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"content": "\u003cp>Two hotels and several residents of San Francisco’s troubled Tenderloin district sued the city on Thursday, alleging it is using the neighborhood as a containment zone for rampant illegal drug use and other vices, making residents terrified to leave their homes and businesses unable to recruit staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mayor London Breed's office, San Francisco\"]‘We have made improvements in the neighborhood, but the mayor understands the frustrations of residents and businesses in the Tenderloin and will continue her efforts to make the neighborhood safer and cleaner.’[/pullquote]Plaintiffs do not seek monetary damages, according to the complaint filed in federal court. Instead, they want officials to clear sidewalks of illegal drug dealers and fentanyl users, violent behavior and tent encampments and to treat the Tenderloin as it would any other neighborhood where crime is not tolerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say city officials have allowed such behavior to flourish in the area — and not spill into other neighborhoods — by refusing to keep sidewalks clear for people using walkers or wheelchairs and failing to ban sidewalk vending, among other acts of omission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They demand an end to the rampant illegal street vending and from the squalor and misery that exists throughout their neighborhood because the city has decided that people in the throes of addiction can live and die on the Tenderloin’s streets,” says Matt Davis, one of the attorneys, in a prepared statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin has long troubled city leaders, including Mayor London Breed, who \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-san-francisco-violent-crime-opioids-homelessness-9eddffa63f3e85759b520f76a6656333\">declared an emergency\u003c/a> in the district and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-california-san-francisco-opioids-government-and-politics-54b7b35cdca54d4640c1d5dbf28f7b9a\">twice vowed crackdowns\u003c/a> on drugs. She is in a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-mayor-election-cb54e5d3bb03bd02df94ce38bbd92c56\">tough reelection contest\u003c/a> in November when she faces three serious challengers who say her administration has failed to address homelessness, encampments or the open-air drug market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s office says the recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-crime-drugs-police-election-485b6f3a143f4441266251783d778489\">approved Proposition E\u003c/a>, which she put on the ballot, will bring more officers and resources to the neighborhood, including surveillance cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made improvements in the neighborhood, but the mayor understands the frustrations of residents and businesses in the Tenderloin and will continue her efforts to make the neighborhood safer and cleaner,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office cited a court injunction from a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lawsuits-san-francisco-homelessness-government-and-politics-e68aead31fa74c5224885c0bb9d7afeb#:~:text=Defendants%20include%20the%20city%2C%20several,tents%20and%20vehicles%20as%20shelter.\">2022 lawsuit filed by unhoused people\u003c/a> and their advocates against the city that Breed and other officials say limits their ability to dismantle encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11975156,news_11972898,news_11976518\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The judge, in that case, ordered city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-homeless-tent-encampments-9th-circuit-d618db8fdbd8cefcfe4a1ff50c122987\">stop forcing unhoused people\u003c/a> from public camping sites unless they have been offered appropriate shelter indoors. The issue is pending before the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are five anonymous plaintiffs in Thursday’s lawsuit, along with entities that operate the Phoenix Hotel and the Best Western Road Coach Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include Jane Roe, a married housekeeper with two young children who doesn’t make enough money to move. Drug dealers block the entrance to her building, and she often sees “users openly injecting or smoking narcotics” and people on the ground “who appear unconscious or dead,” the complaint states. Her children can never be outside without a parent, she alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Roe is elderly and uses a walker, but shopping carts and broken-down bicycles block the sidewalk, forcing her to step out into the busy street, according to the complaint. She also has to navigate around “excrement, used syringes, vomit and garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operators of the Phoenix Hotel say a hotel employee was struck in the head when they asked a trespasser to leave the parking lot, and its restaurant has been unable to recruit a qualified chef because of street conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same lawyers on Thursday also filed a new motion on behalf of the College of the Law, San Francisco, demanding that city officials reduce the number of tents in the Tenderloin, as they had pledged to do to settle a lawsuit over street conditions filed by the school in May 2020. The city initially showed “significant success,” the motion states, but has since lost ground.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Plaintiffs do not seek monetary damages, according to the complaint filed in federal court. Instead, they want officials to clear sidewalks of illegal drug dealers and fentanyl users, violent behavior and tent encampments and to treat the Tenderloin as it would any other neighborhood where crime is not tolerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say city officials have allowed such behavior to flourish in the area — and not spill into other neighborhoods — by refusing to keep sidewalks clear for people using walkers or wheelchairs and failing to ban sidewalk vending, among other acts of omission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They demand an end to the rampant illegal street vending and from the squalor and misery that exists throughout their neighborhood because the city has decided that people in the throes of addiction can live and die on the Tenderloin’s streets,” says Matt Davis, one of the attorneys, in a prepared statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin has long troubled city leaders, including Mayor London Breed, who \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-san-francisco-violent-crime-opioids-homelessness-9eddffa63f3e85759b520f76a6656333\">declared an emergency\u003c/a> in the district and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-california-san-francisco-opioids-government-and-politics-54b7b35cdca54d4640c1d5dbf28f7b9a\">twice vowed crackdowns\u003c/a> on drugs. She is in a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-mayor-election-cb54e5d3bb03bd02df94ce38bbd92c56\">tough reelection contest\u003c/a> in November when she faces three serious challengers who say her administration has failed to address homelessness, encampments or the open-air drug market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s office says the recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-crime-drugs-police-election-485b6f3a143f4441266251783d778489\">approved Proposition E\u003c/a>, which she put on the ballot, will bring more officers and resources to the neighborhood, including surveillance cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made improvements in the neighborhood, but the mayor understands the frustrations of residents and businesses in the Tenderloin and will continue her efforts to make the neighborhood safer and cleaner,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office cited a court injunction from a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lawsuits-san-francisco-homelessness-government-and-politics-e68aead31fa74c5224885c0bb9d7afeb#:~:text=Defendants%20include%20the%20city%2C%20several,tents%20and%20vehicles%20as%20shelter.\">2022 lawsuit filed by unhoused people\u003c/a> and their advocates against the city that Breed and other officials say limits their ability to dismantle encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The judge, in that case, ordered city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-homeless-tent-encampments-9th-circuit-d618db8fdbd8cefcfe4a1ff50c122987\">stop forcing unhoused people\u003c/a> from public camping sites unless they have been offered appropriate shelter indoors. The issue is pending before the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are five anonymous plaintiffs in Thursday’s lawsuit, along with entities that operate the Phoenix Hotel and the Best Western Road Coach Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include Jane Roe, a married housekeeper with two young children who doesn’t make enough money to move. Drug dealers block the entrance to her building, and she often sees “users openly injecting or smoking narcotics” and people on the ground “who appear unconscious or dead,” the complaint states. Her children can never be outside without a parent, she alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Roe is elderly and uses a walker, but shopping carts and broken-down bicycles block the sidewalk, forcing her to step out into the busy street, according to the complaint. She also has to navigate around “excrement, used syringes, vomit and garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operators of the Phoenix Hotel say a hotel employee was struck in the head when they asked a trespasser to leave the parking lot, and its restaurant has been unable to recruit a qualified chef because of street conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same lawyers on Thursday also filed a new motion on behalf of the College of the Law, San Francisco, demanding that city officials reduce the number of tents in the Tenderloin, as they had pledged to do to settle a lawsuit over street conditions filed by the school in May 2020. The city initially showed “significant success,” the motion states, but has since lost ground.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San José Mayor Matt Mahan Calls For 'Urgent Action' on Homelessness in City Budget Plan",
"headTitle": "San José Mayor Matt Mahan Calls For ‘Urgent Action’ on Homelessness in City Budget Plan | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Days after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#matt-mahan-sails-to-second-term-as-mayor-of-san-jose\">winning reelection to a four-year term beginning next year\u003c/a>, San José Mayor Matt Mahan doubled down on his push to spend more city dollars to move residents experiencing homelessness into temporary housing and shelter — potentially at the cost of funding permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget plan unveiled by Mahan on Wednesday is likely to breathe new life into the debate over the best approach to reducing homelessness in San José. That fight was central to budget discussions last year when the council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">agreed to shift some funds from building apartments to standing up\u003c/a> interim housing facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under San José’s governance structure, the mayor has one vote on ordinances before the council but has broader powers in the budget process to shape city spending. Mahan’s budget proposal, which lays out his spending vision, will go before the council for a vote next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to other large cities around the Bay Area, San José is in good fiscal shape. City analysts projected a small $3.4 million deficit in the budget year beginning on July 1. But Mahan and the council could face some complications: the city manager said an urgent $25 million cleanup of homeless encampments is needed to avoid fines from water regulators, and many city programs that were funded on a one-time basis last year, to the tune of $23.5 million, are not included in this year’s base budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan sat down with KQED’s Politics & Government Correspondent Guy Marzorati to discuss his spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: It seemed like the budget was more or less balanced, and then the city manager said there has to be immediate action taken at a cost of potentially up to $25 million to reduce pollutants coming from encampments into waterways. What has to be done now, and what’s at stake for the city in this? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Mahan: \u003c/strong>Well, there’s a lot at stake, Guy. The regional board [San Francisco Bay Regional Water Quality Control Board] has told us that we are not on track to being compliant with the requirements of our stormwater permit. This is serious business. This is about whether or not we’re complying with the nation’s Clean Water Act. If we are found over time to be out of compliance, the board can actually fine us up to $60,000 per day per pollutant found in the waterway. And what they pointed to in this latest rejection of our plan was the encampments along the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our own independent analysis shows that about 90% of the trash and biowaste going into the waterways is due to unmanaged encampments. And so essentially, the water board is going to force us to do what I think is the right thing. It will not be easy. It will not be cheap. But, I frankly welcome the accountability because we have got to do a better job of providing safe, managed alternatives to encampments for the homeless residents in our community. And this, I hope, is the push that we needed, that our county, water district and other partners needed to scale up basic, dignified shelter and require that people come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In this budget proposal, you are putting forward a potential shift within a pot of money dedicated to reducing homelessness — the Measure E transfer tax — from paying for permanent housing to interim housing and shelter. This \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953006/sf-san-jose-mayors-push-to-fund-shelters-as-pressure-builds-on-encampments\">\u003cstrong>was a huge debate in the budget process last year\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>. From a policy perspective, but then also maybe from a tactical or political perspective, how are you approaching this differently this year?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I’m trying to do is give the council a genuine choice. There are different ways to fund the urgent action we need on homelessness. If the council prefers to reduce service levels in other departments and cut other city programs, depending on what those are, that may be something I can support and maybe the direction that we collectively go in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"San José Mayor Matt Mahan\"]‘There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action.’[/pullquote]The alternative, as I pointed out last year, is to take the dollars we already have for addressing homelessness and use them in more efficient and scalable ways. And don’t get me wrong, these trade-offs aren’t easy. We need more affordable housing. We need more money for prevention. There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action. We have to scale up basic, dignified shelter and get people indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I suppose the third option would be raising revenue, but frankly, for most forms of new revenue, you have to go to the voters, and the community already feels that they’re overtaxed and maybe not getting as much impact and the outcomes they want for the dollars that they’re already sending government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You’re also proposing a safe sleeping site in this budget, known in some forms as a managed encampment. I wonder if that’s an implicit acknowledgment that interim housing, which you and other supporters have referred to as “quick-build,” is maybe not getting built quickly enough? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s a lot quicker than what we were doing. So what we’ve been spending most of our money on is brand new apartment buildings, which unfortunately take $1 million a door of public subsidy and over five years to build. So that’s about as slow as it gets. Then we pivoted to these modular units, but they still take a year easily, sometimes longer. And when you’re all in with the site development, utility hookups, parking, common space, it can easily be $100,000 a door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And when you look at the scale of the crisis, if we’re going to truly treat this as an emergency and say, ‘We need to triage the situation, get people stabilized, give people access to services, including basic sanitation, a safe place to sleep at night,’ [then] we need solutions that are on the scale of thousands of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truth is, we need more scalable forms of shelter. And we have to look at things like safe sleeping and safe parking. We cannot let the perfect be the enemy of the good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When it comes to safe sleeping sites or sanctioned encampments, won’t you face the same challenges in finding sites that you do for interim housing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, we will. I think the reality is that we don’t have a choice if we’re going to come into compliance with the Clean Water Act and retain our stormwater permit and not face what would be crippling fines and liability; we are going to have to find places for people to go as we move folks away from the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have two choices. As a community, we can either simply say, you can’t live along the waterways and good luck, and you’ll end up in neighborhoods and parks, commercial districts, industrial districts, wherever else. Or we can take responsibility for providing basic, dignified shelter, safe places to sleep with some very basic services like sanitation and security. And hopefully, over time, we can scale the case management and behavioral health services in partnership with the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There’s an interesting proposal in this budget around city parks. You want to potentially go to the ballot in November and ask voters to let the city lease park land for retail or commercial establishments in order to bring in new revenue. What’s an example of what this could potentially look like in San José? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, well, I want to study it. I think it’s something for us to look at. Our parks, as I point out in the budget message, have a deferred maintenance backlog that runs into the hundreds of millions of dollars. We hear from people that they want parks to be cleaner, to have more amenities and that they feel they’ve been underinvested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101904386,news_11977258,forum_2010101904706\"]As we just pointed out, we’re in a budget crunch this year, particularly because of what we need to do around our stormwater permit. And so, we need to look at other ways of providing amenities, activating our parks and funding their long-term maintenance. When you go to New York, you visit Bryant Park, that has long-term commercial leases and commercial uses, but it also adds to the vibrancy of the park. It’s beloved; it’s heavily utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think, particularly for downtown urban parks near large venues in our entertainment district in the downtown — having private operators run a restaurant a cafe, adding amenities and being able to charge a reasonable rate to the public to be able to operate added amenities is a way to activate the space, make our parks more interesting for folks and then fund their operations and maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Days after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#matt-mahan-sails-to-second-term-as-mayor-of-san-jose\">winning reelection to a four-year term beginning next year\u003c/a>, San José Mayor Matt Mahan doubled down on his push to spend more city dollars to move residents experiencing homelessness into temporary housing and shelter — potentially at the cost of funding permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget plan unveiled by Mahan on Wednesday is likely to breathe new life into the debate over the best approach to reducing homelessness in San José. That fight was central to budget discussions last year when the council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">agreed to shift some funds from building apartments to standing up\u003c/a> interim housing facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under San José’s governance structure, the mayor has one vote on ordinances before the council but has broader powers in the budget process to shape city spending. Mahan’s budget proposal, which lays out his spending vision, will go before the council for a vote next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to other large cities around the Bay Area, San José is in good fiscal shape. City analysts projected a small $3.4 million deficit in the budget year beginning on July 1. But Mahan and the council could face some complications: the city manager said an urgent $25 million cleanup of homeless encampments is needed to avoid fines from water regulators, and many city programs that were funded on a one-time basis last year, to the tune of $23.5 million, are not included in this year’s base budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan sat down with KQED’s Politics & Government Correspondent Guy Marzorati to discuss his spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: It seemed like the budget was more or less balanced, and then the city manager said there has to be immediate action taken at a cost of potentially up to $25 million to reduce pollutants coming from encampments into waterways. What has to be done now, and what’s at stake for the city in this? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Mahan: \u003c/strong>Well, there’s a lot at stake, Guy. The regional board [San Francisco Bay Regional Water Quality Control Board] has told us that we are not on track to being compliant with the requirements of our stormwater permit. This is serious business. This is about whether or not we’re complying with the nation’s Clean Water Act. If we are found over time to be out of compliance, the board can actually fine us up to $60,000 per day per pollutant found in the waterway. And what they pointed to in this latest rejection of our plan was the encampments along the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our own independent analysis shows that about 90% of the trash and biowaste going into the waterways is due to unmanaged encampments. And so essentially, the water board is going to force us to do what I think is the right thing. It will not be easy. It will not be cheap. But, I frankly welcome the accountability because we have got to do a better job of providing safe, managed alternatives to encampments for the homeless residents in our community. And this, I hope, is the push that we needed, that our county, water district and other partners needed to scale up basic, dignified shelter and require that people come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In this budget proposal, you are putting forward a potential shift within a pot of money dedicated to reducing homelessness — the Measure E transfer tax — from paying for permanent housing to interim housing and shelter. This \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953006/sf-san-jose-mayors-push-to-fund-shelters-as-pressure-builds-on-encampments\">\u003cstrong>was a huge debate in the budget process last year\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>. From a policy perspective, but then also maybe from a tactical or political perspective, how are you approaching this differently this year?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I’m trying to do is give the council a genuine choice. There are different ways to fund the urgent action we need on homelessness. If the council prefers to reduce service levels in other departments and cut other city programs, depending on what those are, that may be something I can support and maybe the direction that we collectively go in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The alternative, as I pointed out last year, is to take the dollars we already have for addressing homelessness and use them in more efficient and scalable ways. And don’t get me wrong, these trade-offs aren’t easy. We need more affordable housing. We need more money for prevention. There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action. We have to scale up basic, dignified shelter and get people indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I suppose the third option would be raising revenue, but frankly, for most forms of new revenue, you have to go to the voters, and the community already feels that they’re overtaxed and maybe not getting as much impact and the outcomes they want for the dollars that they’re already sending government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You’re also proposing a safe sleeping site in this budget, known in some forms as a managed encampment. I wonder if that’s an implicit acknowledgment that interim housing, which you and other supporters have referred to as “quick-build,” is maybe not getting built quickly enough? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s a lot quicker than what we were doing. So what we’ve been spending most of our money on is brand new apartment buildings, which unfortunately take $1 million a door of public subsidy and over five years to build. So that’s about as slow as it gets. Then we pivoted to these modular units, but they still take a year easily, sometimes longer. And when you’re all in with the site development, utility hookups, parking, common space, it can easily be $100,000 a door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And when you look at the scale of the crisis, if we’re going to truly treat this as an emergency and say, ‘We need to triage the situation, get people stabilized, give people access to services, including basic sanitation, a safe place to sleep at night,’ [then] we need solutions that are on the scale of thousands of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truth is, we need more scalable forms of shelter. And we have to look at things like safe sleeping and safe parking. We cannot let the perfect be the enemy of the good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When it comes to safe sleeping sites or sanctioned encampments, won’t you face the same challenges in finding sites that you do for interim housing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, we will. I think the reality is that we don’t have a choice if we’re going to come into compliance with the Clean Water Act and retain our stormwater permit and not face what would be crippling fines and liability; we are going to have to find places for people to go as we move folks away from the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have two choices. As a community, we can either simply say, you can’t live along the waterways and good luck, and you’ll end up in neighborhoods and parks, commercial districts, industrial districts, wherever else. Or we can take responsibility for providing basic, dignified shelter, safe places to sleep with some very basic services like sanitation and security. And hopefully, over time, we can scale the case management and behavioral health services in partnership with the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There’s an interesting proposal in this budget around city parks. You want to potentially go to the ballot in November and ask voters to let the city lease park land for retail or commercial establishments in order to bring in new revenue. What’s an example of what this could potentially look like in San José? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, well, I want to study it. I think it’s something for us to look at. Our parks, as I point out in the budget message, have a deferred maintenance backlog that runs into the hundreds of millions of dollars. We hear from people that they want parks to be cleaner, to have more amenities and that they feel they’ve been underinvested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As we just pointed out, we’re in a budget crunch this year, particularly because of what we need to do around our stormwater permit. And so, we need to look at other ways of providing amenities, activating our parks and funding their long-term maintenance. When you go to New York, you visit Bryant Park, that has long-term commercial leases and commercial uses, but it also adds to the vibrancy of the park. It’s beloved; it’s heavily utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think, particularly for downtown urban parks near large venues in our entertainment district in the downtown — having private operators run a restaurant a cafe, adding amenities and being able to charge a reasonable rate to the public to be able to operate added amenities is a way to activate the space, make our parks more interesting for folks and then fund their operations and maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom's Proposition 1 Mental Health Measure Likely to Pass, Opponents Concede",
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"content": "\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 1 conceded Tuesday that the state ballot measure aimed at housing Californians with severe behavioral health challenges is likely to pass — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/proposition-1\">though the result remained too close to officially call\u003c/a> after a week of vote counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest returns from California’s Secretary of State’s office show that the measure is currently passing with 50.3% of the vote. A victory for Proposition 1 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977998/prop-1-edges-toward-approval-but-too-close-to-call\">would mark a major political win for Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, who authored the measure in an attempt to move more Californians suffering from mental illness and substance abuse off of the streets and into housing or treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Californians Against Proposition 1\"]‘We almost took down the bear, but it looks like we will fall short. … Prop. 1 could be a humanitarian disaster if it is not well managed. The incredibly narrow approval of Prop. 1 is the voters saying ‘do not let that happen.”[/pullquote]The measure’s opponents ranged from fiscal conservatives concerned with Proposition 1’s borrowing costs to mental health service providers worried about the proposal’s impact on existing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We almost took down the bear, but it looks like we will fall short,” said Californians Against Proposition 1 in a statement. “Today, as the principal opponents of Proposition 1, we concede that it is almost certain to pass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> has not called the result of the measure and estimates that a quarter of ballots are still left to be counted. Supporters of Proposition 1 have not declared victory but are encouraged that many of the uncounted ballots appeared to be in counties where the measure is fairing well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the result holds, California will issue $6.38 billion in bonds to construct new residential treatment facilities and housing with supportive services, with a portion of that revenue set aside for constructing units for veterans. The decades-old Mental Health Services Act would also be changed to redirect more of the tax (levied on income over $1 million) toward building housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977451/newsom-sees-prop-1-as-a-chance-to-finally-meet-the-needs-of-mentally-ill-californians\">described the measure as a key step in his efforts to combat the compounding crises\u003c/a> of homelessness, drug addiction and mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing the need for urgent action, Newsom pushed the Legislature to place the bond and reforms on the March ballot, where it was the only state measure considered by voters. But the move carried political risk: Votes in last week’s primary skewed more conservative than the likely November electorate, and the measure has teetered on the brink of failure for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11978919 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/030524-Election-Primary-MG-CM-10-1020x680.jpg']Though the proposals in Proposition 1 received support from many Republicans in the state Legislature, the measure was not supported by the state Republican Party, which took a neutral position. Fiscal conservatives likely balked at the size of the bond, which could cost over $9 billion for the state to repay over three decades, according to estimates from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some civil libertarians opposed the bond because it can fund locked treatment facilities. And mental health service providers worried that programs such as peer support networks, anger management classes and drop-in counseling could face cuts as more money was redirected toward housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 1 could be a humanitarian disaster if it is not well managed,” opponents added in their statement. “The incredibly narrow approval of Prop. 1 is the voters saying ‘do not let that happen.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election returns from county election offices will continue to trickle this week. Ballots received by Tuesday can still be counted as long as they were postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 1 conceded Tuesday that the state ballot measure aimed at housing Californians with severe behavioral health challenges is likely to pass — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/proposition-1\">though the result remained too close to officially call\u003c/a> after a week of vote counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest returns from California’s Secretary of State’s office show that the measure is currently passing with 50.3% of the vote. A victory for Proposition 1 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977998/prop-1-edges-toward-approval-but-too-close-to-call\">would mark a major political win for Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, who authored the measure in an attempt to move more Californians suffering from mental illness and substance abuse off of the streets and into housing or treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We almost took down the bear, but it looks like we will fall short. … Prop. 1 could be a humanitarian disaster if it is not well managed. The incredibly narrow approval of Prop. 1 is the voters saying ‘do not let that happen.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The measure’s opponents ranged from fiscal conservatives concerned with Proposition 1’s borrowing costs to mental health service providers worried about the proposal’s impact on existing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We almost took down the bear, but it looks like we will fall short,” said Californians Against Proposition 1 in a statement. “Today, as the principal opponents of Proposition 1, we concede that it is almost certain to pass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> has not called the result of the measure and estimates that a quarter of ballots are still left to be counted. Supporters of Proposition 1 have not declared victory but are encouraged that many of the uncounted ballots appeared to be in counties where the measure is fairing well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the result holds, California will issue $6.38 billion in bonds to construct new residential treatment facilities and housing with supportive services, with a portion of that revenue set aside for constructing units for veterans. The decades-old Mental Health Services Act would also be changed to redirect more of the tax (levied on income over $1 million) toward building housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977451/newsom-sees-prop-1-as-a-chance-to-finally-meet-the-needs-of-mentally-ill-californians\">described the measure as a key step in his efforts to combat the compounding crises\u003c/a> of homelessness, drug addiction and mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing the need for urgent action, Newsom pushed the Legislature to place the bond and reforms on the March ballot, where it was the only state measure considered by voters. But the move carried political risk: Votes in last week’s primary skewed more conservative than the likely November electorate, and the measure has teetered on the brink of failure for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Though the proposals in Proposition 1 received support from many Republicans in the state Legislature, the measure was not supported by the state Republican Party, which took a neutral position. Fiscal conservatives likely balked at the size of the bond, which could cost over $9 billion for the state to repay over three decades, according to estimates from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some civil libertarians opposed the bond because it can fund locked treatment facilities. And mental health service providers worried that programs such as peer support networks, anger management classes and drop-in counseling could face cuts as more money was redirected toward housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 1 could be a humanitarian disaster if it is not well managed,” opponents added in their statement. “The incredibly narrow approval of Prop. 1 is the voters saying ‘do not let that happen.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election returns from county election offices will continue to trickle this week. Ballots received by Tuesday can still be counted as long as they were postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sacramento-gave-a-homeless-camp-a-lease-as-an-experiment-heres-what-happened",
"title": "City-Sanctioned Homeless Camp in Sacramento Now Under Threat of Prosecution. What Went Wrong",
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"headTitle": "City-Sanctioned Homeless Camp in Sacramento Now Under Threat of Prosecution. What Went Wrong | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Sacramento changed its plan to demolish a homeless encampment on a vacant lot on Colfax Street, instead offering the unhoused occupants a lease, activists and camp residents celebrated it as a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-of-its-kind deal, which allows the camp to remain in place and govern itself without city interference, was held up as a model Sacramento could replicate at future sites. Other cities, including San Jose, have said they’re considering similar models, putting the success or failure of this encampment under the microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sacramento has not managed to reproduce the concept and has no plans to. Residents of the camp, who lack electricity or running water, complain they feel forgotten. And the county district attorney, claiming the site threatens public safety, has demanded the city clear the camp or risk prosecution.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eric Tars, senior policy director, National Homelessness Law Center\"]‘When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those troubles highlight the logistical and ethical dilemmas that come with setting aside outdoor spaces for unhoused residents to go when there \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/09/california-homeless-camps/\">aren’t enough beds indoors\u003c/a>. And it comes at a time when officials across the state increasingly are turning to this last-ditch solution as they face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">mounting pressure to clear encampments\u003c/a> away from sidewalks, parks, schools and other high-traffic public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that people have a place where they can legally exist and not be threatened with arrest, not be run off and have to lose their belongings, where they can go to the bathroom with dignity, where there’s trash pickup so they don’t have to live in a place where there’s trash all over, where service providers can find them regularly and they aren’t going to lose contact with people as they work their way to housing — those are all good things,” said Eric Tars, senior policy director of the National Homelessness Law Center. “But it would be even better if they were doing them indoors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>They got a lease, and they make their own rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution, as the Sacramento camp is known, was started in 2022 by Sharon and Joyce Jones — a married couple in their 50s who found themselves unhoused for the first time late in life. More than four-dozen people now live there, some in new-looking Bullet trailers provided by the city, and others in cars, tents and more dilapidated trailers and RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978871\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing hats and jeans uses a water bottle to water plants in a garden outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joyce (l) and Sharon Jones poke holes in a water bottle to water their garden next to their trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, February 28, 2024. The camp has no running water so residents have to rely on bottled water for all of their needs. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some residents have taken pains to make it more homey: Two potted plants hang from the hitch of one trailer, chickens roam the lot, and Sharon and Joyce are putting in a garden, using pallets to make raised planter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make it as comfortable as possible, but sometimes it’s impossible,” Joyce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11972519,news_11977464,news_11947567\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Shortly after Joyce and her community occupied the city-owned, formerly vacant lot in 2022, city workers determined the camp was unsafe and needed to be demolished — as often happens in Sacramento and throughout California. But that’s where the story takes an unusual turn. Residents of the camp and their supporters showed up in force to a city council meeting and persuaded council members to delay the sweep. About six months later, the city signed a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/camp_resolution_lease.pdf\">lease allowing the camp to remain\u003c/a> in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lease, which advocacy group Safe Ground Sacramento signed on behalf of the Camp Resolution residents, was an experiment. Generally, similar programs are run by nonprofits contracted by a city. They often impose curfews, no-guest policies, sobriety requirements and other rules on residents. In exchange, they offer social services such as counseling or help finding permanent housing, and amenities such as showers and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t think people experiencing homelessness are capable of governing themselves,” Tars said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution is different. Safe Ground Sacramento, which leases the property from the city for free, takes a hands-off approach that lets residents run the camp and write their own rules. The city gave the residents a handful of residential trailers, set up portable toilets and a hand-washing station, and provided dumpsters and ongoing trash pickup. But that’s it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many activist groups laud that model as a best practice, saying it’s important to let the residents run or at least help run their own camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible,” Tars said. “It gives a sense of responsibility to others in that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also means minimal overhead for the city: The trailers provided to Camp Resolution residents came from the Federal Emergency Management Agency at no cost to the city of Sacramento, and adding the camp to the city’s existing contract for trash pickup didn’t add any additional expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the case of Camp Resolution, it also means residents are left to fend for themselves. The city doesn’t provide electricity or running water. Community members donate food, some residents have generators, and a nonprofit used to bring a trailer with showers every other Sunday — but they recently stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not going very well,” Joyce said. “I think that (the city) should do a little bit more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts crouches down to wash dishes outside by a row of RVs and debris.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis uses tubs to wash dishes next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Camp Resolution lease says the city would provide up to 33 trailers. Residents ended up receiving just 16. But 51 people live at the camp, meaning some people sleep in tents, in their cars, or in dilapidated trailers and RVs that leak in the rain and have sprouted mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city wouldn’t comment on the trailers — or anything else — citing a pending threat of prosecution from the county District Attorney’s Office. City officials recently sent 40 trailers to a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">new safe sleeping site they opened on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, which also has plumbed toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the Camp Resolution residents are elderly, and some have serious medical issues that make living without reliable power and water difficult. One woman, who recently turned 60, is on dialysis and gets around on an electric mobility scooter that she leaves parked outside her trailer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the residents are women, some of whom wouldn’t feel safe on the streets by themselves. Jeanne Gillis, 53, was cooking ground turkey over an open flame outside her trailer on a recent Wednesday. Gillis, who used to work as a medical patients’ advocate, lost her housing two years ago when she got sick with lupus and could no longer work. She’d never been unhoused before and didn’t know what to do — so Sharon and Joyce took her under their wing. Now she’s part of their tight-knit community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts holds a utensil to cook food on a grill outside with an RV and water bottles around.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis cooks ground turkey over a wood fire next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. Residents have to rely on bottled water, generators and wood fires because no utilities are provided at the camp. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thank God for everybody. Because it’s hard,” she said, tearing up. “I don’t think I’d be here if it wasn’t for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Camp Resolution faces legal threat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution also faces an outside threat — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/sacramento-county-da-letter-threatens-criminal-charges-over-camp-resolution-site/45853185\">Sacramento County District Attorney Thien Ho has demanded\u003c/a> that the city close the camp. His office \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/sacramento_county_district_attorney_s_office_letter.pdf\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to the city and Safe Ground Sacramento in November, labeling the site a public health hazard. The site is contaminated by toxic chemicals left over from when it was used as a vehicle maintenance yard and held underground storage tanks for diesel and gasoline, he said. It’s not safe to camp on the contaminated soil, according to his letter. But only half of the site is paved, while the other half is bare dirt — and people live on both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho’s office did not set a specific deadline for the city to clear the encampment, leaving it unclear exactly what, if anything, would come of his threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Ho’s next steps, Sonia Martinez Satchell, a spokesperson for the District Attorney’s Office, indicated prosecution is still on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To date, the City has failed to move the unhoused off this toxic waste site,” she said in an emailed statement. “We will not waiver from our commitment to protect public safety for all. As outlined in our letter, all available actions and recourse remain available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But camp residents and the advocates working with them say they’ve heard nothing but silence from the District Attorney’s Office since the November letter. That means the fate of those living at Camp Resolution is still up in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Swanson, spokesman for the City Manager’s Office, said the city can’t comment on any aspect of Camp Resolution because of the pending threat of prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon and Joyce aren’t concerned — they claim the camp isn’t on the portion of the site that’s contaminated. Ho’s letter is just an excuse to try to kick them off the property, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sanctioned homeless encampments in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Faced with a massive shortage of affordable homes, desperate city officials across California are considering opening places where unhoused people can legally set up tents. The move could give them more power to clear encampments from around parks, schools, downtown zones and other high-profile areas. That’s because unless cities have somewhere for displaced unhoused residents to go, the 2018 appellate case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">Martin v. Boise\u003c/a> limits the extent to which they can clear encampments. That could change soon, as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/homeless-camp-scotus/\">Supreme Court has agreed\u003c/a> to take up the case and will hear arguments next month. But for now, cities’ hands remain largely tied if they lack enough shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/07/31/san-diegos-unsafe-camping-ordinance-enforcement-begins\">San Diego recently passed an ordinance\u003c/a> banning encampments in much of the city. As the city ramped up enforcement, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/services/safe-sleeping-program\">opened two sanctioned campsites\u003c/a> that together can hold more than 500 tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/05/19/why-san-jose-leaders-say-sanctioned-tent-sites-for-unhoused-residents-wont-work-here/\">rejected the idea\u003c/a> three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/12/12/san-jose-considering-sanctioned-encampments-as-interim-options-face-long-wait-lines-timelines/\">San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan recently said \u003c/a>he’s considering opening similar sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safe sleeping sites take many different forms — and have a range of price tags. In August, after the city stalled in its attempts to open safe sleeping sites, Sacramento City Manager Howard Chan single-handedly tried to identify locations for the projects. He initially said Camp Resolution could be a model for future sites — because it cost the city so little to run, it would allow the city to open more sites than if they used more expensive models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the city in January launched \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">its next safe sleeping site, on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, with more services, more oversight and a greater cost — $3.2 million per year. The site has 60 rudimentary tiny homes and 40 trailers and is governed by a nonprofit contracted through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, due to an anticipated budget shortfall for the coming fiscal year, the city has no plans to launch additional safe sleeping sites, Swanson said. At a committee meeting last month, city staff predicted that by next year, \u003ca href=\"https://sacramento.granicus.com/MetaViewer.php?view_id=38&clip_id=5832&meta_id=767774\">the city’s budget for homeless services would be short $11 million\u003c/a>. By the 2025-26 fiscal year, they expected to be short nearly $39 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-life-at-camp-resolution\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Life at Camp Resolution\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are about 800 people on the waitlist to get into Camp Resolution, according to Sharon and Joyce. Only six people from the camp have moved out and into permanent housing, they said. Just on the other side of the gate that separates Camp Resolution from the rest of the world, a group of people live in a cluster of cars parked haphazardly on the side of the road. Across the street, someone has erected a makeshift shack. RVs that serve as stand-in homes line the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the gate, Sharon and Joyce tend to have the ultimate say in what goes, though there’s also a council that meets on Thursday evenings to discuss camp issues. Things don’t always go smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of several RVs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view looking west of Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. To the left of the camp is Arden Way and at the bottom of the frame is Colfax St. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year a neighbor’s dogs attacked Sharon and sent her to the hospital with multiple bite injuries. That led to new rules at the camp about pets. But Sharon and Joyce say it’s hard to actually enforce the rules they impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more structure,” Sharon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they showed off the different parts of their community, Sharon and Joyce expressed disapproval of a trash pile in the middle of the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That can go in the trash can,” Joyce said. It didn’t take long. A few minutes later, residents could be seen picking up the garbage and carrying it to a nearby dumpster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters Capitol reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeanne-kuang/\">Jeanne Kuang\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Camp Resolution, a completely self-governed, city-sanctioned homeless encampment, was supposed to be a model Sacramento could copy for future sites. That didn’t happen, and now it’s under threat of prosecution.",
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"title": "City-Sanctioned Homeless Camp in Sacramento Now Under Threat of Prosecution. What Went Wrong | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Sacramento changed its plan to demolish a homeless encampment on a vacant lot on Colfax Street, instead offering the unhoused occupants a lease, activists and camp residents celebrated it as a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-of-its-kind deal, which allows the camp to remain in place and govern itself without city interference, was held up as a model Sacramento could replicate at future sites. Other cities, including San Jose, have said they’re considering similar models, putting the success or failure of this encampment under the microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sacramento has not managed to reproduce the concept and has no plans to. Residents of the camp, who lack electricity or running water, complain they feel forgotten. And the county district attorney, claiming the site threatens public safety, has demanded the city clear the camp or risk prosecution.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those troubles highlight the logistical and ethical dilemmas that come with setting aside outdoor spaces for unhoused residents to go when there \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/09/california-homeless-camps/\">aren’t enough beds indoors\u003c/a>. And it comes at a time when officials across the state increasingly are turning to this last-ditch solution as they face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">mounting pressure to clear encampments\u003c/a> away from sidewalks, parks, schools and other high-traffic public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that people have a place where they can legally exist and not be threatened with arrest, not be run off and have to lose their belongings, where they can go to the bathroom with dignity, where there’s trash pickup so they don’t have to live in a place where there’s trash all over, where service providers can find them regularly and they aren’t going to lose contact with people as they work their way to housing — those are all good things,” said Eric Tars, senior policy director of the National Homelessness Law Center. “But it would be even better if they were doing them indoors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>They got a lease, and they make their own rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution, as the Sacramento camp is known, was started in 2022 by Sharon and Joyce Jones — a married couple in their 50s who found themselves unhoused for the first time late in life. More than four-dozen people now live there, some in new-looking Bullet trailers provided by the city, and others in cars, tents and more dilapidated trailers and RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978871\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing hats and jeans uses a water bottle to water plants in a garden outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joyce (l) and Sharon Jones poke holes in a water bottle to water their garden next to their trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, February 28, 2024. The camp has no running water so residents have to rely on bottled water for all of their needs. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some residents have taken pains to make it more homey: Two potted plants hang from the hitch of one trailer, chickens roam the lot, and Sharon and Joyce are putting in a garden, using pallets to make raised planter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make it as comfortable as possible, but sometimes it’s impossible,” Joyce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Shortly after Joyce and her community occupied the city-owned, formerly vacant lot in 2022, city workers determined the camp was unsafe and needed to be demolished — as often happens in Sacramento and throughout California. But that’s where the story takes an unusual turn. Residents of the camp and their supporters showed up in force to a city council meeting and persuaded council members to delay the sweep. About six months later, the city signed a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/camp_resolution_lease.pdf\">lease allowing the camp to remain\u003c/a> in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lease, which advocacy group Safe Ground Sacramento signed on behalf of the Camp Resolution residents, was an experiment. Generally, similar programs are run by nonprofits contracted by a city. They often impose curfews, no-guest policies, sobriety requirements and other rules on residents. In exchange, they offer social services such as counseling or help finding permanent housing, and amenities such as showers and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t think people experiencing homelessness are capable of governing themselves,” Tars said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution is different. Safe Ground Sacramento, which leases the property from the city for free, takes a hands-off approach that lets residents run the camp and write their own rules. The city gave the residents a handful of residential trailers, set up portable toilets and a hand-washing station, and provided dumpsters and ongoing trash pickup. But that’s it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many activist groups laud that model as a best practice, saying it’s important to let the residents run or at least help run their own camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible,” Tars said. “It gives a sense of responsibility to others in that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also means minimal overhead for the city: The trailers provided to Camp Resolution residents came from the Federal Emergency Management Agency at no cost to the city of Sacramento, and adding the camp to the city’s existing contract for trash pickup didn’t add any additional expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the case of Camp Resolution, it also means residents are left to fend for themselves. The city doesn’t provide electricity or running water. Community members donate food, some residents have generators, and a nonprofit used to bring a trailer with showers every other Sunday — but they recently stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not going very well,” Joyce said. “I think that (the city) should do a little bit more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts crouches down to wash dishes outside by a row of RVs and debris.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis uses tubs to wash dishes next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Camp Resolution lease says the city would provide up to 33 trailers. Residents ended up receiving just 16. But 51 people live at the camp, meaning some people sleep in tents, in their cars, or in dilapidated trailers and RVs that leak in the rain and have sprouted mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city wouldn’t comment on the trailers — or anything else — citing a pending threat of prosecution from the county District Attorney’s Office. City officials recently sent 40 trailers to a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">new safe sleeping site they opened on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, which also has plumbed toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the Camp Resolution residents are elderly, and some have serious medical issues that make living without reliable power and water difficult. One woman, who recently turned 60, is on dialysis and gets around on an electric mobility scooter that she leaves parked outside her trailer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the residents are women, some of whom wouldn’t feel safe on the streets by themselves. Jeanne Gillis, 53, was cooking ground turkey over an open flame outside her trailer on a recent Wednesday. Gillis, who used to work as a medical patients’ advocate, lost her housing two years ago when she got sick with lupus and could no longer work. She’d never been unhoused before and didn’t know what to do — so Sharon and Joyce took her under their wing. Now she’s part of their tight-knit community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts holds a utensil to cook food on a grill outside with an RV and water bottles around.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis cooks ground turkey over a wood fire next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. Residents have to rely on bottled water, generators and wood fires because no utilities are provided at the camp. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thank God for everybody. Because it’s hard,” she said, tearing up. “I don’t think I’d be here if it wasn’t for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Camp Resolution faces legal threat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution also faces an outside threat — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/sacramento-county-da-letter-threatens-criminal-charges-over-camp-resolution-site/45853185\">Sacramento County District Attorney Thien Ho has demanded\u003c/a> that the city close the camp. His office \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/sacramento_county_district_attorney_s_office_letter.pdf\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to the city and Safe Ground Sacramento in November, labeling the site a public health hazard. The site is contaminated by toxic chemicals left over from when it was used as a vehicle maintenance yard and held underground storage tanks for diesel and gasoline, he said. It’s not safe to camp on the contaminated soil, according to his letter. But only half of the site is paved, while the other half is bare dirt — and people live on both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho’s office did not set a specific deadline for the city to clear the encampment, leaving it unclear exactly what, if anything, would come of his threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Ho’s next steps, Sonia Martinez Satchell, a spokesperson for the District Attorney’s Office, indicated prosecution is still on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To date, the City has failed to move the unhoused off this toxic waste site,” she said in an emailed statement. “We will not waiver from our commitment to protect public safety for all. As outlined in our letter, all available actions and recourse remain available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But camp residents and the advocates working with them say they’ve heard nothing but silence from the District Attorney’s Office since the November letter. That means the fate of those living at Camp Resolution is still up in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Swanson, spokesman for the City Manager’s Office, said the city can’t comment on any aspect of Camp Resolution because of the pending threat of prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon and Joyce aren’t concerned — they claim the camp isn’t on the portion of the site that’s contaminated. Ho’s letter is just an excuse to try to kick them off the property, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sanctioned homeless encampments in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Faced with a massive shortage of affordable homes, desperate city officials across California are considering opening places where unhoused people can legally set up tents. The move could give them more power to clear encampments from around parks, schools, downtown zones and other high-profile areas. That’s because unless cities have somewhere for displaced unhoused residents to go, the 2018 appellate case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">Martin v. Boise\u003c/a> limits the extent to which they can clear encampments. That could change soon, as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/homeless-camp-scotus/\">Supreme Court has agreed\u003c/a> to take up the case and will hear arguments next month. But for now, cities’ hands remain largely tied if they lack enough shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/07/31/san-diegos-unsafe-camping-ordinance-enforcement-begins\">San Diego recently passed an ordinance\u003c/a> banning encampments in much of the city. As the city ramped up enforcement, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/services/safe-sleeping-program\">opened two sanctioned campsites\u003c/a> that together can hold more than 500 tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/05/19/why-san-jose-leaders-say-sanctioned-tent-sites-for-unhoused-residents-wont-work-here/\">rejected the idea\u003c/a> three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/12/12/san-jose-considering-sanctioned-encampments-as-interim-options-face-long-wait-lines-timelines/\">San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan recently said \u003c/a>he’s considering opening similar sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safe sleeping sites take many different forms — and have a range of price tags. In August, after the city stalled in its attempts to open safe sleeping sites, Sacramento City Manager Howard Chan single-handedly tried to identify locations for the projects. He initially said Camp Resolution could be a model for future sites — because it cost the city so little to run, it would allow the city to open more sites than if they used more expensive models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the city in January launched \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">its next safe sleeping site, on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, with more services, more oversight and a greater cost — $3.2 million per year. The site has 60 rudimentary tiny homes and 40 trailers and is governed by a nonprofit contracted through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, due to an anticipated budget shortfall for the coming fiscal year, the city has no plans to launch additional safe sleeping sites, Swanson said. At a committee meeting last month, city staff predicted that by next year, \u003ca href=\"https://sacramento.granicus.com/MetaViewer.php?view_id=38&clip_id=5832&meta_id=767774\">the city’s budget for homeless services would be short $11 million\u003c/a>. By the 2025-26 fiscal year, they expected to be short nearly $39 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-life-at-camp-resolution\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Life at Camp Resolution\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are about 800 people on the waitlist to get into Camp Resolution, according to Sharon and Joyce. Only six people from the camp have moved out and into permanent housing, they said. Just on the other side of the gate that separates Camp Resolution from the rest of the world, a group of people live in a cluster of cars parked haphazardly on the side of the road. Across the street, someone has erected a makeshift shack. RVs that serve as stand-in homes line the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the gate, Sharon and Joyce tend to have the ultimate say in what goes, though there’s also a council that meets on Thursday evenings to discuss camp issues. Things don’t always go smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of several RVs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view looking west of Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. To the left of the camp is Arden Way and at the bottom of the frame is Colfax St. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year a neighbor’s dogs attacked Sharon and sent her to the hospital with multiple bite injuries. That led to new rules at the camp about pets. But Sharon and Joyce say it’s hard to actually enforce the rules they impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more structure,” Sharon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they showed off the different parts of their community, Sharon and Joyce expressed disapproval of a trash pile in the middle of the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That can go in the trash can,” Joyce said. It didn’t take long. A few minutes later, residents could be seen picking up the garbage and carrying it to a nearby dumpster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters Capitol reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeanne-kuang/\">Jeanne Kuang\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Sausalito's Last Floating Anchored Homes Removed From Richardson Bay",
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"content": "\u003cp>The last floating home in Marin County’s ecologically fragile Richardson Bay has been removed following a state mandate to protect area eelgrass that is a vital part of the water’s ecosystem, a spokesperson for the Richardson Bay Regional Agency said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The removal is also a coda to what had been a controversial floating subculture of boaters living on the waters off Sausalito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission entered into an agreement with the Richardson Bay Regional Agency, ordering that all illegally anchored vessels and floating homes be removed from the Bay by Oct. 15, 2026. The arrangement was also largely driven by the need to protect the vulnerable eelgrass ecosystem in the area.[aside postID=news_11739421 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36515_DSC_2298-qut-1020x676.jpg']Brad Gross, the executive director of Richardson Bay Regional Agency, stressed to KQED that there are still boats out in the bay, but the last floating home, which he said is a different designation from a recreational or commercial boat, was identified as one of four vessels for removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A boat is a boat that you can transport yourself on the water for recreation or commerce, whereas a floating home is like those houses that are strictly for living that you see off in Sausalito,” Gross said. “These floating homes were out anchored independently in Richardson Bay. That’s what has been removed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the decision to remove the array of floating homes manned by people termed “anchor-outs,” who have lived rent-free on the water in a subculture that romantics might call aquatic-bohemian, but others describe as an eyesore, resulted in at least one lawsuit and accusations that the county and RBRA were throwing people off the Bay and onto the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local agencies raised nearly $6 million to facilitate housing transitions and restore the Bay’s eelgrass. Last year, the county housing authority approved vouchers for those living on boats, who would otherwise face homelessness, to relocate to land-based residences. Many boat residents were moored illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of March, Gross estimated about 32 boats left in the anchorage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One such anchor out was Daniel Knight, who won a preliminary injunction against the RBRA last year when it tried to remove his vessel first through offering a voucher — he said the amount would be far less than the boat’s worth — and then tried to remove his boat by calling it “marine debris.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Knight’s attorneys, he eventually settled the case for an undisclosed amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The environmental impact the boats and vessels had on the eelgrass in the area, however, was indeed significant.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Richardson Bay Regional Agency\"]‘[Eelgrass] supports herring runs, reduces erosion, sequesters carbon and is a crucial ecological resource for harbor porpoises and sea lions.’[/pullquote]“Eelgrass is a critical component of a healthy and vibrant Richardson Bay,” said a statement released Thursday by the RBRA. “It supports herring runs, reduces erosion, sequesters carbon and is a crucial ecological resource for harbor porpoises and sea lions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of migratory birds also rely on the eelgrass for feeding and resting along the Pacific Flyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RBRA officials said that when anchors, chains and other ground tackle from vessels scrape the bottom of the Bay, they act as a “lawn mower” for any living plants and create areas where eelgrass cannot grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An area “four times the size of Alcatraz” now exists where the grass has been destroyed, the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the housing vouchers, 16 vessels were removed with the help of a buyback program funded by the RBRA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the agreement with the state, a small number of vessels will be allowed to remain anchored if they are deemed “seaworthy,” at least through October 2026. After that, all boats and vessels will be allowed only 72-hour anchorage, according to BCDC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/opalma\"> KQED’s Oscar Palma\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "State and regional environmental regulators agreed several years ago to clear all illegally anchored vessels and floating homes in the bay, primarily to protect the eelgrass that is vital to its ecologically fragile ecosystem.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The last floating home in Marin County’s ecologically fragile Richardson Bay has been removed following a state mandate to protect area eelgrass that is a vital part of the water’s ecosystem, a spokesperson for the Richardson Bay Regional Agency said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The removal is also a coda to what had been a controversial floating subculture of boaters living on the waters off Sausalito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission entered into an agreement with the Richardson Bay Regional Agency, ordering that all illegally anchored vessels and floating homes be removed from the Bay by Oct. 15, 2026. The arrangement was also largely driven by the need to protect the vulnerable eelgrass ecosystem in the area.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Brad Gross, the executive director of Richardson Bay Regional Agency, stressed to KQED that there are still boats out in the bay, but the last floating home, which he said is a different designation from a recreational or commercial boat, was identified as one of four vessels for removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A boat is a boat that you can transport yourself on the water for recreation or commerce, whereas a floating home is like those houses that are strictly for living that you see off in Sausalito,” Gross said. “These floating homes were out anchored independently in Richardson Bay. That’s what has been removed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the decision to remove the array of floating homes manned by people termed “anchor-outs,” who have lived rent-free on the water in a subculture that romantics might call aquatic-bohemian, but others describe as an eyesore, resulted in at least one lawsuit and accusations that the county and RBRA were throwing people off the Bay and onto the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local agencies raised nearly $6 million to facilitate housing transitions and restore the Bay’s eelgrass. Last year, the county housing authority approved vouchers for those living on boats, who would otherwise face homelessness, to relocate to land-based residences. Many boat residents were moored illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of March, Gross estimated about 32 boats left in the anchorage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One such anchor out was Daniel Knight, who won a preliminary injunction against the RBRA last year when it tried to remove his vessel first through offering a voucher — he said the amount would be far less than the boat’s worth — and then tried to remove his boat by calling it “marine debris.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Knight’s attorneys, he eventually settled the case for an undisclosed amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The environmental impact the boats and vessels had on the eelgrass in the area, however, was indeed significant.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Eelgrass is a critical component of a healthy and vibrant Richardson Bay,” said a statement released Thursday by the RBRA. “It supports herring runs, reduces erosion, sequesters carbon and is a crucial ecological resource for harbor porpoises and sea lions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of migratory birds also rely on the eelgrass for feeding and resting along the Pacific Flyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RBRA officials said that when anchors, chains and other ground tackle from vessels scrape the bottom of the Bay, they act as a “lawn mower” for any living plants and create areas where eelgrass cannot grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An area “four times the size of Alcatraz” now exists where the grass has been destroyed, the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the housing vouchers, 16 vessels were removed with the help of a buyback program funded by the RBRA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the agreement with the state, a small number of vessels will be allowed to remain anchored if they are deemed “seaworthy,” at least through October 2026. After that, all boats and vessels will be allowed only 72-hour anchorage, according to BCDC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/opalma\"> KQED’s Oscar Palma\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "los-angeles-county-uses-ai-to-prevent-homelessness-and-offers-assistance",
"title": "Los Angeles County Uses AI to Prevent Homelessness and Offers Assistance",
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"content": "\u003cp>You’ve likely heard about AI powering driverless cars, writing term papers and creating unsettling deep fakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can that same technology also prevent people from becoming homeless?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Los Angeles County is trying to find out. Officials there are using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">AI technology\u003c/a> to predict who in the county is most likely to lose their housing — and then stepping in to help those people with their rent, utility bills, car payments and more.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dana Vanderford, associate director of homelessness prevention, LA County’s Department of Health Services\"]‘If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience … it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening.’[/pullquote]It’s still an experimental strategy. But the program has served more than 700 clients since 2021, and 86% have retained their housing. It comes at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">more than 180,000 Californians have no place to call home\u003c/a>, and people are ending up on the streets faster than government agencies and nonprofits can get them into housing. Officials all over the state are turning to methods aimed at preventing homelessness before it happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s algorithm analyzes data from residents’ emergency room visits, jail stays, use of food assistance and more, and has sparked interest from Silicon Valley to San Diego. Final data on the program — which has roughly $26 million in federal COVID funds and is expected to end in 2026 — aren’t yet out. If it’s successful, it could have major implications for helping cities and counties spend their limited resources more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience, and they’re already county clients, it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening,” said Dana Vanderford, associate director of homelessness prevention for LA County’s Department of Health Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978466\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978466\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dana Vanderford, Associate Director of Homelessness Prevention at Housing for Health at Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, in Los Angeles, on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does artificial intelligence predict homelessness?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea started in 2019, when UCLA’s California Policy Lab began experimenting to see if it could use machine learning, combined with LA County data, to predict homelessness. Then, the county paired that with money to intervene before people ended up on the street — the program is predominantly funded with $26 million in COVID-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/american-rescue-plan/\">funds from the federal American Rescue Plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UCLA researchers start with a list of 90,000 people who recently used services from the county’s Health Services or Mental Health departments. Using 580 factors, the computer ranks those people from 1 to 90,000 based on their risk of becoming homeless. The people deemed to be highest-risk tend to show up in emergency rooms and jails at high rates and have high usage of services such as CalFresh food benefits. However, the model considers many more data points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if people receive services in many different geographic areas, it could mean they’re couch surfing — bouncing from one precarious living situation to the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You sort of let the computer learn what it finds to be predictive over time,” said Janey Rountree, executive director of the California Policy Lab at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To train the algorithm, the researchers showed it a list of people who became homeless along with the services they used before losing their housing. Then, they had the algorithm practice “predicting” homelessness using old data and checked to see if it was accurate. When they were satisfied, they started using it for real predictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How well does it work? Among the 90,000 people the researchers started with, 7% became homeless in 18 months. Among the 10,000 people the algorithm deemed to be the highest risk, 24% became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they were targeting fewer people (say 1,000 instead of 10,000), it would be even more accurate, Rountree said. But social workers aren’t able to get in touch with many of the people on the list, and others don’t agree to participate in the aid program, so they have to cast a broader net.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Janey Rountree, executive director, UCLA’s California Policy Lab\"]‘You sort of let the computer learn what it finds to be predictive over time.’[/pullquote]Is a computer really better at guessing who will become homeless than human social workers trained in this work? Rountree says yes — 3.5 times better, to be exact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem with humans, she said, is that they’re biased toward the people they know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just human nature to want to help the people that you’re in contact with,” she said. “They all seem housing-unstable and at high risk. You want to help those individuals or those families in front of you. But not all of them are going to become homeless and be on the street or use shelter if they don’t get assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers also often prioritize people with lower needs, Rountree said. Someone who recently lost their job but otherwise is stable gets preference over someone facing ongoing struggles with their mental health or addiction because the stable person is easier to help. However, the stable person may not be the one who needs the help the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rountree said there’s also a belief that people with higher needs will not spend the money they’re given wisely. But AI doesn’t have that bias, so it ensures the money goes to those who need it most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are apparent. People the algorithm targets are much more likely to have been incarcerated, sought substance use treatment, had mental health issues or been hospitalized than the people who seek aid through LA County’s other homelessness prevention programs, Rountree said. In that way, this program fills a hole in LA County’s net of services, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s other, more traditional programs geared to prevent homelessness rely on people reaching out to request help or on caseworkers referring clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, they aren’t duplicating efforts. There’s almost no overlap between the people targeted by the AI algorithm and those served by traditional prevention programs, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s a significant population of folks, who if somebody doesn’t reach out to them to offer assistance, they might lose their housing right out from under them without reaching out for assistance themselves,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Then, a human steps in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four times a year, the Policy Lab researchers send LA County a list of residents the AI program has deemed most likely to become homeless. The county then mails those people letters, telling them they’ve been selected to participate in the program. After that, a social worker cold-calls them to tell them the good news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person at the other end of the line is often convinced it’s a scam. After all, how often does someone legitimate call out of the blue to offer free money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happens, case worker Genice Brown usually asks if she can email them—a move she hopes lends a bit more credence to her pitch. Once she convinces them the program is real, nine out of 10 people agree to sign up, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Genice Brown, a medical case worker with the Housing Stabilization and Homelessness Prevention Unit, in Los Angeles on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Individuals enrolled in the program receive a base sum of either $4,000 or $6,000 (the amount is randomly assigned so researchers can assess the impacts of different amounts of money). Families start at $6,000 or $8,000, with larger families receiving more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown can use that money for whatever her clients need most. Usually, rent comes first, but it also can cover other bills. In addition, she helps connect her clients to doctors, dentists and mental health services. If they’re looking for work, Brown gets them gift cards for interview outfits, helps them with their resumes and role-plays interview questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She works with each client for three or four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I just really needed the help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For 38-year-old Sandricka Henderson, help came just in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diagnosed with lupus at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Henderson could no longer work her physically demanding warehouse job. Disability benefits gave her barely more than $1,000 a month — just a quarter of what she made while she was working. With an 8-year-old son to support, Henderson found she was at least $400 behind on her bills every month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just before Christmas last year, Henderson received a call from a woman offering free money. Henderson was sure it was a scam and braced for the woman to ask for her Social Security number.[aside label='More Stories on Artificial Intelligence' tag='artificial-intelligence']But the social worker (who turned out to be Genice Brown) didn’t, and Henderson eventually realized the program was real. The first thing Brown gave her was a $100 gift card to a local grocery store — a blessing, Henderson said because she had nothing in her refrigerator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, Henderson’s landlord sent her a letter warning she had 10 days to pay her rent or be evicted. About a week later, Brown sent the rent money and helped Henderson avoid catastrophe. She also helped Henderson catch up on her car payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Henderson no longer feels like she’s teetering on the edge of homelessness. She has some money in her savings account, and her rent is prepaid for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just really needed the help,” Henderson said. Because she’s used to working hard and taking care of herself, she added, she never would have reached out and asked for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really did change my whole circumstances,” she said. “My son had a Christmas that I didn’t think I was going to be able to give him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The future of AI in homelessness services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout California, new people are becoming homeless faster than aid workers can find existing homeless residents housing. \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/community-plan/\">In Santa Clara County, for example, for every one homeless household that moved into housing last year, another 1.7 became newly homeless\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/who-we-are/\">Destination: Home, a Santa Clara County-based organization focused on ending homelessness\u003c/a>.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Consuelo Hernandez, director, LA County’s Office of Supportive Housing\"]‘Without having additional resources, what is the true benefit of knowing there are more people out there who are in need?’[/pullquote]The LA County team has met with government agencies from all over the country who are interested in its AI model, including Santa Clara and San Diego counties, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County is working on a plan for homelessness prevention, Tim McClain, spokesman for the county’s Health and Human Services Agency, said in an email to CalMatters. He wouldn’t provide any additional updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County met with the California Policy Lab earlier this year and hopes to schedule another informational meeting soon, said Consuelo Hernandez, director of the county’s Office of Supportive Housing. The county’s homelessness prevention program relies on humans triaging clients. If artificial intelligence can do that work more efficiently, it’s worth exploring, Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, what they want is more money to help the people who already fill their queues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without having additional resources,” Hernandez said, “what is the true benefit of knowing there are more people out there who are in need?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You’ve likely heard about AI powering driverless cars, writing term papers and creating unsettling deep fakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can that same technology also prevent people from becoming homeless?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Los Angeles County is trying to find out. Officials there are using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">AI technology\u003c/a> to predict who in the county is most likely to lose their housing — and then stepping in to help those people with their rent, utility bills, car payments and more.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience … it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s still an experimental strategy. But the program has served more than 700 clients since 2021, and 86% have retained their housing. It comes at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">more than 180,000 Californians have no place to call home\u003c/a>, and people are ending up on the streets faster than government agencies and nonprofits can get them into housing. Officials all over the state are turning to methods aimed at preventing homelessness before it happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s algorithm analyzes data from residents’ emergency room visits, jail stays, use of food assistance and more, and has sparked interest from Silicon Valley to San Diego. Final data on the program — which has roughly $26 million in federal COVID funds and is expected to end in 2026 — aren’t yet out. If it’s successful, it could have major implications for helping cities and counties spend their limited resources more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience, and they’re already county clients, it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening,” said Dana Vanderford, associate director of homelessness prevention for LA County’s Department of Health Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978466\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978466\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dana Vanderford, Associate Director of Homelessness Prevention at Housing for Health at Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, in Los Angeles, on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does artificial intelligence predict homelessness?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea started in 2019, when UCLA’s California Policy Lab began experimenting to see if it could use machine learning, combined with LA County data, to predict homelessness. Then, the county paired that with money to intervene before people ended up on the street — the program is predominantly funded with $26 million in COVID-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/american-rescue-plan/\">funds from the federal American Rescue Plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UCLA researchers start with a list of 90,000 people who recently used services from the county’s Health Services or Mental Health departments. Using 580 factors, the computer ranks those people from 1 to 90,000 based on their risk of becoming homeless. The people deemed to be highest-risk tend to show up in emergency rooms and jails at high rates and have high usage of services such as CalFresh food benefits. However, the model considers many more data points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if people receive services in many different geographic areas, it could mean they’re couch surfing — bouncing from one precarious living situation to the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You sort of let the computer learn what it finds to be predictive over time,” said Janey Rountree, executive director of the California Policy Lab at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To train the algorithm, the researchers showed it a list of people who became homeless along with the services they used before losing their housing. Then, they had the algorithm practice “predicting” homelessness using old data and checked to see if it was accurate. When they were satisfied, they started using it for real predictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How well does it work? Among the 90,000 people the researchers started with, 7% became homeless in 18 months. Among the 10,000 people the algorithm deemed to be the highest risk, 24% became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they were targeting fewer people (say 1,000 instead of 10,000), it would be even more accurate, Rountree said. But social workers aren’t able to get in touch with many of the people on the list, and others don’t agree to participate in the aid program, so they have to cast a broader net.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Is a computer really better at guessing who will become homeless than human social workers trained in this work? Rountree says yes — 3.5 times better, to be exact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem with humans, she said, is that they’re biased toward the people they know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just human nature to want to help the people that you’re in contact with,” she said. “They all seem housing-unstable and at high risk. You want to help those individuals or those families in front of you. But not all of them are going to become homeless and be on the street or use shelter if they don’t get assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers also often prioritize people with lower needs, Rountree said. Someone who recently lost their job but otherwise is stable gets preference over someone facing ongoing struggles with their mental health or addiction because the stable person is easier to help. However, the stable person may not be the one who needs the help the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rountree said there’s also a belief that people with higher needs will not spend the money they’re given wisely. But AI doesn’t have that bias, so it ensures the money goes to those who need it most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are apparent. People the algorithm targets are much more likely to have been incarcerated, sought substance use treatment, had mental health issues or been hospitalized than the people who seek aid through LA County’s other homelessness prevention programs, Rountree said. In that way, this program fills a hole in LA County’s net of services, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s other, more traditional programs geared to prevent homelessness rely on people reaching out to request help or on caseworkers referring clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, they aren’t duplicating efforts. There’s almost no overlap between the people targeted by the AI algorithm and those served by traditional prevention programs, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s a significant population of folks, who if somebody doesn’t reach out to them to offer assistance, they might lose their housing right out from under them without reaching out for assistance themselves,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Then, a human steps in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four times a year, the Policy Lab researchers send LA County a list of residents the AI program has deemed most likely to become homeless. The county then mails those people letters, telling them they’ve been selected to participate in the program. After that, a social worker cold-calls them to tell them the good news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person at the other end of the line is often convinced it’s a scam. After all, how often does someone legitimate call out of the blue to offer free money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happens, case worker Genice Brown usually asks if she can email them—a move she hopes lends a bit more credence to her pitch. Once she convinces them the program is real, nine out of 10 people agree to sign up, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Genice Brown, a medical case worker with the Housing Stabilization and Homelessness Prevention Unit, in Los Angeles on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Individuals enrolled in the program receive a base sum of either $4,000 or $6,000 (the amount is randomly assigned so researchers can assess the impacts of different amounts of money). Families start at $6,000 or $8,000, with larger families receiving more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown can use that money for whatever her clients need most. Usually, rent comes first, but it also can cover other bills. In addition, she helps connect her clients to doctors, dentists and mental health services. If they’re looking for work, Brown gets them gift cards for interview outfits, helps them with their resumes and role-plays interview questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She works with each client for three or four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I just really needed the help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For 38-year-old Sandricka Henderson, help came just in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diagnosed with lupus at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Henderson could no longer work her physically demanding warehouse job. Disability benefits gave her barely more than $1,000 a month — just a quarter of what she made while she was working. With an 8-year-old son to support, Henderson found she was at least $400 behind on her bills every month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just before Christmas last year, Henderson received a call from a woman offering free money. Henderson was sure it was a scam and braced for the woman to ask for her Social Security number.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the social worker (who turned out to be Genice Brown) didn’t, and Henderson eventually realized the program was real. The first thing Brown gave her was a $100 gift card to a local grocery store — a blessing, Henderson said because she had nothing in her refrigerator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, Henderson’s landlord sent her a letter warning she had 10 days to pay her rent or be evicted. About a week later, Brown sent the rent money and helped Henderson avoid catastrophe. She also helped Henderson catch up on her car payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Henderson no longer feels like she’s teetering on the edge of homelessness. She has some money in her savings account, and her rent is prepaid for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just really needed the help,” Henderson said. Because she’s used to working hard and taking care of herself, she added, she never would have reached out and asked for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really did change my whole circumstances,” she said. “My son had a Christmas that I didn’t think I was going to be able to give him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The future of AI in homelessness services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout California, new people are becoming homeless faster than aid workers can find existing homeless residents housing. \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/community-plan/\">In Santa Clara County, for example, for every one homeless household that moved into housing last year, another 1.7 became newly homeless\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/who-we-are/\">Destination: Home, a Santa Clara County-based organization focused on ending homelessness\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The LA County team has met with government agencies from all over the country who are interested in its AI model, including Santa Clara and San Diego counties, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County is working on a plan for homelessness prevention, Tim McClain, spokesman for the county’s Health and Human Services Agency, said in an email to CalMatters. He wouldn’t provide any additional updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County met with the California Policy Lab earlier this year and hopes to schedule another informational meeting soon, said Consuelo Hernandez, director of the county’s Office of Supportive Housing. The county’s homelessness prevention program relies on humans triaging clients. If artificial intelligence can do that work more efficiently, it’s worth exploring, Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, what they want is more money to help the people who already fill their queues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without having additional resources,” Hernandez said, “what is the true benefit of knowing there are more people out there who are in need?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many people, living on the streets of California is a death sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01039\">recent study\u003c/a> that took the first deep look into mortality rates in unhoused communities throughout the country. It found the death rate more than tripled between 2011 and 2020. The findings make clear that as the number of unhoused Californians is soaring, it’s also becoming more dangerous to be unhoused. And it means the stakes are sky-high when it comes to state and local efforts to combat the crisis: People’s lives are on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s co-author, Matthew Fowle of the University of Pennsylvania, said the 238% increase was “astonishing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlike any other mortality trend that we really see in demography,” he said. “It’s comparable to something like a natural disaster or war.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Margot Kushel, director of UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\"]‘There is increasing evidence that you can prevent a lot of these deaths just by getting people housed.’[/pullquote]Overdoses played a major role in the deaths studied. But people also are dying at increased rates of things that might be avoided if they had a home or regular access to preventative medical care, such as exposure to heat and cold, traffic injuries, cardiovascular disease and diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just so hard to do that when you’re living on the streets or living in a shelter,” said Fowle, a postdoctoral fellow at the university’s Housing Initiative at Penn program. “Your main concern is, ‘Can I stay warm and dry for the night? Can I get enough food to eat?’ You can’t think about these other longer-term things that might be affecting your health until, in many cases, it’s too late.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the increase in the mortality rate may be attributable to county death records keeping better track of who is unhoused, Fowle said. Other than that, he and his team aren’t sure what else is behind the rising death rates — more research is needed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, something is occurring across the country,” Fowle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, published this month in the health policy research journal Health Affairs, appears to be the first to look at death rates and causes of death in homeless communities nationwide. Data on this subject is spotty, as the feds and most states (including California) don’t require medical examiners to list someone’s housing status in their death records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fowle’s study looked at 22,143 deaths of unhoused residents in 22 localities across 10 states and Washington, D.C. — including eight California counties. The death rate among unhoused residents across all 22 localities increased from 814 per 100,000 in 2011 to 2,752 per 100,000 in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the general population, the nationwide mortality rate was much lower: 1,027 deaths per 100,000 people in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://wonder.cdc.gov/controller/datarequest/D158;jsessionid=1D9C4FFB8CB6C9272489654C4B6A\">according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the study looked at Alameda, Los Angeles, Orange, Sacramento, San Diego, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Solano counties. In those counties, the mortality rate more than doubled between 2015 and 2020. Some of those counties didn’t start collecting data until 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most information on unhoused populations, the data has limitations. For example, it uses mortality rates based on the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">federally mandated point-in-time population counts\u003c/a>, which are inexact estimates of the country’s homeless communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, drug and alcohol overdoses were the leading cause of fatalities among unhoused people, accounting for nearly a third of all deaths. Overdoses caused 986 deaths per 100,000 unhoused people in 2020, a 488% increase from 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid crisis and the increased prevalence of fentanyl\u003c/a> played a huge role in those numbers, Fowle said. But deaths also may be driven by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">new efforts throughout California and beyond to crack down on people sleeping in public places\u003c/a>, he said. When people use drugs in a homeless encampment surrounded by people they know and trust, or even alone on a busy downtown street, there’s a greater chance someone will see them and intervene if they overdose. If law enforcement breaks up their camps and pushes them out of downtown, they often go to isolated areas such as creek beds, where they’re harder to help in an emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When someone is displaced from their camp, they also become less able to access a safe supply of drugs — putting them at greater risk for consuming something laced with fentanyl, said Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason being homeless has become more deadly? The homeless population is getting older, Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">The number of Californians 55 and older who sought homelessness services soared 84% between 2017 and 2021\u003c/a>, according to the state’s Homeless Data Integration System. That’s compared to a 43% increase across all age groups. In other words, more people older than 50 are becoming unhoused for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the homeless population continues to age, you’re just going to see death rates keep going up and up and up,” Kushel said. “You expect that, and it’s horrendous.”[aside label=\"more homelessness coverage\" tag=\"homelessness\"]The average age of death in the University of Pennsylvania study was 51 — more than 27 years younger than the average U.S. life expectancy during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributed to cardiovascular disease, the second-leading cause of death, increased 172% between 2011 and 2020. Other causes that saw major increases include diabetes, infection, cancer, homicide and exposure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being homeless is incredibly bad for your health, Kushel said. As soon as someone loses their housing, everything else starts to fall apart. Drug use tends to get worse, people lose the medication that treats their chronic illnesses, and they don’t go to the doctor for preventative care because they’re too busy worrying about where they’ll sleep or what they’ll eat. That means something like a small infection can turn life-threatening quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once someone is diagnosed with a serious illness, treatment is much harder on the street. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01003\">recent study of veterans with cancer, co-authored by Kushel\u003c/a>, found that those without housing were 10% to 20% more likely to die than those with housing. And among formerly unhoused veterans who had since found housing, the risk of dying plummeted, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is increasing evidence that you can prevent a lot of these deaths just by getting people housed,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinicians who treat people on the street watch in real time as conditions for their patients become more deadly. Whenever outreach workers call Dr. Susan Partovi, medical director of Homeless Health Care Los Angeles and author of the memoir \u003cem>Renegade MD\u003c/em>, the first thing she asks is, “Who died?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All too often, it’s someone she knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really heartbreaking when you know someone, and you know their humor, and you know their dreams, and you know their past history, and you know their ups and downs in life,” she said. “And you’re kind of in the trenches with them and their struggles. And then they die. It’s just so disheartening. It’s just so sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For many people, living on the streets of California is a death sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01039\">recent study\u003c/a> that took the first deep look into mortality rates in unhoused communities throughout the country. It found the death rate more than tripled between 2011 and 2020. The findings make clear that as the number of unhoused Californians is soaring, it’s also becoming more dangerous to be unhoused. And it means the stakes are sky-high when it comes to state and local efforts to combat the crisis: People’s lives are on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s co-author, Matthew Fowle of the University of Pennsylvania, said the 238% increase was “astonishing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlike any other mortality trend that we really see in demography,” he said. “It’s comparable to something like a natural disaster or war.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Overdoses played a major role in the deaths studied. But people also are dying at increased rates of things that might be avoided if they had a home or regular access to preventative medical care, such as exposure to heat and cold, traffic injuries, cardiovascular disease and diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just so hard to do that when you’re living on the streets or living in a shelter,” said Fowle, a postdoctoral fellow at the university’s Housing Initiative at Penn program. “Your main concern is, ‘Can I stay warm and dry for the night? Can I get enough food to eat?’ You can’t think about these other longer-term things that might be affecting your health until, in many cases, it’s too late.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the increase in the mortality rate may be attributable to county death records keeping better track of who is unhoused, Fowle said. Other than that, he and his team aren’t sure what else is behind the rising death rates — more research is needed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, something is occurring across the country,” Fowle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, published this month in the health policy research journal Health Affairs, appears to be the first to look at death rates and causes of death in homeless communities nationwide. Data on this subject is spotty, as the feds and most states (including California) don’t require medical examiners to list someone’s housing status in their death records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fowle’s study looked at 22,143 deaths of unhoused residents in 22 localities across 10 states and Washington, D.C. — including eight California counties. The death rate among unhoused residents across all 22 localities increased from 814 per 100,000 in 2011 to 2,752 per 100,000 in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the general population, the nationwide mortality rate was much lower: 1,027 deaths per 100,000 people in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://wonder.cdc.gov/controller/datarequest/D158;jsessionid=1D9C4FFB8CB6C9272489654C4B6A\">according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the study looked at Alameda, Los Angeles, Orange, Sacramento, San Diego, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Solano counties. In those counties, the mortality rate more than doubled between 2015 and 2020. Some of those counties didn’t start collecting data until 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most information on unhoused populations, the data has limitations. For example, it uses mortality rates based on the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">federally mandated point-in-time population counts\u003c/a>, which are inexact estimates of the country’s homeless communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, drug and alcohol overdoses were the leading cause of fatalities among unhoused people, accounting for nearly a third of all deaths. Overdoses caused 986 deaths per 100,000 unhoused people in 2020, a 488% increase from 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid crisis and the increased prevalence of fentanyl\u003c/a> played a huge role in those numbers, Fowle said. But deaths also may be driven by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">new efforts throughout California and beyond to crack down on people sleeping in public places\u003c/a>, he said. When people use drugs in a homeless encampment surrounded by people they know and trust, or even alone on a busy downtown street, there’s a greater chance someone will see them and intervene if they overdose. If law enforcement breaks up their camps and pushes them out of downtown, they often go to isolated areas such as creek beds, where they’re harder to help in an emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When someone is displaced from their camp, they also become less able to access a safe supply of drugs — putting them at greater risk for consuming something laced with fentanyl, said Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason being homeless has become more deadly? The homeless population is getting older, Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">The number of Californians 55 and older who sought homelessness services soared 84% between 2017 and 2021\u003c/a>, according to the state’s Homeless Data Integration System. That’s compared to a 43% increase across all age groups. In other words, more people older than 50 are becoming unhoused for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the homeless population continues to age, you’re just going to see death rates keep going up and up and up,” Kushel said. “You expect that, and it’s horrendous.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The average age of death in the University of Pennsylvania study was 51 — more than 27 years younger than the average U.S. life expectancy during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributed to cardiovascular disease, the second-leading cause of death, increased 172% between 2011 and 2020. Other causes that saw major increases include diabetes, infection, cancer, homicide and exposure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being homeless is incredibly bad for your health, Kushel said. As soon as someone loses their housing, everything else starts to fall apart. Drug use tends to get worse, people lose the medication that treats their chronic illnesses, and they don’t go to the doctor for preventative care because they’re too busy worrying about where they’ll sleep or what they’ll eat. That means something like a small infection can turn life-threatening quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once someone is diagnosed with a serious illness, treatment is much harder on the street. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01003\">recent study of veterans with cancer, co-authored by Kushel\u003c/a>, found that those without housing were 10% to 20% more likely to die than those with housing. And among formerly unhoused veterans who had since found housing, the risk of dying plummeted, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is increasing evidence that you can prevent a lot of these deaths just by getting people housed,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinicians who treat people on the street watch in real time as conditions for their patients become more deadly. Whenever outreach workers call Dr. Susan Partovi, medical director of Homeless Health Care Los Angeles and author of the memoir \u003cem>Renegade MD\u003c/em>, the first thing she asks is, “Who died?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All too often, it’s someone she knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really heartbreaking when you know someone, and you know their humor, and you know their dreams, and you know their past history, and you know their ups and downs in life,” she said. “And you’re kind of in the trenches with them and their struggles. And then they die. It’s just so disheartening. It’s just so sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park",
"title": "To Fight Rising Rents, These Fresno County Residents Bought Their Mobile Home Park",
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"headTitle": "To Fight Rising Rents, These Fresno County Residents Bought Their Mobile Home Park | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers in Fresno County have done the seemingly impossible: purchased their mobile home park from its corporate landlord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group officially closed escrow on the park Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously called Shady Lakes Mobile Home Park, it will now be known as Nuevo Lago Mobile Home Park. The park will be run by a board of directors, made up of residents. Each household will have a small ownership interest in the park, which will be operated as a limited equity housing co-op. They’ll be able to make decisions about how much rent to charge, park finances and operating rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Marcelino Santos, park resident\"]‘What we’ve accomplished, it’s stressful. But I hope we serve as an example that if we can do it, other communities can, too.’[/pullquote]“This is a dream,” said board member Juanita Pérez Sierra. “The people who live here are very humble and hardworking. So, to become the owners of the park where they live and to be able to take part in the decisions and the rules here, it’s something I haven’t fully wrapped my mind around yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid California’s high priced housing market, mobile home parks \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/2022-07/The%20Role%20of%20Manufactured%20Housing%20in%20Increasing%20the%20Supply%20of%20Affordable%20Housing.pdf\">offer an affordable refuge for residents\u003c/a>, who are often low-income and at risk of homelessness. But that’s changed in recent years as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/27/us/mobile-home-park-ownership-costs.html\">corporations have begun buying mobile home parks \u003c/a>across the country – and raising rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking control of their park wasn’t easy: It required five years of organizing on the part of residents, pro bono legal help and funding from both a national nonprofit and the state. But, residents at Nuevo Lago say it can be replicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11960237,news_11947567,news_11945257\" label=\"Related Stories\"]“What we’ve accomplished, it’s stressful,” said park resident Marcelino Santos. “But I hope we serve as an example that if we can do it, other communities can, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Community Forms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Sierra was seven years old when her parents moved her and her five siblings from San Miguel Cuevas, Oaxaca, to Fresno County. They lived out of a van their first few weeks. Eventually Pérez Sierra’s parents, who worked in the fields, were able to purchase a home at Shady Lakes Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were so happy to finally have a place to live,” she said in Spanish. “That’s why I still have so much love for this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pérez Sierra family was one of the first from San Miguel Cuevas to move to the park 30 years ago. Now, most of the families who live there – about 52 out of the 60 who occupy the park – are from the same Oaxacan village. Many of them also share familiar ties, with grandparents, aunts and uncles, and cousins who have made the park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977457\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977457\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-scaled.jpg\" alt='Three men and one woman stand in front of a sign that reads \"Shady Lakes\" next to some trees outside.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From right to left, Juanita Pérez Sierra, Jesús Felipe Sierra López, Marcelino Santos and Margarito Solano Pérez pose for a photo in front of a sign for the Shady Lake Mobile Home Park in Fresno County, on Wednesday, Feb. 21, 2024. They are part of the board of directors for the park, which will be renamed the Nuevo Lago Mobile Home Park. Residents there formed a housing co-op to purchase the park from their corporate landlord, Harmony Communities California. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Situated outside of Fresno city limits, the park is surrounded by fallow fields and rows of grape vines. In the summertime, Pérez Sierra said the smell of grapes laying out to dry permeates the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was younger, Pérez Sierra said there used to be two lakes near the back of the park. Families would gather around them to fish and barbeque.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was beautiful,” she said. “We really felt like a community, not just neighbors living in the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were drawn to the park because of the low rent. In 2018, Pérez Sierra’s family paid $395. That same year, the average rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.deptofnumbers.com/rent/california/fresno/\">1-bedroom apartment in Fresno \u003c/a>was $1,034. Pérez Sierra, 37, lives with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t afford to live on my own,” Pérez Sierra said. “My parents would likely have to move in with one of my siblings, and I’d have to rent a room somewhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the Stockton-based investment company, Harmony Communities California, purchased the park from its previous owners and the management style quickly changed, Pérez Sierra recalled. The previous owners were friendly and approachable, she said, and generally didn’t get ask much of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Harmony] started enforcing these new rules, but all of the paperwork was in English,” she said. Many of the residents who live at the park speak Spanish or Mixteco, an indigenous Oaxacan language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony Communities’ Matt Davies did not respond to questions regarding these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977460\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977460\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat and dark hoodie stands in front of a home.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Margarito Solano Pérez poses for a photo in front of his home at the Shady Lake Mobile Home Park in Fresno County, California, on Wednesday, February 28th, 2024. Solano Pérez is a member of the board of directors for the Nuevo Lago Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We had no idea where we would go if we were evicted,” Santos said. “We lived in constant fear, thinking, ‘If they do kick us out, where will we go?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Residents Unite\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several cities and counties across California have enacted rent control for mobile home parks, but Fresno County, where Nuevo Lago is located, has not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, the residents banded together to fight back and formed the Grupo Comunitario de San Miguel Cuevas. They reached out to California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA) with their complaints. The organization helped residents sue Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/19CECG04575-Complaint.pdf\">initial complaint filed in Fresno County Superior Court (PDF)\u003c/a>, residents alleged Harmony raised rents by 32%, maintained the park in “offensive, noxious, and unhealthy” conditions, retaliated against residents who voiced concerns, and failed to provide residents information in their languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony, in \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/19CECG04575-Notice-of-Motion-To-Strike.pdf\">court filings (PDF)\u003c/a>, described the eviction threats and illegal rent increases as “irrelevant” to the case. And ultimately, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/19CECG04575-Proposed-Order-on-Motion-to-Strike.pdf\">agreed to strike them\u003c/a> from the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the lawsuit progressed, the nonprofit California Center for Cooperative Development (CCCD) approached the group and offered a solution: They could help the residents buy the land and form a limited equity housing co-op.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony ultimately agreed to sell the property as part of a settlement with residents, who agreed to drop their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies said he was happy with this outcome and felt that it vindicated the company’s denial of what he characterized as false accusations against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Center for Cooperative Development is a part of ROC USA’s network, a national nonprofit. ROC USA’s mission is to provide financing and management support to residents who are interested in forming housing cooperatives with the goal of taking mobile home parks off the private investment market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this model, each resident would have a small ownership interest in the park and could only sell the park to another cooperative or non-profit. This ensures the mobile home park remains affordable and allows low-income households autonomy over decisions at the park, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lincolninst.edu/sites/default/files/pubfiles/2485_1831_Ehlenz%20WP14ME1.pdf\">Lincoln Institute of Land Policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you belong to a limited equity housing cooperative in California, you are agreeing when you come into the deal, you get a good price for the [park] and then you pass that on to the next person by limiting the appreciation on the [park] when you sell it.” said E. Kim Coontz, Executive Director of CCCD. “We’ve got this model that’s very, very successful and it preserves affordability. Why aren’t we doing more of this in California?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents, however, were hesitant. They had never heard about this kind of co-op before, and there was a lot lost in translation between the Spanish- and Mixtec-speaking residents and English-speaking nonprofit workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our meetings resembled a United Nations meeting,” said Mariah Thompson, an attorney for CRLA representing the residents. “We had 52 households, members from CRLA, the lawyers representing residents in the purchase, and translators all in one Zoom meeting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Long Journey to Ownership\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beyond the language barriers, there were other obstacles residents at Nuevo Lago faced. It required buy-in from all stakeholders. Harmony had to be willing to sell the property, and the residents had to take on the responsibility of owning and operating a park, which can be daunting for low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977461\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat black and white striped shirt is seated at a table holding a microphone as four other people look at him.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marcelino Santos, right, holds a microphone at a meeting for homeowners at the Shady Lake Mobile Home Park in Fresno County, California, on Wednesday, Feb. 21, 2024. The board members met to discuss final details for purchasing the park from their corporate landlord, Harmony Communities California. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There are many meetings we had to attend, and paperwork that we had to familiarize ourselves with,” Santos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there was the matter of state funding. ROC USA could help the residents with a bridge loan, but only at a high interest rate, which could have raised the rents beyond what residents could pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, yet another organization – the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.uci.edu/academics/real-life-learning/clinics/ced.html\">UC Irvine Community & Economic Development Clinic\u003c/a> – helped park residents secure funding for the purchase through California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/manufactured-housing-opportunity-and-revitalization-program\">Manufactured Housing Opportunity & Revitalization Program\u003c/a> program and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/joe-serna-jr-farmworker-housing-grant\">Farmworker Housing Grant Program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These programs, which provided $4.5 million and $3.25 million, respectively, along with a bridge loan from ROC USA, allowed the residents to purchase the park for a little more than $7.6 million, said Adam Cowing, a law professor at the clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This project would not be possible without the state funding,” Cowing said. “Part of the goal of the purchase of the park is to keep their rents affordable. In order to do that you need some form of subsidy. And that comes in the form of low interest loans from the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These loans offer lower interest rates and allow the park to keep rents low, according to Cowing. He estimated the residents will pay closer to $500 in rent and other fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cowing said that with the right amount of government funding, the limited housing co-op model is replicable, but it may not be right for every park. More legislation is needed, he said, to protect mobile home park residents and ensure they have decent housing conditions and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that residents, where they don’t necessarily set up this type of ownership structure, are still protected,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the entire process took five years, three organizations and countless hours from residents. But despite the hurdles, Santos said it was worth it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can do it,” he said, “anyone can.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers in Fresno County have done the seemingly impossible: purchased their mobile home park from its corporate landlord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group officially closed escrow on the park Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously called Shady Lakes Mobile Home Park, it will now be known as Nuevo Lago Mobile Home Park. The park will be run by a board of directors, made up of residents. Each household will have a small ownership interest in the park, which will be operated as a limited equity housing co-op. They’ll be able to make decisions about how much rent to charge, park finances and operating rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is a dream,” said board member Juanita Pérez Sierra. “The people who live here are very humble and hardworking. So, to become the owners of the park where they live and to be able to take part in the decisions and the rules here, it’s something I haven’t fully wrapped my mind around yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid California’s high priced housing market, mobile home parks \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/2022-07/The%20Role%20of%20Manufactured%20Housing%20in%20Increasing%20the%20Supply%20of%20Affordable%20Housing.pdf\">offer an affordable refuge for residents\u003c/a>, who are often low-income and at risk of homelessness. But that’s changed in recent years as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/27/us/mobile-home-park-ownership-costs.html\">corporations have begun buying mobile home parks \u003c/a>across the country – and raising rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking control of their park wasn’t easy: It required five years of organizing on the part of residents, pro bono legal help and funding from both a national nonprofit and the state. But, residents at Nuevo Lago say it can be replicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we’ve accomplished, it’s stressful,” said park resident Marcelino Santos. “But I hope we serve as an example that if we can do it, other communities can, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Community Forms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Sierra was seven years old when her parents moved her and her five siblings from San Miguel Cuevas, Oaxaca, to Fresno County. They lived out of a van their first few weeks. Eventually Pérez Sierra’s parents, who worked in the fields, were able to purchase a home at Shady Lakes Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were so happy to finally have a place to live,” she said in Spanish. “That’s why I still have so much love for this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pérez Sierra family was one of the first from San Miguel Cuevas to move to the park 30 years ago. Now, most of the families who live there – about 52 out of the 60 who occupy the park – are from the same Oaxacan village. Many of them also share familiar ties, with grandparents, aunts and uncles, and cousins who have made the park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977457\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977457\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-scaled.jpg\" alt='Three men and one woman stand in front of a sign that reads \"Shady Lakes\" next to some trees outside.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_0206-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From right to left, Juanita Pérez Sierra, Jesús Felipe Sierra López, Marcelino Santos and Margarito Solano Pérez pose for a photo in front of a sign for the Shady Lake Mobile Home Park in Fresno County, on Wednesday, Feb. 21, 2024. They are part of the board of directors for the park, which will be renamed the Nuevo Lago Mobile Home Park. Residents there formed a housing co-op to purchase the park from their corporate landlord, Harmony Communities California. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Situated outside of Fresno city limits, the park is surrounded by fallow fields and rows of grape vines. In the summertime, Pérez Sierra said the smell of grapes laying out to dry permeates the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was younger, Pérez Sierra said there used to be two lakes near the back of the park. Families would gather around them to fish and barbeque.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was beautiful,” she said. “We really felt like a community, not just neighbors living in the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were drawn to the park because of the low rent. In 2018, Pérez Sierra’s family paid $395. That same year, the average rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.deptofnumbers.com/rent/california/fresno/\">1-bedroom apartment in Fresno \u003c/a>was $1,034. Pérez Sierra, 37, lives with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t afford to live on my own,” Pérez Sierra said. “My parents would likely have to move in with one of my siblings, and I’d have to rent a room somewhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the Stockton-based investment company, Harmony Communities California, purchased the park from its previous owners and the management style quickly changed, Pérez Sierra recalled. The previous owners were friendly and approachable, she said, and generally didn’t get ask much of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Harmony] started enforcing these new rules, but all of the paperwork was in English,” she said. Many of the residents who live at the park speak Spanish or Mixteco, an indigenous Oaxacan language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony Communities’ Matt Davies did not respond to questions regarding these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977460\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977460\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat and dark hoodie stands in front of a home.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2990-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Margarito Solano Pérez poses for a photo in front of his home at the Shady Lake Mobile Home Park in Fresno County, California, on Wednesday, February 28th, 2024. Solano Pérez is a member of the board of directors for the Nuevo Lago Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We had no idea where we would go if we were evicted,” Santos said. “We lived in constant fear, thinking, ‘If they do kick us out, where will we go?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Residents Unite\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several cities and counties across California have enacted rent control for mobile home parks, but Fresno County, where Nuevo Lago is located, has not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, the residents banded together to fight back and formed the Grupo Comunitario de San Miguel Cuevas. They reached out to California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA) with their complaints. The organization helped residents sue Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/19CECG04575-Complaint.pdf\">initial complaint filed in Fresno County Superior Court (PDF)\u003c/a>, residents alleged Harmony raised rents by 32%, maintained the park in “offensive, noxious, and unhealthy” conditions, retaliated against residents who voiced concerns, and failed to provide residents information in their languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony, in \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/19CECG04575-Notice-of-Motion-To-Strike.pdf\">court filings (PDF)\u003c/a>, described the eviction threats and illegal rent increases as “irrelevant” to the case. And ultimately, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/19CECG04575-Proposed-Order-on-Motion-to-Strike.pdf\">agreed to strike them\u003c/a> from the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the lawsuit progressed, the nonprofit California Center for Cooperative Development (CCCD) approached the group and offered a solution: They could help the residents buy the land and form a limited equity housing co-op.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony ultimately agreed to sell the property as part of a settlement with residents, who agreed to drop their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies said he was happy with this outcome and felt that it vindicated the company’s denial of what he characterized as false accusations against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Center for Cooperative Development is a part of ROC USA’s network, a national nonprofit. ROC USA’s mission is to provide financing and management support to residents who are interested in forming housing cooperatives with the goal of taking mobile home parks off the private investment market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this model, each resident would have a small ownership interest in the park and could only sell the park to another cooperative or non-profit. This ensures the mobile home park remains affordable and allows low-income households autonomy over decisions at the park, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lincolninst.edu/sites/default/files/pubfiles/2485_1831_Ehlenz%20WP14ME1.pdf\">Lincoln Institute of Land Policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you belong to a limited equity housing cooperative in California, you are agreeing when you come into the deal, you get a good price for the [park] and then you pass that on to the next person by limiting the appreciation on the [park] when you sell it.” said E. Kim Coontz, Executive Director of CCCD. “We’ve got this model that’s very, very successful and it preserves affordability. Why aren’t we doing more of this in California?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents, however, were hesitant. They had never heard about this kind of co-op before, and there was a lot lost in translation between the Spanish- and Mixtec-speaking residents and English-speaking nonprofit workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our meetings resembled a United Nations meeting,” said Mariah Thompson, an attorney for CRLA representing the residents. “We had 52 households, members from CRLA, the lawyers representing residents in the purchase, and translators all in one Zoom meeting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Long Journey to Ownership\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beyond the language barriers, there were other obstacles residents at Nuevo Lago faced. It required buy-in from all stakeholders. Harmony had to be willing to sell the property, and the residents had to take on the responsibility of owning and operating a park, which can be daunting for low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977461\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat black and white striped shirt is seated at a table holding a microphone as four other people look at him.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_3017-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marcelino Santos, right, holds a microphone at a meeting for homeowners at the Shady Lake Mobile Home Park in Fresno County, California, on Wednesday, Feb. 21, 2024. The board members met to discuss final details for purchasing the park from their corporate landlord, Harmony Communities California. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There are many meetings we had to attend, and paperwork that we had to familiarize ourselves with,” Santos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there was the matter of state funding. ROC USA could help the residents with a bridge loan, but only at a high interest rate, which could have raised the rents beyond what residents could pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, yet another organization – the \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.uci.edu/academics/real-life-learning/clinics/ced.html\">UC Irvine Community & Economic Development Clinic\u003c/a> – helped park residents secure funding for the purchase through California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/manufactured-housing-opportunity-and-revitalization-program\">Manufactured Housing Opportunity & Revitalization Program\u003c/a> program and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/joe-serna-jr-farmworker-housing-grant\">Farmworker Housing Grant Program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These programs, which provided $4.5 million and $3.25 million, respectively, along with a bridge loan from ROC USA, allowed the residents to purchase the park for a little more than $7.6 million, said Adam Cowing, a law professor at the clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This project would not be possible without the state funding,” Cowing said. “Part of the goal of the purchase of the park is to keep their rents affordable. In order to do that you need some form of subsidy. And that comes in the form of low interest loans from the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These loans offer lower interest rates and allow the park to keep rents low, according to Cowing. He estimated the residents will pay closer to $500 in rent and other fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cowing said that with the right amount of government funding, the limited housing co-op model is replicable, but it may not be right for every park. More legislation is needed, he said, to protect mobile home park residents and ensure they have decent housing conditions and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that residents, where they don’t necessarily set up this type of ownership structure, are still protected,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the entire process took five years, three organizations and countless hours from residents. But despite the hurdles, Santos said it was worth it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can do it,” he said, “anyone can.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The rate of new people falling into homelessness in Santa Clara County spiked 24% last year, even as the county housed more people than ever before in a single year, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/documents/2024/02/2023-year-end-progress-report.pdf/\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report from The Santa Clara County Continuum of Care and Destination Home details the county’s progress toward meeting the goals of its 2020–25 Community Plan to End Homelessness. It found that the county was able to place nearly 4,500 people into permanent homes in 2023, a 29% increase from 2022. But more people were falling into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What this data tells us is families are under a great deal of stress,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Destination Home, a research and advocacy organization that helps implement the county plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Consuelo Hernandez, director, Santa Clara County Office of Supportive Housing\"]‘Our countywide efforts to create new housing and end experiences of homelessness are clearly working, but we need more investments in these scalable solutions to keep pace with the increase in people being pushed into homelessness.’[/pullquote]The number of households becoming unhoused for the first time in Santa Clara County rose by 824. Loving said the jump is the result of ongoing rent increases, stagnant wages, and the expiration of pandemic-era protections that aren’t just impacting Santa Clara County but the entire nation. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2024\">recent report\u003c/a> from Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies found half of Americans cannot pay their rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a surprise because we as a nation have not ever in our nation’s history prioritized the building of deeply affordable housing at scale,” she said. “This is not about individual failings. This is not about crime. This is not about any of the myths that people like to throw in the way of simply addressing our affordable housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11974385,news_11975319,news_11973859\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Despite the recent spike in people becoming unhoused, Tuesday’s report shows the rate is still an improvement since 2019. For every household placed into housing in 2019, 2.5 became unhoused. In 2023, the ratio was 1 to 1.7. Officials credit those gains to a significant investment in housing production and subsidies over the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will never be able to catch up to the need if we don’t get more pragmatic with our approach,” San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan said in a statement. “We need to treat homelessness like the crisis it is — and that means challenging the status quo approach that says the only solution to the situation on our streets is standing up brand new apartments that cost $1 million per door and take five-plus years to build. We need to pivot fast and prioritize prevention and basic, safe shelter that takes a fraction of the time and cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, the county has moved 13,817 people into permanent housing, 19,575 people into temporary housing and shelter, and provided homelessness prevention assistance to 28,235 people. Shelter options have increased 44% since 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our countywide efforts to create new housing and end experiences of homelessness are clearly working, but we need more investments in these scalable solutions to keep pace with the increase in people being pushed into homelessness,” Consuelo Hernandez, director of the Santa Clara County Office of Supportive Housing, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loving is an advocate for cash aid and guaranteed income programs that prevent homelessness. A \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/news/2023/08/02/new-6-year-randomized-control-trial-prevention-is-a-proven-solution-to-keeping-families-from-becoming-homeless/\">six-year study\u003c/a> of the Santa Clara County Homelessness Prevention System, which Destination Home helps administer, found that giving $2,000 each month to people who were at imminent risk of getting evicted or becoming homeless reduced their chances of ending up unhoused by 81% within six months and 73% within a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s far cheaper than what it costs to address the needs of a family once they become unhoused, and it is far more humane to keep a family home rather than having them enter homelessness,” Loving said, noting that Santa Clara County is investing in a number of guaranteed income pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Community Plan to End Homelessness calls for reducing the annual inflow into homelessness by 30%, doubling temporary housing and shelter capacity, and housing 20,000 people by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The number of households becoming unhoused for the first time in Santa Clara County rose by 824. Loving said the jump is the result of ongoing rent increases, stagnant wages, and the expiration of pandemic-era protections that aren’t just impacting Santa Clara County but the entire nation. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2024\">recent report\u003c/a> from Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies found half of Americans cannot pay their rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a surprise because we as a nation have not ever in our nation’s history prioritized the building of deeply affordable housing at scale,” she said. “This is not about individual failings. This is not about crime. This is not about any of the myths that people like to throw in the way of simply addressing our affordable housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite the recent spike in people becoming unhoused, Tuesday’s report shows the rate is still an improvement since 2019. For every household placed into housing in 2019, 2.5 became unhoused. In 2023, the ratio was 1 to 1.7. Officials credit those gains to a significant investment in housing production and subsidies over the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will never be able to catch up to the need if we don’t get more pragmatic with our approach,” San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan said in a statement. “We need to treat homelessness like the crisis it is — and that means challenging the status quo approach that says the only solution to the situation on our streets is standing up brand new apartments that cost $1 million per door and take five-plus years to build. We need to pivot fast and prioritize prevention and basic, safe shelter that takes a fraction of the time and cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, the county has moved 13,817 people into permanent housing, 19,575 people into temporary housing and shelter, and provided homelessness prevention assistance to 28,235 people. Shelter options have increased 44% since 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our countywide efforts to create new housing and end experiences of homelessness are clearly working, but we need more investments in these scalable solutions to keep pace with the increase in people being pushed into homelessness,” Consuelo Hernandez, director of the Santa Clara County Office of Supportive Housing, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loving is an advocate for cash aid and guaranteed income programs that prevent homelessness. A \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/news/2023/08/02/new-6-year-randomized-control-trial-prevention-is-a-proven-solution-to-keeping-families-from-becoming-homeless/\">six-year study\u003c/a> of the Santa Clara County Homelessness Prevention System, which Destination Home helps administer, found that giving $2,000 each month to people who were at imminent risk of getting evicted or becoming homeless reduced their chances of ending up unhoused by 81% within six months and 73% within a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s far cheaper than what it costs to address the needs of a family once they become unhoused, and it is far more humane to keep a family home rather than having them enter homelessness,” Loving said, noting that Santa Clara County is investing in a number of guaranteed income pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Community Plan to End Homelessness calls for reducing the annual inflow into homelessness by 30%, doubling temporary housing and shelter capacity, and housing 20,000 people by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Larkspur Voters to Decide Future of Rent Control in Their City",
"headTitle": "Larkspur Voters to Decide Future of Rent Control in Their City | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: This story contains a clarification.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After heated city council meetings and a months-long referendum campaign rife with accusations of fraud, voters in Larkspur next week will decide the fate of rent control in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ll be asked to vote on Measure D, a 7% rent cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent control is almost a loaded word,” said City Councilmember Gabe Paulson, who championed the rent stabilization plan in the picturesque Marin County community. “It just creates an emotional reaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gabe Paulson, Larkspur City Council member\"]‘What really matters now is on March 5, will the 8,000 or so voters in Larkspur understand what’s really being voted on, and what it means to them?’[/pullquote]Led by Paulson, the City Council voted last September to cap annual residential rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 7%, whichever is lower, bringing the ceiling down from the state cap of 10%. The city manager \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/16407/41-Rent-Workshop\">estimates\u003c/a> it will cost up to $400,000 in its first year and roughly $200,000 per year thereafter. Landlords would pay an estimated $100 to $200 annual fee per unit to cover the bulk of those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That plan would have gone into effect last October, but opponents launched a petition to \u003ca href=\"https://cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/18442/Item-81---Referendum-for-1067\">send a referendum on the plan to voters as Measure D\u003c/a>. Former Larkspur mayor Bill Howard supports the referendum and called the city’s proposed rent cap “deeply flawed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976593\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11976593 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup of a white man wearing a white hat and glasses. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bill Howard stands outside of an 8-unit apartment complex he owns, 30 Locust Avenue Apartments, in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. Howard is opposed to Measure D, which is scheduled to appear on the March 2024 ballot. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a dangerous thing to regulate the market,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11970062,news_11976600\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The campaign to overturn the city’s ordinance has been loudly criticized by supporters of the city’s plan. Opponents \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2024/02/12/marin-elections-larkspur-rent-control-opposition-leads-donation-list/\">spent over $90,000 to gather signatures\u003c/a> for the referendum, employing some tactics that raised alarm bells for tenant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents complained to the city that the signature-gatherers were misrepresenting the petition, and Paulson said one resident even filed a police report. Doorbell camera footage shared with KQED by tenant advocates appears to show a signature gatherer wrongly telling a resident that supporting the petition would establish rent control in the city. The company hired to manage signature gathering, On the Ground Inc., did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What really matters now is on March 5, will the 8,000 or so voters in Larkspur understand what’s really being voted on and what it means to them?” Paulson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He sees rent control as a necessary tool for keeping seniors on a fixed income and essential workers from being displaced amid the city’s housing shortage. The apartment listing website, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/larkspur-ca/\">Zillow, estimates\u003c/a> “typical” rents in Marin County have gone up 33% since 2015, from $2,760 to $3,680.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What everybody is waiting for is more housing,” Paulson said, adding that until that housing is built, “The question is how many people are we going to displace?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act, which the state legislature approved in 2019, covers most rental units that are more than 15 years old and caps rental increases at 10% annually. Local rent control ordinances are subject to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which excludes units built after 1995. In Larkspur, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/16407/41-Rent-Workshop\">city manager estimates\u003c/a> that would leave 1,825 rental units subject to the city’s proposed cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11976597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a dark green sweater and necklace stands inside a home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dorothy O’Leary stands in the 1-bedroom apartment she shares with her cat Mara in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. O’Leary said she is organizing with residents from her apartment complex, Skylark Apartments, as well as renters from Bon Air Apartments, Woodlark Residences and Serenity Knolls. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dorothy O’Leary is one of them and an avid supporter of Measure D.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of years ago, a new owner, Prime Residential, took over the sprawling apartment complex where she lives. O’Leary said the company increased tenants’ rents every year since, and her most recent annual increase added $186 to her monthly bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That might not sound like a lot to some people, but it’s significant to me,” she said. “They are maximizing rent increases at an exponential rate that people can’t tolerate, and all over the place, people started moving out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Goldstein, a spokesperson for Prime Residential, said that when the company took over the property, some longtime tenants were paying rents that were 30% to 50% below those at similar properties in the area. The spokesperson said Prime has undertaken significant renovations, including seismic retrofits, and average rents at the complex are less than 25% of median household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Leary and her neighbors began to organize and drew in residents from other apartment complexes to form what they’ve dubbed the Keep Larkspur Fair and Affordable movement. They put pressure on the City Council, O’Leary said, “begging for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 7% cap Paulson eventually put forward was a disappointment to the group because, she said, it was too weak. The tenants group is now gathering signatures to put \u003ca href=\"https://www.larkspur4rentcontrol.com/\">a stronger rent control measure on the November ballot\u003c/a>. It would limit annual increases to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even the proposed 7% ceiling has met fervent opposition from property owners, with the No on Measure D campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/840/Campaign-Disclosures\">raising some $300,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11976594 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing glasses and a dark jacket stands outside a building in a parking lot.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bill Howard, 89, of Larkspur, stands outside of an 8-unit apartment complex he owns, 30 Locust Avenue Apartments, in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. Howard is opposed to Measure D, which would establish rent control in Larkspur and is scheduled to appear on the March 2024 ballot. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Howard acknowledged that in the short term, the city’s proposed rent cap wouldn’t impact his rental business; he typically raises rents each year by 2% to 4%, which is already below the city’s proposed threshold. His opposition to the measure is rooted in what he sees as negative long-term impacts on the city’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way you’re going to beat the problems associated with the cost of housing and rentals is to build more housing,” he said, arguing that curbing owners’ ability to turn a profit ultimately discourages new construction and only exacerbates the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would somebody want to build something if they know that they’re going to get tagged for all kinds of controls?” he said. “Smart money doesn’t do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">Researchers have reached\u003c/a> mixed \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">conclusions on the subject (PDF)\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/faculty-research/publications/effects-rent-control-expansion-tenants-landlords-inequality-evidence\">Some studies\u003c/a> find rent control reduces tenant displacement in the short run but deters\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0166046213000641\"> landlords from investing in maintenance\u003c/a> and drives up rents in the long term; others find \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0264275115001122\">no impact on housing markets\u003c/a>; some \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/faculty-research/publications/effects-rent-control-expansion-tenants-landlords-inequality-evidence\">find people of color are more likely to benefit\u003c/a>, while others conclude \u003ca href=\"https://ideas.repec.org/a/bpj/bejeap/v11y2011i1n27.html\">white, wealthier people are\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larkspur’s rent control push is part of a broader trend across California as cities struggle to rein in rising housing costs. In 2016, a wave of rent stabilization measures went before Bay Area voters, with about half approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11971884/fairfax-tenants-rally-against-what-they-say-are-unlawful-rent-hikes\">Fairfax\u003c/a> became the first city in Marin County to enact a rent cap. In Contra Costa County, Antioch adopted, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975969/concord-tenants-claim-victory-with-passage-of-new-renter-protections\">Concord is poised to adopt\u003c/a> its own limits. In three other Bay Area cities this year — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970062/these-4-bay-area-cities-could-see-rent-control-measures-on-2024-ballot\">Pittsburg, San Pablo and Redwood City\u003c/a> — proponents are collecting signatures to put rent control measures on the November ballot. Voters statewide will also weigh in on a November \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforrenters.org/\">measure\u003c/a> that would allow cities to expand local rent control measures by repealing the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell Lowery, executive director of the California Rental Housing Association, has watched with disillusionment as the momentum builds for rent control — something he views as a counterproductive strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As people look for answers to California’s housing crisis, they look at good ideas and bad ideas,” he said. “This is one of the bad ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"An apartment building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">30 Locust Avenue Apartments in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His organization decried a \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/us-supreme-court-wont-hear-challenge-rent-stabilization-laws-2024-02-20/\">February Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that upheld New York’s rent control ordinance. He advocates for rental assistance programs, either public or private, as a better solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the concerns of tenants and City Council members, the company that took over the management of O’Leary’s apartment complex tried this strategy. Prime Residential began offering 15% monthly discounts to tenants whose incomes fell below 50% of the area’s median income — or $65,250 for an individual — and limited their annual rent increases to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldstein said 100 households out of the 456 apartments are enrolled today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/16407/41-Rent-Workshop\">report last year\u003c/a>, some participants told city staff the subsidy offered a bit of relief, but they still wanted rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story has been updated to clarify that the $100 to $200 estimated annual registration fees for landlords would be charged per unit.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Larkspur landlords are spending big to take down Measure D, which would impose rent control in the city, but tenant activists say it doesn’t go far enough.",
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"description": "Larkspur landlords are spending big to take down Measure D, which would impose rent control in the city, but tenant activists say it doesn’t go far enough.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: This story contains a clarification.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After heated city council meetings and a months-long referendum campaign rife with accusations of fraud, voters in Larkspur next week will decide the fate of rent control in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ll be asked to vote on Measure D, a 7% rent cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent control is almost a loaded word,” said City Councilmember Gabe Paulson, who championed the rent stabilization plan in the picturesque Marin County community. “It just creates an emotional reaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Led by Paulson, the City Council voted last September to cap annual residential rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 7%, whichever is lower, bringing the ceiling down from the state cap of 10%. The city manager \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/16407/41-Rent-Workshop\">estimates\u003c/a> it will cost up to $400,000 in its first year and roughly $200,000 per year thereafter. Landlords would pay an estimated $100 to $200 annual fee per unit to cover the bulk of those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That plan would have gone into effect last October, but opponents launched a petition to \u003ca href=\"https://cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/18442/Item-81---Referendum-for-1067\">send a referendum on the plan to voters as Measure D\u003c/a>. Former Larkspur mayor Bill Howard supports the referendum and called the city’s proposed rent cap “deeply flawed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976593\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11976593 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup of a white man wearing a white hat and glasses. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-03-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bill Howard stands outside of an 8-unit apartment complex he owns, 30 Locust Avenue Apartments, in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. Howard is opposed to Measure D, which is scheduled to appear on the March 2024 ballot. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a dangerous thing to regulate the market,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The campaign to overturn the city’s ordinance has been loudly criticized by supporters of the city’s plan. Opponents \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2024/02/12/marin-elections-larkspur-rent-control-opposition-leads-donation-list/\">spent over $90,000 to gather signatures\u003c/a> for the referendum, employing some tactics that raised alarm bells for tenant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents complained to the city that the signature-gatherers were misrepresenting the petition, and Paulson said one resident even filed a police report. Doorbell camera footage shared with KQED by tenant advocates appears to show a signature gatherer wrongly telling a resident that supporting the petition would establish rent control in the city. The company hired to manage signature gathering, On the Ground Inc., did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What really matters now is on March 5, will the 8,000 or so voters in Larkspur understand what’s really being voted on and what it means to them?” Paulson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He sees rent control as a necessary tool for keeping seniors on a fixed income and essential workers from being displaced amid the city’s housing shortage. The apartment listing website, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/larkspur-ca/\">Zillow, estimates\u003c/a> “typical” rents in Marin County have gone up 33% since 2015, from $2,760 to $3,680.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What everybody is waiting for is more housing,” Paulson said, adding that until that housing is built, “The question is how many people are we going to displace?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act, which the state legislature approved in 2019, covers most rental units that are more than 15 years old and caps rental increases at 10% annually. Local rent control ordinances are subject to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which excludes units built after 1995. In Larkspur, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/16407/41-Rent-Workshop\">city manager estimates\u003c/a> that would leave 1,825 rental units subject to the city’s proposed cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11976597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a dark green sweater and necklace stands inside a home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-16-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dorothy O’Leary stands in the 1-bedroom apartment she shares with her cat Mara in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. O’Leary said she is organizing with residents from her apartment complex, Skylark Apartments, as well as renters from Bon Air Apartments, Woodlark Residences and Serenity Knolls. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dorothy O’Leary is one of them and an avid supporter of Measure D.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of years ago, a new owner, Prime Residential, took over the sprawling apartment complex where she lives. O’Leary said the company increased tenants’ rents every year since, and her most recent annual increase added $186 to her monthly bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That might not sound like a lot to some people, but it’s significant to me,” she said. “They are maximizing rent increases at an exponential rate that people can’t tolerate, and all over the place, people started moving out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Goldstein, a spokesperson for Prime Residential, said that when the company took over the property, some longtime tenants were paying rents that were 30% to 50% below those at similar properties in the area. The spokesperson said Prime has undertaken significant renovations, including seismic retrofits, and average rents at the complex are less than 25% of median household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Leary and her neighbors began to organize and drew in residents from other apartment complexes to form what they’ve dubbed the Keep Larkspur Fair and Affordable movement. They put pressure on the City Council, O’Leary said, “begging for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 7% cap Paulson eventually put forward was a disappointment to the group because, she said, it was too weak. The tenants group is now gathering signatures to put \u003ca href=\"https://www.larkspur4rentcontrol.com/\">a stronger rent control measure on the November ballot\u003c/a>. It would limit annual increases to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even the proposed 7% ceiling has met fervent opposition from property owners, with the No on Measure D campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/840/Campaign-Disclosures\">raising some $300,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11976594 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing glasses and a dark jacket stands outside a building in a parking lot.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-08-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bill Howard, 89, of Larkspur, stands outside of an 8-unit apartment complex he owns, 30 Locust Avenue Apartments, in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. Howard is opposed to Measure D, which would establish rent control in Larkspur and is scheduled to appear on the March 2024 ballot. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Howard acknowledged that in the short term, the city’s proposed rent cap wouldn’t impact his rental business; he typically raises rents each year by 2% to 4%, which is already below the city’s proposed threshold. His opposition to the measure is rooted in what he sees as negative long-term impacts on the city’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way you’re going to beat the problems associated with the cost of housing and rentals is to build more housing,” he said, arguing that curbing owners’ ability to turn a profit ultimately discourages new construction and only exacerbates the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would somebody want to build something if they know that they’re going to get tagged for all kinds of controls?” he said. “Smart money doesn’t do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">Researchers have reached\u003c/a> mixed \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">conclusions on the subject (PDF)\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/faculty-research/publications/effects-rent-control-expansion-tenants-landlords-inequality-evidence\">Some studies\u003c/a> find rent control reduces tenant displacement in the short run but deters\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0166046213000641\"> landlords from investing in maintenance\u003c/a> and drives up rents in the long term; others find \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0264275115001122\">no impact on housing markets\u003c/a>; some \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/faculty-research/publications/effects-rent-control-expansion-tenants-landlords-inequality-evidence\">find people of color are more likely to benefit\u003c/a>, while others conclude \u003ca href=\"https://ideas.repec.org/a/bpj/bejeap/v11y2011i1n27.html\">white, wealthier people are\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larkspur’s rent control push is part of a broader trend across California as cities struggle to rein in rising housing costs. In 2016, a wave of rent stabilization measures went before Bay Area voters, with about half approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11971884/fairfax-tenants-rally-against-what-they-say-are-unlawful-rent-hikes\">Fairfax\u003c/a> became the first city in Marin County to enact a rent cap. In Contra Costa County, Antioch adopted, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975969/concord-tenants-claim-victory-with-passage-of-new-renter-protections\">Concord is poised to adopt\u003c/a> its own limits. In three other Bay Area cities this year — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970062/these-4-bay-area-cities-could-see-rent-control-measures-on-2024-ballot\">Pittsburg, San Pablo and Redwood City\u003c/a> — proponents are collecting signatures to put rent control measures on the November ballot. Voters statewide will also weigh in on a November \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforrenters.org/\">measure\u003c/a> that would allow cities to expand local rent control measures by repealing the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell Lowery, executive director of the California Rental Housing Association, has watched with disillusionment as the momentum builds for rent control — something he views as a counterproductive strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As people look for answers to California’s housing crisis, they look at good ideas and bad ideas,” he said. “This is one of the bad ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"An apartment building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240217-LARKSPUR-RENT-CONTROL-KSM-09-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">30 Locust Avenue Apartments in Larkspur on Feb. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His organization decried a \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/us-supreme-court-wont-hear-challenge-rent-stabilization-laws-2024-02-20/\">February Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that upheld New York’s rent control ordinance. He advocates for rental assistance programs, either public or private, as a better solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the concerns of tenants and City Council members, the company that took over the management of O’Leary’s apartment complex tried this strategy. Prime Residential began offering 15% monthly discounts to tenants whose incomes fell below 50% of the area’s median income — or $65,250 for an individual — and limited their annual rent increases to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldstein said 100 households out of the 456 apartments are enrolled today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityoflarkspur.org/DocumentCenter/View/16407/41-Rent-Workshop\">report last year\u003c/a>, some participants told city staff the subsidy offered a bit of relief, but they still wanted rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story has been updated to clarify that the $100 to $200 estimated annual registration fees for landlords would be charged per unit.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond",
"title": "Proposition A: Why SF Is Asking Voters For a $300 Million Affordable Housing Bond",
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"headTitle": "Proposition A: Why SF Is Asking Voters For a $300 Million Affordable Housing Bond | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In next week’s election, San Francisco voters are being asked to approve a $300 million affordable housing bond that supporters say is desperately needed, but critics worry won’t be efficiently used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition A promises to create more than 1,600 new homes and apartments for low-income residents of San Francisco, including housing specifically for seniors and survivors of domestic violence. The measure requires a citizen’s oversight committee to audit how the bond money is spent annually. It needs a two-thirds supermajority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters — including Mayor London Breed, the San Francisco Labor Council and the Council of Community Housing Organizations — say the funding is critical to meet the state’s mandate of building 46,000 affordable houses and apartments by 2031. Critics, however, point to the almost $1 billion in affordable housing bonds voters approved over the past decade that they say has done little to solve the city’s housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='What to Know About the March 5 Election' link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,KQED 2024 Voter Guide' link2='https://www.kqed.org/news/11973915/california-primary-election-2024-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location,Find Your Early Voting Sites and Ballot Dropoff Locations' link3='https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary,How Do I Vote As No Party Prefernce?' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/01/KQED-Presidential-Primary-2024-Election-1200x675@2x-1020x574.png']General obligation bonds are a type of municipal bond that allow the city to borrow money at a fixed interest rate. Though cities sometimes increase property taxes through these kinds of bonds, San Francisco’s policy requires the city to issue new bonds only as prior bonds are paid off, and if property taxes were to rise, they could only rise to 2006 levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who recently rallied in support of the measure, told KQED he’s fairly confident Proposition A will get voter approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans have voted on — and approved — a bevy of measures to fund affordable housing over the past decade. In 2015 and 2019, voters approved $310 million and $600 million bonds, respectively. Then, in 2016, voters also passed a $260 seismic safety bond, which was partly dedicated to funding the preservation and rehabilitation of existing affordable apartments. And, although it wasn’t a bond measure, voters in 2018 also approved Proposition C, which imposed a tax on individuals and businesses that earn more than $50 million in annual income to fund services and housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the years since those measures passed, the housing crisis has worsened, and residents are expressing frustration over how long it has taken to build more affordable housing in the city. Peskin said he and other elected officials are working hard to ensure Proposition A passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are complicated times,” Peskin told KQED. “People see a $300 million bond, and even though it doesn’t cost them any additional money, doesn’t raise their taxes, people are in a cranky mood these days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2018 and 2022, local revenue sources, such as general obligation bonds and special taxes, contributed \u003ca href=\"https://onesanfrancisco.org/sites/default/files/2023-08/Agenda%20Item%205%20-%202024%20Affordable%20Housing%20Bond%20Presentation.pdf\">about $200 million annually in funding for affordable housing (PDF)\u003c/a>. Of that, general obligation bonds made up 36% — making them the single largest source of local funding for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Fryman, director of special projects at the think tank and housing advocacy group, SPUR, said San Francisco, like many other big cities across the country, has a cyclical boom-and-bust style economy. Unlike many other revenue sources, which she said depend on that cycle’s whims, general obligation bonds offer a source of stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you fund affordable housing with a general obligation bond, that investment in affordable housing is not necessarily bound to that year’s budget deficit or budget surplus,” she said. “It allows nonprofit housing developers to have reliability about the amount of local money going into affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rest of the city’s affordable housing funding comes from state and federal agencies, which provide a bevy of tax credits and competitive grant programs that can also vary in amount from year to year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, as the state faced a nearly $40 billion budget shortfall, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937777/newsoms-proposed-budget-keeps-most-housing-homeless-funding-intact-advocates-want-more\">cuts to affordable housing programs\u003c/a>. Especially in times like these where state funding is uncertain, Fryman said it’s important to have access to steady, reliable funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents like Larry Marso, a member of the San Francisco Republican County Central Committee, argue adding more dense housing for low-income people could fundamentally change the character of every San Francisco neighborhood. And, despite all the measures voters have approved over the past decade to fund affordable housing, he said the problem is as dire as ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our government has proven incompetent at managing the problems of homelessness, drug abuse and mental health on the streets, particularly in our highest-density neighborhoods,” Marso said. “Voting ‘No’ on Prop A is really the only opportunity San Francisco voters have to say, ‘We need to change the direction of housing policy.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for Proposition A say the housing built with funding from general obligations bonds takes years before tenants can move in. In 2015 — the first time in a decade that San Francisco residents voted on a general obligation bond for housing — officials promised it would create 1,568 homes and apartments. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2023-10/CGOBOC%202015%20Housing%20Bond%20Report%20063023.pdf\">As of a 2023 city report (PDF)\u003c/a>, 1,015 of those homes have been built, while 553 remain under construction or are in the pre-development phase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2019 general obligation bond proposed 2,770 new homes and apartments. According to \u003ca href=\"https://onesanfrancisco.org/sites/default/files/2023-08/Agenda%20Item%205%20-%202024%20Affordable%20Housing%20GO%20Bond%20Report.pdf\">an August report published by the city (PDF)\u003c/a>, most of those new units won’t be completed until 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fryman said to think of funding affordable housing like other kinds of infrastructure, which requires a constant stream of revenue to support it. In fact, over a decade ago, the city government started viewing deed-restricted affordable housing as a form of public infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just think of the American freeway system or our public transit systems — there’s not one investment that’s made, and transportation is solved forever,” she said. “We need to constantly invest in affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Proposition A: Why SF Is Asking Voters For a $300 Million Affordable Housing Bond | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In next week’s election, San Francisco voters are being asked to approve a $300 million affordable housing bond that supporters say is desperately needed, but critics worry won’t be efficiently used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition A promises to create more than 1,600 new homes and apartments for low-income residents of San Francisco, including housing specifically for seniors and survivors of domestic violence. The measure requires a citizen’s oversight committee to audit how the bond money is spent annually. It needs a two-thirds supermajority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters — including Mayor London Breed, the San Francisco Labor Council and the Council of Community Housing Organizations — say the funding is critical to meet the state’s mandate of building 46,000 affordable houses and apartments by 2031. Critics, however, point to the almost $1 billion in affordable housing bonds voters approved over the past decade that they say has done little to solve the city’s housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>General obligation bonds are a type of municipal bond that allow the city to borrow money at a fixed interest rate. Though cities sometimes increase property taxes through these kinds of bonds, San Francisco’s policy requires the city to issue new bonds only as prior bonds are paid off, and if property taxes were to rise, they could only rise to 2006 levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who recently rallied in support of the measure, told KQED he’s fairly confident Proposition A will get voter approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans have voted on — and approved — a bevy of measures to fund affordable housing over the past decade. In 2015 and 2019, voters approved $310 million and $600 million bonds, respectively. Then, in 2016, voters also passed a $260 seismic safety bond, which was partly dedicated to funding the preservation and rehabilitation of existing affordable apartments. And, although it wasn’t a bond measure, voters in 2018 also approved Proposition C, which imposed a tax on individuals and businesses that earn more than $50 million in annual income to fund services and housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the years since those measures passed, the housing crisis has worsened, and residents are expressing frustration over how long it has taken to build more affordable housing in the city. Peskin said he and other elected officials are working hard to ensure Proposition A passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are complicated times,” Peskin told KQED. “People see a $300 million bond, and even though it doesn’t cost them any additional money, doesn’t raise their taxes, people are in a cranky mood these days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2018 and 2022, local revenue sources, such as general obligation bonds and special taxes, contributed \u003ca href=\"https://onesanfrancisco.org/sites/default/files/2023-08/Agenda%20Item%205%20-%202024%20Affordable%20Housing%20Bond%20Presentation.pdf\">about $200 million annually in funding for affordable housing (PDF)\u003c/a>. Of that, general obligation bonds made up 36% — making them the single largest source of local funding for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Fryman, director of special projects at the think tank and housing advocacy group, SPUR, said San Francisco, like many other big cities across the country, has a cyclical boom-and-bust style economy. Unlike many other revenue sources, which she said depend on that cycle’s whims, general obligation bonds offer a source of stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you fund affordable housing with a general obligation bond, that investment in affordable housing is not necessarily bound to that year’s budget deficit or budget surplus,” she said. “It allows nonprofit housing developers to have reliability about the amount of local money going into affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rest of the city’s affordable housing funding comes from state and federal agencies, which provide a bevy of tax credits and competitive grant programs that can also vary in amount from year to year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, as the state faced a nearly $40 billion budget shortfall, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937777/newsoms-proposed-budget-keeps-most-housing-homeless-funding-intact-advocates-want-more\">cuts to affordable housing programs\u003c/a>. Especially in times like these where state funding is uncertain, Fryman said it’s important to have access to steady, reliable funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents like Larry Marso, a member of the San Francisco Republican County Central Committee, argue adding more dense housing for low-income people could fundamentally change the character of every San Francisco neighborhood. And, despite all the measures voters have approved over the past decade to fund affordable housing, he said the problem is as dire as ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our government has proven incompetent at managing the problems of homelessness, drug abuse and mental health on the streets, particularly in our highest-density neighborhoods,” Marso said. “Voting ‘No’ on Prop A is really the only opportunity San Francisco voters have to say, ‘We need to change the direction of housing policy.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for Proposition A say the housing built with funding from general obligations bonds takes years before tenants can move in. In 2015 — the first time in a decade that San Francisco residents voted on a general obligation bond for housing — officials promised it would create 1,568 homes and apartments. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2023-10/CGOBOC%202015%20Housing%20Bond%20Report%20063023.pdf\">As of a 2023 city report (PDF)\u003c/a>, 1,015 of those homes have been built, while 553 remain under construction or are in the pre-development phase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2019 general obligation bond proposed 2,770 new homes and apartments. According to \u003ca href=\"https://onesanfrancisco.org/sites/default/files/2023-08/Agenda%20Item%205%20-%202024%20Affordable%20Housing%20GO%20Bond%20Report.pdf\">an August report published by the city (PDF)\u003c/a>, most of those new units won’t be completed until 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fryman said to think of funding affordable housing like other kinds of infrastructure, which requires a constant stream of revenue to support it. In fact, over a decade ago, the city government started viewing deed-restricted affordable housing as a form of public infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just think of the American freeway system or our public transit systems — there’s not one investment that’s made, and transportation is solved forever,” she said. “We need to constantly invest in affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Palo Alto's Lydia Kou Channels Anti-Sacramento Anger in Challenge to Assemblymember Marc Berman",
"headTitle": "Palo Alto’s Lydia Kou Channels Anti-Sacramento Anger in Challenge to Assemblymember Marc Berman | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>On a recent Sunday evening, about a hundred people packed into a community center in Palo Alto for an event titled “Town Hall to Save Our Neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What were the neighborhoods being saved from? The answers were displayed along the walls: enlarged renderings of tall apartment buildings proposed in suburban neighborhoods and along California’s coast — a rogue gallery of potential developments critics call the monstrous byproducts of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970993/these-new-california-housing-laws-are-going-into-effect-in-2024\">state laws encouraging the construction of dense housing\u003c/a> over the objections of some local residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lydia Kou, Palo Alto City Council member\"]‘Through the years that I have been a council member, I find it harder and harder to represent my constituents, mostly because of the state laws and state mandates that come forward that have really almost eliminated or usurped our local land use and zoning laws.’[/pullquote]“It’s dangerous for us to not have local input,” said Maria Bautista, who came to the event from nearby Los Altos. “It is the case that most residents choose to live where they live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto City Council member, organized the town hall. For years, Kou has been one of the Bay Area’s most outspoken elected officials in opposition to state housing reforms to ease construction. Now, she is running for state Assembly, challenging incumbent Marc Berman, a fellow Democrat, on the March 5 primary ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou is vowing to “shake up” the state capitol, where she said Democrats are “taking away local democracy” by limiting the ability of local governments to block developments. Berman, who has backed the Legislature’s pro-housing direction since taking office in 2016, is not softening his stances in the face of Kou’s attacks. That dynamic has turned the race into something of a referendum on state zoning reforms — a temperature check on housing for voters in the 23rd District, which includes Palo Alto, Mountain View and West San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976461\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 335px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11976461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Photos of development on a wall in display\" width=\"335\" height=\"251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 335px) 100vw, 335px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Proposed housing developments on display at the ‘Save Our Neighborhoods’ town hall in Palo Alto, on January 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re only weeks away now from knowing a great deal about what’s going on in our community,” said Liz Kniss, a former Santa Clara County supervisor and Palo Alto mayor, who supports Berman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two competing political currents underlie the Berman-Kou contest. Since 2017, the state legislature has passed dozens of laws aimed at boosting the supply of housing in California, in part by limiting the ability of local governments to block development. At the same time, Kniss said, an anti-housing coalition has grown in Palo Alto, home to the largest block of voters in the 23rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An inflection point came in 2013, when Berman (then a council member), Kniss and the rest of the Palo Alto City Council voted to rezone a parcel on Maybell Avenue to allow for a 60-unit apartment building for low-income seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of residents, including Kou, opposed the senior housing — calling it a giveaway to developers that was too large for the neighborhood. They gathered signatures to put the development plan up for a vote on the ballot, where it was defeated in November 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a shock to all of us; none of us knew that there was an underground that was really objecting to housing,” Kniss said. “I remember the night that Maybell was defeated, and we were all just like, this couldn’t be in Palo Alto. And since then, we’ve stayed on that new track.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, Berman was elected to the state Assembly. In that same election, Kou won a seat on the Palo Alto city council, joining a wing of the council dedicated to limiting development that quickly chafed at the housing reforms gaining momentum in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through the years that I have been a council member, I find it harder and harder to represent my constituents, mostly because of the state laws and state mandates that come forward that have really almost eliminated or usurped our local land use and zoning laws,” Kou said. “More and more [resident’s] voices are being diminished or eliminated through these housing laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born in Hong Kong, Kou moved to Sudan as a child, where her mother raised her while running what Kou describes as the first Chinese restaurant in the country. In Palo Alto, Kou has worked as a realtor — and embraced the role of needling housing supporters, like with a 2017 tweet that read, “There’s plenty of housing, you just need a superb Realtor, like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here because I’m looking for the American dream, and I work very hard, but as time went on, I started to realize people are saying, ‘Oh, you can’t say that, you know, it’s not politically correct,” Kou said. “And then as time went on a little bit further, you’re trying to be so politically correct all the time with everything you’re saying, you’re not saying anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou is approaching her current quest for Assembly, a rare challenge by a local lawmaker against a state legislator of the same party with similar brashness and novel ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how cities like Palo Alto and Mountain View can resist new housing after welcoming thriving tech companies and their workers for years, Kou turned the question on its head: Why can’t the state dampen demand by requiring remote work or encouraging companies to take their jobs elsewhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Diversify, make some incentives for companies to have their headquarters other places versus just all gathered here,” Kou said. “Why is it only focused on Mountain View and Palo Alto?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Berman is just as unapologetic about his support for laws that limit the ability of local governments to block new housing. With few signs that thriving tech, health care and university workforces will abandon the region, Berman said the housing-jobs imbalance in cities like Palo Alto has left many workers in the area with limited housing options or crushing commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done a great job in Silicon Valley of creating jobs. We’ve done a terrible job in Silicon Valley of creating the housing we need to house all the people that are taking those jobs,” Berman said. “That pressure has been pushed down on the folks that can least afford it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, Berman has voted for bills to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11617088/housing-bills-clear-toughest-hurdle-at-state-capitol\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">streamline housing approvals\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885573/california-finally-passed-housing-laws-could-they-help-address-the-states-housing-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">legalize duplexes\u003c/a>, along with other legislation to stop local governments from blocking new housing or limiting ADUs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to find ways to provide our local municipalities with as much support as possible; we want to provide them with as many carrots as possible,” he added. “But for decades, there has been no stick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Melendrez, a national chapter manager with YIMBY Action and local Democratic activist, said he has watched Berman take a pro-housing message into small gatherings across an Assembly district that includes some of the most exclusive zip codes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places where we sometimes think that maybe, given the audience, it wouldn’t be a very palpable thing,” Melendrez said. “But he’s using his platform to also educate his constituents on why this is important to them and their family members and their neighbors as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melendrez said it’s much too soon for the state to consider any pivot away from encouraging housing development, given the decades-deep hole in supply. However, some residents of the district feel that they’ve given up the ability to shape their neighborhoods without the promised impact on housing supply and affordability in return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a supporter of housing. I like more housing built,” said Badri Sridharan, a Saratoga resident who attended Kou’s town hall. “But when I see 150 laws being passed and nothing happening, I’m suspicious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/california-housing-laws/\">published last year by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a> at UC Berkeley analyzed the dozens of housing laws passed in Sacramento over the last seven years and concluded, “It is too early to know whether the full set of new state laws is having a meaningful impact on spurring increased homebuilding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"left\" citation=\"Marc Berman, incumbent state Assembly member\"]‘We’ve done a great job in Silicon Valley of creating jobs. We’ve done a terrible job in Silicon Valley of creating the housing we need to house all the people that are taking those jobs.’[/pullquote]Berman said his conversations with residents lead him to believe that there’s support in the district for the state legislature to continue on a pro-housing path — even if that direction leads to a district that looks different in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amala Raj, a high school student from Menlo Park, will vote for the first time this year and supports Berman. She said the need for more affordable housing “outweighs the loss of the quiet and exclusive communities that we have going on right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This district is such an amazing place with so much culture and so much great food and so much wonderful stuff going on,” Raj said. “And so it sucks housing policies and just the way that we have built is pushing people out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]Berman should have no problem amplifying his message in the closing days of the race: his campaign has spent $325,873 compared to just $68,751 by Kou — and a super PAC funded by groups representing doctors, dentists and landlords has shelled out $174,950 to send pro-Berman mailers across the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the presence of two Republicans on the primary ballot, Midcoast Community Council chair Gus Mattammal and attorney Allan K. Marson, makes it possible that the district’s small GOP vote will fracture, allowing both Berman and Kou to advance to the general election — potentially extending the housing debate to the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years after the surprise defeat of the Maybell housing development, Kniss, the former mayor and supervisor, can no longer take for granted that her neighbors are on board with a pro-housing agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we right or wrong?” she wondered. “Have we been whistling up the wrong tree, and we didn’t read our community correctly?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Incumbent Marc Berman faces a challenge from a fellow Democrat — Palo Alto Councilmember Lydia Kou in the 23rd district. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s dangerous for us to not have local input,” said Maria Bautista, who came to the event from nearby Los Altos. “It is the case that most residents choose to live where they live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto City Council member, organized the town hall. For years, Kou has been one of the Bay Area’s most outspoken elected officials in opposition to state housing reforms to ease construction. Now, she is running for state Assembly, challenging incumbent Marc Berman, a fellow Democrat, on the March 5 primary ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou is vowing to “shake up” the state capitol, where she said Democrats are “taking away local democracy” by limiting the ability of local governments to block developments. Berman, who has backed the Legislature’s pro-housing direction since taking office in 2016, is not softening his stances in the face of Kou’s attacks. That dynamic has turned the race into something of a referendum on state zoning reforms — a temperature check on housing for voters in the 23rd District, which includes Palo Alto, Mountain View and West San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976461\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 335px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11976461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Photos of development on a wall in display\" width=\"335\" height=\"251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_5566-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 335px) 100vw, 335px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Proposed housing developments on display at the ‘Save Our Neighborhoods’ town hall in Palo Alto, on January 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re only weeks away now from knowing a great deal about what’s going on in our community,” said Liz Kniss, a former Santa Clara County supervisor and Palo Alto mayor, who supports Berman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two competing political currents underlie the Berman-Kou contest. Since 2017, the state legislature has passed dozens of laws aimed at boosting the supply of housing in California, in part by limiting the ability of local governments to block development. At the same time, Kniss said, an anti-housing coalition has grown in Palo Alto, home to the largest block of voters in the 23rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An inflection point came in 2013, when Berman (then a council member), Kniss and the rest of the Palo Alto City Council voted to rezone a parcel on Maybell Avenue to allow for a 60-unit apartment building for low-income seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of residents, including Kou, opposed the senior housing — calling it a giveaway to developers that was too large for the neighborhood. They gathered signatures to put the development plan up for a vote on the ballot, where it was defeated in November 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a shock to all of us; none of us knew that there was an underground that was really objecting to housing,” Kniss said. “I remember the night that Maybell was defeated, and we were all just like, this couldn’t be in Palo Alto. And since then, we’ve stayed on that new track.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, Berman was elected to the state Assembly. In that same election, Kou won a seat on the Palo Alto city council, joining a wing of the council dedicated to limiting development that quickly chafed at the housing reforms gaining momentum in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through the years that I have been a council member, I find it harder and harder to represent my constituents, mostly because of the state laws and state mandates that come forward that have really almost eliminated or usurped our local land use and zoning laws,” Kou said. “More and more [resident’s] voices are being diminished or eliminated through these housing laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born in Hong Kong, Kou moved to Sudan as a child, where her mother raised her while running what Kou describes as the first Chinese restaurant in the country. In Palo Alto, Kou has worked as a realtor — and embraced the role of needling housing supporters, like with a 2017 tweet that read, “There’s plenty of housing, you just need a superb Realtor, like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here because I’m looking for the American dream, and I work very hard, but as time went on, I started to realize people are saying, ‘Oh, you can’t say that, you know, it’s not politically correct,” Kou said. “And then as time went on a little bit further, you’re trying to be so politically correct all the time with everything you’re saying, you’re not saying anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou is approaching her current quest for Assembly, a rare challenge by a local lawmaker against a state legislator of the same party with similar brashness and novel ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how cities like Palo Alto and Mountain View can resist new housing after welcoming thriving tech companies and their workers for years, Kou turned the question on its head: Why can’t the state dampen demand by requiring remote work or encouraging companies to take their jobs elsewhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Diversify, make some incentives for companies to have their headquarters other places versus just all gathered here,” Kou said. “Why is it only focused on Mountain View and Palo Alto?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Berman is just as unapologetic about his support for laws that limit the ability of local governments to block new housing. With few signs that thriving tech, health care and university workforces will abandon the region, Berman said the housing-jobs imbalance in cities like Palo Alto has left many workers in the area with limited housing options or crushing commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done a great job in Silicon Valley of creating jobs. We’ve done a terrible job in Silicon Valley of creating the housing we need to house all the people that are taking those jobs,” Berman said. “That pressure has been pushed down on the folks that can least afford it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, Berman has voted for bills to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11617088/housing-bills-clear-toughest-hurdle-at-state-capitol\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">streamline housing approvals\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885573/california-finally-passed-housing-laws-could-they-help-address-the-states-housing-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">legalize duplexes\u003c/a>, along with other legislation to stop local governments from blocking new housing or limiting ADUs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to find ways to provide our local municipalities with as much support as possible; we want to provide them with as many carrots as possible,” he added. “But for decades, there has been no stick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Melendrez, a national chapter manager with YIMBY Action and local Democratic activist, said he has watched Berman take a pro-housing message into small gatherings across an Assembly district that includes some of the most exclusive zip codes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places where we sometimes think that maybe, given the audience, it wouldn’t be a very palpable thing,” Melendrez said. “But he’s using his platform to also educate his constituents on why this is important to them and their family members and their neighbors as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melendrez said it’s much too soon for the state to consider any pivot away from encouraging housing development, given the decades-deep hole in supply. However, some residents of the district feel that they’ve given up the ability to shape their neighborhoods without the promised impact on housing supply and affordability in return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a supporter of housing. I like more housing built,” said Badri Sridharan, a Saratoga resident who attended Kou’s town hall. “But when I see 150 laws being passed and nothing happening, I’m suspicious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/california-housing-laws/\">published last year by the Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a> at UC Berkeley analyzed the dozens of housing laws passed in Sacramento over the last seven years and concluded, “It is too early to know whether the full set of new state laws is having a meaningful impact on spurring increased homebuilding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Berman said his conversations with residents lead him to believe that there’s support in the district for the state legislature to continue on a pro-housing path — even if that direction leads to a district that looks different in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amala Raj, a high school student from Menlo Park, will vote for the first time this year and supports Berman. She said the need for more affordable housing “outweighs the loss of the quiet and exclusive communities that we have going on right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This district is such an amazing place with so much culture and so much great food and so much wonderful stuff going on,” Raj said. “And so it sucks housing policies and just the way that we have built is pushing people out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Berman should have no problem amplifying his message in the closing days of the race: his campaign has spent $325,873 compared to just $68,751 by Kou — and a super PAC funded by groups representing doctors, dentists and landlords has shelled out $174,950 to send pro-Berman mailers across the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the presence of two Republicans on the primary ballot, Midcoast Community Council chair Gus Mattammal and attorney Allan K. Marson, makes it possible that the district’s small GOP vote will fracture, allowing both Berman and Kou to advance to the general election — potentially extending the housing debate to the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years after the surprise defeat of the Maybell housing development, Kniss, the former mayor and supervisor, can no longer take for granted that her neighbors are on board with a pro-housing agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we right or wrong?” she wondered. “Have we been whistling up the wrong tree, and we didn’t read our community correctly?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"onourwatch": {
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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