eyes of immigration authorities, and no longer qualified to be included in her father's immigration package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10648551\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10648551 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut-800x538.jpg\" alt=\"Jorge and Magda's wedding, 21 years ago.\" width=\"800\" height=\"538\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut-800x538.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut-400x269.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16386_Jorge_Magda_wedding-qut.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jorge and Magda's wedding, 21 years ago.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Given that Jorge has been a U.S. citizen since 2008, Jorge and Magda figured they could adjust her immigration status. But after years of attempting to do just that, Magda lost her appeal. Here’s an excerpt from the 2011 Board of Immigration Appeals decision against her:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“The respondent is ineligible for a grant of adjustment of status. … The Immigration Judge additionally concluded that the respondent did not satisfy the 10-year continuous physical presence requirement for cancellation of removal.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spelled big trouble for the couple. Magda would have to leave the U.S. for 10 years before she could reapply for entry legally as Jorge’s wife. Magda left voluntarily in April 2012, rather than be arrested and deported by the authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, when she was in the U.S., Magda worked as the associate producer on an independent film called \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/arts/2015/05/02/an-undocumented-student-finds-unlikely-support-in-sin-visa/\">\"Sin Visa.\"\u003c/a> It showcases life in California as an undocumented person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Margaritas, Jalisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10651125\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10651125\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Street view of Margaritas, Jalisco, with Our Lady of the Assumption Church at the end.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-1440x960.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16437_Margaritas-street-view-with-church-qut-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Street view of Margaritas, Jalisco, with Our Lady of the Assumption Church at the end. \u003ccite>(Fernando Aguila Navarro)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a small village,\" Magda explains . \"Very simple people, but with a very warm and big heart. You are welcome to come anytime you want to!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge thought about moving to Mexico to be with Magda, but he makes good money in his career here. If he left, he figured he’d be fixing computers at a corner store in Mexico, earning peanuts. Jorge needs the money: The couple has incurred legal debt over the years, trying to adjust Magda's immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's another reason. Jorge and Magda don't have children, but their two young goddaughters live in the Bay Area. He and Magda are very close to the girls, who sometimes travel with him to see her in Mexico. He says it would be very hard on the girls if both he and Magda left. Her forced departure is already hard on both of their families. Their former home in Milpitas was the social center where relatives gathered for major holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Staying connected\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our house, it was like a grandma’s house. Because all my family, all my sisters and brothers, we get together for the feasts, for everything, for the holy days,\" Magda says. \"Now that I’m here, it’s kind of hard. So, last year, I was in charge to do the blessing during the Thanksgiving and Christmas. Well, since I was not with them, I used the iPad and I was able to see each other and the food and I sent my bless[ing] for the food.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She adds: \"I love pumpkin pie.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many ways, the iPad allows Magda to reconnect her family with their roots in Margaritas. Magda gives walking tours around the village, especially during festivals like the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mexconnect.com/articles/1103-posadas-pastorelas-and-nacimientos\">Christmas Posadas\u003c/a>. But even the day-to-day seems more present than it might otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like, right now, some of the trees are blooming, and they have a little fruits. And I just told [Jorge], ‘Look, look at what I’m eating.’ Or, the people is passing by, I say, ‘Look. Say ‘hi’ to my husband.’ They say, ‘This is your husband? -- 'Hi, how you doing?' ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magda and Jorge attend Mass together sometimes at the local church in Margaritas, \"Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion,\" or \"Our Lady of the Assumption.\" Magda got permission from the priest to have Jorge join her, via her iPad, when the church Wi-Fi is working.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'During the day, I can smile, I can talk to people, I can dance and everything. But when the darkness come and I have to go to my room, this is the hardest part, because there is nobody … nobody there.'\u003ccite> Maria Magdalena Ortega Delgado\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jorge is in a \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rondalla\">rondallas\u003c/a> group, a Spanish guitar group. He plays for Magda and records songs for her birthday. I asked him to play something for her, and he chose a piece from a song called \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sct0-7rs2zY\">“Yolanda,” \u003c/a>famously sung by Cuban singer-songwriter \u003ca href=\"http://www.milanespablo.com/\">Pablo Milanes\u003c/a>. Musicians performed this song at Jorge and Magda's wedding 21 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Jorge strummed the guitar and sang, \u003cem>“Te amo, te amo, eternamente te amo,”\u003c/em> Magda joined him, singing in unison through cyberspace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our souls are together,\" she tells him. \"I know when you are sick; I can feel that. I know when you are sad; I can feel that, too. And I know that you do the same thing. And I just want to tell you that. It is not easy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then they sign off, like they do every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge: “I love you, Mama.”\u003cbr>\nMagda: “I love you too, Papa. Bye, have a nice day.”\u003cbr>\nJorge: “You, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then they disconnect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This podcast features music by Explosions in the Sky: \"Hello!\" with David Wingo, and \"Be Comfortable, Creature\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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